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water.tkk.f/global
ISSN 1797-254X
ISBN 978-952-60-3233-7
BRINGING BACK THE COMMON SENSE?
Integrated approaches in water management: Lessons learnt from the Mekong
Dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Science in Technology
Marko Keskinen
Watermanagementischanging:thenarrowlydefnedmanagementpracticesthathaveforlongbeendominating
arebeingreplacedbymorecomprehensiveapproaches.IntegratedapproachesincludingtheIntegratedWater
Resources Management (IWRM) represent the forerunners of this change, and they are thus loaded with
expectations.Therealityis,however,morecomplicated,withmanyoftheintegratedprocessesfailingtoliveup
totheirpromises.
This Thesis looks at integrated approaches used in water management and impact assessment, with a focus
on the transboundary Mekong River Basin and the related Tonle Sap Lake area in Cambodia. The seven
appendedarticlesdiscussanarrayofwatermanagementandassessmentcontextsintheregion,sharingpractical
experiencesontheuseofintegratedapproaches.Thesynthesisplacesthecurrentintegrationistdriveintothe
broadercontextthroughananalysisofthedevelopmentofintegratedapproachesaswellasthroughareviewof
multi-disciplinaryresearchapproaches.TheThesisrecognisessixkeyelementstobeparticularlycriticalforthe
actual implementation of integrated management: Comprehensiveness, Institutions, Politics, Methods, Team
andInclusiveness.
Whilethecurrentintegratedwatermanagementpracticesareoftenstrongonpracticalintegrationmethods,they
atthesametimeseempartlytoneglectthebroaderphilosophicalandcontextualaspectsrelatedtointegration.
Yet,integrationisnotjustamechanicalprocedure,butverymuchapersonalandpoliticalissueaswell.What
reallymattersarethereforenotonlythetechnicalmethodsforintegration,butalsothewaysthemanagement
andresearchteamsinspecifcmanagementcontextscommunicate,collaborateandinteractwiththeirvarious
stakeholdersaswellasanissuethatisfrequentlyforgotteninternallywithintheirteams.
Marko Keskinen
Aalto University
School of Science and Technology
Integrated approaches in water management:
Lessons learnt from the Mekong
Marko Keskinen
Dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Science in Technology to be presented with due
permission of the Faculty of Engineering and Architecture for public examination and debate in
Auditorium R1 at Aalto University School of Science and Technology, Espoo, Finland,
on the 3
rd
of September, 2010, at 12 oclock noon.
Aalto University
Faculty of Engineering and Architecture
Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering
Aalto University
P.O. Box 11000
00076 AALTO
water.tkk./global
Marko Keskinen 2010
All rights reserved.
ISBN 978-952-60-3233-7
ISBN 978-952-60-3234-4 (PDF)
ISSN 1797-254X
Layout and cover by Tiina Merikoski
Printed by Yliopistopaino, Helsinki, Finland
This publication is available electronically at
water.tkk./global/publications
i
ABSTRACT OF DOCTORAL DISSERTATION
AALTO UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
P.O. Box 11000, 00076 AALTO, Finland
http://www.aalto.
Author Marko Keskinen
Name of the dissertation
Bringing back the common sense? Integrated approaches in water management: Lessons learnt from the Mekong
Manuscript submitted 26.1.2010 Manuscript revised 24.6.2010
Date of the defense 3.9.2010
Monograph Article dissertation (summary + original articles)
Faculty
Department
Field of research
Opponent
Pre-examiners
Supervisor
Faculty of Engineering and Architecture
Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering
Water resources
Professor Anthony J. Jakeman
Associate Professor Richard D. Margerum, Professor Joakim jendal
Professor Olli Varis
Water management is changing: the narrowly dened management practices that have for long been dominating are
being replaced by more comprehensive approaches. Integrated approaches including the Integrated Water Resources
Management (IWRM) represent the forerunners of this change, and they are thus loaded with expectations. The
reality is, however, more complicated, with many of the integrated processes failing to live up to their promises.
This Thesis looks at integrated approaches used in water management and impact assessment, with a focus on the
transboundary Mekong River Basin and the related Tonle Sap Lake area in Cambodia. The seven appended articles
discuss an array of water management and assessment contexts in the region, sharing practical experiences on the
use of integrated approaches. The synthesis places the current integrationist drive into the broader context through
an analysis of the development of integrated approaches as well as through a review of multi-disciplinary research
approaches. Despite their emphasis on integration between different sectors and disciplines, integrated water
management approaches are found to have surprisingly weak linkages with similar approaches in the other elds.
In terms of the actual implementation of integrated water management, the Thesis recognises six key elements to
be particularly critical: Comprehensiveness, Institutions, Politics, Methods, Team and Inclusiveness. Experiences
from the Mekong on all these elements are summarised, and their signicance and contribution to the practices of
integrated water management is described.
The Thesis concludes by noting that while the current integrated water management practices are often strong on
practical integration methods, they at the same time partly neglect the broader philosophical and contextual aspects
related to integration. Yet, since integrated management always involves a range of actors with their intricate
interconnections, integration is not just a mechanical procedure, but very much a personal and political issue as well.
What really matters are therefore not only the technical methods for integration, but also the ways the management
and research teams in specic management contexts communicate, collaborate and interact with their various
stakeholders as well as an issue that is frequently forgotten internally within their teams.
Keywords integration; integrated water management; impact assessment; Integrated Water Resources
Management (IWRM); multi-disciplinarity; transboundary river basin; Mekong; Tonle Sap
ISBN (printed) 978-952-60-3233-7
ISBN (pdf) 978-952-60-3234-4 ISSN 1797-254X
Language English Number of pages 103p. + appendixes 160p.
Publisher Water & Development Publications Aalto University
Print distribution Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, Aalto University
The dissertation can be read at http://lib.tkk./Diss/2010/isbn9789526032344
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VITSKIRJAN TIIVISTELM
AALTO-YLIOPISTON
TEKNILLINEN KORKEAKOULU
PL 11000, 00076 AALTO
http://www.aalto.
Tekij Marko Keskinen
Vitskirjan nimi
Integroidut lhestymistavat veden hallinnassa: kytnnn kokemuksia Mekongjoelta
Ksikirjoituksen pivmr 26.1.2010 Korjatun ksikirjoituksen pivmr 24.6.2010
Vitstilaisuuden ajankohta 3.9.2010
Monograa Yhdistelmvitskirja (yhteenveto + erillisartikkelit)
Tiedekunta
Laitos
Tutkimusala
Vastavittj
Esitarkastajat
Tyn valvoja
Insinritieteiden ja arkkitehtuurin tiedekunta
Yhdyskunta- ja ympristtekniikan laitos
Vesitalous
Professori Anthony J. Jakeman
Apulaisprofessori Richard D. Margerum, professori Joakim jendal
Professori Olli Varis
Veden hallinta on muuttumassa: pitkn vallalla olleet kapea-alaiset hallintamenetelmt ovat antamassa tilaa
kokonaisvaltaisemmille lhestymistavoille. Integroidut eli yhdennetyt lhestymistavat mukaan lukien ns. integroitu
vesivarojen hallinta (IWRM) ovat tmn muutoksen edellkvijit ja niihin on siksi ladattu suuria odotuksia.
Todellisuudessa monet integroiduista prosesseista eivt kuitenkaan saavuta niille asetettuja tavoitteita.
Tm vitskirja tarkastelee veden hallinnassa kytettvi integroituja lhestymistapoja Mekongjoella sek Tonle
Sap jrvell Kambodzhassa. Vits ksittelee erilaisia veden hallinnan ja vaikutusten arvioinnin muotoja Mekongin
alueella, kuvaten kytnnn kokemuksia integroitujen menetelmien kytst. Vits mys asettaa vesialalla
kynniss olevan integraatioprosessin laajempaan kontekstiin tarkastelemalla integroitujen lhestymistapojen
kehittymist sek kuvaamalla monitieteisi tutkimusmenetelmi ja niiden kytkksi veden hallintaan. Vaikka
integroidut lhestymistavat korostavat eri sektoreiden ja tieteenalojen vlist yhteistyt, tutkimuksessa huomataan
veteen liittyvien integroitujen menetelmien kytkeytyvn yllttvn heikosti vastaaviin lhestymistapoihin muilla
aloilla. Vits tunnistaa kuusi keskeist elementti, joita voidaan pit erityisen trkein integroidun veden
hallinnan toteuttamisessa: kokonaisvaltaisuus, instituutiot, politiikka, metodit, tiimi ja osallistaminen. Vits vet
yhteen Mekongilta saatuja kokemuksia nihin elementteihin liittyen sek kuvaa niiden kytkeytymist integroitujen
lhestymistapojen kytntihin.
Johtoptksen on, ett vaikka integroidun veden hallinnan kytnnn menetelmt ovat yleens vahvalla pohjalla,
integroidut lhestymistavat laiminlyvt usein niihin liittyvt laajemmat lososet ja kontekstuaaliset ulottuvuudet.
Koska veden hallinnassa on kuitenkin aina mukana useita toimijoita ja vuorovaikutussuhteita, integraatiossa ei ole
kyse vain mekaanisesta menettelyst vaan mys henkilkohtaisista ja poliittisista prosesseista. Trke ei siis ole
vain se miten integraatio teknisesti toteutetaan, vaan mys se mill tavoilla veteen liittyvt hallinta- ja tutkimustiimit
erilaisissa konteksteissa kommunikoivat, tekevt yhteistyt ja ovat vuorovaikutuksessa niin sidosryhmiens kanssa
kuin usein vhlle huomiolle jneen tiimien sisisesti.
Asiasanat integraatio; integroitu veden hallinta; vaikutusten arviointi; kokonaisvaltainen vesivarojen
hallinta; yhdennetty vesivarojen hallinta; monitieteisyys; rajajoki; Mekong; Tonle Sap
ISBN (painettu) 978-952-60-3233-7
ISBN (pdf) 978-952-60-3234-4 ISSN 1797-254X
Kieli englanti Sivumr 103s. + liitteet 160s.
Julkaisija Water & Development Publications Aalto University
Painetun vitskirja jakelu Yhdyskunta- ja ympristtekniikan laitos, Aalto-yliopisto
Luettavissa verkossa osoittessa http://lib.tkk./ Diss/2010/isbn9789526032344
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This thesis consists of this synthesis and the following peer-reviewed scientic articles that are referred to in
the synthesis text by their Roman numerals:
I: Keskinen, Marko, Katri Mehtonen & Olli Varis (2008). Transboundary cooperation vs. internal
ambitions: The role of China and Cambodia in the Mekong region, In: Pachova, Nevelina I.,
Mikiyasu Nakayama & Libor Jansky (Eds.): International Water Security: Domestic Threats and
Opportunities, United Nations University Press, Tokyo, Japan. Pages 79-109.
II: Sarkkula, Juha, Marko Keskinen, Jorma Koponen, Matti Kummu, Jussi Nikula, Olli Varis & Markku
Virtanen (2007). Mathematical modeling in integrated management of water resources Magical
tool, mathematical toy or something in between? In: Lebel, Louis, John Dore, Rajesh Daniel &
Yang Saing Koma (Eds.): Democratizing water governance in the Mekong region, Mekong Press,
Chiang Mai, Thailand. Pages 127-156 + references 253-255.
III: Keskinen, Marko (2006). The Lake with Floating Villages: Socio-economic Analysis of the Tonle
Sap Lake, International Journal of Water Resources Development, 22(3): 463-480.
IV: Varis, Olli & Marko Keskinen (2006). Policy Analysis for the Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia: A Bayesian
Network Model Approach, International Journal of Water Resources Development, 22(3): 417-
431.
V: Keskinen, Marko (2008). Population, natural resources & development in the Mekong: Does high
population hinder development? In: Kummu, Matti, Marko Keskinen & Olli Varis (Eds.): Modern
Myths of the Mekong A critical review of water and development concepts, principles and
policies, Water & Development Publications Helsinki University of Technology, Espoo, Finland.
Pages 107-121.
VI: Keskinen, Marko, Mira Kknen, Prom Tola & Olli Varis (2007). The Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia:
water-related conicts with abundance of water, The Economics of Peace and Security Journal,
2(2): 49-59.
VII: Keskinen, Marko (2008). Water Resources Development and Impact Assessment in the Mekong
Basin: Which Way to Go?, Ambio, 37(3): 193-198.
Articles IVII, reprinted with permission, are copyrighted as follows:
Article I copyright 2008 by United Nations University; Article II copyright 2007 by Unit for Social and
Environmental Research (USER); Article III and Article IV copyright 2006 by Taylor & Francis; Article
V copyright 2008 by Helsinki University of Technology (TKK) and the author; Article VI copyright
2007 by The Economics of Peace and Security Journal; Article VII copyright 2008 by Royal Swedish
Academy of Sciences.
LIST OF APPENDED ARTICLES
vi
I: The author is mainly responsible for writing the article. The idea for the article comes from the
author, Mrs Mehtonen and Professor Varis, with the author coordinating the writing process.
The author was responsible for the section on Cambodia and wrote major parts of the sections
on introduction, the Mekong River Basin, regional cooperation and conclusions. Mrs Mehtonen
wrote the section on China as well as the discussion on the GMS Program and contributed to
all other sections. Dr Varis contributed particularly to the sections on regional cooperation and
conclusions.
II: The author is partly responsible for writing the article. He carried out the socioeconomic analysis
and wrote the section on it, contributing also for the sections on introduction, policy analysis,
integration and conclusions. The author also took active part in the coordination of the writing
process as well as in the structuring and editing of the article. Dr Sarkkula was responsible for
coordinating the writing process, contributing particularly to the sections on integrated modeling
and assessment, integrated model on Tonle Sap and conclusions. Mr Koponen, Mr Kummu and
Mr Virtanen carried out the actual modelling work, wrote the sections related to modelling and
contributed also to other sections. Mr Nikula carried out most of the research on the integration
of socioeconomic, ecological and hydrological information and contributed extensively to that
section. Dr Varis carried out the work on policy analysis, wrote that chapter and contributed also to
other sections.
III: The author is fully responsible for the article and the analysis presented in it.
IV: The author is partly responsible for writing the article. The idea for the article comes from Dr Varis,
who also carried out most of the model development work. The author contributed to the model
development and carried out the actual analysis work together with Dr Varis. The author was also
responsible for the expert consultation process, and wrote majority of the sections on technical
outline and data acquisition, contributing to the other sections of the article as well.
V: The author is fully responsible for the article and the analysis presented in it.
VI: The author is mainly responsible for writing the article. The idea for the article comes largely from
the author, and he was also responsible for the structure of the article and for the coordination of its
writing process. The author contributed to all sections of the article, including major parts for the
sections on Cambodia, Tonle Sap, Case 1, discussion and conclusions. Ms Kknen contributed
signicantly to the overall structure of the article, wrote mainly the sections on water-related conicts
and Case 3, and contributed to all other sections, in particular to discussion and conclusions. Mr
Tola wrote major parts of the section on Case 2 and contributed also to the other sections of the
article. Dr Varis contributed to all sections of the article, particularly to introduction, discussion and
conclusions.
VII: The author is fully responsible for the article and the analysis presented in it.

The contribution of the author to the appended articles from I to VII is as follows:
vii
The title of this dissertation, Bringing back the common sense?, captures several important themes I
wish to emphasise with my Thesis. First of all, the reference to common sense indicates that the use of
integrated approaches in water management have usually as much to do with personal understanding
and attitude as with technical integration methods. At the same time it refers to the different types of
knowledge used in water management and assessments, including non-scientic forms of knowledge.
Common sense also underlines the practical approach towards both integration and water management,
reminding us that each and every theory however advanced and elaborate must make sense in practice.
In other words, the reference to common sense aims to capture the positive connotation of the phrase,
meaning decisions that are based on prudent judgement and comprehensive indeed, common view on
the issues at hand
i
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The reference to bring back, on the other hand, points towards the realisation that the basic idea behind
most integrated approaches is not entirely new, as the past decades have seen various kinds of integrated
theories and practices. Consequently, integration can be seen partly to represent a return to a mindset
that was for long lost in the arena dominated by narrowly dened objectives, sectoral expertise and
fragmentation. Yet, as is emphasised by the question mark included in the title, integrated approaches
provide no silver bullet, but they are rather just one water management framework among many. The
question mark also points towards the challenges that integrated approaches face, particularly in terms of
their actual implementation.
This Thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about water management by looking at the integrated
approaches used in water management and related impact assessments. At the same time the Thesis
presents a personal journey into the eld of water management: a voyage that has took me to a long,
winding road not without dead ends and u-turns. Consequently, parallel to more scientic ndings, this
Thesis aims also to convey more personal experiences along the road.
Water management is a continuous process that involves various, often conicting, views. Consequently,
no approach can exhaustively describe how to achieve successful water management, as even the very
denition of success varies greatly. I therefore dont even try to dene the approach the solution for
integrated water management, although when starting to write the rst articles for this Thesis this certainly
crossed my mind. Instead, I seek to share my experience from the Mekong Region on developing and
using practical approaches for integrated management and impact assessment and, based on these lessons
learnt, look more generally at the integrationist drive prevalent in the present-day water management.
By doing this, I hope that this Thesis encourages discussion on integrated water management practices,
facilitating their use towards more sustainable and equal directions. With the increasing pressures that
particularly population growth, urbanisation, pollution, climate change and changing patterns of food
and energy production bring to the worlds waters, it is clear that such a route needs to be taken. It is not
therefore really a question of where we should go, but how.
i
This means that I dont regard common sense as something that would render the complex realities of water management into simplified truths or beliefs.
Common sense is also by no means seen to reduce the significance of sound science, but rather to complement it.
PREFACE
viii
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This Thesis has not only been a remarkable possibility to study and learn about water management and
the Mekong, but rst and foremost a unique opportunity to collaborate and interact with various people.
People who have helped, guided, encouraged and inspired me during this process are numerous, and I can
here thank only part of them by name.
I would like to express my greatest gratitude to my instructor, supervisor and mentor Professor Olli Varis,
without whom I would have never made it this far. Ollis unvarying support, constant encouragement
and almost unlimited trust to my research have simply been extraordinary. I have enjoyed very much
our collaboration both in Finland and in the Mekong: thank you for that. Im also extremely thankful to
Professor Pertti Vakkilainen for his continuous support as well as for the fascinating discussions we have
had on water, its management and several other issues.
Special thanks to my colleagues at the Water & Development Research Group who have during these
years enabled a very inspiring working environment. In particular Matti Kummu, Muhammad Mizanur
Rahaman, Ulla Heinonen, Katri Mehtonen, Virpi Stucki, Tommi Kajander, Mira Kknen and Jussi
Nikula have been invaluable in their support and friendship: thank you very much for this. Thank you also
to Aura Salmivaara, Mirja Kattelus and Timo Rsnen for our collaboration and interesting discussions.
I would also like to thank everyone at the (former) Water Resources Laboratory for their support. In
particular Professor Harri Koivusalo, Professor Ari Jolma and Professor Riku Vahala are thanked for their
encouragement, and the Four As Anne-Maj Seppl, Aino Peltola, Ari Jrvinen and Antti Louhio for
helping with all those practical matters. Thank you also to Tiina Merikoski for the layout and the cover
of the Thesis.
A great deal of my research was carried out in relation to the so-called WUP-FIN Project. Thank you to
the Finnish Environment Institute, EIA Ltd. as well as to all the team members of this very special project
for making it happen. Thank you very much to Juha Sarkkula for your guidance and inspirational ideas,
to Jorma Koponen for your encouragement, and to Matti Kummu for your support (including all those
maps) and useful comments.
The WUP-FIN socio-economic team, including Yim Sambo, Noy Pok and Huon Rath as well as Olli
Varis, Ulla Heinonen, Jussi Nikula and Mira Kknen deserves a particular mention, as a majority of the
research presented in this Thesis builds on the work carried out with that very team. It has been a real
pleasure to work with you, thank you very much for that. A special thanks to Mira for our discussions and
collaboration: I have learned a great deal from you. Thank you also for the WUP-FIN collaborators and
partners: Pech Sokhem and Dirk Lamberts are particularly thanked for their wise words and support. I
would also like to express my sincere thanks to those numerous people the true water experts in the
villages of the Tonle Sap and the Mekong Delta for sharing your knowledge and ideas with me.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
x
During my years in the Mekong Region, I have had a pleasure to work with various individuals that have
provided important support and guidance for my research. Thank you to my Cambodian colleagues,
including Prom Tola, Mak Sithirith, Try Thuon, Sour Sethy, Suong Leakhena, Tes Sopharith, Say Samal
and Neou Bonheur as well as the staff at the CNMC. Thank you also to my Vietnamese colleagues at the
Can Tho University, the Southern Institute of Water Resources Research and elsewhere. Special thanks
to Le Van Khoa, Pham Le Thong, Vo Khac Tri and Trinh Thi Long as well as to our wonderful eld study
team: Ngo Thi Thanh Truc, Ngo Thuy Diem Trang, Tran Thi Trieu, Le Duc Toan, Le Truong Giang
and Nguyen Van Lanh.
Thank you to the staff at the Mekong River Commission Secretariat for your support towards my research,
in particular Robyn Johnston, Solieng Mak, Hang Pham Thi Thanh, Ton Lennaerts, Suparerk Janprasart,
Claus Aagaard Pedersen, Petrina Rowcroft, Worawan Sukraroek, Lilao Bouapao, Chris Barlow, John
Forsius, Kittipong Jirayoot, Choomjet Karnjanakesorn, Le Duc Trung and the entire modeling team.
Thank you also to the number of other colleagues with whom Ive had an opportunity to collaborate while
working in the region, including Eric Baran, Blake Ratner, Dil Bahadur Rahut, Robert Arthur, Richard
Friend, Kim Geheb, Maria Osbeck, Anond Snidvongs, Suppakorn Chinvanno, David Hall and Jackie
King.
My deepest thanks to my wonderful colleagues at the M-POWER network that has provided a very
inspirational environment to learn, discuss and debate issues related to water management and water
governance in the Mekong. A particular thanks to John Dore for the energy, encouragement and
comradeship you have offered over the years. Thank you very much to Louis Lebel, Kate Lazarus, Franois
Molle, Pech Sokhem, Kanokwan Manorom, Surichai Wungaeo, Dipak Gyawali, Yang Saing Koma, Chu
Thai Hoanh, Babette Resurreccion, Edsel Sajor, Xu Jianchu, Lu Xing, Tira Foran, Rajesh Daniel, Carl
Middleton, Bach Tan Sinh and Masao Imamura for all those interesting discussions.
Thank you also to my colleagues at different institutes here in Finland: especially Eero Kontula, Kai
Kaatra, Hannele Nyroos, Jyrki Nissil and Kari Kinnunen are thanked for the interesting discussions on
IWRM and international waters. In addition, Ive had an exceptional opportunity to get guidance from a
number of esteemed scholars working on water issues: Asit K. Biswas, Cecilia Tortajada, Anthony Turton
and Tony Allan are particularly thanked for the support and ideas they have provided.
Im extremely grateful to my two pre-examiners, Associate Professor Richard D. Margerum and Professor
Joakim jendal, for reviewing my manuscript and most importantly for providing insightful comments
on it. In addition, thank you very much to Professor Anthony J. Jakeman for agreeing to be my opponent
in my doctoral defense.
Research is never possible without funds. While a major part of the research presented in this Thesis
was done in relation to WUP-FIN and other research projects, I have beneted from the generosity of
several funding agencies and organisations as well. Thank you very much for the Academy of Finland, the
Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the Graduate School of the Helsinki University of Technology, the
Foundation of Technology (TES), SNIL ry. and Maa- ja vesitekniikan tuki ry. for your important support
to my research.
xi
Finally, thank you very much to my friends and my family for supporting my research and, even more
importantly, for offering me the possibility to take my thoughts off from it. My friends from Jalasjrvi,
TKK, Hujut and elsewhere Teemu, Olli, Yves, Gerald, Tare, Salora, Jussi, Kalle, Yyjii, Mark, Ilikka,
YP, Kimmo, Tomi, Liisa and all the others are thus remembered in particular for all those moments
when we were not talking about my work. Thank you very much to my mother and father for your trust
and encouragement. Thank you also to Hanna-Leena, Anssi/Eetu and Miro as well as to my wonderful
nephews Pieti and Kuura. I would also like to remember my late Matti-pappa and Saara-mummo, who
were always interested in my research, even when I now and again had difculties to explain what I was
exactly doing.
The biggest thanks go to my wife Leena for being there with and for me as well as to our daughter Kaisla
for reminding me that there are, after all, much more important things in life than a doctoral thesis.
In sunny Helsinki on June 24
th
, 2010,
Marko Keskinen

xii
xiii
List of Appended Articles v
Authors contribution vi
Preface vii
Acknowledgments ix
List of fgures xv
List of tables xvi
Abbreviations xvii
PART I INTRODUCTION
1 Towards greater integration in management and research 3
1.1 The structure of the Thesis 4
1.2 Research framework 6
1.3 Research questions 9
PART II THE CONTEXT
2 Integrated approaches: the quest for comprehensive views 13
2.1 Defning integration 13
2.2 The road towards integrated approaches 15
2.3 Integration in water management case IWRM 17
2.4 Integration in impact assessment case IA 25
2.5 Integration in research multi-disciplinary approaches 27
3 Mekong River Basin 33
3.1 Mekong more than a river 35
3.2 Current plans for water development 36
3.3 Tonle Sap Lake 38
3.4 Institutional setting 39
PART III OUTCOMES
4 Results: elements of integrated water management 45
4.1 General elements 45
4.2 Practical elements 49
5 Discussion: integration and water management 55
5.1 Different dimensions of water management and integration 55
5.2 Bringing management and integration together 56
5.3 Getting personal: the importance of interaction 58

TABLE OF CONTENTS
xiv
6 Lessons learnt & implications 61
6.1 Main ndings: articles 61
6.2 Main ndings: synthesis 62
6.3 Answering the research questions 63
6.4 Concluding remarks 66
References 69
xv
Figure 1 A diagram indicating the basic setting of this research, bringing together the IWRM
triangle and one version of the water management cycle. Politics related to water
management are seen to crosscut through all the components. 7
Figure 2 A diagram showing the simplied process connecting the theoretical foundation
(why?), the actual concept (what?) and the practical methods (how?) of integrated
approaches. 17
Figure 3 Simplied visualisations on how scientic disciplines (H, E, S) are used in an analysis
of a research problem under the three specic forms of multi-disciplinarity. 29
Figure 4 A simplied visualisation on how scientic disciplines (H, E, S) and other forms of
knowledge production (, ##) are used in a transdisciplinary analysis of a research
problem. 31
Figure 5 The disciplinary pyramid of Max-Neef (2005), based on the four hierarchical
levels of disciplines: empirical (the lowest), pragmatic, normative and value level.
Transdisciplinarity is seen to consist of vertical relations including all four levels. 32
Figure 6 The map of the Mekong River Basin, including existing (darker) and planned
(lighter) hydropower dams. Map by Matti Kummu, modied from MRC (2008a). 37
Figure 7 The map of the Tonle Sap Lake area, showing the permanent lake and the oodplain
as well as the Tonle Sap River. Modied from Kummu (2008). 39
Figure 8 An updated version of the diagram presenting the basic setting of this research,
indicating some general characteristics of and contradictions between its main
components, the IWRM triangle and the water management cycle (cf. Figure 1). 58

LIST OF FIGURES
xvi

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 The main functions, impacts and threats related to the Mekong River and its
tributaries in ve Mekong riparian countries (modied from Article I). Burma/
Myanmar has been excluded from the table due the lack of reliable information
and the small signicance of the Mekong for the country. 34
Table 2 The catchment areas and propositional average ows of the Mekong in the riparian
countries (modied from MRC 2005). 35
xvii
ADB Asian Development Bank
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
AWM Adaptive Water Management
BDP Basin Development Plan of the MRC
CBD Convention on Biological Diversity
CNMC Cambodian National Mekong Committee
CSIRO Australian Commonwealth Scientic and Research Organization
DAC OECD Development Assistance Committee
DDP Dams and Development Project of UNEP
DFID Department for International Development, United Kingdom
EIA Environmental Impact Assessment
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
GIS Geographic Information System
GMS Greater Mekong Subregion Program
GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft fr Technische Zusammenarbeit
GWP Global Water Partnership
IA Integrated Assessment
IAIA International Association for Impact Assessment
IEM Integrated Environmental Management
INBO International Network of Basin Organizations
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature
IWMI International Water Management Institute
IWRM Integrated Water Resources Management
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MGT Management
MEA Millennium Ecosystem Assessment
M-POWER Mekong Program on Water Environment and Resilience
MRC Mekong River Commission
MRCS Mekong River Commission Secretariat
MREG Mekong Regional Environmental Governance research and dialogue group
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
SEA Strategic Environmental Assessment
SEA START RC Southeast Asia START Regional Center
SIA Social Impact Assessment
START Global Change SysTem for Analysis, Research, and Training
ABBREVIATIONS
xviii
TAC Technical Advisory Committee of GWP
TEC Technical Committee of GWP
TKK Helsinki University of Technology (now part of Aalto University)
TSBA Tonle Sap Basin Authority
TSBMO Tonle Sap Basin Management Organisation
TSBR Tonle Sap Biosphere Reserve
UN United Nations
UNCED UN Conference on Environment and Development
UNECE UN Economic Commission for Europe
UNEP United Nations Environment Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientic and Cultural Organization
UN-Water UN inter-agency mechanism on water
USAID U.S. Agency for International Development
USER Unit for Social and Environmental Research, Chiang Mai University
WCD World Commission on Dams
WCED World Commission on Environment and Development
WHAT World Humanity Action Trust
WUP-FIN Lower Mekong Modelling Project
WSSD World Summit on Sustainable Development
WWAP World Water Assessment Programme
WWF World Wide Fund for Nature
PART I: INTRODUCTION
Integration is the buzzword of the day in
environmental management
1
. Whether one is
talking about management practices, assessment
methods or research, integration frequently
emerges as a common nominator: it is something
to seek and strive for. The proponents of integration
suggest that theories, practices, methods, sectors,
disciplines and even institutions need to be
integrated: otherwise we are not able to understand
comprehensively and therefore to solve the
complex, interlinked challenges of today
2
. While
there are very valid motives for the drive towards
greater integration, the reality is more complicated,
with many of the integrated processes failing to live
up to their promises.
The drive towards greater integration is well visible
in the eld of water management. And for a good
reason: water management is, after all, much more
than managing water. Water provides the source of
livelihood, income, food and energy for millions,
and its excess, lack and pollution leads to disasters,
health problems and deaths. In addition to direct
economic values, water and related resources have
1
I use the term buzzword to refer not only to the prevalence of integration,
but also to the challenges included in such keywords that although being
seemingly well-intentioned and neutral are also frequently used to lend the
legitimacy to certain kinds of actions. For more information, see Cornwall &
Brock (2005) and Molle (2008).
2
There are varying views on the reasons of the perceived complexity of
todays world. Im attracted to the view that such complexity stems at least
partly from the so-called second industrial revolution the one based
on information, instead of energy that has taken place after the Second
World War. As noted by Checkland (1994: 87): Since that time the trends
have been towards much increased capacity for communication, greater
complexity of goals as economic interdependence has increased, much
reduced deference towards authority of any kind, and the dismantling
of monolithic institutionalized power structures. When complemented
with an additional trend central to this Thesis sustainable development,
I believe that such an account captures quite well the background for the
emergence of the present-day global village. See also McNeill & McNeill
(2003) for an interesting analysis of the importance of communication and
human networks throughout the times, and Max-Neef (2005) for fascinating
views on the complexity and linear simplicity as well as on the challenge of
too much knowledge and too little understanding.
1 Towards greater integration in management and research
remarkable social, cultural and spiritual values and
attributes. The worlds diverse water bodies support
important aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems and,
consequently, extremely rich ora and fauna.
Water management is also closely connected to the
broader aspects of governance, power and politics,
and water therefore forms a potential source of
conict but also cooperation between different
countries and social groups.
Yet, water management was during most of the 20
th

Century dominated by a relatively narrow view that
didnt really capture the full diversity of the relations
that people have with water. Such a view considered
water merely as a physical resource to be developed
and managed for mainly (macro-)economic
purposes, often for just one main function such
as hydropower production or irrigation. In this
kind of setting, water resources management was
commonly done through centralised, government-
led efforts that build on sectoral approaches and
objective scientic analyses carried out by water
engineers and other specialised experts. While
such approaches have undoubtedly brought well-
being for millions of people, they have also created
serious environmental and social problems due
to their limited view to the use, development
and management of water. The last decades have
therefore meant increased recognition of other
dimensions social, political, institutional, cultural
as well as environmental related to water and its
management, together with better appreciation of
other forms of knowledge production.
Consequently, various kinds of integrated
frameworks have been proposed for water
management to incorporate the different
water-related aspects and perspectives more
comprehensively together. Such frameworks
3
4
typically make use of multidisciplinary teams, and
emphasise the importance of a sound institutional
setting and stakeholder participation. Also common
is the consideration of catchment level as the main
management unit
3
. In the present-day water eld,
the most common example of this integrationist
drive is the concept called Integrated Water
Resources Management (IWRM)
4
. The IWRM
has been endorsed by the United Nations as well as
several governmental agencies, water management
institutions and river basin organisations, and it is
often claimed to be the best way forward for water
resources management (see e.g. MRC 2006a;
UNESCO-WWAP 2006; Lenton & Muller 2009a).
Similar trend towards integration is also visible in
the eld of impact assessment, where the concept
of Integrated Assessment originating from the
climate change studies is getting increasing
attention also in the other elds of environmental
management, including water.
3
The increased emphasis on the management at the catchment level
can also be seen as one of the driving forces for integration. As noted by
Warner (2007: 3): Now that hydrology and ecology rather than territorial
administrative or cultural boundaries dictate the management scale, states
and regional authorities are forced to work together across boundaries.
4
Although having slightly different connotations, the term water resources
management is used in this Thesis side by side with the more general
term water management: I personally prefer the latter, as it indicates that
management also deals with issues going beyond the concept of resource.
Related to this, the term integrated water management is used to describe
the integrated approaches of water management in general, while IWRM
refers then to one such approach.
A shift towards greater integration is taking place
at the universities as well. The conventional
forms of knowledge production through
separate disciplines are being criticised to lead
to overspecialisation and too narrowly dened
research questions. Such limitations are particularly
visible in the elds where different disciplines are
naturally closely connected and have intimate
linkages with the society such as water
5
. As a result,
the contemporary modes of scientic knowledge
production are increasingly being supplemented
with the ones that connect ideas, methods and views
from several disciplines and modes of knowledge,
aiming for research approaches that are more
problem-driven, cooperative and reective of the
needs of the society (Gibbons et al 1994; Scholz &
Marks 2001).
1.1 THE STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS
This Thesis looks at the integrated approaches used
in water management and related assessments,
with a specic focus on transboundary river basins
shared by several countries. The Thesis comprises
of seven scientic, peer-reviewed articles and this
synthesis that summarises the objectives, methods
and results of the research.
The synthesis is divided into three parts: Part I
Introduction, Part II The Context, and Part III
Outcomes. While Part I introduces the research
objectives and methods, Part II places the research
into the broader context through discussion about
integrated approaches, water management and the
Mekong. Part III summarises the main results of
the seven appended articles related to integrated
management practices and draws conclusions
based on their ndings and the analysis presented
in this synthesis. Consequently, integrated
5
These limitations have been highlighted e.g. by Funtowicz & Ravetz (1991:
151, quoted in Ktter & Balsiger 1999), who already in 1991 noted that: We
have now reached the point where a narrow scientific tradition is no longer
appropriate to our needs. Unless we find a way of enriching our science to
include practice, we will fail to create methods of coping with environmental
challenges, in all their complexity, variability and uncertainty.
KEY TERMS: concise denitions
Integration = a process of combining different items and
issues together to form a whole, usually with an aim to gain a
comprehensive, systemic view.
Water (resources) management = a set of activities
including e.g. planning, assessment, regulation, operation,
monitoring and communication that aim to balance the
diverse uses, users, functions and values related to water.
Impact assessment = a process of identifying the consequences
of a proposed action on a dened entity, commonly before
making decisions on its implementation.
Multi-disciplinarity = a general term for the knowledge
production approaches that make use of several scientic
disciplines and forms of knowledge.
For more detailed discussion, see Chapter 2.
5
water management is in this Thesis considered
simultaneously from two differing viewpoints, with
one focusing on the broader development and
background of such approaches, and the other
on their actual practices in management, impact
assessment and research.
The research presented in this Thesis takes as its
starting point the much-discussed gap between
the theory and the practice: many have claimed
that while the need for integrated approaches
used in water management most importantly
IWRM is essentially well recognised, their
actual implementation remains a real challenge
6

(see e.g. GWP 2000; Lahtela 2002; UNESCO-
WWAP 2003; Biswas 2005; Rahaman & Varis
2005; Watson 2007; UN-Water 2008; Lenton
& Muller 2009a). Particularly difcult seems to
be to broaden the scope of modelling and other
technical management approaches towards more
comprehensive directions. This Thesis looks at how
the social, political and institutional aspects related
to water can be linked with the conventional view
that sees water primarily as a resource, studying
its quantity and quality trough variety of technical
methods
7
. The emphasis is on the lessons learnt,
and therefore on practical applications of the
integrated approaches in the actual management
contexts.
Water management is always context-specic, and
all ndings presented in this Thesis are therefore
closely related to the broader context within which
the use, development and management of water is
6
In reality, however, theory and practice cannot really be completely
separated in a field as applied as water management. As noted by Checkland
(1985), all management studies essentially focus on the processes of inquiry
that require steady interaction between theory and practice: theories lead to
practices, which, in turn, generate new theories. Neither theory nor practice
is therefore a prime, but the interaction between the two forms a closely
connected and groundlessness circle.
7
As discussed in Article II, such technical approaches are surrounded
by an interesting dualism: the mathematical models and other technical
methods are often seen either as tools for scientifically sound, data-based
management or as weapons of mass-depoliticising, misused by the decision-
makers to justify certain decisions and to hide the highly political nature of
management decisions. See also van Daalen et al. (2002) and McIntosh et
al. (2007) for interesting analyses on the different types of models and their
use in environmental decision-making.
taking place. The geographical and political context
of this research is the Mekong Region in Southeast
Asia, with a specic focus on the Tonle Sap Lake
area in Cambodia. The Mekong Region is dened
by but not limited to the transboundary Mekong
River Basin that is shared by six riparian countries
of China, Burma/Myanmar, Laos, Thailand,
Cambodia and Vietnam. Hence, the Thesis also
looks at water management and impact assessment
at different geographical scales, from local scale
(the households and villages of Tonle Sap) to
sub-national (the Tonle Sap Lake area), national
(Cambodia) and to regional i.e. transnational scale
(Mekong Region). The Thesis therefore relates
closely to the discussion about transboundary water
management, including the additional dimensions
brought by larger geographical scales and the
complex political dynamics between the riparian
countries.
Consequently, the Thesis looks at the connections
between several dimensions that can be considered
critical for integrated water management. First
of all, the Thesis looks at the linkages between
different aspects related to management of water.
Secondly, the Thesis examines multi-disciplinary
research approaches and the linkages between
different forms of knowledge production. Thirdly,
the Thesis looks at water management within a
transboundary river basin, considering the different
geographical and temporal scales included in
such setting. Finally, the Thesis seeks to link the
theoretical considerations on integrated approaches
better with the actual management practices.
PART I Introduction - Towards greater integration in management and research
6
1.2 RESEARCH FRAMEWORK
The research presented in this Thesis has from
the very beginning been inuenced and guided
by the practical applications related to water
management in the Mekong Region
8
. The research
doesnt therefore build only on certain theories
and analytical frameworks, but also very much
on the needs actual and presumed in specic
water management and assessment contexts.
Consequently, while leaning on the long tradition
of water resources management studies, this
Thesis is not really based on any single analytical
framework, but makes use of several research
frameworks. The general research framework for
this Thesis can thus be seen to consist of a multi-
approach and multi-method process that has used
and adapted ideas from various disciplines and
theories.
Given the focus of the Thesis, the theories of
water resources management form together
with the concept of Integrated Water Resources
Management the theoretical and analytical
foundation of the entire research (see e.g. Mustonen
1986; ij et al. 1992; Maidment 1993; Wilcock
1999; GWP 2000; Jnch-Clausen & Fugl 2001;
Dingman 2002; UNESCO-WWAP 2003; Hall 2005;
GWP & INBO 2009). During my research, I have
used this foundation to literally build on, adding
ideas, views and methods from related theories
and concepts. The most inuential concepts that
have inspired my research in this regard include
Integrated Assessment (see e.g. Rotmans & van
Asselt 1996; Rotmans 1998; Jakeman et al. 2005),
adaptive management (see e.g. Folke et al. 2007;
Pahl-Wostl et al. 2007; Medema et al. 2008;
Huitema et al. 2009), environmental ows (see e.g.
8
There is also a pragmatic reason for such a focus, as a major part of the
research was done in connection to different research projects. By far the
most important such a project was the so-called WUP-FIN Project that
from the very beginning since 2001 maintained an integrated view in its
implementation and had therefore close linkages to IWRM and integrated
assessment approaches. The fact that my research is so closely related
to different research projects can also be seen to create a certain ethical
dilemma, as the project work has undoubtedly influenced the focus of
my research. I personally believe, however, that this has not had an effect
on the integrity of the research per se, as the appended articles were all
written as scientific articles not e.g. as project reports that presented and,
importantly, critically analysed the research activities carried out within the
different research projects. For more information on the WUP-FIN Project,
see the appended articles as well as Varis & Keskinen (2003) and MRCS/
WUP-FIN (2003, 2007).
Dyson et al. 2003; King et al. 2003; Meijer 2007),
as well as river basin management (see e.g. Downs
et al. 1991; Jaspers 2003; Miller 2003; Molle 2003;
Svendsen et al. 2005; Warner et al. 2008).
These theories have then been complemented
with the ideas and methods derived from the
approaches related to livelihoods, participation,
policies and politics. Particularly useful have been
the theoretical frameworks related to participatory
research and sustainable livelihoods (see e.g.
Chambers 1987, 1994; Mukherjee 1993; Scoones
1998; Farrington et al. 1999; Nicol 2000; DFID
2001), political ecology (see e.g. Bryant & Bailey
1997; Miller 2003), hydropolitics (see e.g. Elhance
1999; Sneddon & Fox 2006) and other water-
related political and institutional analyses (see e.g.
Bakker 1999; jendal 2000; Allan 2003a, 2003b;
Mollinga 2001, 2008; Mollinga et al. 2007; Warner
2007b; Molle 2008).
As water management is an issue with multiple
dimensions, it is necessary to dene at bit more
detailed level the actual focus of this research.
Following the denitions given in Chapter 2.3, this
Thesis mainly deals with the strategic dimension
of water management, focusing on the application
of one specic management framework (IWRM)
in the context of a transboundary river basin
(the Mekong) and of a national lake basin
(the Tonle Sap)
9
. The emphasis in both of these
basins is on basin level processes as well as on
management structures consisting of number of
interconnected institutions formal and informal
at different levels. Given the current development
pressures on the Mekong, the water-related policies
and plans, different forms of impact assessment and
the issue of participation are of specic interest for
this research.
Figure 1 seeks to provide a visualisation of the basic
setting of this research. While the diagram may at
rst sight look relatively simple, it actually includes
several layers. First of all, the diagram demonstrates
the basic idea behind IWRM (and most integrated
9
The two basins are naturally closely connected and cannot therefore be
really considered as two completely separate contexts.
7
Figure 1 A diagram indicating the basic setting of this research, bringing together the IWRM triangle and one version of the
water management cycle. Politics related to water management are seen to crosscut through all the components
approaches) in trying to maintain a balance
between environmental, economic and social
aspects, creating thus a linkage to the concept of
sustainable development. Secondly, the diagram
includes an example of a water management
cycle, presenting some common relations between
the different components and dimensions of
management. Finally, the diagram illustrates the
basic linkage between the theoretical foundation
of integrated water management (IWRM triangle)
and the actual water management practices
(management cycle), indicating that the two
should always be looked at together.
A research framework drawing on several
approaches and theories has naturally both strengths
and weaknesses. I personally see that the main
strength of such a framework is that my research
has largely been guided by an idealistic nave,
even notion to study the things as they are
10
.
10
I do recognise that this kind of view builds largely on the notion of objective
research that, I believe, is in reality impossible to achieve, as research and
knowledge overall is always in one way or another subjective and socially
constructed. For more discussion on the positivist (seeing science objective,
linear and separated from politics) and constructivist views of science (seeing
science as a social process), see Hastie (2007).
Such a view is, I believe, particularly important in
this kind of research due to the strong multisectoral
character of water and its management. Indeed, I
would argue that water-related research can never
limit itself to certain disciplines and theories alone,
but should take as it starting point the specic
context where water is being used and managed
11
.
A research framework using multiple approaches
and methods has also enabled different research
methods to be used in differing research contexts
and as was the case for instance with the policy
setting in the Tonle Sap (Article III, Article IV,
Article VI) the same context being studied with
different research methods.
The decision not to restrict this research under one
distinct, commonly agreed research framework
brings naturally challenges as well. Overall, it has
made the entire research process more laborious,
and has led to both frustration and dead-ends due
11
As discussed in Chapter 2.5, the focus on certain contexts instead of
certain theories or disciplines links closely to the ideas of transdisciplinary
research as well.
8
to the lack of clear reference points. The broad
scope brought by such a framework approach leads
unavoidably to only partial inclusion of the elaborate
ideas discussed in the different frameworks, making
the Thesis prone to simplications regarding the
theories it uses and refers to. The lack of a clear
analytical framework has also made the presentation
of my research more difcult, as sticking with
one common framework would provide practical
means for the presentation of my research, too. In
order to go around these weaknesses, I have paid a
special attention to structure this synthesis so that
it conveys the main messages of my research in as
clear and understandable manner as possible.
Research methods
Due to the number of theories and analytical
approaches included in this research, the research
methods used in this Thesis are various as well.
The actual methods applied depend very much
on the focus and analytical setting of the specic
research activities and contexts, as discussed in the
appended articles.
Overall, the research methods can be categorised
into the following main groups:
Analyses of hydrological conditions
and water resources
Socio-economic & livelihood analyses
Institutional & policy analyses
Impact assessment studies
Integration exercises
The different research methods used within these
ve main groups are next summarised briey:
more information on them can be found from the
articles indicated in the parentheses as well as from
Chapter 4. I also want to point out that most of the
research methods presented here were developed
together with my colleagues, many of whom are
also co-authors in the appended articles. My
specic role in the development and use of these
methods is described in more detail in the articles
as well as at the beginning of this synthesis under
the section Authors contribution.
As the research presented in this Thesis focuses
on water management and related impact
assessments, the general analyses of hydrological
conditions and water resources in the Mekong and
the Tonle Sap Lake area form a natural starting
point to my research. Such analyses were carried
out in close cooperation with my colleagues, and
they made use of existing hydrological data as well
as new measurements (Article II). In addition, the
results from the hydrological, hydrodynamic and
water quality modelling and impact assessment
carried out within the WUP-FIN Project played a
particularly central role in the analyses (Article II,
Article III, Article IV).
The socio-economic and livelihood analyses
focused on water-related social and livelihood
issues, and made use of both quantitative and
qualitative research methods. The methods used
for the analyses included participatory village
surveys (building on participatory research methods
such as PRA), key-informant discussions, expert
interviews as well as statistical analysis of different
socio-economic databases and other quantitative
information (Article II, Article III, Article VI).
The quantitative analyses were closely linked with
geospatial analysis, where Geographic Information
System (GIS) was used to organise the results
from the socio-economic analyses according to the
geographical location of the study villages (Article
II, Article III).
The institutional and policy analyses built on
extensive literature reviews as well as on selected
key-informant interviews and expert consultations
(Article II, Article V). The analyses also utilised a
probabilistic, Bayesian network model so-called
Tonle Sap Policy Model that was tailor-made
for this particular analysis (Article II, Article IV).
The institutional analyses were complemented
by historical reviews of past water resources
management regimes and related events (Article I,
Article II, Article V).
Impact assessment studies were primarily based on
the concepts of Environmental Impact Assessment
(EIA) and Social Impact Assessment (SIA), focusing
on the linkages between hydrological changes and
9
their environmental and social consequences
(Article II, Article III, Article VII). The different
impact assessment approaches were also reviewed,
and their validity and applicability for the Mekong
Region discussed (Article VII).
So-called integration exercises are closely
related to the impact assessment studies, aiming
to facilitate the linkages between information
derived on hydrology, environment, and people
and their livelihoods. The Thesis discusses two
such exercises: geographic zoning (also called
quantitative integration) and impact tables (also
called descriptive integration). The idea in
geographic zoning is to use GIS to arrange the
mainly quantitative information available on issues
such as hydrology, environment, land use and social
and economic indicators according to geography,
rather than administrative boundaries (e.g.
provinces) or hydrological entities (e.g. lake). With
the so-called Impact Tables, on the other hand, the
causal linkages between hydrological indicators,
ecological impacts and livelihood activities are
described in a systematic manner, using expert
judgement building on both quantitative and
qualitative information (Article II, Article III).
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The research for this Thesis has been a true
learning process, and also my research questions
and hypotheses have changed over the years. While
starting my doctoral research some six years ago,
my understanding of the research themes described
in this Thesis was in many ways different than
today. In my very rst research plan back in 2004,
I considered the scarcity of scientic information
and particularly the lack of integration of such
information to be the most important challenge
for water management. I strongly believed in a
comprehensive approach for analysis of water-
related data, and set to create a kind of ultimate
information integration tool for analysis and
assessment.
Surprisingly, things turned out not to be that
straightforward. Drawing on my own experiences as
well as the excellent analyses on the challenges of
water management in the Mekong and elsewhere
(see e.g. jendal 2000; Allan 2003a; Miller 2003;
Svendsen et al. 2005; Sneddon & Fox 2006;
Mollinga et al. 2007; Molle 2008; Warner et al.
2008; Kknen & Hirsch 2009), I came to realise
that while such a view for water management entails
many important dimensions, it also easily becomes
too one-sided and technocratic. Most importantly,
such a view commonly fails to understand that
water management is inherently political, and
may also fall short in acknowledging the other,
non-scientic forms of knowledge. It also neglects
the strong normative content of most integrated
approaches, visible particularly in their attempt to
integrate issues that in many contexts are not really
commensurable.
At the same time, I do believe that any change
taking place in water management is likely to occur
slowly and gradually, building rst and foremost
on the existing institutions, approaches and forms
of knowledge even when they may be the main
reasons for the problems of today. We therefore need
to consider and build on the current management
practices, seeking possibilities to improve them
based on our past experiences, including both
successes and failures.
Building on these notions, I drafted together four
research questions: a main research question and
three supporting research questions. The three
supporting questions can be seen to resemble a
staircase, taking the discussion about integrated
approaches step by step towards the main research
question:
What are the main reasons for the emergence
of integrated approaches such as IWRM in the
water management eld?
What are the key elements that need to be
considered in the implementation of integrated
water management approaches?
What kind of requirements, if any, integrated
approaches put on water-related research?
The rst research question focuses on the
background of integrated approaches, and aims to
10
understand the actual reasons for the emergence
and current prevalence of such approaches: why
were such approaches developed, and what kind
of approaches they are seeking to replace? The
second research question is then more practical,
focusing on the variety of issues that have to
be considered in the actual implementation of
integrated water management. While noting
that each management context is different, the
question builds on the assumption that there are
some general elements that can be considered to
be particularly important for the overall success of
integrated water management. The third supporting
research question looks at the role of research, and
the science in general, in supporting management
practices, focusing on the requirements that
integrated approaches put on research and vice
versa.
The three supporting research questions are
relatively easy to comprehend, as they are framed
narrowly and have a clear focus (historical
development, key elements and the role of research,
respectively). There is, however, even bigger
question related to the integrated approaches,
namely what is their raison detre. To help to
understand this, the main research question of this
Thesis aims to relate integrated approaches to the
ultimate objective as I would dene it of water
management:
Can integrated approaches help in nding
the ways towards more sustainable and equal
water management?
Despite its grandiose tone, such a question may
sound simplistic and trivial. Yet, it is not. By focusing
on such a question, I wish to make an argument
that the discussion about water management
theories, practices and methods slips often to over-
detailed issues, forgetting the bigger picture. One
fails to see the forest for the trees, as we would say in
Finnish. Consequently, for all the methodological
and technical arm-wrestling, it is important to keep
the focus on the big themes as well. For this reason
it is essential to keep asking ourselves whether
integrated approaches or, for that matter, any other
management framework are actually helping us
to facilitate the way towards more sustainable and
equal management practices
12
.
12
I want to emphasise that although the two themes included in the main
research question sustainability and equality are nowadays ubiquitous, I
did not choose them for their popularity. Instead, I do see that the two words
capture the ultimate objective of any water management practice: water
management should be sustainable (both in terms of nature and people)
and it should be equal (taking into account the differing views and relations
that different people have with water). While practically impossible to reach
entirely, they both are definitely worth striving for and therefore also worth
including into the main research question of this Thesis.
PART II: THE CONTEXT
The thematic focus of this Thesis is on the so-
called integrationist drive that, I argue, is one
of the most dominant trends in the present-day
water management and, more broadly, in
environmental management. A prime example of
such prevalence is the inuence that Integrated
Water Resources Management (IWRM) currently
has in guiding the water management policies
and practices at both national and international
levels. IWRM is therefore also the methodological
focus of this Thesis. However, as will be discussed
below, IWRM is just one integrated approach
among many, having similarities with other such
approaches. For this reason I often refer in this
synthesis to integrated approaches and integrated
water management practices in general, instead of
discussing just IWRM.
This Chapter starts with an overview of integrated
approaches in environmental management, and
then discusses their actual application through
case studies on water management (case: IWRM)
and impact assessment (case: IA). In addition,
the emergence of integrated approaches in
research is addressed through a concise review of
multi-disciplinary approaches. Together with the
following chapter on Mekong, the two chapters set
the methodological and geographic context for the
entire Thesis.
The focus on integrated approaches means that
this Thesis connects to, and critically studies, the
so-called integrationist agenda that highlights the
need to manage and to study the different resources
in an integrated, holistic way (Medema et al. 2008).
Indeed, one of the key points I wish to make with this
Thesis is that the drive towards greater integration
is not taking place only in the water eld, but
integrated frameworks and approaches have been
2 Integrated approaches: the quest for comprehensive views
13
developed in several related elds as well. Similarly
important is to realise that the quest for integrated
approaches is not something entirely new, but that
such approaches have been around in different
forms already for several decades
13
. What is new,
however, is how widely and, often, uncritically
integrated approaches have been accepted as the
most suitable approach for management, and how
strongly they therefore guide and frame current
management practices.
2.1 DEFINING INTEGRATION
Before proceeding to the detailed discussion
about integrated water management, it is useful to
look at the concept of integration and integrated
approaches at bit more general level. Overall, the
verb integrate can be dened as to combine or
be combined to form a whole, while integration
is usually dened as the process of integrating
(Oxford University Press 1999). From such
denitions it is clear that integration has mostly
13
The emergence of contemporary integrated approaches represents thus in
many ways re-emergence, as such frameworks build partly on the practices
applied already decades and even centuries earlier. For instance Rotmans
& van Asselt (1996) note that the Egyptian farmers made use of integrated
land and water management techniques already thousands of years ago. Also
integrated water management approaches can be seen to bring together
the practices that have been used already for decades in different parts of
the world. Often quoted and partly contested examples of such practises
include Spains system of confederaciones hidrogrficas adopted in 1926, the
setting up of the Tennessee Valley Authority in 1933 as well as the basin-wide
water development plans developed in Germany, Finland, New Zealand
and several other countries in the 1960s and 1970s (National Boards
of Waters 1977; Mitchell 1990a, 2007; Downs et al. 1991; Lahtela 2002;
Rahaman & Varis 2005; Snellen & Schrevel 2005; Varis et al. 2008a; Lenton
& Muller 2009b; Rahaman 2009). However, also earlier references exist,
and for instance Weber & Hufschmidt (1962: 299) note that in the United
States a philosophy of integrated, multiple-purpose river-basin planning
was established already in the 1908 with the publication of the report of the
Inland Waterways Commission, while Mitchell (1990b) refers to watershed
conservancy districts established in Ohio, the United States in 1913. Such
examples of past integrated systems also relate to the conclusion of Walther
(1997, quoted in Medema et al. 2008) that the success of IWRM is primarily
a function of the historical situation into which a project is placed and only
secondarily of its professional design.
14
to do with combining things together, and that
integration is a process rather than an on-off action.
Consequently, for the purposes of this Thesis, we
can dene integration generally as the art and
science of combining different items and issues
together to form a whole, commonly with an aim
to gain a holistic, systemic view
14
.
More detailed denition is, however, needed to
understand what kinds of things the integrated
approaches used in environmental management
actually aim to integrate, and how the integration
is done. While different approaches have their own
specic characteristics, most focus on the human-
nature interactions, with an aim to facilitate deeper
understanding of natural systems as well as the
intricate socio-political structures related to their
use and management
15
. Margerum & Born (1995)
take this view further, identifying four central
themes for Integrated Environmental Management
approaches: inclusive, interconnective, strategic
and goal-focused. Building on these themes,
integrated approaches can in the context of
this Thesis be seen to encompass ideally the
following ve general characteristics:
Comprehensive
Interconnected
Participative
Goal-orientated
Strategic
Comprehensiveness indicates that integrated
approaches build on the understanding of the
broad context within which they are implemented,
emphasising the need for coordinated
management practices and the consideration
14
The inclusion of term art into the definition highlights the fact that
the integrated approaches are not just simply technical processes bringing
together various forms of data and information, but that their implementation
also requires the consideration of different views and forms of knowledge
as well as understanding, wisdom and creativity, making integration also a
clearly personal matter.
15
Indeed, different approaches using the term integrated are not always
comparable as the depth of their integration varies greatly: while most
integrated approaches including those discussed in this Thesis focus
on broad nature-human interactions, some approaches may use the term
to indicate a research methodology that just integrates different types of
technical methods. Similarly, many integrated approaches are not defined
explicitly with the term integration, but through terms with similar
meaning, such as comprehensive, holistic, systemic, unified and total.
of different dimensions relevant for integration.
Interconnectedness relates to the fact that such
approaches have to appreciate the intricate
interconnections that the different systems and
functions within that context have, instead of
focusing just on simplistic causal relationships. To
achieve these objectives, integrated approaches
need to consider differing views and perspectives
related to the management, and therefore also to
nd linkages with and encourage participation
of different stakeholders relevant in that specic
context. Integrated approaches are also goal-
orientated in a sense that their focus is on some
commonly dened goal for example a research
problem or a management objective, rather
than for instance on detailed technical methods.
Finally, integrated approaches are strategic as they
maintain a broad, long-term view on the issues
they are addressing, and, to be feasible, they also
need to focus their implementation on certain key
aspects of such issues.
Integrated approaches are therefore characterised
by an interesting dualism: while having as their
ultimate objective a more comprehensive, systemic
view, they at the same time have to focus to selected
key issues, and must do this through certain
practical steps. While this kind of reductionism
may seem incompatible with a comprehensive
view, the experience from for example reduced
planning, strategic planning and mixed scanning
has demonstrated that they can actually be used
together (Margerum & Born 1995; Allmendinger
et al. 2002).
Integration does not therefore mean connecting
all elements and issues things forcibly together,
since such situation becomes easily unworkable
due to remarkable amount of different issues, scales
and actors included
16
. Instead, it becomes critical to
recognise the key issues that need to be considered
and integrated in specic management situations
(Mitchell 1990b; Margerum & Born 1995; Watson
2007; Lenton & Muller 2009a). This also helps to
16
See e.g. Mitchell (1990b: 4), who notes that Experience at many countries
with the comprehensive approach at an operational level has indicated that
it results in inordinately lengthy periods of time for planning and in plans
which are often not sufficiently focused to be helpful to line managers.
15
explain why integration and comprehensiveness
cannot be seen to be synonymous: while a
comprehensive approach requires consideration
of all the different elements within a management
system, an integrated approach focuses on the
elements that are relevant in that particular
management context (Mitchell 1990b; Watson
2007). Hence, as suggested by Mitchell (1990), a
comprehensive approach should be used in more
strategic levels of planning and management
to ensure that the widest possible perspective is
maintained, while at operational level a more
focused namely integrated approach is usually
more feasible.
Integration is also seen to have different dimensions,
depending on the context and level where the
integration takes place. In terms of water, the
GWP (2000) recognises two basic categories for
integration: natural system (essentially dening
the availability and quality of water) and human
system (determining water use and management).
Kidd & Shaw (2007) divide the integration within
the human system into three specic categories:
sectoral integration, territorial integration and
organisational integration. They note that the
rst two categories tend to be the main focus of
integration efforts, with the latter category usually
dealing with the consequences of such efforts in
terms of organisational culture and practice
17
.
2.2 THE ROAD TOWARDS INTEGRATED
APPROACHES
While the discussion about integrated frameworks
and approaches in water management and in
environmental management more generally has
been on-going already for decades, such approaches
have become more widely accepted and applied
only during the past two decades or so. What have
been the main reasons for the emergence and
current popularity of integrated approaches in
environmental management?
17
Organisational integration can be further divided into two dimensions,
namely strategic integration and operational integration. While the former
deals with the alignment of interlinked strategies and policies, the latter
considers the integration of the actual delivery mechanisms related to such
strategies, including stakeholder participation (Kidd & Shaw 2007).
While there are differing views on the actual
reasons for the emergence of integrated approaches,
their popularity can be connected to two broad,
interlinked issues: the emergence of the concept
of sustainable development, and the frustrations
with the outcomes of narrowly focused, sectoral
environmental management practices. While
both of these issues were discussed in different
forms already throughout the 20
th
Century, they
really gained ground in the 1970s and the 1980s,
largely thanks to the environmental movement
and the growing concerns about environmental
degradation and pollution.
The concept of sustainable development was
introduced to the international policy arena in 1987
by the World Commission on Environment and
Development (WCED) through its seminal report
Our Common Future
18
. The discussion leading to
the concept started, however, already earlier with
the increased recognition of the unsustainability
of the development patterns at the time. Year 1972
included two important milestones in this regard:
the publication of the Club of Rome report Limits
to Growth with its stern warning about the limits of
current development trends as well as the United
Nations Conference on the Human Environment
held in Stockholm, Sweden
19
. These two milestones
were followed by other initiatives highlighting
global environmental concerns, including The
Global 2000 Report published by the United
States government in 1980, the adoption of the
World Charter for Nature by the United Nations
General Assembly in 1982, and the establishment
of the WCED in 1983 (Ryding 1992).
18
The concept of sustainable development was actually coined already
in 1980 in the World Conservation Strategy, published by the IUCN in
cooperation with WWF and UNEP (Vig 1999).
19
The Club of Rome report can be seen as a first systematic attempt to
understand where the on-going development trends are leading. The
report famously concluded that the limits of the growth of our planet will
be reached sometime within the next one hundred years. Even more
importantly, however, the report noted that it is possible to alter the present
growth trends and to establish a condition of ecological and economic
stability that is sustainable far into the future (Ryding 1992). The Stockholm
Conference, on the other hand, was particularly important for bringing
the twin imperatives of ecological sustainability and the development
of the worlds poorest economies for the first time on the global agenda
(Vig & Axelrod 1999).
PART II The Context - Integrated approaches: the quest for comprehensive views
16
Drawing on the WCED report, the concept of
sustainable development is commonly dened
as follows: it is development that meets the needs
of the present without compromising the ability
of future generations to meet their own needs
(WCED 1987). Building on this notion, sustainable
development is seen to call for a balance between
three core themes: social, environmental and
economic issues. Reaching such a balance is seen
to require integrated approaches, and for example
the two most inuential international summits on
sustainable development the UN Conference on
Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio
in 1992 and the World Summit on Sustainable
Development (WSSD) in Johannesburg in 2002
both highlighted the importance of integrated
views in achieving sustainable development
20
.
The concept of sustainable development is,
however, not without problems, with the biggest
challenge being the inherent contradictions
between the concepts of sustainability and
development (see e.g. Sachs 1992a; Vig & Axelrod
1999; Jackson 2009; Ulvila & Pasanen 2009).
This fundamental contradiction has led many to
conclude that while the concept of sustainable
development is nowadays widely agreed with, it
hasnt really changed the unsustainable patterns of
development in many parts of the globe. As noted
by Park et al. (2008: 2-3): few can claim seriously
that the period since the Rio meeting [in 1992]
has been one of great accomplishment on global
environmental governance, human development,
or the chimerical notion of sustainability.
Another main factor behind the emergence of
integrated approaches and, indeed, of sustainable
20
The Agenda 21 of UNCED starts with a notion that (United Nations
1992: 1.2) This global partnership must build ...on the acceptance of
the need to take a balanced and integrated approach to environment and
development questions, while the Plan of Implementation of World Summit
on Sustainable Development notes that (WDDS 2002: 14): Managing the
natural resources base in a sustainable and integrated manner is essential
for sustainable development. See also Esteva (1992), who in his critical
account on the concept of development notes that integration was originally
particularly during the First UN Development Decade in the 1960s used
as the watchword for linking the social and economic aspects together, and
environmental issues were included only later on with the emergence of
the concept of sustainable development. Interesting is also the ladder of
sustainable development shown in Vig (1999: 8) that includes four different
views, or phases, of sustainable development, with the most ideal view
building on holistic intersectoral integration.
development are the traditional management
approaches that dominated the natural resources
management eld during most of the 20
th
Century.
Such approaches emphasised sectoral approaches
and specialised scientic expertise, building largely
on the idea of the mans control and mastery over
nature (Mitchell 1990a; Margerum & Born 1995;
Hooper et al. 1999; GWP 2000; Allmendinger et
al. 2002; Toope et al. 2003; UNESCO-WWAP
2006). While such sectoral approaches meant
increased disciplinary knowledge and possibility for
in-depth insights, it also led to fragmentation and,
consequently, to the partial loss of comprehensive,
systemic view on resource management
21
.
Integrated approaches complement and also
challenge these more sectoral approaches, building
on concepts such as resilience thinking and
systems theory, and highlighting the consideration
of entire systems rather than their specic
components (see e.g. Miser & Quade 1988;
OECD 1989; Margerum & Born 1995; Hooper
et al. 1999; Medema et al. 2008). The foundation
of the integrated approaches is thus found be in
the concept of sustainability as well as that of
comprehensiveness and non-fragmentation. This
process leading from the theoretical foundations
(why?) to actual integrated approaches (what?) and,
ultimately, to the practical integration methods
(how?) is illustrated in Figure 2
22
.
The increasing importance of sustainable
development and non-fragmented, decompart-
mentalised management practices has meant that
integrated approaches are nowadays omnipresent
in environmental management. Integrated
approaches have been proposed, developed and
21
For example Margerum & Born (1995: 371) conclude that earlier,
narrowly-focused management approaches usually failed to deal with
interconnections, complexities, multiple perspectives, multiple uses and
the resulting cross-cutting externalities. In addition, GWP (2000: 23)
emphasises that: The concept of Integrated Water Resources Management
[is] in contrast to traditional, fragmented water resources management,
while Allmendinger et al. (2002: 175) note that [Integrated coastal-
zone management] is part of an increasing recognition that successful
environmental resource management is dependent upon an ability to
achieve a shift away from sectoral management approaches.
22
See also Jnch-Clausen (2004), who uses the same questions to describe
the basic setting of IWRM.
17
Figure 2 A diagram showing the simplied process connecting the theoretical foundation (why?), the actual concept
(what?) and the practical methods (how?) of integrated approaches.
implemented in elds such as land use planning,
ecosystem management, rural development,
forest management, community planning, and,
more generally, environmental and resource
management (see e.g. Naveh 1978; Walther 1987;
Loh & Rykiel Jr. 1992; Cairns & Meganck 1994;
Karlen et al. 1994; Hytnen 1995; Margerum &
Born 1995; Bellamy et al. 1999; Hooper et al. 1999;
Penning de Vries et al. 2003; Kostov & Lingard
2004; Twery et al. 2005; Ling et al. 2009; Norgaard
et al. 2009).
Similarly, Integrated Water Resources Management
(IWRM) is not the only water-related concept
building on integration, but several other, partly
overlapping integrated frameworks and approaches
exist as well. These include Integrated River
Basin Management, Integrated Catchment
Management, Integrated Watershed Management,
Integrated Coastal Zone Management, Integrated
Water Management, Integrated Water Resource
Systems, and Total Water Management (Downs
et al. 1991; Mitchell & Hollick 1993; Keller et al.
1996; Johnson 1999; Allmendinger et al. 2002;
Miller 2003; The World Bank 2006; Patwardhan et
al. 2007; Watson et al. 2007; MRC & GTZ 2009).
The current popularity of integrated approaches
illustrates the vigour of the integrationist drive,
demonstrating how widely the concept of integration
has extended into the eld of environmental
management. At the same time, however, it also
represents a great irony, as the large number of
similar but separate approaches leads easily to
overlapping, competing initiatives that are actually
not facilitating more holistic, systemic practices.
Indeed, most of the integrated approaches still seem
to consider integration predominantly from their
own specic disciplines and sectors, even when
they at the same time call for increased integration
also beyond their own specic eld
23
. Overall, the
various integrated approaches seem often to be
developed and used in a kind of vacuum, with
surprisingly weak connections with each other.
This, naturally, also prevents the possibilities for
collaborative learning between the approaches.
2.3 INTEGRATION IN WATER
MANAGEMENT CASE IWRM
Water and its management
Before proceeding to the theory and practise
of integrated water management, let us briey
discuss water and its management more generally.
Water is the fundamental element of our blue
planet: without water there simply would be no
life in Earth. While the amount of water in the
globe is xed, water will never run out as it is
renewed continuously through the hydrological
cycle. The main elements of the hydrological
cycle are precipitation, evaporation and run-off.
Consequently, three major sub-systems for water
are commonly dened as atmospheric water
system, surface water system and subsurface water
23
This has also led to rather absurd situations, where for example integrated
water management is reaching towards land management, while integrated
land management is reaching towards water management both largely
through their own approaches and methods and without proper dialogue
with each other (see e.g. Naveh 1978; Allmendinger et al. 2002; Penning de
Vries et al. 2003; Biswas 2010).
18
system
24
(Maidment 1993; Dingman 2002). The
focus of this Thesis similarly to most studies on
water resources management is on surface water
and its multiple uses, functions, roles and values.
The multiple uses and users of water indicate a need
for its management. With increasing pressures and
changes facing the worlds waters today, the water
management has become an increasingly important
and contested topic
25
. The much-debated global
water crisis, for example, is increasingly being
seen as a crisis of poor water management and
water governance, rather than of physical water
scarcity. As famously stated in the rst World Water
Development Report of the United Nations: This
crisis is one of water governance, essentially caused
by the ways in which we mismanage water
26

(UNESCO-WWAP 2003: 4). The promotion of
integrated management approaches and, hence,
of crossboundary views and approaches further
enhance the importance of management, as the
major management challenges are often present
at the boundaries of different issues, including
the different themes and disciplines, spatial and
temporal scales, and the levels of governance
(Mitchell 1990b).
Water governance
Water governance and water management are
closely linked, with governance forming a kind
of umbrella for different management activities.
24
There are also other ways to describe the hydrological cycle. WWAP
(2009), for instance, divides the waters into blue water (liquid water above
and below the ground), green water (soil moisture available for uptake by
plants and evapotranspiration) and white water (water that evaporates directly
into the atmosphere). Linton (2008: 630), on the other hand, provides a
critical analysis of the entire concept, suggesting that: [hydrological cycle]
internalizes the historical and geographical circumstances in which it was
formed; namely a northern temperate society in the throes of modern,
state-led industrial development. These circumstances, however, no longer
pertain to a majority of people, whose experience of water is different from
that represented in the standard hydrologic cycle.
25
Environmental management as a concept is loaded with different
meanings. For example Shiva (1992: 207) sees that Management of natural
resources has ... been a managerial fix for resources scarcity resulting from
the uncontrolled destruction of nature. The existing water management
regimes have also faced severe criticism, as they are seen to frequently lead
to overspecialisation and depoliticisation of water management (see e.g.
jendal 2000; Mollinga 2001; Allan 2003b; Molle 2008).
26
Similar concerns were naturally raised already earlier. A UN Report on
international waters, for example, noted in 1975 that Human survival ...is
conditioned upon much better management of this indispensable resource
(United Nations 1975: 6).
Governance can be generally dened as the
framework of social and economic systems and legal,
political and administrative structures formal and
informal through which humanity manages itself
27

(WHAT 2000; Callway 2005). Following from this,
water governance is usually seen to comprise all
social, political and economic organizations and
institutions, and their relationships, insofar as these
are related to water development and management
(UNESCO-WWAP 2003: 372).
UNDP (2009) complements this denition by
noting that water governance compromises the
mechanisms, processes, and institutions through
which all involved stakeholders, including citizens
and interest groups, articulate their priorities,
exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations
and mediate their differences. Interestingly, the
current denitions of good water governance
28

link closely to the integrationist agenda as well, as
water governance should enhance and promote
integrated and holistic approaches (UNESCO-
WWAP 2003: 373; see also Rogers & Hall 2003;
UNESCO-WWAP 2006). Overall, effective
governance systems are believed to enhance water
policies and enable the management tools to be
applied correctly (UNESCO-WWAP 2003, 2006).
At the same time governance is increasingly seen
as a vehicle for empowerment and participation
29
.
As a result, the above-mentioned, traditional ways
of dening and seeing governance are being
27
Also more authoritative definitions exist, including that by UNDP
(1997): Governance can be seen as the exercise of economic, political and
administrative authority to manage a countrys affairs at all levels. As noted
by WHAT (2000), however, governance is not a synonym for government,
and governance thus requires cooperation between government and different
actors representing the diversity of interests in any given society. Such a view
is reflected in the concept of polycentric governance that emphasises the
advantages of nested, self-organized resource governance systems (Ostrom
2001; Ostrom & Janssen 2004; Huitema et al. 2009) as well as in the
literature of different community-based governance systems (see e.g. Weber
2003) and multi-stakeholder platforms (Dore 2007; Warner 2007b).
28
As noted by Hirsch et al. (2006), good water governance another
buzzword of the day is commonly assumed to involve at least the following
principles: decentralization to local government and the principles of
subsidiarity; enhanced roles for civil society; a place for the market;
participation, accountability and transparency; transboundary management;
and holistic approaches. They also note, however, that the concept remains
highly contested and that behind its official definitions often lie highly-
charged subtexts: good governance can for example simply be a byword to
tackle corruption or to increase the role of state.
29
For example UNESCO-WWAP (2003: 352) notes: The [Dublin]
principles [of 1992] reflect a shift in conventional water governance from a
top-down towards a bottom-up approach. Participation opens up the way for
more informed decision-making, and offers people opportunities to claim
their rights as well as to meet their responsibilities.
19
complemented by more diverse views highlighting
also the political and, overall, increasingly complex
and messy dimensions of governance (Rogers
& Hall 2003; UNESCO-WWAP 2003; Weber
2003; Hall 2005). Reecting this, for example
Dore (2007: 211) denes (water) governance in
a bit different way: Multi-layered interplay of
negotiations, agenda-setting, preference-shaping,
decision-making, management and administration
between many actors and institutions in the state-
society complex, at and between different levels
and scales.
Water management
Water management can be generally dened as
set of activities including planning, assessment,
regulation, operation, monitoring, conict
resolution and communication with an aim to
balance the diverse uses, users, functions and
values related to water (GWP 2000; UNESCO-
WWAP 2003; Lenton & Muller 2009a). Such
activities can be performed by different groups of
people as well as through cooperation between
the groups (Carlsson & Berkes 2005). The means
and mechanisms to implement such management
activities are similarly many, ranging from technical
to environmental, from economic to social, and
from legal to political.
Management is not, however, only about methods
and mechanisms, but it depends and builds on
the people involved in the management activities.
Management has therefore been described also
simply as the art of getting things done through
people, and it thus includes also the coordination,
resourcing and scheduling of the people carrying
out the different management activities (Sutherland
1983; Olum 2004).
In water eld like in any other eld numerous
management frameworks have been developed
to respond to the various needs related to water
use. While the focus of this Thesis is on one such
framework (IWRM), also several other, partly
overlapping management frameworks exist. These
include for example different forms of river basin
management, Adaptive Water Management
30
,
ecosystem-based approaches as well as numerous
integrated management frameworks (see Chapter
2.1 and Dyson et al. 2003; King et al. 2003; Pahl-
Wostl 2007; Medema et al. 2008; Raadgever et
al. 2008). While such frameworks differ in terms
of their focus, objectives and methods, most have
similarities as well. For the analysis presented in
this Thesis, particularly important is the nding
by Medema et al. (2008), who in their study about
IWRM and Adaptive Water Management noted
that similar issues are affecting the lack of success
that practitioners have experienced throughout the
implementation processes of both management
frameworks
31
.
Management has also different dimensions
that depend on the scope and timeframe of
the management activities. The management
dimensions are in this Thesis categorised into
three general groups, following the classication
of the decisions used in the decision theory
(Sutherland 1983; Varis 1996): operational,
30
Adaptive management can be defined as a collaborative process to
cope with uncertainty through a learning model where natural resource
management actions are taken not only to manage, but also explicitly to
learn about the processes governing the system (Shea et al. 1998; Medema
et al. 2008; Kallis et al. 2009). Some see also adaptive management to be an
integrated management framework, as it is seen to provide a holistic view of
specific research problems (Johnson 1999).
31
Four main barriers common for the implementation of both approaches
were found to be institutional; evidence of success; ambiguity of definition;
and complexity, cost and risk (Medema et al. 2008).
THREE MANAGEMENT DIMENSIONS
Operational management = most practical management
dimension: focus on predened technical day-to-day routines,
commonly at the project level.
Tactical management = broad, longer-term view to the
existing management context: focus on expected pressures
and trends affecting management routines, commonly at the
program and policy level.
Strategic management = most strategic management
dimension, often with little technical focus and strong political
nature: focus on long-term planning and decisions including
radical changes externally and internally induced in the
management context, commonly at the policy level.
20
tactical and strategic management
32
. Operational
management represents the most practical and
detailed management dimension, as it consists of
the management of the day-to-day processes and
operation routines with an aim to maintain their
efciency and predictability. Tactical management
has then longer-term view, as it aims to understand
and dene responses to the expected pressures
and trends affecting the management routines.
Strategic management represents the most strategic
management dimension, with focus on long-
term planning that considers alternative changes
in for instance technologies, user preferences
and environment, together with their potential
implications to the entire management structure
33

(Sutherland 1983; Gupta 1996; Varis 1996). While
the methods used, activities implemented and
most importantly the problems addressed differ
greatly between the three management dimensions,
they are rarely explicitly described in the guidelines
related to integrated water management.
Waters can also be managed at different
geographical scales, ranging from the local
scale to sub-national, national and regional
i.e. transnational scales. Different scales bring
different kinds of challenges and opportunities to
management, including the types of management
institutions and stakeholders as well as the differing
32
While Sutherland (1983) and Varis (1996) define four decision categories
for management systems (operational, tactical, strategic and directive),
I have here combined the two latter categories under the term strategic
management. Both authors emphasise that while the operational category
relies on deterministic view, tactical and strategic categories make use of
probabilities and adaptation, and the directive category depends then on
heuristic discovery processes. The authors also define typical methodologies
for the four categories, consisting, respectively, of discrete-state (e.g.
operations research tools), finite-state (e.g. statistical decision theory),
stochastic-state (e.g. decision theory) and sequential-state (e.g. prescriptive
model building) methodologies.
33
Naturally also other, rather similar categorisations for different
management dimensions and levels exist. For example Sage (1986, quoted in
Jolma 1999) divides management actions into four levels (strategic planning
decisions, management control decisions, operational control decisions and
operational performance decisions), while Faludi & van der Valk (1994)
use similar categories for the three levels of planning. Gupta (1996) refers
to the so-called pyramid structure including three levels (top management
focusing on strategic decisions, middle management focusing on tactical
decision, and lower-level management focusing on operational decisions),
providing also a table of the main characteristics of each decision-making
level. Garcia (2008) recognises three levels of action related specifically to
IWRM, consisting of operational level (execution), associate level (rules &
strategies) and constitutional level (enabling), while Mitchell (1990b) notes
that the concept of integrated water management may be applied to different
levels of analysis, including normative (what ought to be done), strategic
(what can be done), and operational levels (what will be done).
availability of information. Transboundary river
basins have been of particular attention lately, as
the multiple spatial and temporal scales are together
with the inclusion of the differing views and the
needs of riparian countries each of them with
their own cultural, social, economic, institutional
and political characteristics considered to make
transboundary water management particularly
complex
34
(Wolf et al. 1999; GWP 2000; UNESCO-
WWAP 2003; Wolf et al. 2003; Phillips et al. 2008;
Jgerskog & Zeitoun 2009).
Overall, basin is commonly considered as the most
appropriate unit for water management, particularly
when talking about rivers
35
(United Nations 1992b;
GWP & INBO 2009; WWAP 2009). Related to
this, Svendsen et al. (2005) recognise two basic
organisational models for basin governance. In a
centralised (unicentric) management structure, a
single unied public organisation is empowered
to make decisions regarding management of the
basin, whereas in a decentralised (polycentric,
coordinative) structure the actions of existing
organisations, layers of government and initiatives
are coordinated to cover an entire basin. Both have
their advantages and disadvantages, and in reality
most river basin management structures are hybrids
between the two (Svendsen et al. 2005). As noted by
Kidd & Shaw (2007) and Watson (2007), however,
most advocates of integrated water management
including the GWP seem to be promoting the
decentralised management model as the most
politically feasible, realistic and effective starting
point for integrated water management.
Development of IWRM
Let us then turn to the focus of this Thesis,
namely the concept of Integrated Water Resources
34
Transboundary water management touches many areas and groups of
people, as the worlds 263 international river basins cover some 45% of the
earths land surface and contain nearly half of the available surface water
(Wolf et al. 2003; Raadgever et al. 2008). Related to this, Wolf et al. (2003)
identify 17 transboundary river basins with settings that suggest the potential
for tensions in the near future one of such basins being the Mekong.
35
It must be noted, however, that in some instances such as with the
water management of large cities or of a transboundary river basin basin
may actually not be the most appropriate management scale, as the trends
and driving forces impacting the management extend far beyond the actual
basin areas.
21
Management (IWRM). Overall, the development
of IWRM did not happen in vacuum, but it links
closely to the conceptual development of water
management as well as to the general discussion
about integrated approaches in water management
that was on-going most of the 20
th
Century
36
. The
modern-day origins of IWRM are often found to
be in the 1920s and 1930s, when a basin-wide,
integrated planning approach gained acceptance
in several countries, including Spain and United
States
37
(Mitchell 1990a, 2007; Downs et al.
1991; Rahaman & Varis 2005; Watson 2007). An
article prepared for the United Nations in 1962,
however, refers even earlier dates, noting that the
philosophy of integrated, multi-purpose, river-
basin planning
38
was developed in the United
States in a remarkably complete form already
in the 1908 report of the Inland Waterways
Commission (Weber & Hufschmidt 1962: 299).
As a thought-provoking reference to the present-
day discussion about IWRM, the article also
emphasises the interrelations between the land
resources and surface and ground water ows,
notes that the practice of integrated planning lags
behind its principles and concludes that broad,
interdisciplinary team approach is essential to
effective planning for comprehensive river basin
development (Weber & Hufschmidt 1962: 306,
310).
It is important to note, however, that these early
versions of the integrated water management
approach differ quite remarkably from the
approaches we use and discuss today. While the
early initiatives such as the Tennessee Valley
36
Such discussions were naturally closely related to the broader concern
about the limitations of narrow, technocratic view on water a view that
Allan (2003a: 2) links to the hydraulic mission of industrial modernity. See
also the fascinating analysis of Molle (2008: 131) on how IWRM eventually
became a hegemonic nirvana concept as well as the interesting account
of Linton (2006) on how naming water as a resource at the beginning of the
20
th
Century made the disposition of water a technical rather than a political
problem, creating also an increased need for its management.
37
The Tennessee Valley Authority established in 1933 in United States is
usually referred to be among the first truly integrated management initiatives
(see e.g. Weber & Hufschmidt 1962; Mitchell 1990a, 2007; Down et al.
1991; Rahaman & Varis 2005; Watson 2007), with Weber & Hufschmidt
(1962: 302) defining it as our [United States] first fully-integrated river
basin development.
38
Integrated river basin planning was in the report defined as follows: the
concept of integrated river-basin planning has two major elements:
multiple-purpose use and treating the river basin as a hydrological and
physiographic unit (Weber & Hufschmidt 1962: 299).
Authority were largely about resource development,
the focus of many integrated approaches shifted
already in 1950s from comprehensive resource
development to unied resource management. The
approach has since then been further ne-tuned
and diversied, including better incorporation of
land into the concept in the 1980s as well as the
increasing amount of nuances during the IWRM
boom in the 1990s and 2000s (Mitchell 1990a;
Watson 2007).
Gaining international recognition
Among the rst international calls for more
integrated water management practices was the
report published by the United Nations in 1958
on integrated river basin development. The report
called for integrated management of river basins,
recognizing the challenges of the dominant, narrow
view on water: Engineering measures are not
likely to bring the desired improvements in level
of living unless they are accompanied by secondary
measures affecting other aspects of resource use
(United Nations 1958, quoted in Kates & Burton
1986). Integrated water management was also
discussed in other contexts around that time,
including international waters
39
(see e.g. United
Nations 1971, 1975).
The rst concrete steps towards the IWRM
concept as it is known today were taken in the
United Nations Conference on Water that was
organized in 1977 in Mar del Plata, Argentina
40
.
The conference and its Action Plan are due to their
holistic view on water management considered to
be the rst internationally coordinated approach
to the actual IWRM (Biswas 2004; Rahaman &
Varis 2005; Snellen & Schrevel 2005). After that,
the discussion about integrated approaches in
39
United Nations (1975: 174), for example, notes that: The prevalence of
such interaction [between water and various actions related to environment
and human activities] and the multiple uses to which a given water resource
is increasingly put, accentuate the importance of integrated water resources
management in national and regional development programmes.
40
As noted by Biswas (2004), the conference was part of the series of eight
mega-conferences that the UN organised in the 1970s at high decision-
making levels on what was then considered as critical global issues. Other
conferences focused on Environment (Stockholm 1972), Population
(Bucharest 1974), Food (Rome 1974), Women (Mexico City 1975), Human
Settlements (Vancouver 1976), Desertification (Nairobi 1977), and New and
Renewable Sources of Energy (Nairobi 1979).
22
water management took place mainly at national
and regional levels
41
, and it was only in 1992 in
Dublin, Ireland at the International Conference on
Water and Environment for the 21
st
Century that
IWRM really returned to the international arena
(Biswas 2004; Varis et al. 2008a). The conference
supported an integrated approach for managing
waters, and called for a holistic, comprehensive,
multidisciplinary approach to respond to water
resources problems worldwide
42
(Solanes &
Gonzalez-Villarreal 1996; Snellen & Schrevel
2005; GWP 2000).
The Dublin Conference acted as a preparatory
meeting for the UN Conference on Environment
and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil in June 1992. The UNCED
Conference also called the Earth Summit
endorsed a program document, Agenda 21, that
forms a comprehensive plan of action to be taken
globally, nationally and locally by organizations
of the United Nations System, Governments,
and Major Groups in every area in which human
impacts on the environment (United Nations
2009a). Notable was that although the Earth
Summit had no specic focus on water, the Agenda
21 included a separate chapter on freshwater,
calling for integrated water resources planning and
management. Agenda 21 also proposed integrated
water resources development and management
as one of the program areas for the protection of
freshwater resources, emphasizing the need to
integrate the sectoral water programs with the
national economic and social policy frameworks
(United Nations 1992b: 18.5).
41
For example the UN Economic Commission for Europe noted in 1984
in its Declaration of Policy on the Rational Use of Water the critical value
of comprehensive water policies, highlighting the importance of multi-
purpose uses of water as well as coordination of land-use planning and water
management (United Nations 1985). In 1985, the OECD Environmental
Ministers agreed that the management and protection of water, soil, forest
and wildlife resources must be improved, suggesting that an integrated
approach in the management of these resources with the view to ensure
long-term environmental and economic sustainability should be used
(OECD 1989: 3).
42
A keynote paper prepared for the conference presented also one of the
first visual illustrations of IWRM concept, consisting of four elements:
water resources system, water users, social and economic development, and
environment (Snellen & Schrevel 2005).
After the Earth Summit, the concept of IWRM was
further developed and ne-tuned in a set of water-
related conferences, including the International
Conference on Freshwater in Bonn in 2001 as well
as the series of World Water Forums
43
(Rahaman
& Varis 2005, 2008). Remarkable was also that the
World Summit on Sustainable Development in
Johannesburg in 2002 another major international
event with no specic focus on water recognized
the importance of IWRM, putting it high into
the international agenda (Varis et al. 2008a). The
Summits Plan of Implementation notes that as part
of meeting the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs), the participants of the Summit agreed to
Develop integrated water resources management
and water efciency plans by 2005 to major river
basins of the world, including actions to Develop
and implement national/regional strategies, plans
and programmes with regard to integrated river
basin, watershed and groundwater management
(WSSD 2002: 15).
Following these events and international
endorsements, IWRM has during the rst decade of
the 21
st
Century arguably become one of the most
widely recognized and applied concept in water
management
44
(see e.g. Kindler 2000; UNESCO-
WWAP 2003; Hall 2005; Rahaman & Varis 2005;
UNESCO-WWAP 2006; UN-Water & GWP
2007; Keskinen 2007; Kidd & Shaw 2007; CSD
2008; Varis et al. 2008a; Lenton & Muller 2009a;
GWP & INBO 2009). Due to the recognition of
the UN system and various governmental agencies,
IWRM also has an ofcial status as a management
framework. The concept of IWRM has, however,
also seen increasing criticism (see e.g. Allan
2003a, 2003b; Biswas 2005, 2010; Medema et al.
43
Altogether five World Water Forums have been organised by the World
Water Council so far: Marrakesh (1997), Hague (2000), Kyoto (2003),
Mexico (2006) and Istanbul (2009).
44
Biswas (2010: 13) summarises the powerful position of IWRM in
the present-day water field as follows: Everyone is for integrated water
resources management: no matter what it means, no matter whether it can
be implemented, or no matter whether it would actually improve water
management processes.
23
2008; Molle 2008), and its actual implementation
still lags behind the expectations a fact that is
recognized even by the promoters of the concept
45

(see e.g. UNESCO-WWAP 2006; UN-Water &
GWP 2007; UN-Water 2008).
IWRM and its denitions:
what actually to integrate?
Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM)
can be contemplated in several different ways
depending, for instance, on the dimensions and
needs of management. This also means that despite
its popularity, there exists no commonly agreed
denition for IWRM. However, clearly the most
widely used and analysed denition is that of
the Global Water Partnership (GWP) that denes
IWRM
46
as follows (GWP 2000: 22):
IWRM is a process which promotes the co-
ordinated development and management of water,
land and related resources, in order to maximize
the resultant economic and social welfare in an
equitable manner without compromising the
sustainability of vital ecosystems.
Building on this denition, IWRM is seen to
help to manage and develop water resources in a
sustainable and balanced way, taking into account
social, economic and environmental issues and
interests
47
. The GWP also emphasise that the
equitability included in the denition indicates that
IWRM recognises the competing interest groups,
the sectors that use and abuse water, and the needs
of the environment (GWP 2000; GWP & INBO
45
For example UNESCO-WWAP (2006: 54-55) notes that It has proven
difficult to integrate or coordinate land and water in a meaningful way,
particularly for the rural and urban poor, while UN-Water & GWP (2007:
1) note that many countries still had a long way to go in achieving the
[IWRM] target, and most countries still faced considerable challenges in
implementation.
46
GWP (2000) does recognise the importance of water resources
development as well, noting that the M in the acronym IWRM actually
refers to both development and management of water.
47
Yet, as noted by Svendsen et al. (2005), such an objective has a strong
normative content: it implicitly suggests that environmental, economic
and social aspects can be made commensurable and compatible, although
in reality they are frequently in conflict with each other and it is often
impossible even to assess them in similar terms. Related to this, Molle (2008:
133) notes that as a woolly consensual concept IWRM can obscure the
political nature of natural resources management and may thus be easily
hijacked by groups seeking to legitimise their own agendas.
2009). At the same time the GWPs denition
emphasises that IWRM is a process, not a goal in
itself. Thus, as noted by Jnch-Clausen & Fugl
(2001), IWRM is a means to an end, providing a
process of balancing and making trade-offs between
different goals in an informed way
48
.
Another often used denition for IWRM is the one
given by the World Water Council (2000):
[IWRM is] philosophy that holds that
water must be viewed from a holistic
perspective, both in its natural state and
in balancing competing demands on it
agricultural, industrial and environmental.
Management of water resources and services
need to reect the interaction between
these different demands, and so must be
coordinated within and across sectors. If
the many crosscutting requirements are
met, and if there can be horizontal and
vertical integration within the management
framework for water resources and services,
a more equitable, efcient, and sustainable
regime will emerge.
The differing denitions
49
for IWRM show that the
different things that are to be integrated within
the IWRM are actually not clearly dened. The
World Water Council that interestingly sees
IWRM more as a philosophy rather than as an
approach considers integration rst and foremost
as a sectoral matter, even though noting the
importance of vertical and horizontal integration
48
Jnch-Clausen & Fugl (2001: 503), summarizing the thinking of the GWP,
also highlight the differences that IWRM has with other new approaches
to water resources management and development, most importantly
river basin management, water demand management and the ecosystems
approach. They note that while IWRM is closely related to such approaches,
it is broader in its focus and deals with more complex problems.
49
Naturally also other definitions exist. For example Thomas & Durham
(2003: 24) define IWRM as: a sustainable approach of the water
management that recognises its multidimensional character time, space,
multidiscipline and stakeholders and the necessity to address, embrace
and relate these dimensions holistically so that sustainable solutions can be
brought about, while USAID (2007) defines it grandiosely as a participatory
planning and implementation process, based on sound science, that brings
stakeholders together to determine how to meet societys long-term needs
for water and coastal resources while maintaining essential ecological
services and economic benefits. Mitchell (1990b) takes much broader and
less definite view, recognising three different ways to see integrated water
management: systematic consideration of the various dimensions of water,
interaction with other systems such as land and the environment, and the
interrelationships between water and social and economic development.
24
of the management structures as well. The GWP,
on the other hand, gives two main categories for
integration: the natural system and the human
system. Integration within the natural system is
seen to consist of several well-dened categories,
including integration of freshwater management
and coastal zone management, of land and water
management, of green water and blue water, of
surface water and groundwater management, of
water quantity and quality and of upstream and
downstream water-related interests. Integration
within the human system is dened more vaguely,
and includes for example cross-sectoral integration
in national policy development, integrated policy-
making and integration of all stakeholders in the
planning and decision process (GWP 2000; Jnch-
Clausen & Fugl 2001).
Also other, partly overlapping classications for
the things to be integrated exist. The World Bank
(2006), for example, denes integration to have
the following dimensions: integration of different
boundaries; integration of economic, social and
environmental issues; integration of stakeholder
and community views; and sectoral integration.
Warner (2007a: 2) sees that the concept integrates
four different kinds of relations: those between
surface and groundwater as well as between quantity
and quality; between water and land use; between
water and stakeholder interests; and between water
institutions. Jakeman et al. (2005), on the other
hand, recognise altogether six dimensions for
integration in water resources management: issues
(e.g. agriculture, land management, biodiversity,
population); parts of a river basin; major drivers;
different disciplines; people involved or interested
in a management problem; and models, methods,
data and other information. Finally, Biswas (2010:
11) recognises at least 41 sets of issues which
different authors and/or institutions consider to be
the issues that should be integrated under the aegis
of integrated water resources management.
This ambiguity of the IWRMs denition is often
seen to be one its major challenges: IWRM is seen
as a kind of one-approach-ts-all concept that can
be used in different ways depending on the needs
and desires of different actors. While such a context-
specicity is naturally important (and an inherent
part of the entire concept), the vagueness of the very
denition of IWRM makes the discussion about its
theoretical underpinnings and the actual practices
more challenging and also exposes the entire
concept for intentional and unintentional misuse.
This challenge has in a way been intensied by
the GWP, who through its guidelines including
the IWRM ToolBox can be seen to be promoting
a certain, rather technical way of seeing IWRM,
making its implementation largely a technical and
methodological issue
50
(GWP 2009, No date).
Yet, I personally see that it is simply impossibly and
also utterly useless to try to dene exhaustively
what IWRM is and what it should integrate. Indeed,
it can even be argued that the vagueness of IWRMs
denitions is at least partly deliberate, as it allows
the idea to be adopted in various different contexts
as well as at the different levels of management
51
.
This also means that similarly to the denition
of sustainable development (Vig 1999) IWRM is
more a political and social construct, rather than a
strictly dened approach or blueprint.
At the same time it is still important to consider
what IWRM ultimately seeks to achieve. IWRM
like most other integrated approaches can
be seen to build essentially on the concept of
sustainable development, representing a way to
put sustainable development into practice in the
water eld
52
. Consequently, the main issues to be
integrated in an IWRM process include social,
environmental and economic dimensions related
to water, and the IWRM can be described rst
and foremost through its general objective: to
50
While many IWRM practices have moved towards this direction, this has
actually not been the objective of the GWP. GWP ToolBox textbook (No
date: 1), for instance, emphasises the limitations of such a fixed guidelines:
Although the ToolBox aims to be a key reference instrument for the
practical application of IWRM, it is neither a sacred text, where all truth
can be found, nor a manual, from where an answer for any problem at hand
can be lifted.
51
Indeed, vagueness can also be the strong point of the IWRM, particularly
if it results in improved consideration of local circumstances in specific
management situations (see also Butterworth et al. 2010).
52
For example a recent background document for the UN General Assembly
noted that Evidence strongly points to the fact that water management
needs to be embraced as a crosscutting sustainable development issue,
where actors from different fields agriculture, industries, energy, health and
the environment together with national security experts within and across
countries need to come together (United Nations 2009b: 2).
25
achieve sustainable water management and, more
broadly, sustainable development. The additional
issues sectors, disciplines, stakeholders, scales,
institutions, types of information and so on to be
integrated are naturally relevant as well, but they
can be seen mainly as a practical, context-specic
means to achieve the overarching objective of
integration, namely sustainability.
Following from this, it is possible to dene IWRM
in less technical and more philosophical ways,
escaping the traps set by exact word-by-word
denitions (see e.g. critique by Biswas (2005, 2010)).
Instead of comprehensively describing the entire
IWRM process, these kinds of broader denitions
aim to understand what kinds of processes IWRM
actually seeks to initiate and what kinds of outcomes
it wants to achieve. For example Warner (2007a: 2)
takes this kind of view when he considers IWRM
as a multi-layered systems approach to water
management and concludes that IWRM is
about decompartmentalising water management,
respecting the interactions and internalising the
externalities that come with a sectorial approach.
Grigg (2008) takes similarly general approach
when he notes that IWRM is essentially about
balancing viewpoints and improving management.
Mitchell (2007: 51), on the other hand identies
10 generally accepted characteristics of IWRM
53

that can be seen to represent the ultimate objectives
of an IWRM process. These characteristics can be
summarised as follows: holistic view; analytical;
dynamic and continuous; interdisciplinary; balance
between ecosystem protection and water-related
economic development; stakeholder involvement;
evolutionary and iterative; conict reduction;
awareness promotion; and capacity building
(Kindler 2000; Mitchell 2007).
53
While generally agreeing with most of the characteristics Mitchell presents,
I would argue that they are still far from being generally accepted (or at
least generally understood), as exemplified by the continuous challenges
with the IWRM practices.
2.4 INTEGRATION IN IMPACT
ASSESSMENT CASE IA
Assessing the impacts
Assessing the estimated impacts of planned
development to water and related resources
forms an increasingly important part and a
precondition of the current water management
practices. The situation is similar to other forms
of planning and management, and Rayner (2003:
164) has even called the present era the age of
assessment due to the increasing dominance of
the assessments in planning and decision-making
processes. Consequently, although the main focus
of this Thesis is on the theories and practices of
water management, impact assessment forms an
important part of the research as well.
Impact assessment can be generally dened as a
process of identifying the consequences of a current
or proposed action on a dened entity such
as environment, health or livelihoods, usually
before making decisions on their implementation
54

(United Nations 1992a; IAIA 1999; Vanclay 2004;
Kummu 2008; CBD 2009). While the specic aims
of impact assessment naturally differ depending on
the context, they are generally carried out in order to
ensure that the proposed actions and their impacts
are economically viable, socially equitable and
environmentally sustainable an objective thus
perfectly in line with the concept of sustainable
development. The possible assessment actions may
include individual projects, but also more broadly
policies, plans and programmes (United Nations
1992b; Vanclay 2004; Nooteboom 2007).
Impact assessment has, however, relatively
different meanings in different settings, and as a
result more specic terms are used depending on
54
Separately, the term assessment can be defined as a process in which
the significance, value or likelihood of something is being estimated, while
the term impact can be defined as the effect or influence of one thing on
another (Rotmans & van Asselt 1996; Oxford University Press 1999). Impact
assessments can also be done ex post, meaning assessing the impacts of past
actions. In this Thesis, however, the focus is on ex ante impact assessments
that focus on the impacts of current and, in particular, future actions
(Shiferaw et al. 2004).
26
the focus of the assessment. The most common
impact assessment approach is Environmental
Impact Assessment (EIA), but also other, partly
overlapping approaches exist. These include
for example Integrated Assessment, Cumulative
Impact Assessment, Strategic Environmental
Assessment, Social Impact Assessment, Participatory
Impact Assessment, Vulnerability Assessment and
specic for the water eld Hydrological Impact
Assessment. Although sharing similar overall
objective, the different approaches differ in terms
of their scope as well as the methods they use. As
the different impact assessment approaches are,
however, already discussed extensively elsewhere
(see e.g. Sadler 1996; Rotmans 1998; UNECE
2003; MRCS/BDP 2005; OECD/DAC 2006;
Catley et al. 2007; Kummu 2008; MRCS/WUP-
FIN 2008), this Thesis focuses on the approach
that is particularly relevant for this Thesis, namely
Integrated Assessment.
Integrated Assessment (IA)
Integrated Assessment (IA) is an impact assessment
approach that, similarly to other integrated
approaches, builds on a holistic view and considers
multiple issues involving many stakeholders and
interests. While Integrated Assessment has been
most extensively used in climate change studies, it is
increasingly applied also in other elds: particularly
those related to environmental management and
sustainable development (Rotmans & van Asselt
1996; Rotmans 2006), but also in the water eld
(Letcher & Jakeman 2003; Letcher at al. 2005).
Although its ultimate scope is different, Integrated
Assessment thus provides an interesting reference
point for integrated water management approaches,
most importantly for IWRM.
Integrated Assessment has been dened as
55

(Rotmans 1998: 155):
a structured process of dealing with complex
issues, using knowledge from various
scientic disciplines and/or stakeholders,
such that integrated insights are made
available to decision makers.
The main difference to other types of impact
assessment is that Integrated Assessment looks at
particularly complex and multifaceted issues, with
an aim to understand and communicate further
these complexities through the utilisation of multi-
and interdisciplinary approaches in a process- based
context (Rotmans 1998). IA is thus essentially about
combining and communicating knowledge, and
the so-called IA toolkit therefore includes two kinds
of methods: analytical and participatory (Rotmans
1998, 2006; Harremos and Turner 2001).
Analytical methods are supply-driven, and provide
analytical framework for presenting knowledge in
an integrated manner with the help of methods
such as models, scenarios and risk assessment.
Participatory methods, including for instance
policy exercises, dialogues and mutual learning,
are more demand-driven, building on deliberative,
communicative processes with an aim to increase
the interaction between scientists, decision-makers
and stakeholders (Rotmans 1998; Harremos and
Turner 2001).
Integrated Assessment does not necessarily require
new research, as it aims to review and analyse
information derived from already existing research
(van der Sluijs 2002). Consequently, IA can be seen
to build on following three elements: scientic
basis, methods and practice (Rotmans 1998; Toth
and Hizsnyik 1998). Following from this, Integrated
55
Later on, Rotmans has also provided a more detailed definition (Rotmans
2006: 38-39): Integrated Assessment is the science that deals with an
integrated systems approach to complex societal problems embedded in a
process-based context. IA aims to analyse the multiple causes and impacts of
a complex problem in order to develop policy options for a strategic solution
of the problem in question. IA itself involves a process whereby IA tools
form the equipment to perform the assessment. Similarly to IWRM, there
are also alternative definitions, and for example Lee (2006: 58) notes that
integrated assessment covers three types of integration: Vertical integration
of assessments i.e. linking together separate impact assessments, ...Horizontal
integration of assessments i.e. bringing together different types of impacts,
and ...Integration of assessments into decision-making.
27
Assessment seeks to nd a balance between
various contradictory issues, including simplicity
vs. complexity; aggregation vs. disaggregation;
stochastic vs. deterministic; quantitative vs.
qualitative; exogenous vs. endogenous factors;
and social sciences vs. natural sciences (Rotmans
1998).
It is apparent that Integrated Assessment shares
many similarities with IWRM. Both approaches
aim to integrate differing views, sectors and
disciplines, and both are also struggling with
maintaining a balance between the theory and the
practice. In addition, both include toolboxes that
seek to provide practical guidance on how to carry
out the integration. At the same time Integrated
Assessment also has interesting distinctions
from IWRM. The literature on IA, for instance,
includes detailed discussions about the strengths
and weaknesses and general applicability of the
proposed IA methods. The analytical methods of
IA put equal emphasis to more technical analysis
methods such as models and to more innovative,
qualitative methods such as scenario building.
For me, however, the most important difference
between IA and IWRM is the prominence that IA
puts on communication: integration in IA is not
just about combining things together, but also very
much about interaction between different groups
of people in different settings. Related to this, IA
considers analytical and communicative methods
in an equal manner, the latter meaning methods
used for cooperation, communication and dialogue
between different people.
2.5 INTEGRATION IN RESEARCH
MULTI-DISCIPLINARY APPROACHES
Along with management and impact assessment,
also research is seeing increasing calls for
more comprehensive and systemic views
and, consequently, for integrated approaches.
This integrationist drive is most visible in the
development of multi-disciplinary research
approaches that aim towards greater integration
between different disciplines and research practices.
Such approaches are often open and interactive,
involving also non-scientic forms of knowledge.
This chapter provides a brief overview of four
such multi-disciplinary approaches. Although the
approaches are here discussed at general level,
they are well applicable in water-related research
due to the multidimensional nature of water and
its management. Indeed, the disciplines that
are considered critical for water management
are usually seen to include at least economics,
sociology, law, engineering, hydrology as well as
several sectoral disciplines such as forestry, land
use and agriculture
56
(COHS et al. 1991; Dingman
2002; Max-Neef 2005). Research approaches
that are actively interacting with non-researchers
most importantly managers and decision-
makers are also critical in bridging the much-
discussed gap between the theory and the practice
in environmental management (Lee 2006). It
is therefore no surprise that the signicance of
multi-disciplinary research practices is frequently
highlighted by integrated management and
assessment approaches, including IWRM and
Integrated Assessment.
Scientic disciplines
57
can generally be dened
by their core conceptions and assumptions as
well as by the acknowledged methods for valid
inquiry and problem formulation (Attwater et
al. 2005). A discipline thus provides the scientist
with an identity: it maintains an institutional
order and has its own professional standards as
well as publication and education procedures.
Disciplines are not, however, characterized only
by their subject matter, but also by the principle of
scientic reduction: disciplines usually focus their
analysis to certain, predened elements (Janssen
& Goldsworthy 1996). The science has during
the past decades experienced an unprecedented
56
Most of these disciplines naturally build on so-called basic or empirical
disciplines such as mathematics, statistics, biology, economics and soil
science (Dingman 2002; Max-Neef 2005).
57
The term discipline can be defined as a specific field of study that creates
its own branch of scientific knowledge.
28
period of differentiation to disciplinary units, with
the amount of disciplines counting already several
hundreds, if not thousands
58
(Ktter & Balsiger
1999).
Yet, as noted by Campbell (1969, quoted in
Ramadier 2004), the division of research into
separate disciplines is due to historical development
rather than to genuine scientic necessity. Indeed,
the current dominance of scientic disciplines and
their narrow and reductionistic focus has in many
cases led to overspecialisation with weak connection
to the actual challenges that the societies are facing
(see e.g. Janssen & Goldsworthy 1996; Ktter &
Balsiger 1999; Bruun et al. 2005; Taylor 2009). As
elegantly summarised by Scholz & Marks (2001):
society has problems, whereas universities have
departments
59
.
The current limitations in the production of
scientic knowledge are particularly visible in
the elds where different disciplines are naturally
closely connected, such as studies on land use,
urban development, natural resources and
water
60
. Consequently, there is a rising demand to
supplement the contemporary modes of scientic
knowledge production with ones that connect
ideas, methods and knowledge from several
different disciplines, aiming ultimately for more
problem-driven, context-specic and cooperative
research approaches (Gibbons et al. 1994; Scholz
& Marks 2001; Nowotny et al. 2003).
Similarly to environmental managers, the scientists
are thus experiencing a drive towards greater
integration. Also the reasons for the integration
58
German philosopher Jrgen Mittelstrass counted already over a decade
ago that the increasing differentiation of the scientific system has led to
approximately 4000 different disciplines (Mittelstrass 1996, quoted in Ktter
& Balsiger 1999).
59
It can even be questioned whether the term university is actually
accurate, as the current universities are more like multiversities divided
into separate departments and disciplines (Mikkeli & Pakkasvirta 2007).
Related to this, Taylor (2009) makes an interesting argument to replace
permanent university departments with problem-focused programs that
could have different themes, one of them water. See also discussion by
Delanty (1998) about the role that universities should have in todays society
focused on even obsessed with information as well as Max-Neef (2005:
5), who notes that uni-disciplinary education is still widely predominant
in all universities.
60
For example Noss & Cooperrider (1994: 80) note that the so-called
disciplinarianism by which they mean the partition of environmental
issues into separate disciplines and sectors has resulted in a fragmented
and inefficient pattern of natural resource management. Individuals trained
in one discipline work on problems in isolation from other specialists, even
within the same agency.
are analogous: integration aims to go around the
challenges with separate, disciplinary research
traditions, but it also seeks to facilitate sustainable
development. For it was the Agenda 21 of the
Earth Summit in 1992 that opened up a new area
of activity for the sciences the one dealing with
the theme sustainability, and also emphasised
that research on environment and development
should be carried out in an interdisciplinary and
integrated manner
61
(United Nations 1992b; Ktter
& Balsiger 1999).
These new, integrated modes of knowledge
production can be described in different ways.
Janssen & Goldsworthy (1996), for example,
name the main types of disciplinary integration as
additive, nondisciplinary, integrated and synthetic.
This Thesis, however, builds on the commonly used
notion of multi-disciplinarities that are usually seen
to include multidisciplinarity, crossdisciplinarity,
interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity
62
. As there
is not a clear, commonly agreed denition for these
partly overlapping approaches, I will next present
my own denitions and visualisations for them,
drawing on information from various sources
(Gibbons et al. 1994; Janssen & Goldsworthy
1996; Rapport 1997; Scholz & Marks 2001; van
den Besselaar & Heimeriks 2001; Lawrence &
Desprs 2004; Pinson 2004; Attwater et al. 2005;
Bruun et al. 2005; Max-Neef 2005; Willamo 2005;
Mki 2007; Mikkeli & Pakkasvirta 2007). While
unavoidably insufcient, such denitions will
hopefully nevertheless assist in understanding the
main differences between the research approaches,
and help to highlight their potential applicability
in the eld of water management.
61
Agenda 21 notes that the countries developing countries in particular
should develop specialists capable of working in interdisciplinary
programmes related to environment and development and that countries,
assisted by international organizations, non-governmental organizations and
other sectors, could strengthen or establish national or regional centres of
excellence in interdisciplinary research and education in environmental and
developmental sciences, law and the management of specific environmental
problems. (UN 1992b: 35.22, 36.5).
62
Also other terms exist, including pluridisciplinarity, intradisciplinarity,
co-disciplinarity, condisciplinarity and even post-disciplinarity (Janssen &
Goldsworthy 1996; Ktter & Balsiger 1999; Ramadier 2004; Max-Neef 2005;
Mki 2007). In addition, for example Ktter & Balsiger (1999) use the term
supradisciplinarity in a similar way than I use here the general term multi-
disciplinarity.
29
Multidisciplinarity
Multidisciplinarity can be seen to be the simplest
form of the four multi-disciplinary research
approaches, as it indicates viewing the topic from
a variety of disciplinary perspectives, but producing
specic disciplinary knowledge on it using
methods common for each discipline (Figure 3).
The members of a research team thus perform
their research separately and speak with separate
voices, and the disciplinary identities and contents
remain largely unchanged. In water management,
an example of this kind of multidisciplinarity is a
research team that includes experts from several
different disciplines e.g. hydrologist, limnologist,
agricultural economist, sociologist and botanist,
with the different experts studying the research
problem (e.g. potential impacts of a proposed
hydropower dam) independently, using methods
from their own disciplinary research traditions.
Given the focus of this Thesis, it is important
to note that most of the current management
and research teams in the Mekong Region and
indeed in general in water management fall
into this category (see Article VII) in case they
are not unidisciplinary, in other words including
members from just one main discipline such as
water engineering (see also Max-Neef 2005).
Crossdisciplinarity
Crossdisciplinarity takes one step forward from
multidisciplinarity, as it also includes crossing
disciplinary boundaries and interacting with
Figure 3 Simplied visualisations on how scientic disciplines (H, E, S) are used in an analysis of a research problem under
the three specic forms of multi-disciplinarity.
30
neighbouring knowledge domains and methods of
knowledge production (Figure 3). This interaction
can be either egalitarian or non-egalitarian: in the
former, the contents of different disciplines are
fused so that major parts of both are integrated with
one another, while in the latter the contents of one
discipline override those of other disciplines (Mki
2007). In both cases, the research topic is viewed
with different disciplinary angle and possibly
also with different methods than with a single
discipline. In many cases, crossdisciplinarity takes a
non-egalitarian form, and the research topic is thus
analysed primarily from a certain disciplines point
of view, with the analysis drawing on methods,
ideas and expertise from other disciplines as well.
Interdisciplinarity
Interdisciplinarity differs clearly from multi- and
crossdisciplinarity. Interdisciplinary approaches
63

integrate separate disciplinary data, methods, tools,
concepts and theories to create a holistic, systemic
view of a complex issue. Interdisciplinarity is
thus more than a simple sum of the parts, going
beyond single disciplines and doing much more
than merely bringing other points of view into
the picture, as in multi- or cross-disciplinary
studies (Rapport 1997: 289). For this reason,
interdisciplinarity also connects to the concept
of integration, and the noun integration and the
adjective integrative are both used to describe this
specic form of disciplinarity (Bruun et al. 2005).
Interdisciplinarity thus aims to address the research
topic without the constraints of different disciplines,
using methods that seem to be most appropriate
for a particular problem and context (Figure 3).
An interdisciplinary research approach is thus
application-orientated, and it views critically the
underlying assumptions of different disciplines
and can create its own theoretical and conceptual
63
There are different forms of interdisciplinarity, and for instance Bruun et
al. (2005) recognise instrumental, strategic, pragmatic, opportunistic, critical
and reflexive forms. They also note that when a combination of two or more
disciplines has a relatively long history of integration as well as established
structures, traditions, methods and a paradigm, such combination may turn
into a new discipline altogether. Indeed, as noted by Mikkeli & Pakkasvirta
(2007), many fields of science such as sociology or water sciences have by
their very nature always been interdisciplinary.
identity and even new discipline-free theories and
methods. An example of interdisciplinary research
team would be one with multiple disciplinary
experts that comes together, starts by dening
jointly the research problem, and then decides
by which kinds of theories and methods existing
or entirely new the team is going to tackle the
problem together.
Transdisciplinarity
Transdisciplinarity provides one signicant step
forward from the other forms of multi-disciplinarity,
shifting from the mixing of disciplines towards
the fusion of disciplines (Lawrence & Desprs
2004). Transdisciplinarity is commonly considered
as a process of creative transcendence of
disciplinary perspectives, whereby a framework for
characterizing larger level processes transcends the
frameworks used to characterize its parts (Rapport
1997; Attwater et al. 2005). As noted by Max-
Neef (2005: 15): transdisciplinarity is a different
manner of seeing the world, more systemic and
more holistic.
Similarly to interdisciplinarity, transdisciplinarity
thus draws on a particular context of application with
its own theoretical structures and methodological
practices that are often not locatable on the
prevailing disciplinary map
64
(Gibbons et al. 1994).
Contrary to the other forms of multi-disciplinarity,
transdisciplinarity also forms a collaborative
research and problem solving approach that crosses
both disciplinary boundaries and the different
sectors of society, including their ways of producing
and using knowledge. Consequently, as noted by
Nicolescu (1996, quoted in Ramadier 2004),
transdisciplinarity is at the same time between
the disciplines, across the different disciplines and
beyond the disciplines.
64
The concepts of interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity have plenty in
common and they are sometimes used interchangeably. However, as noted
by Lawrence & Desprs (2004), the difference between the two is visible
already in the Latin prefix trans, indicating transgress of the boundaries
defined by traditional disciplinary modes of enquiry. In transdisciplinary
research the focus is thus on the organisation of knowledge around
complex heterogeneous domains, rather than around the disciplines into
which knowledge is commonly organised (as is the case with other multi-
disciplinary research approaches, including interdisciplinarity).
31
In this way, transdisciplinarity moves away from the
idea of science about the society towards science for
and with the society (Gibbons et al. 1994; Scholz
& Marks 2001). It thus challenges and expands
the traditional concept of expertise, shifting it
from the limited sphere of scientists to include
also other actors within the society (Figure 4).
Transdisciplinarity has close linkages similarly to
other multi-disciplinary approaches to the broader
discussion about the ways to produce knowledge,
including the roles of non-scientic forms of
knowledge in enhancing the understanding of the
society and its interactions with nature (see e.g.
Kuhn 1970; Gibbons et al. 1994; Nowotny et al.
2001). Related to this, Gibbons et al. (1994) include
the transdisciplinarity as one fundamental element
for their much-discussed Mode 2 of knowledge
production
65
. An example of a transdisciplinary
research team would therefore extend the idea of
interdisciplinary team, with the team consisting
not of only scientists, but also other actors having
ideas and knowledge on a particular problem.
65
In their well-known book The New Production of Knowledge, Gibbons
et al. (1994) named the more application-orientated, socially accountable
and transdisciplinary form of knowledge production as Mode 2 to highlight
its differences to the conventional, more academic and discipline-based
knowledge production (Mode 1). For many, Mode 1 is identical with what is
commonly meant by science.
Discussion about different disciplinarities
The discussion presented above sought to provide
concise denitions for the different types of multi-
disciplinary research approaches to understand
better their use and applicability in water
management. Such a short introduction is, however,
by no means exhaustive, and naturally also other
ways of conceptualising different disciplinarities
exist. Among the most interesting denitions in
this regard is the classication provided by Max-
Neef (2005), who denes the different types of
multi-disciplinarities with the help of hierarchical
levels of disciplines. Max-Neef (2005) recognises
four such levels: Empirical level, Pragmatic level,
Normative level, and Value level.
Empirical level is seen to include disciplines such
as mathematics, chemistry, geology and economics,
and it aims to ask and answer the question What
exists?. Pragmatic level includes then more
applied disciplines such as engineering, agriculture
and medicine and focuses on the question What
are we capable of doing?, while normative level
includes disciplines such as planning politics and
environmental design and answers the question
What is it we want to do?. Finally, value level
includes themes such as ethics, philosophy and
Figure 4 A simplied visualisation on how scientic disciplines (H, E, S) and other forms of knowledge production (, ##)
are used in a transdisciplinary analysis of a research problem.
32
theology, and asks and answers the fundamental
question How should we do what we want to do?
(Figure 5).
Based on these hierarchical levels, Max-Neef (2005)
denes multidisciplinarity and crossdisciplinarity
(that he calls pluridisciplinarity) in a rather similar
way than I have done above. The biggest differences
are, however, related to his conceptualisations of
interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity. For Max-
Neef (2005), interdisciplinarity builds around the
notion of coordination, indicating the coordination
of lower hierarchical levels from a higher one.
With the four hierarchical levels presented
above, such a denition leads to three different
interdisciplinarities: values interdiscipline,
normative interdiscipline, and pragmatic
interdiscipline. Transdisciplinarity, on the other
hand, is the result of coordination between all
hierarchical levels, and any multiple vertical
relations including all levels can therefore be
regarded as a transdisciplinary action (Figure 5)
(Max-Neef 2005)
66
.
66
For Max-Neef (2005: 9) this kind of definition for transdisciplinarity is just
weak transdisciplinarity, as it is based on practical and simplified approach,
addressed towards the applicability. While this kind of conceptualisation
is sufficient in the practical context of this Thesis, Max-Neef (2005) also
provides a conceptualisation for much more theoretical transdisciplinarity
(so-called strong transdisciplinarity) that builds on three fundamental
pillars: the two levels of reality, the principle of the included middle, and
complexity.
More generally, it is important to note that
the move towards greater interaction between
disciplines is not without problems either. The
understanding of the different multi-disciplinary
concepts is often weak, and as a result their actual
practices can still be planned and implemented
through specic disciplinary views as seems to be
the case in the Mekong, too (Article VII). It is also
obvious that multi-disciplinary research approaches
can never fully replace disciplinary approaches,
but they are rather complementing them in the
situations where disciplinary views are considered
to be inadequate. The real signicance of multi-
disciplinary research approaches is therefore the
fact that they provide an altogether new view for
a specic research problem, and that such a novel
view may help to nd new kinds of solutions for the
problem
67
(Mikkeli & Pakkasvirta 2007).
67
The discussion about multi-disciplinary research approaches also links to
the more fundamental debate about science and its role in the society. For
example Balsiger (2004) raises the question about the drivers for increased
interaction between the science and the society, suggesting that there is
actually no real scientific need for transdisciplinarity, but that it has become
popular only because it has been favoured by the policy-makers. Weingart
(2001, quoted in Balsiger 2004) takes even more radical stance, concluding
that the underlying epistemological core of the entire debate is located much
deeper than at the level of how to cross disciplinary boundaries: instead,
Weingart suggests that the key question is whether there is a new argument
emerging in science to prefer practical reason against the traditional
pretension of truth.
Figure 5 The disciplinary pyramid of Max-Neef (2005), based on the four hierarchical levels of disciplines: empirical (the
lowest), pragmatic, normative and value level. Transdisciplinarity is seen to consist of vertical relations including all four
levels.
The geographic focus of this Thesis is the Mekong
Region in Southeast Asia, and particularly the
transboundary Mekong River Basin and the
related Tonle Sap Lake area in Cambodia. While
the thematic and methodological discussion may
be applicable also elsewhere, it is important to
note that all studies and analyses described in this
Thesis apply particularly to this geographical and
geopolitical area. Focus on the Mekong Region also
connects this Thesis to the eld of development
research with its specic implications
68
. As
the various aspects of the Mekong Region are,
however, discussed in detail in the appended
articles, this chapter provides only a summary of
the main characteristics of the river basin and its
institutional setting.
The Mekong River also called the Mother
of Rivers
69
is among the greatest rivers of the
world: it is the 10
th
largest in the world both with
its estimated length of 4909 km and the mean
annual ow of 475 km
3
(Shaochuang et al. 2007;
MRC 2005; Article I; Article VII). The Mekong is
also one of the worlds most pristine large rivers,
as its ow hasnt yet been irreversibly modied by
68
Although the developmental dimension of this research is not a particular
focus of this Thesis, it has nevertheless been central in guiding the research
questions, theories and methods presented. This can also be seen to create
certain fundamental challenges, as most of such terms and theories are
drawing on the ideas, views and practices of the so-called Global North and
are therefore by no means completely neutral. For more discussion on the
issue, see the critical views on development by Sachs (1992b), Esteva (1992)
and Cornwall & Brock (2005), the critique by Linton (2008) on the one-
sidedness of the concept of hydrological cycle, the interesting account of
Molle (2008) about the nirvana concepts prevalent in the todays water field
as well as the fascinating article of Rahaman et al. (2004) on the mismatches
between the EU Water Framework Directive and IWRM.
69
The Mekong River has different names in different riparian countries.
In China, the river is called Lancang Jiang, while in Thailand the rivers
name originates from the Thai epithet of the river, Mae Nam Khong, which
means the Mother of the Rivers. In Laos and Cambodia the river is known
with similar name: Menam Khong and Mekongk, respectively. In Vietnam,
the river and its delta is referred to by name Cuu Long, meaning nine-tailed
dragon (jendal 2000).
3 Mekong River Basin
33
large infrastructure
70
(MRC 2005, Article II). The
annual monsoon rains are responsible for the so-
called ood pulse that annually creates vast and
highly productive oodplains into the lower part
of the river basin.
The Mekong and its ood pulse system facilitates
probably the most abundant freshwater sheries
in the world, with hundreds of sh species and
approximately 2.6 million tonnes harvested
annually from the Lower Mekong Basin alone
(Poulsen et al. 2002; Sverdrup-Jensen 2002;
Coates et al. 2003; Hortle 2007). Not surprisingly,
the sheries in the basin are critical for the food
security and livelihoods of the entire region. Also
the economic value of the Mekong sheries is
remarkable, with the current estimates of the
rst-sale value being around US$ 2 billion per
year (Dugan 2008). Due to the lack of reliable,
long-term data, however, the estimates on sh
and sheries in the region remain sketchy,
and the reliability of sheries statistics can be
questioned in many areas, including the Tonle
Sap Lake (Lamberts 2006). The role of sheries
in supporting the economy and the livelihoods has
also been frequently downplayed in the national
and regional development plans, particularly in
those related to hydropower development (Friend
et al. 2009).
The Mekong River is a major transboundary river
and its basin reaches to the area of six different
countries; China, Burma/Myanmar, Thailand,
Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. The river and
its tributaries have different social, economic
70
Strongly modified waterscapes are naturally also found within the basin:
the Mekong Delta of Vietnam is a particularly interesting example of water
regime intensively regulated by human interventions (see e.g. Miller 2003;
Kknen 2008).
34
and cultural roles in different riparian countries
(Table 1). In the primarily rural economies
of Cambodia, Laos and the Mekong Delta of
Vietnam, the river is the lifeline of the local people
as it enables the livelihoods for millions of shers
and farmers. Although not accessible for large-
scale navigation, the Mekong River is an important
navigation route particularly for landlocked Laos
and the Yunnan Province of China. The river
and its tributaries are also important sources of
hydropower, and consequently, energy and income
for the riparian countries (Article I).
The Mekong River Basin is often divided into
two main parts, the Upper Basin and the Lower
Basin
71
. China and Burma form the Upper Basin
71
Most international publications on Mekong including this Thesis
focus on the Lower Mekong Basin. This has much to do with the heavy
international involvement in the Lower Mekong that has also made English
the lingua franca of the area. As noted by Diokno & Chinh (2006), such
an emphasis has also historical reasons: the concept of Mekong has been
strongly influenced by the mid-19
th
Century French explorations of the river
and the subsequent colonisation over much of the area in the Lower Mekong
Basin.
that constitutes approximately 24 % of the total
catchment area and 18 % of the total annual ow
(MRC 2005; Article I). Similarly to many other
great rivers of Asia, including the Yangtze, the
Salween, the Irrawaddy and the Red, the Mekong
River has its origins in the Tibetan Plateau of
China at around 4500 metres above sea level.
From there the river ows through the territories of
China, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam touching
on the way the borders of Burma and Thailand
to the South China Sea. The total catchment
area of the Mekong is estimated to be around
795000 km
2
(MRC 2005), although also larger
estimate of 816000 km
2
has been provided more
recently by Kummu (2008) (Table 2).
Table 1 The main functions, impacts and threats related to the Mekong River and its tributaries in ve Mekong riparian
countries (modied from Article I). Burma/Myanmar has been excluded from the table due the lack of reliable information
and the small signicance of the Mekong for the country.
Main use / function
Major feared impacts
caused by the country
Major threats to the country
China
Hydropower,
transportation route
Dams causing ow changes
(e.g. levelling out the oods) and
trapping of sediments and nutrients
Lack of energy and
transportation routes
Thailand
Water for irrigation and
other uses, incl. hydropower
Environmental degradation,
ow changes
Lack of water for irrigation,
lack of energy
Laos
Hydropower, navigation,
aquatic resources
Dams causing ow changes and
sediment trapping, mainstream
dams blocking sh migration
Lack of energy and related
income + impacts to agriculture
and shing, river bank erosion,
Cambodia
Aquatic resources,
irrigation, possibly
hydropower
Planned mainstream dams blocking
sh migration, negative impacts
due to unsustainable sheries
management
Changes in oodplains,
particularly in Tonle Sap
! impacts to sh & agriculture
Vietnam
Irrigation (Delta), hydro-
power (Central Highlands)
Increasing environmental
degradation and water quality
problems in the delta due
to intensive agriculture and
aquaculture and dense population
Decreased dry season water ows;
increasing saline water intrusion
and impacts to irrigation. Sedi-
ment trapping by dams affecting
deltaic processes.
35
3.1 MEKONG MORE THAN A RIVER
Although in hydrological terms the focus of this
Thesis is on the Mekong River Basin, many of
the issues discussed apply to and take place in the
broader context of the Mekong Region. While the
former is an entity dened by physical boundaries
i.e. the watershed of the Mekong River, the latter
is commonly dened through administrative in
other words man-made boundaries of Cambodia,
Laos, Burma/Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam and
Chinas Yunnan Province
72
. Consequently, in this
Thesis the Mekong Region is dened to cover
the territories as well as environmental, social,
economic, political, cultural and institutional
aspects of the riparian countries and areas (Kaosa-
ard & Dore 2003).
Such a broad view is particularly important
now when the Mekong Region is undergoing
rapid transitions socially, economically and
environmentally (see e.g. Varis et al 2008b; Molle
et al. 2009; Article I; Article VII). Economies of the
riparian countries are stabilizing after the political
turbulence of several decades, and development
pressures towards regions natural resources are
vast. Water is related to these changes in a very
profound manner, and the Mekong River and its
tributaries are seeing increasing plans for water
72
China is too big a country to be included entirely into the region.
Consequently, the Mekong Region is commonly defined to cover
geographically only the Yunnan Province of China, and sometimes also
the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. However, institutionally and
politically Chinas central government and related ministries in Beijing are
naturally an important part of the Mekong Region as well.
resources development. The estimated impacts of
the planned development vary among regional,
national and local levels and across different
timescales, inuencing societies, politics and the
environment in a variety of ways (see e.g. IUCN
et al. 2007; MRCS/WUP-FIN 2007; Varis et al.
2008b; Keskinen et al. in press; Article II; Article
III; Article VI; Article VII). At the same time new
driving forces, most importantly climate change,
are entering the discussion, affecting the ways
the water resources are being used and developed
(Eastham et al 2008; TKK & SEA START RC 2009;
Keskinen et al. 2010). Decisions about the forms of
water development will therefore have profound
and far-reaching implications throughout the basin
and the region (Varis et al. 2008b; Keskinen et al.
in press; Article I; Article VII).
This kind of broader denition for the Mekong also
highlights the need to look at water management in
broader institutional and political context (see e.g.
Allan 2003a; Molle et al. 2009; Article I). While the
waters of the Mekong are following the physical
boundaries of the watershed, the institutional and
political aspects of water management reach far
beyond the physical watershed, most importantly
to the capitals of the riparian countries and to
the ofces of regional organisations, development
Table 2 The catchment areas and propositional average ows of the Mekong in the riparian countries
(modied from MRC 2005).
China Burma Laos Thailand Cambodia Vietnam
Catchment area (km
2
) 165 000 24 000 202 000 184 000 155 000 65 000
% of total catchment 21% 3% 25% 23% 19% 8%
% of annual ow 16% 2% 35% 18% 18% 11%
PART II The Context - Mekong River Basin
36
banks, private investors and donors
73
. Both the
problems and the solutions related to water
management reach thus beyond the physical
watershed, to the area that can be referred to
as a problemshed (see e.g. Mollinga et al. 2007)
or as I more optimistically prefer to call it a
solutionshed.
3.2 CURRENT PLANS FOR WATER
DEVELOPMENT
The human impact on water resources has
increased dramatically during the last decades all
over the world, with engineering projects producing
global-scale impacts on the terrestrial water cycle
(Vrsmarty & Sahagian 2000; WWAP 2009). The
Mekong River is one of the few large river basins
that has not yet been irreversibly modied by large-
scale water infrastructure. While the rst dams in
the Mekong mainstream and several dams in the
tributaries have already been built, ow regimes
in the lower-reaches of the mainstream are still
essentially relatively natural (MRC 2005; Sarkkula
et al. 2009; Article II).
Such conditions may not last much longer, as
the river basin is seeing rapid changes in land use
and an increasing amount of plans for large-scale
water infrastructure (King et al. 2007; Kummu
& Varis 2007; Kummu et al. 2009; MRC 2008a;
Rowcroft 2008; Middleton et al. 2009; Article VII).
Huge hydropower dams as well as water diversions,
irrigation structures and roads are planned in
different parts of the basin, with number of dams on
the tributaries and several also on the mainstream.
Out of the different infrastructure projects, large-
scale hydropower dams are expected to have the
most radical impacts for the river ows and related
ecosystems.
There are currently so many plans for hydropower
development in the basin that it is challenging to just
keep a track of all of them particularly when such
73
Out of the six riparian countries, only Laos and Cambodia have their
capitals within the Mekong River Basin, while out of the different regional
organisations only the Mekong River Commission has its headquarters in the
actual river basin. Most other regional offices including the GMS Program,
the UN organisations and the ADB are located outside the basin or even
outside the entire region.
plans have traditionally not really been discussed
in the public. A recent inventory of existing and
potential hydropower projects in the six Mekong
countries came up with a total of 261 hydropower
projects in the region, including 122 projects in
the Mekong River Basin (King et al. 2007). Out
of this total, an estimated 14 projects were under
construction and 78 large projects identied as
potential sites within the basin. In autumn 2008,
the Mekong River Commission published a map
indicating the location of dams planned in the
Lower Mekong Basin (Figure 6). When combined
with available information from China, this data
includes 28 existing hydropower dams as well as an
estimated 14 dams that are under construction and
additional 101 dams that are at the planning stage,
most of them in Laos (MRC 2008a).
Notable in this data is that it indicates plans for
mainstream dams also outside China, including
eight dams in Laos, two in Cambodia and one
in the border area of Laos and Thailand (MRC
2008b). These would be the rst dams to be
located in the Lower Mekong mainstream and also
rst mainstream dams to be constructed by a MRC
member country, inuencing profoundly the
nature of the decade-long cooperation in the Lower
Mekong Basin (Article I). Such plans have already
led the MRC to strengthen its impact assessment
processes, including Strategic Environmental
Assessment of mainstream dams, an establishment
of IWRM-Based Basin Development Strategy
(MRC 2009a: 1) as well as an extensive assessment
procedure looking at hydrological, environmental,
social, economic and sh-related impacts of various
different water development scenarios (MRC
2009b, 2009c).
It is therefore clear that the next decades are
likely to see an increasing amount of large-scale
hydropower development both in the upper and
lower parts of the Mekong River Basin. The actual
impacts of these dams will naturally depend on
their amount, location and storage capacity as
well as on their operational procedures. In any
case, their cumulative impacts are estimated to
be remarkable, with the sh productivity being
affected most negatively (see e.g. MRCS/WUP-FIN
37
CHINA
THAILAND
LAOS
VIETNAM
CAMBODIA
HANOI
Pakse
Kratie
BANGKOK
Mukdahan
VIENTIANE
PHNOM PENH
Chiang Saen
Luang Prabang
Ho Chi Minh City
1100'0"E
1100'0"E
1000'0"E
1000'0"E
300'0"N
300'0"N
200'0"N
200'0"N
100'0"N
100'0"N
500
km
Legend
Cities
Existing dams (mainstream/tributaries)
Planned dams (mainstream/tributaries)
Country boundary
Mekong Basin
South
China Sea
Vietnam
Myanmar
Tonle
Sap Lake
Figure 6 The map of the Mekong River Basin, including existing (darker) and planned (lighter) hydropower dams.
Map by Matti Kummu, modied from MRC (2008a).
38
2007; Dugan 2008; Kummu et al. 2008; Kummu
& Sarkkula 2008; Friend et al. 2009; Sarkkula et
al. 2009; Keskinen et al. in press; Article II; Article
VII). This, in turn, is very likely to have dramatic
negative consequences for the food security and
livelihoods of millions of people living in the basin.
The planned water development therefore brings
entirely new challenges for the water management,
challenging the existing institutional settings and
assessment practices. Indeed, integrated water
management is needed in the Mekong Region
more badly than ever before.
3.3 TONLE SAP LAKE
The Cambodias Tonle Sap Lake is the largest body
of freshwater in Southeast Asia and a key part of
the Mekong hydrological system (MRC 2005).
The lake is known for its exceptional ood pulse
system with remarkable seasonal variation between
the dry and wet seasons, and the livelihoods
that are adapted to this seasonal variation. The
importance of the Tonle Sap oodplains extends,
however, much further, and the Tonle Sap can be
considered to be the most important oodplain
complex in the entire Mekong River Basin due
to its critical importance for the ood dynamics
and its remarkable aquatic production (Poulsen et
al. 2002; Keskinen 2003; Keskinen & Varis 2005;
MRCS/WUP-FIN 2007; Article III). For this reason
the Tonle Sap has even been dubbed as the Heart
of the Mekong (Article III).
The unique hydrology of the Tonle Sap is closely
connected to and dominated by the Mekong
River
74
. The lake is connected to the Mekong
through 120 km long Tonle Sap River, with the two
rivers meeting in the Cambodian capital Phnom
Penh (Figure 7). During the southwest monsoon,
the water level in the Mekong River rises faster than
that in the lake, and as a result part of the oodwaters
runs to the Tonle Sap River. This causes the entire
river to reverse its ow back towards the Tonle Sap
74
Out of the total average inflow to the Tonle Sap Lake (79.0 km
3
), more
than half (57%) originates from the Mekong River either as inflow through
the Tonle Sap River (52%) or as overland flow (5%), with the share of the
Tonle Saps own tributaries being around 30% and that of precipitation some
13% (MRCS/WUP-FIN 2007).
Lake: a hydrological phenomenon unique for the
river of this size. The lake thus loses its only outlet,
and the ood waters extend to large oodplain
areas surrounding the lake: the average surface
area of the lake rises from around 3000 km
2
during
the dry season to a maximum of up to 14500 km
2

(MRC 2005; MRCS/WUP-FIN 2007a; Article III).
The variation of the lakes water level is equally
stunning, ranging from less than a metre during
the dry season to over 10 metres during the wet
season (MRC 2005; MRCS/WUP-FIN 2007a).
The Tonle Sap is therefore exceptional for a lake
of its size, as the impacts of any environmental
change whether due to climate change,
hydropower development or other drivers are felt
as a combination of changes in its own basin and
that of the Mekong River. The actual impact basin
of the Tonle Sap Lake is thus not merely the lake
basin (86000 km
2
), but the entire Mekong River
Basin upstream from the Tonle Sap (680000 km
2
).
This, naturally, makes the assessment of potential
impacts to the area a particular challenge, and also
makes the management of the lake area very much
a regional issue as well (Keskinen et al. 2010).
The extraordinary water regime of the Tonle Sap
Lake has resulted in an exceptional and highly
productive oodplain ecosystem, and the lake
is considered to be among the most productive
freshwater ecosystems and shing grounds in the
world (Rainboth 1996; jendal 2000; Lamberts
2001, 2006). Flooded forests and shrubs offer
valuable shelter and breeding grounds for sh,
and migration of different sh species between the
Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong River is extensive.
During the inow there is mostly a passive migration
of eggs, fry and sh to the Tonle Sap Lake and its
oodplains. Later, great amounts of sh follow the
receding oodwater back to the lake and nally
back to the Mekong River, while numerous species,
mainly so-called black shes, stay in the lake and
adjacent water bodies inhabiting them throughout
the year (Lamberts 2001; Baran 2005; Nikula 2005;
Article III).
39
The Tonle Sap ecosystem forms a particularly
important economic, social and environmental
resource for the entire Mekong Basin and for
Cambodia in particular. It is estimated that the
Tonle Saps resources form a central source of
livelihoods and food for well over million people
living in the lake and its oodplains (Bonheur
& Lane 2002; Keskinen 2003; Evans et al. 2004;
Lamberts 2006; Article III). The socio-economic
setting in the area is as diverse as its ecosystem,
and the local livelihoods are well adapted to the
remarkable and still relatively regular seasonal
variations. The close connection between the ood
pulse and the peoples livelihoods is emphasised by
the fact that the levels of livelihood in the region
tend to have similar strong seasonal character as
the lakes water level (Article III).
3.4 INSTITUTIONAL SETTING
Institutional frameworks play a key role in integrated
water management and, more generally, in water
governance
75
(GWP 2000; UNESCO-WWAP
2006). Understanding the institutional setting
related to the use, development and management
of Mekongs resources is therefore one of the
prerequisites for making recommendations related
to the water management in the region. As the
institutional setting and governance issues are,
however, discussed extensively in the appended
articles (see e.g. Article I; Article II; Article III)
and several other documents (see e.g. Ostrom
1990; Bakker 1999; jendal 2000; MREG 2001;
Badenoch 2002; jendal et al. 2002; Ratner
75
Although the terms institution and organisation are often used
interchangeably, there are certain differences between the two. As noted
by Svendsen et al. (2005), institutions provide structure and regularity to
everyday life by guiding human interaction. Organisations, on the other
hand, are structures of recognised and accepted roles, created intentionally
within the existing web of institutions and being also greatly influenced by
such a web. See also discussion about institutions in Chapter 4.
Prek Kdam
Siem Reap
Battambang
Kampong Thom
Kampong Chhnang
PHNOM PENH
1050'0"E 1040'0"E 1030'0"E
130'0"N
120'0"N
50
km
National roads
Rivers
Permanent water
Floodplain
Country boundary
Tonle Sap
Lake
T
o
n
l
e

S
a
p

R
i
v
e
r
M
e
k
o
n
g
Figure 7 The map of the Tonle Sap Lake area, showing the permanent lake and the oodplain as well as the Tonle Sap River.
Modied from Kummu (2008).
40
2003; Sobeck 2003; Goh 2004; Lebel et al. 2005,
2007; Diokno & Chienh 2006; Hirsch et al. 2006;
Phillips et al. 2006; Sneddon & Fox 2006; Sokhem
& Sunada 2006, 2008; Dore 2007; Dore & Lazarus
2009; Molle et al. 2009), this Chapter provides just
a brief overview to the subject.
The waters in the Mekong River Basin are like
in any other transboundary river basin managed
through a plethora of formal and informal
institutional arrangements located at different scales,
ranging from local water user groups to ministries
and to regional organisations and platforms. The
institutions located at same scale are equally many,
meaning that the number of institutions related
to water management is high both vertically and
horizontally. As these different institutions have all
their own specic views, interests and policies on
water, competition and overlaps are usually at least
as common as cooperation between the different
institutes. This doesnt, however, make Mekong
any different to most other water management
contexts, as overlaps and rivalries between different
management institutions are commonplace in the
water eld in general. It is therefore no wonder
that the institutional development is together with
increased cooperation frequently mentioned as
a precondition for successful water management
(GWP 2000; UNESCO-WWAP 2006; UN-Water
2008; WWAP 2009).
The specic institutional setting of the Mekong
Region is next discussed through two case studies;
one focusing on the regional scale and the
functioning of a regional river basin organisation
(the Mekong River Commission), and the other
on national and local scale through an overview
of the formal institutional setting in the Tonle Sap
Lake area in Cambodia (see also Article I, Article II,
Article III, Article VI).
Regional scale: the case of MRC
The key regional organisation responsible for
water management in the Mekong River Basin
is the Mekong River Commission (MRC). The
MRC was formed in 1995 by the four Lower
Mekong countries of Cambodia, Laos, Thailand
and Vietnam, and its current strategy emphasises
strongly the concept of IWRM
76
. Indeed, the
MRCs vision and mission statements are well in
line with the general denition of IWRM
77
(Varis
& Keskinen 2003; Article IV).
The functioning of the MRC and its two predecessors
present a fascinating example on the possibilities
and the limitations of regional cooperation in
a transboundary river basin. The MRC is often
considered as one of the most advanced examples
of international water cooperation, and the
Mekong cooperation has even been cited to be the
most successful in the developing world
78
(jendal
2000; Jacobs 2002; Phillips et al. 2006; Article I).
The formal institutional setting of the MRC is
well-established, consisting of National Mekong
Committees (NMCs) and related governmental
ministries in the member countries as well as the
regional secretariat, the MRCS
79
(MRC 2006a).
Yet, despite these advanced characteristics, the
actual functioning of the MRC has been severely
restrained, and the MRC has been largely
sidelined from the key decision-making processes
related to the water development in the basin. One
considerable reason for this is that the MRC operates
only in the Lower Mekong Basin, and it is thus not
corresponding with one of the most frequently
highlighted prerequisites of water management,
namely that a management organisation should
coincide with the physical watershed of the basin
(Phillips et al. 2006). This situation has been
particularly critical during recent years with
China the most upstream Mekong country and
76
The MRC adopted an IWRM approach at its Twelfth Council Meeting in
December 2005, with an aim to achieve a balanced approach to development
based on contemporary development principles (MRC 2006a). Later on,
the MRC has further strengthened its adoption of IWRM, taking it as the
foundation for it basin development strategy (MRC 2009a).
77
According to MRC (No date: i), the MRCs vision for the Mekong River
Basin is An economically prosperous, socially just and environmentally
sound Mekong River Basin.
78
Phillips et al. (2006: 107), for example, note that International
cooperation in the lower Mekong River Basin is historically well-entrenched,
institutionally genuine and seemingly comprehensive. The Strategic Plan
for 20012005 of the MRC could have been taken out of a textbook on
transboundary water management.
79
As discussed in Article I, however, the MRC and NMCs have also been
criticised for their focus on formal government institutes and processes as
well as for the lack of transparency, accountability and participation.
41
a non-member of MRC pushing forward with its
intensive hydropower dam projects in the Mekong
mainstream.
As discussed in Article I, however, even bigger
challenge for the functioning of the MRC is
internal. The governments of four MRC member
countries are hesitant to give up even a small part
of their national sovereignty, chiey for the fear that
the MRC cooperation would considerably slow
down their plans for the utilisation of the Mekong.
As a result the MRC has turned into a kind of
institutional smokescreen: with the existence of
the MRC the water management in the Mekong
River Basin looks to be relatively well coordinated,
when in reality it is not. In addition, all Mekong
countries favour broader economic cooperation
mechanisms and institutes over the more narrowly
focused MRC. As a result other modalities of
regional cooperation increasingly determine the
cooperation over the Mekong and its resources
and, consequently, also the role of the MRC in the
region.
National and local scales:
the case of the Tonle Sap Lake
The institutional setting for the Tonle Saps
management consists of an interesting potpourri
of institutions with differing interests at various
scales. Due to its signicance for whole Cambodia
and the entire Mekong River, most of the formal
management institutions for the Tonle Sap Lake
have national dimension, including ministries and
area-specic organisations. At the same time the
uniqueness of Tonle Saps biodiversity means that
the conservation and the management of Tonle
Sap is also a regional and even global issue, and the
Tonle Sap is for example included in the UNESCO
World Network of Biosphere Reserves (Bonheur &
Lane 2002). There naturally exist also diversity of
local management institutions, both formal and
informal (see e.g. Evans et al. 2004; Middleton &
Tola 2008; Article VI). However, as the possibilities
of local management institutions to participate in
the formal decision-making processes related to
water are often very weak, the local institutions
remain detached from the general management
frameworks
80
.
Traditionally, the Royal Government of Cambodia
and its provincial line agencies have seen the
Tonle Sap and its resources as an important source
of national revenue, mainly due to the immense
sh production of the area. As a result, both
the institutional arrangements and the policies
related to the Tonle Saps management have
been framed so that the Fisheries Administration
under the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and
Fisheries forms the key management institution in
the area (Keskinen & Sithirith 2010; Article VI).
The Fisheries Administration controls all the
shing activities in the lake and the oodplains,
including the peculiar system of commercial
shing lots
81
.
Past decade has, however, seen increased calls for
diversifying this institutional setting, particularly
through better consideration of environment and
livelihoods (see e.g. Mareth et al. 2001; Sokhem
& Sunada 2006; MRC 2007; Article III; Article
IV). The rst concrete step towards this was taken
in 2001 with the establishment of the Tonle Sap
Biosphere Reserve (TSBR) and its secretariat.
Despite its name, the TSBR doesnt focus just
on environmental protection, but it was given
three complementary functions: conservation,
development and logistics. The TSBR Secretariat
was set to strengthen cooperation between
ministries, agencies, local authorities and
communities concerned for the protection
and sustainable management of the Tonle Sap
Biosphere Reserve (Royal Government of
Cambodia 2001: 6). Notable is that the TSBR
Secretariat was established under the Cambodian
National Mekong Committee (CNMC), forming
thus an intimate connection to the regional
Mekong River Commission.
80
jendal (2000) links the lack of local participation in water management
in Cambodia to following issues: cultural perceptions of power and authority,
a legacy from the authoritarian centralist socialist system of the 1980s, a
result from weak institutional structures, the legacies of Khmer Rouge era,
and an emerging aid dependence syndrome.
81
Fishing lots are geographical concessions auctioned to the highest bidder
for a certain period, providing an exclusive right to catch fish within the lot
(Article VI).
42
In reality, the institutional cooperation in the
management of the Tonle Sap has remained
scarce, and the functioning of the TSBR has been
challenged particularly by its competition with
the Fisheries Administration over the control of
the Tonle Sap. Although the Biosphere Reserve is
basically applicable throughout the lake-oodplain
area, in practice the TSBR Secretariat has full
authority only over the three conservational core
areas that form a small part of the entire area. In
addition, the three core areas also partly overlap
with shing lots that remain under the control of
the Fisheries Administration. The overlaps between
the biosphere reserve areas and commercial
shing lots produce conicts of interests in both
the oodplain and the lake proper, and the two
key characteristics of the Tonle Sap sheries and
conservation are therefore both spatially and
institutionally contested (Bonheur & Lane 2002;
Keskinen & Sithirith 2010).
One way to solve this kind of institutional impasse
could be an establishment of a broad, non-sectoral
management institute for the area. Recent years
have seen two such initiatives: the ADB-led Tonle
Sap Basin Management Organisation (TSBMO)
and the Tonle Sap Basin Authority (TSBA). Both of
these initiatives aimed to enhance the coordination
of different, often conicting interests on the area.
While the establishment of TSBMO was prepared
for several years with considerable resources, it was
ultimately never established (ADB 2006; Keskinen
& Sithirith 2010). Instead, the Government of
Cambodia proceeded to establish a stronger and
more authoritative management organisation, the
Tonle Sap Basin Authority (TSBA), in September
2007.
The objective given for the TSBA is surprisingly
similar to that of the TSBR Secretariat, namely the
coordination of the management, conservation
and development of the Tonle Sap Basin areas
(Royal Government of Cambodia 2007: 1). While
both the TSBR and the Fisheries Administration
have focused on the areas surrounding the lake, the
TSBA was intended to take a basin-wide approach,
aiming to increase the jurisdiction of the Authority
to the entire catchment area (Starr 2008). Despite
these recent efforts, however, the institutional
setting in the Tonle Sap remains by the time of
writing utterly unclear, with different institutions
continuing to have overlapping and competing
agendas
82
.
82
Also the status of the TSBA now called Tonle Sap Authority is unclear,
with rumours indicating that it has been partly dismantled for the fear that
it would have unreasonably expansive membership and mandate (The
Cambodia Daily 2009; Keskinen & Sithirith 2010)
PART III: OUTCOMES
This chapter summarises the main ndings from
the seven articles appended to this synthesis.
Each of the articles looks at the particular aspects
of water management in the Mekong Region,
presenting practical experiences and specic
conclusions on those aspects
83
. At the same
time, however, the articles are complementary,
looking at the same overarching issue integrated
water management through differing, even
contradicting viewpoints. Such a diverse approach
responds well to the thematic, methodological
and geographical diversity inherent in integrated
approaches, highlighting the need to look at them
with the help of variety of views and methods at
various spatial and temporal scales.
Consequently, instead of merely repeating the
specic ndings of each article, the results are
next presented with the help of six elements
that can be considered particularly critical
for the implementation of integrated water
management; at least in the contexts I have
studied them in the Mekong. The rst three
elements Comprehensiveness, Institutions and
Politics represent general elements, providing the
overall context for the integrated management and
assessment practices. The three latter elements
Methods, Team and Inclusiveness are then
more practically orientated, being also ones that
management teams and individual water experts
have a direct inuence on.
83
Such conclusions are related in particular to transboundary cooperation
(Article I), integrated modelling and assessment (Article II), livelihoods
analysis (Article III), policy analysis (Article IV), the linkages between
population and natural resources (Article V), water conflicts (Article VI), and
the impact assessment practices in transboundary settings (Article VII). In
addition, all articles provide conclusions related to the specific management
contexts in the Mekong.
4 Results: elements of integrated water management
45
The key elements described in this chapter also
complement the six aspects of integrated water
management as dened by Mitchell (1990b),
based on the experiences from seven (mainly
developed) countries around the world. The six
aspects Mitchell (1990b) refers to are: context,
legitimation, functions, structures, processes and
mechanisms, and culture and attitude
84
.
4.1 GENERAL ELEMENTS
Comprehensiveness
Successful implementation of water management
requires thorough understanding of the diverse
linkages that water has with the environment
and the society. It also asks for sensitivity to the
differences between different water management
contexts. Consequently, there are increasing calls
to consider also the broader dimensions related
water and its use, development and management.
Integrated approaches can be considered to be
both the forerunners and the epitomes of this
change. At the same time it is important to note
that comprehensiveness and integrated approaches
are not synonymous, but rather complementary:
integration indicates consideration of the issues
84
I managed to get hold of the book Integrated Water Management, edited
by Bruce Mitchell back in 1990, only when writing the final updates to my
Thesis in May 2010. Seeing how similar my key elements are with the six
aspects of Mitchell (1990b), reinforced my feeling that the elements discussed
here are most likely relevant also outside the Mekong, in the general context
of integrated water management. At the same time there are also important
differences: while Mitchell doesnt explicitly address the political nature of
most integrated water management activities (which I aim to exemplify), he
recognises important aspects that I dont perhaps pay enough attention to;
legitimation and processes & mechanisms being the most important such
aspects. Reading Mitchells article also made me think once again how many
important things are discussed at different times in different forums, only to
be partly forgotten later on in other, related discussions. For I do think that
his article written 20 years ago still makes a very relevant contribution to
the current discussion about the challenges of IWRM, and yet it is rarely
referred to in the current discussions about integrated water management.
46
that are most relevant in a specic management
context, with the relevance being dened through
a comprehensive understanding (i.e. consideration
of all water-related issues) of that very context.
Article II discusses the importance of integrated
approaches most importantly IWRM and
IA used for modelling and impact assessment
in environmental management. The article
exemplies how better consideration of water-
related ecosystems and social and economic
issues makes modelling and impact assessment
activities more comprehensive, enhancing their
usability for planning and management. Article II
also discusses the possible ways of integrating the
different forms and types of information socio-
economic, ecological and hydrological needed
in water management, concluding that there is a
need for approaches that make use of an array of
different methods and information sources.
Such a conclusion is supported by Article III
and Article IV that highlight the importance of
social and institutional aspects related to water
management. Based on practical experiences
from the Tonle Sap Lake area, the articles argue
that better consideration of such aspects can
signicantly contribute to water management and
related assessment and modelling work, making it
more responsive to the local contexts and needs.
Both articles also discuss the emergence of the
concept of IWRM, noting its similarities to the
objectives of regional Mekong River Commission
as well as highlighting the challenges in putting it
into practice. Article I, Article V and Article VI bring
into the discussion an additional dimension, noting
that different forms of water use and management
have often very different histories. Such conclusion
underlines the importance of understanding the
historical trajectories: without knowing how we
have arrived to the present situation, it is much
more difcult to realise the actual reasons behind
the present-day management challenges as well as
to plan the most suitable ways forward.
Article II, Article III, Article IV and Article VII
discuss the more technical and methodological
aspects needed to address the different dimensions
of integrated water management. Article VII
focuses specically on water-related impact
assessment, concluding that the assessments
focusing on hydrological changes present only
the very rst step toward more comprehensive
impact assessment. A river is much more than a
hydrograph, and the estimations about hydrological
changes cannot alone be used to draw conclusions
about the actual ecological, social, and economic
consequences. Instead, proper environmental and
social impact assessments require consideration
of much broader themes and their linkages across
different temporal and spatial scales.
Article II, Article III and Article IV share
experiences from an integrated modeling and
impact assessment process the WUP-FIN Project
that sought to analyse and combine information
from hydrological and hydrodynamic modelling,
ecosystem studies as well as socio-economic and
policy analyses in the Tonle Sap area. The articles
discuss the ways of combining this diverse set of
information, concluding that none of the rather
technical methods developed and tested for
integration of the different forms of information is
really able to capture the full diversity of the water-
related issues and their linkages. Consequently,
as pointed out in Article III, one the greatest
challenge in the implementation of IWRM is
related to the letter I in its name: how to integrate
the diverse social, economic, environmental and
hydrological information in a meaningful and
comprehensive way. As concluded in Article II, this
kind of information integration process is not only
a methodological challenge, but also very much a
philosophical one.
47
Institutions
85
Management is practically always carried out
through various institutional arrangements.
Consequently, different institutional frameworks
ranging from transboundary river basin
organisations to multi-stakeholder platforms, and
from ministerial working groups to water users
associations are considered critical for the success
of water management
86
. Yet, institutions are often
also seen to hinder water management, as is
exemplied by the frequent calls for institutional
reforms. Water management institutions can be
both formal and informal, and they are located at
(and between) various different scales from local
to regional i.e. transnational scale. In this Thesis,
the focus is mainly on the regional scale as well as
on formal management institutions. In addition,
the discussion about the Tonle Saps institutional
setting (Chapter 3.4; Article III; Article IV; Article
VI) presents a case study about national and
subnational institutional arrangements.
Article I discusses in depth the formal institutional
setting for the management of the Mekong River.
The article reviews the regional institutional
frameworks related to water, including ASEAN,
GMS Program and, most importantly, the
Mekong River Commission (MRC). The analysis
shows that while offering a crucial platform for
cooperation between the countries, the MRC has
85
Institutions are often seen to consist of formal and informal organisations
and their activities and interactions. GWP (2000: 45), for instance, notes
that an institutional framework includes not only organisations, but also
a whole range of formal rules and regulations, customs and practices,
ideas and information. Mitchell (1990b), on the other hand, defines
institutional arrangements in relation to integrated water management as
the combination of 1) legislation and regulations, 2) policies and guidelines,
3) administrative structures, 4) economic and financial arrangements, 5)
political structures and processes, 6) historical and traditional customs and
values, and 7) key participants and actors. More generally, institutions can be
defined as social structures and mechanisms that aim to organise relatively
stable patterns of human activity, operating at all levels from the households
to the international arena (Matsaert 2002; SEP 2010). As North (1990: 384)
puts it: institutions provide the rules of the game for human interaction,
consisting of informal constraints and formal rules and of their enforcement
characteristics. There is a very rich literature related to institutional analyses
and policy processes, including discussion and case studies on well-known
institutional frameworks such as Institutional Analysis and Development
(Ostrom 1990; Koontz 2003) and Advocacy Coalition Frameworks (Sabatier
1988; Schlager 1995; Sobeck 2003).
86
GWP (2000: 22), for example, notes that the concept of IWRM is widely
debated and an unambiguous definition of IWRM does not currently
exist. Hence, the regional and national institutions must develop their own
IWRM practices using the collaborative framework emerging globally and
regionally.
not been too successful in integrated management
of the Mekong River Basin (nding supported
also by Article II, Article IV and Article VII).
The functioning of the MRC is found to be very
much dened by other regional cooperation
mechanisms and institutions, most importantly
those focusing on economic development.
Article I also emphasises the importance of
understanding the quality of the existing water
management institutions. While having a common
management institution such as the MRC in place
is a prerequisite for transboundary cooperation, it
is not enough: strong political support from the
riparian countries is required for the institution to
really be able to full its task as a joint cooperation
mechanism between the countries.
Article VI extends this conclusion further by
presenting a case from the Tonle Sap, where the
upstream water development in Laos and China
is threatening the local oodplain ecosystem and
livelihoods. Yet, these potential impacts have been
poorly addressed in the regional level discussions,
even when there exists an ideal institutional setting
namely the MRC and its national committees
to initiate such discussions. Article VI comes to
an interesting conclusion about interstate and
intrastate water conicts, noting that such conicts
may actually emerge more within the country than
between the countries. Such a conclusion raises
further questions about the functioning of the
linkages between the institutions at different scales
and, ultimately, about the issues of transparency,
representation and power within the existing
institutions (see also next section on Politics).
Indeed, water-related institutions easily suffer
from both vertical and horizontal discontinuities
due to large number of issues and actors related
to water. As noted in Article IV and Article VI,
for example water-related issues in Cambodia are
handled under several ministries with different
mandates, ambitions and policies. The functioning
of vertical links with central government,
provincial and local authorities and villages is
seen to be equally troublesome. At the same
time, as noted in Article I, water management and
transboundary management in particular should
PART III Outcomes - Results: elements of integrated water management
48
not be considered just as an interaction between
monolithic states and government-led institutions.
Instead, there also exists a variety of actors and
institutions at different scales that simultaneously
support and challenge the riparian states and their
formal institutions.
Article VII discusses the more methodological
aspects related to transboundary institutions, noting
that the issue of scales becomes particularly critical
in transboundary contexts such as the Mekong.
The challenge with spatial scales is that while
the impacts of water developments in the basin
are in effect felt at the local level, coordinated
planning and decision-making requires essentially
a regional approach, preferably with regional
management institutions. Also temporal scale
needs to considered, as the impacts of water
developments often differ greatly between the
timescales. As noted in Article VII, the challenge
with spatial and temporal scales therefore becomes
a challenge with scales of institutions, jurisdiction,
and, ultimately, of information and knowledge.
Such conclusion highlights the importance of
institutional cooperation and coordination, but
also that of institutional diversity and of tolerance
towards such diversity.
Politics
Better consideration of environmental, economic
and social issues provides only a starting point
for more integrated management. Water
management decisions are, after all, not only
about neutral numbers and objective analyses, as
the decisions are usually beneting some social
groups while causing negative consequences to
others. Consequently, a truly integrated water
management also requires the recognition of the
highly political nature of water management and,
consequently, of related planning, assessment and
development practices
87
. The question of politics
and power relations is critical also for another
reason: through their emphasis on integration
and sophisticated methods, integrated approaches
may despite their calls for the opposite actually
strengthen the existing power imbalances, and lead
to centralised management structures emphasising
scientic expertise at the expense of more diverse
views (see e.g. Watson 2007; Biswas 2010).
The importance of political aspects of water
management is well visible in Article VI that
summarises the ndings from the case studies
focusing on oodplains, agricultural lands and
sheries in the Tonle Sap Lake area. The ndings
from the three case studies indicate clearly that
water-related conicts in the area are not really
about water and its physical availability, but rst
and foremost about access to and control over
water and related resources. In addition, differing
valuations attached to the water-related resources
as well as the political and historical context where
they prevail have a strong inuence on the tensions
over resource use. Consequently, while each of
the case studies has its specic characteristics, a
common feature for all cases is found to be the
unequal power structures and mechanisms of
marginalization within and between different
geographical scales.
In terms of transboundary nature of water
management, Article VI notes that national
decision-makers in Cambodia seem not to be
aware of or are even ignorant toward the
concerns about transboundary impacts at the local
level in the Tonle Sap. Related to this, the article
makes an observation that despite the apparent
differences between the six Mekong countries, the
political elites, irrespective of their country, have
surprisingly similar modernization aspirations and
common economic interests. Such a nding relates
87
The UN Commission on Sustainable Development has noted that Water
issues are not only technical and institutional issues: they have also intrinsic
political content which has to be explicitly considered in order to be able
to solve effective difficulties linked to competition among stakeholders
and interests (CSD 2008: 30). Radkau (2008: 307), on the other hand,
concludes in his global history of the environment that For five thousand
years, since the time of the pharaohs, water policy has been a foundation of
political power.
49
to the idea of Scott (1998) on state simplications
88
,
indicating that the trade-offs caused by water
management decisions look very different when
viewed from the state than from the local level.
For this reason, water management should always
be examined in its broader context, with a special
attention paid to the existing power structures and
asymmetries at both local and higher levels of
management.
Article VII supports these ndings, concluding
that the methodological and thematic dimensions
reveal only one although very dominant side
of management and assessment practices. The
article notes that water-related management and
assessment activities are often seen to build on
neutral information and sound science, and they
are thus believed to provide objective advice for a
rational decision-making process. This is, however,
rarely if ever the case, and neither assessments
nor planning processes can be separated from
values and interests of different groups and,
consequently, from broader political processes
linked to them (see also van Kerkhoff & Lebel
2006; Karl et al. 2007).
Based on an extensive review of planning and
impact assessment practices in the Mekong Region,
Article VII concludes by noting that the underlying
reasons and the solutions for the current
challenges with water resources management in the
Mekong lie beyond merely methodological issues,
and can instead be found from broader political
processes related to water development. Addressing
such processes requires altogether different kinds
of views, starting from the very methods to address
the issues of participation, representation and
transparency in the management practices. Hence,
the article concludes by noting that integrated
water management require the recognition of the
highly political nature of water development and
related planning processes.
88
Thank you for Mira Kknen for introducing me to the concept. As
summarised by Lebel et al. (2005: 1), in such a process the states first appeal
to wider interests as they go about simplifying diverse local systems, and then
use the newly unified systems to rationalize development planning and
environmental management. People, institutions, and landscapes are made
to fit levels and scales in the states systems of accounting and monitoring.
Local-level knowledge and institutions are seen as local in scope, relevance,
and power, whereas the rules and knowledge of the state have much bigger
scope and significance.
4.2 PRACTICAL ELEMENTS
Methods
89

Integrated approaches used in water management
and impact assessment present also a remarkable
methodological challenge: what kinds of methods
such integrated approaches actually require?
Is it better to have a exible suite of several
methods or a kind of meta-method for example
a mathematical model system that seeks to bring
together and analyse the necessary information
under one methodological framework? And
what kinds of methodologies are really needed;
technical, more traditional methods focusing for
example on integrated modelling and assessment,
or softer methods with an emphasis for instance
on team building, collaborative learning and
communication? While it is obvious that both are
needed, the articles reveal interesting application
about the use and non-use of both methods.
Several of the appended articles consider the
methods needed for integrated management and
impact assessment, sharing experiences on their use
and applicability. Article II, Article III and Article IV
discuss the integrated impact assessment process
used in the WUP-FIN Project for the analysis of
water management context in the Tonle Sap. While
building on a mathematical model system making
use of hydrological and hydrodynamic models, the
process also relied heavily on additional methods
focusing on ecosystem studies as well as on socio-
economic and policy analyses. The articles present
powerful examples from the benets of this kind
of multi-method approach, highlighting that it
has resulted in ndings that are more balanced
and better connected to the actual realities on the
ground. At the same time the process also revealed
the practical challenges in this kind of approach,
emphasising that considerable amount of time
and resources is needed to facilitate the linkages
between the different methods and consequently
between the members of the research team.
89
Please note that two sets of methods are discussed throughout this Thesis
in relation to integrated water management: management methods and
integration methods. While the two may often be partly overlapping, there
are also fundamental differences: the former facilitate the implementation of
specific management actions (and therefore may or may not be integrated by
their nature), while the latter focus on integration within the management
actions, aiming ultimately for integrated management practises. The main
focus of this Chapter and indeed of the entire Thesis is on the integration
methods.
50
Article II also discusses the different ways to respond
to the context-specicity regularly highlighted
in water management. Through a review of both
tailored and standardised model approaches, the
article notes that while standardised modelling
and assessment practices have clear benets in
terms of transparency, reliability and applicability,
their fundamental weakness is that they conne
the entire research approach to the limits of the
tool. Consequently, it is concluded that tailored,
case-specic approaches are more suitable to
emphasise the specic characteristics of different
contexts and, overall, to study particularly complex
systems such as the Tonle Sap. Related to this,
Article II highlights the importance of diversity in
both the models and general research approaches:
without diversity, progress is not really possible.
Article VII extends this conclusion by stressing the
importance of research taking place at different
geographic scales: such a multiscale approach is
particularly important in transboundary contexts,
where traditional, centralized research efforts are
often too insensitive and inexible to be able to
understand the diversities and complexities at
different scales (see also Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment 2005).
Article III and Article IV discuss the water-related
livelihoods and policy analyses, noting that social,
political and institutional issues are often weakly
addressed in the management activities. Yet, as
exemplied in the articles, these aspects are often
crucial for the success of water management.
Article III also discusses the benets of combining
different research methods for livelihood analysis,
concluding that the experience from the Tonle
Sap illustrates that the analysis beneted from
an approach combining quantitative studies with
more qualitative research methods, as such a
comparative approach makes the analysis more
extensive and also reveals the weaknesses and
biases included in both methods.
Several articles discuss the ways to integrate the
diverse information produced by different research
methods. Article III introduces the concept of
geographic zoning, where the idea is with the
help of Geographic Information System (GIS) to
arrange the information available from different
databases and surveys according to geography, in
this case topography
90
. This kind of classication
differs considerably from normal, as the databases
usually classify available information according
to man-made administrative boundaries such
as provinces and districts. However, as such
administrative boundaries do not follow the
natural water ows, creating connections with the
hydrological characteristics through information
provided by measurements and models becomes
increasingly difcult.
Analysis presented in Article III shows that the
topographic zoning facilitated remarkably the
linkages between the socio-economic analysis
and the hydrological and hydrodynamic
models, increasing the understanding of the
interaction between the lake, its ecosystems and
the people. Article II and Article III introduce
another approach descriptive integration for
connecting the different types of information to
assist in impact assessment
91
. The idea in such an
approach is to make use of both quantitative and
qualitative information in describing an impact
process with the help of so-called impact tables.
In the impact tables, the causal linkages between
hydrological indicators, ecological impacts and
livelihood activities together with the immediacy
and the perceived uncertainty of the impacts are
described.
Experiences from these integrative methods
provide also important lessons learnt for
integrated water management in general. Despite
the remarkable efforts put into these two integrative
methodologies, they still have clear limitations.
As discussed in Article II and Article III as well as
in MRCS/WUP-FIN (2008), the main challenge
for both methods is that the intricate
interconnections between hydrology, environment
and livelihoods cannot be comprehensively
90
Geographic zoning can also be done based on other factors than
topography: for example Keskinen et al. (2005) applied similar approach for
the Mekong floodplains in Cambodia, using flooding characteristics to form
altogether three geographical zones.
91
Majority of the research on descriptive integration was done in close
cooperation with Jussi Nikula (see also Keskinen et al. 2005; Nikula 2005;
Article II).
51
described in quantitative terms, even when
grouped into separate zones (as in geographic
zoning) or subordinated to detailed causal linkages
(as in descriptive integration). The experience
from both of the approaches indicates that in
both cases the method takes easily over from the
aim: although the results can be presented in
fancy diagrams, maps and tables, they actually
represent only small part of the actual picture
namely the part that can be described with
these kinds of methods. Consequently, while such
integrated approaches are useful in studying the
linkages between different methods and types of
information, they should not be used as the only
tool for integration
92
.
Team
93
Water management and assessment is not just
about the theories, approaches, methods and
institutional structures, but very much about
the people who develop and use such methods
in specic management contexts
94
. Yet, the
management and assessment practices still tend
to focus on technical and methodological aspects,
with much less discussion about the most suitable
combinations and forms of interaction of the
people teams that actually put such approaches
92
These two integrative methods represent perhaps the most visible example
of the personal learning that has occurred during my research. The methods
were originally developed with an ambitious aim to create an analytical
framework for how to do the integration (as can be seen from Article II and
Article III). However, when their application in the Tonle Sap ultimately
revealed their inherent weaknesses, I started to view the approaches more
as the examples of how not to do the integration (see also MRCS/WUP-FIN
2008). Looking at these approaches now, I do appreciate the effort put in
them and find them in many ways useful as long as they are considered as
just one approach facilitating integration.
93
A team can be defined as a group of people that is working cooperatively to
accomplish a common goal. Team members have clearly defined roles and
responsibilities and are interdependent i.e. rely on one another in reaching
the goal (Cannon-Bowers et al. 1993). In this Thesis, most of the discussion
about the teams relates to the specific research teams such as the WUP-FIN
team that carry out research to support certain management and decision-
making initiatives at relatively high levels such as a ministry or regional river
basin commission (namely the MRC). However, naturally many other forms
of teams exist at different scales as well, including both formal and informal
arrangements. Examples of different kinds of teams include for instance
specialised water management teams in a regional river basin commission,
cross-sectoral ministerial working groups, multi-stakeholder platforms as well
as teams operating e.g. a common irrigation canal at village level.
94
As noted by Mitchell (1990b) in relation to integrated water management:
people who are inclined to cooperate and are enthusiastic can make a poor
system work well, while a well-designed management system may falter if the
participants are not determined to work together.
into the practice
95
. With the emergence of
integrated approaches, it has also become clear
that much more emphasis needs to be put on
multidisciplinarity of the teams responsible for
research, assessment and management. Such
multiperspectivity also challenges the ways
many teams are used to collaborate and interact,
emphasizing the signicance of joint learning and
team building.
The importance of teams is well visible in
Article II that concludes that instead of merely
methodological issues, the real change towards
more integrated approaches comes through
the establishment of teams with balanced
participation of experts with different backgrounds
and disciplinary experience. With its focus on
challenges of mathematical modeling, Article
II discusses particularly the often neglected
importance of societal aspects, recognizing the need
to include social scientists and other non-modelers
as equal members also into technical assessment
teams. Article III supports this conclusion, noting
that IWRM and other integrated approaches
require teams where actors from several different
disciplines and institutions cooperate in an open
and constructive manner. Putting together such
teams is not, however, without difculties. As
experiences documented Article II, Article III
and Article VII indicate, there is a danger that
even with greater diversity of disciplines within
a team, the actual research practices remain
dominated by disciplinary methods with experts
working separately within their own specic elds
and having poor interaction with other team
members.
Article VII discuss the challenges with multi- and
interdisciplinary teams further, noting that while
95
Interestingly, an OECD report published already in 1989 discussed several
aspects that have later on not really been addressed in the discussions about
integrated water management. Such aspects included prevailing ideologies
related to water and its management as well as the quality of the management
teams, including their attitude and ability towards integration. Based on over
50 country reports, the report concluded that Through their education,
training, and work experience, many staff are accustomed to think in terms
of narrow objectives and strategies, [and] ...as a result, most staff have poor
abilities in the important skills of inter-agency communication, negotiation,
and bargaining, which are crucial if the integration is to occur (OECD
1989: 19).
52
multidisciplinarity is an essential step forward,
it is not enough, particularly when dealing with
complexities and multiple scales of transboundary
water management. The article notes that while
multidisciplinary teams and practices are getting
more common also in the Mekong Region, the
problem is that they are not really challenging
the dominance of traditional, sectoral approaches.
The management and impact assessment
practices need therefore to move towards greater
interdisciplinarity and, consequently, towards new
kinds of assessment methods building rst and
foremost on the actual challenges at hand. This, in
turn, requires increased attention to the different
team building and team interaction methods.
Article VII also acknowledges the fact that
developing an interdisciplinary approach is a slow
process that requires enough time and resources as
well as remarkable exibility and open-mindedness
all of them factors that are largely absent in this
era of xed plans and tight project deadlines. Yet,
as pointed out in Article II, the process should be
seen at least as important as the end product of any
particular project: learning to work interactively
and constructively together in a multi-disciplinary
team is already an important achievement itself.
Article VII further discusses this notion, concluding
that in a truly interdisciplinary team, the team
members must be ready to give up some of their
disciplinary sovereignty, modifying, developing
and even abandoning the methods they are used
to apply within their own disciplines and sectors.
This conclusion is supported by Article II that
underlines the importance of the spiritual
side of the integrated approaches. The actual
implementation of the integrated approaches
necessitates identication of the mental and social
barriers that often prevent the integration and
interaction between the people involved
96
. Article II
concludes that the way towards more integrated and
interdisciplinary practices is likely to require much
better mutual appreciation and listening between
the involved individuals, teams, stakeholders
and interest groups. The teams success depends
therefore not only on the members expertise, but
also on their attitude and communication skills in
other words on their ability to form an interactive,
collaborating team.
Inclusiveness
The development, use and management of water
involves always a variety of people, including for
example farmers, shers and urban dwellers as well
as civil servants, planners, researchers, politicians
and other decision-makers. Consequently, looking
water management merely from the viewpoints
of scientists and other water experts will never
be able to capture the diversity of interests, ideas
and understandings related to water and its
management. The inclusion of different people
through various kinds of participatory mechanisms
enables but doesnt automatically ensure that
such views are taken better into account in the
planning, assessment and management processes.
Ultimately, inclusiveness therefore relates to
the issues of transparency, representation and
empowerment, connecting water management to
the broader issues of governance and democracy.
Almost all of the appended articles discuss some
dimensions of inclusiveness commonly under
the term stakeholder participation in water
management. This discussion is largely seen from
the researchers point of view, which basically makes
everyone else the so-called non-researchers
stakeholders. Such stakeholders can be crudely
divided into two groups located at fundamentally
96
Such a finding is a closely connected to the conclusions of Ramadier
(2004) and Norgaard et al. (2009). Ramadier emphasises that (2004: 438):
Transdisciplinarity is thus based on the supposition that researchers can step
back from the methods and points of view advocated by their own discipline.
This is mainly a cultural problem [rather than a methodological one], while
Norgaard et al. (2009: 648) note that Becoming conscious of disciplinary
cultures and their embedded assumptions and presumed certainties and
much more consciously choosing new assumptions, or ranges of assumptions,
is a difficult form of culture shock. Many scientists refuse to go through the
process and retreat back to disciplinary comforts.
53
different levels: local people, and water managers
and decision-makers
97
. While they are often
discussed together as one, monolithic group, it is
important to note that both the incentives for their
participation and the methods used to ensure it are
usually very different.
Article II discusses the importance of the
managers and decision-makers participation as
a way to increase the linkages of modeling and
assessment work with the actual planning and
decision-making practices. In order to ensure
this, the modeling and assessment projects
need to focus much more on cooperation and
communication, including enhanced dialogue
with decision-makers and other stakeholders as
well as increased transparency and intelligibility of
the research methods and their results. The article
provides some relatively obvious but frequently
ignored recommendations for the way forward,
noting that the model developers have to listen
the decision-makers from the very beginning of
a research project: only in this way the research
will be able to answer to the actual questions the
decision-makers face. The importance of dialogue
with decision-makers is supported also by several
other articles, most importantly Article VII.
Several articles discuss the different dimensions
related to the inclusion of the local people the
actual water users in the management and
assessment processes. As noted in Article VI, water-
related resources have different histories and are
perceived differently by local users. Consequently,
without sensitivity to the resource users own
perceptions on their use of water and related
resources, it will be impossible to realise the
actual possibilities for the resource management.
Article III also discusses the possibilities to use
participation to increase the understanding of
particularly complex management systems such
as the Tonle Sap. With the insights that local
people have on water and related resources, one
97
Following the definition given by Rykiel Jr. et al. (2002), decision-making is
here understood as the act of reaching a conclusion or passing of a judgment
on an issue under consideration, with such a judgement usually being a
choice of one option among many. A decision-maker is thus a person with
the authority to make such a judgement, to initiate actions to implement it as
well as to promulgate policies that other persons are bound to follow.
important attribute of participatory mechanisms is
to provide an access to local knowledge on water
use and management. Such knowledge can then
be used to complement and also challenge the
information gained from the other research
activities. Indeed, based on the experience from the
Tonle Sap, Article III notes that the participation
proved to be crucial for the integration work, as
local people provided invaluable insights in the
interconnections between water, environment and
society, complementing thus the more technical
analyses.
Article VII adds into the discussion the more
political dimension of inclusiveness, noting that
since water development projects bring differing
benets and losses to different social groups,
water-planning processes are not only technical,
but unavoidably social and political processes as
well. The research on water management and
assessment is thus not only about neutral numbers,
but also about the values given consciously and
subconsciously to different issues. This, in turn,
is seen to call for greater participation as a means
to to enhance the legitimacy of the assessment
processes, to increase acceptance of assessment
ndings among the stakeholders, and to make the
entire assessment process more transparent.
Participatory mechanisms can also increase
understanding of the local level diversities as well
as to bring feedback from different stakeholders on
the assessment methods and their results. Related
to this, Article VII concludes that the assessment
practices in the Mekong Region should increase
their emphasis on public participation to ensure
that stakeholders have meaningful ways to
participate in the assessment processes, discussing
and developing the objectives, methods and
assumptions behind such processes. This kind
of more open and participatory approach is seen
to help to facilitate discussion and information
exchange about the different development options,
their impacts and consequent trade-offs.
54
Processes aiming towards greater inclusiveness
and participation have, however, their problems
as well. As noted in Article VII, participation can
actually strengthen existing power imbalances and
the dominance of scientic approaches
98
(see also
Rayner 2003; Cornwall & Brock 2005; Kknen &
Hirsch 2009). Related to this, Article VI highlights
the importance of sensitivity to the local level
diversity: although often grouped together as
local stakeholders, the local communities are
not homogenous entities, but entail different user
groups with differing perceptions and aspirations
on the resources they have and use. Consequently,
if participatory processes are designed without
proper understanding of the local realities and the
socio-political structures, they are likely to result
in processes that merely reproduce the dominant
power structures and fail to understand the
diversity of stakeholders involved
99
.

98
See also discussion of Daniels & Walker (2001: 4) about what they call the
Fundamental Paradox between the technical and/or scientific competence
and an open, participatory process related to particularly complex policy
problems: Citizens demand technically sound solutions, but as situations
become more complex, fewer people have the technical background needed
to either meaningfully contribute to, or critique, the decisions. By the same
token, these complex situations often touch peoples lives in fundamental
ways.
99
The term stakeholder is commonly defined as the individuals, groups or
institutions who have a legal responsibility, are concerned with or have an
interest relative to a decision, and who will be directly or indirectly affected
by such a decision (UNESCO-WWAP 2003; Warner 2007b). The term has,
however, also been seen to be unnecessarily neutral: many of the stakeholders
are not just holding their stakes (e.g. livelihood, food security), but either
winning or losing them for instance due to the changes caused to the fisheries
by hydropower development. Consequently, as suggested by Dipak Gyawali,
in some cases the more political terms stakewinners and stakelosers would
actually capture better the situation that people in such contexts face.
Previous chapters have discussed some of the
main challenges related to integrated water
management based on the practical experiences
from the Mekong. In this chapter, I will take a bit
more general stance, discussing the two concepts
that form the focus of the entire Thesis; water
management and integration. I suggest that one
major reason for the challenges described in the
previous chapters relates to the confusion about the
very essence of these two key concepts, including
their actual denitions as well as the nature of their
interaction.
5.1 DIFFERENT DIMENSIONS OF WATER
MANAGEMENT AND INTEGRATION
Part of the challenges with integrated water
management practices is, I believe, due to the
general confusion related to the concept of
water management. Such confusion seems to be
related to two things: to the tradition of seeing
water merely as a physical resource, and to the
weak consideration understanding, even of the
different dimensions related to management.
Most water management practices have
traditionally focused on the water as a physical
and economic resource, seeking to measure
and control its quantity and quality for different
economic purposes. Water management is not,
however, only about managing water per se, but
also about managing the interactions between
different people with their changing needs, views,
valuations and requirements related to water. As
noted by Linton (2006), what really matters is
not only water as a resource, but also the relations
5 Discussion: integration and water management
55
between people and water
100
. Consequently, it
is the variety of these relations or modes of
engagement that management should ultimately
address, together with the consideration of the
water-related ecosystems and their requirements
(see also Article III, Article V, Article VI,
Article VII). Management also has differing
dimensions that depend chiey from the scope
and the timeframe of the management activities.
Chapter 2 dened the three main management
dimensions as operational, tactical and strategic
management, noting that each of them has
very different objectives and methodological
requirements.
Yet, neither the people and their diverse relations
with water nor the different management
dimensions are properly addressed in the current
discussion about integrated water management
101
.
For example the most commonly used denition for
IWRM (GWP 2000) focuses on the development
and management of water as a resource, with no
proper reference to the diversity of other relations
and valuations that people have with water. The
different dimensions of water management
are also not really dealt with in the IWRM
instructions and guidelines
102
. This ambiguity in
100
While such relations predominantly build on the use of water as a resource
e.g. through fishing, farming, navigation or hydropower generation, they
also include other relations, such as considering water as a place of spiritual
worship, a space for recreation or source of artistic inspiration (Linton 2006).
This conclusion also relates to the discussion about resourcism by Grumbine
(1992), who notes that the very idea of natural resources misrepresents the
nature just as a resource to be exploited by humans.
101
Situation hasnt therefore changed too much since 1994, when Checkland
(1994: 75) concluded that Unfortunately, our current ideas of management
[in general] are rather primitive and are probably not up to the task. They
stem from the technologically orientated thinking of the 1960s, and they
need now to be enlarged and enriched.
102
More recently, however, the importance of different management
dimensions has been increasingly recognised by the GWP and related
authors (see e.g. Jnch-Clausen 2004; GWP & INBO 2009; Lenton &
Muller 2009a, 2009b).
56
dening the actual meaning of water management
is, I suggest, among the main reasons why the
implementation of integrated water management
remains so challenging. As the understanding
of the methods needed for different types and
dimensions of management is weak, the methods
applied integrated or not end up not matching
with the problems at hand. This, then, leads easily
to either methodological inefciency or even to
methodological ineffectiveness
103
.
Similarly challenging seems to be to dene what
we actually mean by integration and what kind
of dimensions it includes (Article II). Previous
chapters provided general denition for integrated
approaches, concluding that integration is much
more than a technical process where different
things are linked together
104
. It was also noted
that in order to be feasible, the actual focus of
the integration in each and every context must be
carefully studied and dened. As a majority of the
education and working practices still emphasise
sectoral views, integrated approaches were also
seen to challenge the cognitive processes related
to the ways of seeing different items, contexts
and their interconnections. The prerequisite
for implementation of integrated approaches
is therefore not only methodological expertise,
but also the understanding of the persons own
perceptions and ways of reasoning in relation to
both the theory and the practice of the integrated
approaches (Article II, Article III).
Nevertheless, the current discussion about
integrated water management tend to emphasise
the general thematic aspects (what to integrate?) as
well as the practical aspects of integration (how to
integrate?). Such an emphasis leaves less room for
the third key dimension of integration, namely its
103
As noted by Sutherland (1983), methodological inefficiency indicates
that the methods applied are too sophisticated for the management issue,
while methodological ineffectiveness means that methods are too practically-
orientated and therefore not sufficient to tackle the management issue at
hand.
104
See also Kidd & Shaw (2007), who note that usually much more
emphasis is put on sectoral and territorial integration than organisational
integration. Indeed, they note that integration in IWRM requires, not
only a new perspective on the scope and purpose of water management in
many instances, but also significant changes in organisational culture and
practice (Kidd & Shaw 2007: 318-319).
theoretical foundation (why integration is needed?)
(Figure 2). This kind of conclusion may rst
seem rather surprising, as most of the integrated
approaches do build on detailed theoretical and
even philosophical considerations. The challenge
seems to be, however, that with the increasing
popularity of integration, the amount of integrated
practices has been rising rapidly and the more
theoretical considerations have gradually been
left to the background. Management teams and
institutions start simply to do the IWRM, without
proper consideration of why it should (or should
not) be done in this specic context as well as what
it actually requires from the management processes
and importantly from the teams responsible for
such processes.
5.2 BRINGING MANAGEMENT AND
INTEGRATION TOGETHER
The previous section discussed some of the main
dimensions of water management and integration,
concluding that these dimensions seem not to
be evenly addressed in the current practices of
integrated water management. Such imbalances
are, I would argue, very likely among the main
reasons for the much-discussed gap between
the theory and the practice in integrated water
management. For when integrated practices are
implemented with only partial consideration of
their theoretical foundations and the linkages
to the broader dimensions of management and
integration, it is obvious that the theory and the
practice are likely to grow increasingly apart.
The increasing gap between the theory and
the practice is likely to lead to the practices that
connect only vaguely to the original theories
and ideas behind the integrated approaches.
Looking again at the concept of IWRM, it can
be noted that many management and research
practices including most of those that Ive been
involved in the Mekong tend to focus almost
exclusively on the practical, even mechanical
57
aspects of integration
105
. Yet, as IWRM aims
towards sustainability and comprehensive views
and seeks to involve a range of actors with their
intricate interconnections, integration is not only a
mechanical procedure to be implemented through
a set of specic integration methods, but also very
much a philosophical and also political matter.
Strangely enough, the current IWRM guidelines
seem to have partly forgotten these kinds of
broader theoretical considerations, promoting
instead a certain, relatively narrow approach for its
implementation. For instance the World Summit
on Sustainable Development took in 2002 a rather
technical, task-like view on IWRM: a view that
has since been strengthened by the quantitative
indicators that the UN agencies and the GWP use
for the monitoring of the IWRM implementation
106
.
While the experiences in implementing IWRM
should indeed be evaluated, these kinds of
checklists and rankings easily distort the basic idea
of IWRM, rendering it essentially to a technical
plan. In addition, due to its focus on statistics and
quantitative data (such as the number of IWRM-
related plans or pieces of legislation on IWRM),
such evaluations fail to address the actual quality
of IWRM processes, including the robustness
of their theoretical foundation and, ultimately,
the rationality of starting to use them in specic
management contexts.
Related to this, there is a danger that the IWRM
practices actually fail to address perhaps the
single most critical issue in integration, namely
105
The practical and mechanical aspects of integration refer to the
range of activities all relevant and critical for the success of integrated
water management that aim to help in the practical implementation of
integration, focusing therefore largely on the technical aspects of how to
do the integration. Drawing on the case studies presented in the appended
articles, examples of such activities can include the creation of a model
system for integration, the development of impact tables facilitating
integration between different forms of information, or the analysis of the
institutional and legal setting related to a specific management context.
106
At the World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002, the countries
were encouraged to develop integrated water resources management and
water efficiency plans by 2005 (WSSD 2002: 15). Although Jnch-Clausen
(2004) sought to emphasise that these so-called IWRM plans are just one
milestone in the longer IWRM process, the GWP and UN-Water have
in their recent reports focused on this IWRM Target (UN-Water 2008:
1), developing set of technical indicators to measure quantitatively the
countries progress in achieving the IWRM plans and ranking the countries
according to their advancement (see e.g. UN-Water & GWP 2007; CSD
2008; UN-Water 2008).
identifying what kinds of things should really be
integrated in each context and what not. While the
common IWRM denition does emphasise the
holy trinity of economic, social and environmental
issues, already the very document giving such
denition (GWP 2000) lists a wide range of issues
that should be integrated as well. These issues
and items are in later publications extended to
almost endlessly to serve the different needs,
views and context (see e.g. Biswas 2010). Yet, the
tools provided for strategic reduction meaning
to systematically recognise and select the issues
and the forms of integration that are most critical
for the specic context are entirely lacking from
the current IWRM guidelines. Consequently,
although the key IWRM documents emphasise
the critical importance of context-specicity, they
in fact fail to provide the actual means to operate in
different contexts, including the ways to recognise
the most appropriate methods and tools for the
specic contexts.
Such ndings indicate the importance of
connecting the theories and fundamental
principles of integration with the actual water
management practises
107
(Article II, Article III,
Article VII). Bringing the more practical aspects
of water management into the picture is, however,
not without problems. While it is often relatively
easy to agree on the basic theory of integration
(everybody usually agrees that things should be
looked at holistically and systematically), reaching
a consensus on what it means in reality including
the ways that such an integrated approach inuences
the existing management practices, structures and
methods is already much trickier
108
. The actual
implementation of integration therefore becomes
a contested and political topic.
This kind of conclusion has implications to the
basic setting of the research presented in this Thesis
107
Although this linkage was not explicitly addressed in the first official
definitions of IWRM, it has later on been duly recognised. For example Jnch-
Clausen (2004: 18-19) introduces the concept of Integrated Water Resources
Management Cycle, noting that IWRM is a cyclical process. ...The cycle
starts with the planning processes and continues into implementation of the
frameworks and action plans and monitoring of progress.
108
See also Molle (2008) and his fascinating discussion about IWRM as a
so-called nirvana concept.
PART III Outcomes - Discussion: integration and water management
58
as well. Going back to Figure 1, we can note that
the main components of the diagram depicted
by two geometric shapes, namely the triangle and
the cycle/circle represent two elementary aspects
of integrated water management: integration
and its theory, and water management and its
practice. Even more importantly, many of the
fundamental contradictions inherent for integrated
water management are associated with the two
components as well. Such contradictions can be
captured for instance with the following (idealised)
pairings: ideal vs. practical, object vs. subject, passive
vs. active and consensual vs. contested (Figure
8). Consequently, while the two components are
by their very nature intimately connected, they
are also, essentially, in perpetual contradiction
with each other. I believe that this fundamental
contradiction helps to explain many of the tensions
and disagreements related to integrated water
management, and its acknowledgement provides
therefore also the basis for reducing the gap
between the theory and the practice of integrated
water management.
5.3 GETTING PERSONAL:
THE IMPORTANCE OF INTERACTION
The previous chapters noted that the actual
practices of integrated water management often
focus on overly practical, even mechanical methods
of integration, neglecting the more political and
philosophical aspects. What could be done to
address better also these aspects of integration
and, consequently, to achieve more balanced
integration practices? While the solutions naturally
depend very much from the specic management
contexts, there is one methodological change that,
I believe, would in most contexts enhance the
implementation of integrated water management.
It is the methodological and also very much
personal shift from mere integration towards
integration and interaction.
Such a shift means that integrated water
management practices need to pay much more
attention to the interaction between the individuals,
groups and institutions, including the use of
Figure 8 An updated version of the diagram presenting the basic setting of this research, indicating some general
characteristics of and contradictions between its main components, the IWRM triangle and the water management cycle
(cf. Figure 1).
59
different methods facilitating such interaction
109
.
As highlighted in Article II, for instance the level
of model development is often already (more than)
sufcient, and the impediment for the better
applicability of model results lies therefore not on
the lack of expertise and techniques, but on the
poor communication and collaboration between
the modellers and decision-makers. In a similar
manner, as discussed in Article VII, the real
challenge with many assessment processes is that
they fail to address the issue of participation and
engagement, remaining detached from the actual
water management issues on the ground. Article
II and Article VII, on the other hand, emphasised
that close collaboration between the individuals
in a management team including crossing both
disciplinary and personal boundaries forms
one corner stone for the success of integrated
practices.
Interaction can therefore be seen to take place at
two distinct levels: within certain management
and/or research teams (team interaction) and
in the broader management context between
different actors and stakeholders (stakeholder
interaction). The former indicates improved
communication and collaboration between the
experts working in a specic team, while the latter
focuses then on the interaction between the team
and its diverse stakeholders, including decision-
makers, managers, water users and other actors.
As the stakeholder interaction and participation is
already well dealt with in the current guidelines
and discussions about integrated planning and
management (see e.g. GWP 2000; WCD 2000;
Daniels & Walker 2001; Schuett et al. 2001;
Gregory & Failing 2002; Agranoff & McGuire
2003; Weber 2003; Warner 2007; Article III; Article
VII; Chapter 4.2), I will not discuss it further
here. Instead, I will focus on the so-called team
interaction that, I argue, remains inadequately
addressed in the present-day discussion about
integrated water management. This is perhaps
most vividly exemplied through the fact that
109
See also Giordano et al. (2007), who note that in a new, integrated view
of resource management schemes, the hard, technical methods and soft,
stakeholder-based methods should not be seen to be mutually exclusive but
complementary.
there currently exist almost no instructions on how
to facilitate the cooperation and communication
indeed, integration between the experts
working in the same management team aiming for
integrated water management
110
.
Methodologically, the team interaction indicates
increased emphasis on team building and, more
generally, on communication, collaboration, joint
visioning and mutual learning in the settings
including experts with various disciplinary
backgrounds (Article II, Article III). Such methods
are, however, in surprisingly short supply among the
current practices of integrated water management,
and they thus require increased attention and,
simply, more resources and expertise. At the same
time the integrated water management practices
have a possibility to learn from the experiences
that other similar approaches such as Integrated
Assessment and Adaptive Water Management
have gained from using such methods.
The good news is that there already exist numerous
methods developed specically for team building,
communication and collaborative learning. We
in the water eld dont therefore have to and
denitely should not reinvent the wheel, but
instead make use of the existing experience on
using the different methods and approaches for
enhancing team interaction. Indeed, I would argue
that practically all of such methods are applicable
to and even already applied in the water eld
111

(see e.g. Senge 1990; Fischhoff 1998; Isaacs
1999; WCD 2000; Siitonen & Hmlinen 2004;
110
Related to this, Mitchell (1990b: 14) concludes that there are usually
few explicit incentives for integration, noting that vertical and horizontal
fragmentation creates an environment in which rewards usually accrue to
those who concentrate upon, indeed defend, their own areas of interest.
Based on the findings by ORiordan (1976), he also concludes that decision-
making for resource management has little to do with organization, statutory
guidelines and co-ordinating arrangements. Rather, it has much more to do
with the outcome of the determination, vision, indifference, antagonisms
and bloody-mindedness of particular individuals who are in positions to
influence. Thus, the combination of organizational structure, personalities
and participants attitudes can pose a major obstacle to integration and co-
operation (Mitchell 1990b: 14-15).
111
For general discussion about team interaction, see for example Senge
(1990) with its five key components of learning organisations (systems
thinking, personal mastery, mental models, building shared vision and team
learning) as well as the discussion of Isaacs (1999) about dialogue and the
art of thinking together. Mostert et al. (2008), on the other hand, provide
an interesting introduction to the possibilities of combining social learning
and IWRM.
PART III Outcomes - Discussion: integration and water management
60
Mostert et al. 2008; Kallis et al. 2009; Le Borgne
et al. 2009). Improved incorporation of these kinds
of softer, communicative integration methods to
the integrated water management practices can, I
believe, help in bringing the more philosophical,
political and even spiritual aspects of integration
better to the fore. Indeed, interaction helps to
make integration personal what it ultimately
always is as well.
The Thesis has two parts: this synthesis and
the appended, peer-reviewed scientic articles.
While the articles present a rich array of practical
experiences on the use of integrated water
management approaches in the Mekong Region,
the synthesis has sought to place these experiences
to the broader context of integration and water
management.
The main ndings from both the synthesis and
the appended articles are summarised below,
together with discussion on the research questions
presented in Chapter 1. Collectively, these three
sections recap together with the more specic
ndings presented in the appended articles the
most important new scientic ndings provided by
this Thesis. This Chapter, and the entire Thesis, is
then wound up with a short concluding section.
6.1 MAIN FINDINGS: ARTICLES
The seven appended articles represent the core
of this Thesis, and the most important new
scientic ndings can be found from them. The
specic ndings related to the particular context
of each article can be found from their concluding
chapters, and they will thus not be repeated here.
Instead, Chapter 4 summarised the articles main
ndings more generally in relation to the integrated
water management. Such ndings were organised
under six key elements:
Comprehensiveness
The starting point of all integrated approaches
used in water management, and therefore a
kind of meta-theme for all other elements.
The ultimate aim of integrated approaches is
to use institutions, mechanisms and methods
to gain more comprehensive and systemic
6 Lessons learnt & implications
61
views on water and its diverse linkages with
the people and the environment. Such views
build on, extend and also challenge the
analyses provided by sectoral approaches.
Comprehensiveness and integration are not,
however, synonymous, as integration indicates
consideration of the issues that are most
relevant in a specic management context,
and not the consideration of all water-related
issues.
Institutions
Different institutions formal and informal
are responsible for the actual implementation
of integrated water management, providing
structure for different management activities.
A functioning institutional setting is
therefore a precondition for successful water
management. Understanding the possibilities
and limitations of existing institutional setting
is particularly important in transboundary
contexts with their multiple spatial, temporal,
institutional and political scales.
Politics
Water management is very much a political
issue, although many management and
assessment methods still tend to depoliticise
intentionally or unintentionally the
management decisions. Politics is often at
least as important factor contributing for
the management failures than the much-
discussed information deciency and the
lack of sound institutional settings. Integrated
water management therefore requires the
recognition of the highly political nature of
water development and related planning,
management and assessment practices. This
is important also since many integrated
62
approaches aim to nd a balance between
issues such as the environment and
economic development that in reality are
not fully compatible, making their integration
highly political.
Methods
A sound methodological foundation for
both water management and integration is
a prerequisite for the success of integrated
water management. Methods should not,
however, take over from the management
objectives, but remain as tools to be used
in the implementation of the management
activities. Management and integration
tools commonly include technical methods
used for example in the assessment
and monitoring, but equally important
particularly in integrated management are
softer methods needed for example in team
building, communication, deliberation and
collaborative learning. Different settings also
have differing methodological requirements,
and the methods applied should thus be both
exible and sensitive to the specic contexts.
Team
Water management and impact assessment
is not just about methods, structures and
institutions, but also very much about the
people each one of them with their own
expertise, perceptions and attitude who
use the methods in varying institutional
contexts. As integration requires an increased
interaction between different people both
within the team and between the team and
the real world, the importance of team in
the implementation of integrated approaches
is even more critical than with the other kinds
of management framework.
Inclusiveness
Water management is essentially about dealing
with the diverse relations and aspirations that
people have for water, and balancing those
with environmental requirements. The
inclusion of different stakeholders to the
management processes and, consequently, the
consideration of different views, perspectives
and modes of knowledge are therefore crucial
dimensions of integrated water management.
Enhancing stakeholder participation is not,
however, an easy task, and many participatory
processes are actually not fullling their task
to meaningfully involve the diverse set of
stakeholders in the management plans and
actions.
While the six elements discussed here may seem to
be relatively obvious, they are nevertheless based
on in-depth consideration of the different aspects
related to the implementation of integrated water
management in the context of the Mekong Region
112
.
They also reect the general characteristics of
integrated approaches discussed in Chapter 2. The
elements can be seen to provide a set of practical
building blocks for integrated approaches, helping
to divide their implementation into parts that
are, hopefully, easier to comprehend, discuss and
tackle.
6.2 MAIN FINDINGS: SYNTHESIS
In addition to the specic ndings derived from
the appended articles, there are also more general
ndings available from this synthesis. While
providing a general analytical framework for the
research presented in the articles, the synthesis also
placed the research into the broader thematic and
methodological context through the discussion
about integrated approaches in management,
assessment and research.
112
Naturally also other kinds of elements have been considered critical for
integrated water management. Most important in this regard are the six aspects
of integrated water management defined by Mitchell (1990b), consisting
of context; legitimation; functions; structures; processes and mechanisms;
and culture and attitude. GWP (2000), on the other hand, recognises three
complementary elements or pillars of IWRM (Jnch-Clausen 2004: 16)
for effective water resources management system: enabling environment,
institutional framework and management instruments. Rahaman & Varis
(2005: 18), recognise in their in-depth analysis of the evolution and prospects
of IWRM Seven Factors Towards a Successful IWRM Implementation,
consisting of privatization; water as an economic good; transboundary river
basin management; restoration and ecology; fisheries and aquaculture;
need to focus on past IWRM experience; and spiritual and cultural aspects
of water, while Grigg (2008) gives eight possible elements of integration,
including policy sectors; water sectors; government units; organisational
levels, functions of management; geographic units; phases of management;
and disciplines and professions.
63
By doing this, the synthesis connected the
discussion about specic integrated approaches
particularly IWRM into the broader trends
related to integration. To help to understand what
is actually meant by integrated approaches used
in environmental management, the synthesis
provided a concise denition for such approaches,
concluding that such approaches have often
the following ve characteristics in common:
comprehensive, interconnected, participative,
goal-focused, and strategic. In addition, the
synthesis presented a historical backdrop for the
emergence of integrated approaches, noting their
close linkages with the concept of sustainable
development as well as with the frustrations related
to sectoral, compartmentalised management
processes.
The synthesis also looked at the denitions of
water governance and water management, noting
that although both are widely used, their actual
meanings are rarely explicitly and unambiguously
spelled out. Particularly the different dimensions of
management with their differing methodological
requirements were concluded to remain often
poorly considered, leading easily either to
methodological inefciency or ineffectiveness. In
order to avoid this to happen, the synthesis crafted
a general classication for water management,
consisting of three dimensions: operational,
tactical and strategic management.
The different dimensions of both water
management and integration were discussed
in relation to the practices of integrated water
management. It was concluded that such practices
easily focus on practical, mechanical aspects of
integration, neglecting the more philosophical
and political aspects. It was suggested that there is
thus a need to connect the theories of integration
better with the actual water management
practices, including the acknowledgement of
the fundamental differences and contradictions
between the two. Related to this, integrated
approaches would most likely benet from
increased attention to interaction, including
actual processes and methods facilitating such an
interaction.
Interaction was recognised to be needed at two
levels: within a management or research team (team
interaction) and between the team and its diverse
stakeholders (stakeholder interaction). While the
importance of latter is already rather extensively
understood and discussed, the former still
remains surprisingly poorly addressed within the
water eld. Consequently, the synthesis provided
some general references to the rich literature on
team building, collaboration and joint learning,
concluding that bringing these experiences rmer
into the water eld would most likely enhance also
integrated management practices.
Finally, the synthesis looked at integration
in science, connecting the discussion about
integrated management practices to the more
fundamental discussion about the role of research
and researchers in such practices. The different
forms of multi-disciplinary research approaches
were examined, and denitions for four such
approaches multidisciplinarity, crossdisciplinarity,
interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity were
given. As the different denitions given for
such approaches tend to be unclear and partly
contradictory, a novel visualisation for all four
approaches were developed to highlight their
elementary differences as well as their applicability
to integrated water management.
6.3 ANSWERING THE RESEARCH
QUESTIONS
This Thesis has sought to understand the current
practises of water management, assessment
and research as well as to nd possible ways to
use integrated approaches in improving such
practices. To help to achieve this, the research
questions presented in Chapter 1 aimed to look
at some selected aspects of integration as well as
their contribution for water-related management
and research.
PART III Outcomes - Lessons learnt & implications
64
The three supporting research questions dened
in Chapter 1 were:
What are the main reasons for the emergence
of integrated approaches such as IWRM in
the water management eld?
What are the key elements that need to
be considered in the implementation of
integrated water management approaches?
What kind of requirements, if any, integrated
approaches put on water-related research?
The rst research question was discussed mainly
in Chapter 2 of this synthesis. The reasons for
the emergence of integrated approaches in water
management were concluded to be found from
both inside and outside the water eld. Indeed, it is
important to realise that the drive towards greater
integration is not taking place just in the eld of
water management, but that it connects closely to
the general integrationist drive in environmental
management and research. As discussed in
Chapter 2, such a drive stems mainly from two
interlinked reasons: the concept of sustainable
development, and the inherent weaknesses of
traditional, sectoral forms of management and
research.
The chapter also illustrated that the new
integrated approaches are not always that novel,
but that they are partly building on practices dating
back decades and even centuries. Consequently,
experiences from other elds as well as from the
past practices can provide a helpful reference for
the integrated approaches in the water eld. While
such a conclusion is almost too obvious, it seems
to be surprisingly often forgotten in the current
discussion about integrated water management.
This was considered rather paradoxical, as
integrated approaches themselves are strongly
emphasising the importance of linkages between
the different sectors, disciplines and methods.
Many would argue that the second research
question has an inbuilt bias in it: as every
management context is different, the key elements
required are practically always context-specic.
While fully agreeing with this view, I also argue
that there are some general elements that are
critical in most water management contexts or
at least in those that I have been studied in the
Mekong. Even more importantly, recognising such
key elements provides an important step forward
for the implementation of integrated approaches:
they help to divide the abstract objectives of
integrated management into more practical
aspects that are easier to comprehend, debate and
develop further. I believe that the most important
elements for integrated water management were
the six elements discussed in Chapter 4: three
general ones (Comprehensiveness, Institutions,
Politics) and three practical ones (Methods, Team,
Inclusiveness).
While the general elements form the overall
context for most integrated water management
activities, the three practical elements are critical
for the actual implementation of such activities.
The three practical elements are thus also the ones
that individual water experts and management
teams have a direct inuence on, and that therefore
differ most greatly between the management
contexts. Overall, the six elements must be in
balance: for example the current discussion
on IWRM seems to focus largely on just two
elements Institutions and Methods, neglecting
partly the other elements. Yet, integrated water
management is not only about practical methods
and institutional settings, but about the people
decision-makers, water managers, researchers and
different stakeholders using as well as misusing
and abusing both the institutions and the methods.
Accordingly, Politics, Team and Inclusiveness form
equally important elements in the implementation
of integrated water management.
Discussion on the third supporting research
question can be found from the appended articles
(particularly Article II, Article III and Article VII)
as well as from Chapter 2 of this synthesis. The
experiences presented in the articles show that
integrated management approaches do place
new kinds of expectations to research as well,
highlighting the need for increased interaction
65
and integration between the disciplines.
The integrationist drive in environmental
management is thus matched by a similar trend in
research, and the two were also found to be closely
related
113
.
A prime example of this trend is the shift from
separate, disciplinary research traditions towards
multi- and crossdisciplinarity and, increasingly,
towards interdisciplinary research approaches. Yet,
even this is not enough, but research supporting
integrated water management needs to connect to
the views, ideas and approaches originating outside
the academic disciplines as well. This means
increased engagement and participative research
approaches, and therefore consideration of other,
non-scientic ways of producing knowledge.
Ultimately, integrated water management therefore
requires transdisciplinary research approaches
that connect in entirely new ways the knowledge
of various disciplines and groups of people, and by
doing this, make research more responsive to the
needs of the society.
Finally, we come to the main research question of
this Thesis:
Can integrated approaches help in nding
the ways towards more sustainable and equal
water management?
The answer to this question is obvious, yet not
straightforward. Based on the discussion presented
in this Thesis, I argue that integrated approaches
are fundamentally important in reaching more
sustainable and equal water management. Indeed,
integrated approaches such as IWRM have
already now been inuential in diversifying our
understanding about the various relations that
people have with water. Such approaches have
emphasised the importance of comprehensive
113
The reasons for the development of multi-disciplinary research
approaches are naturally many, including but by no means limited to the
expectations placed on research by integrated environmental management
approaches. The relation between multi-disciplinary research approaches
and integrated management practices works naturally also other way
round: increased discussion about inter- and transdisciplinary research has
undoubtedly contributed to the development of more integrated approaches
for management.
views, participation and interconnectedness
related to water and its use, development and
management. These all are crucial building blocks
for sustainability and equality.
Yet, there is a danger that integrated approaches
may in some occasions actually maintain
unsustainable and unequal management practices.
The experiences presented in this Thesis indicate
that there are at least two reasons for such a
conclusion: the combination of the vagueness
of integrated approaches and the highly political
nature of water management, and the fact that
the integrated approaches often build on existing,
formal management institutions and require
sophisticated know-how of the methods used for
both management and integration.
The rst reason refers to the realisation that while
integrated approaches such as IWRM are usually
consensual concepts, they at the same time are
dened so vaguely that their actual practices take
several different forms. Due to highly political
nature of water management as exemplied
by the current situation with the hydropower
development in the Mekong, the integrated
practices can thus be (mis)used to justify certain
management decisions at the expense of truly
integrated views (Figure 8).
Secondly, the incorporation of integrated
approaches into existing institutional settings
although important for continuity can lead to
situations where the approaches are actually used
to strengthen the institutes responsible for their
implementation. This, in turn, is likely to sustain
the existing imbalances and challenges related
to water management and even lead to increased
centralisation of water management
114
. Similarly,
the increasing need for sophisticated integration
and management tools can favour technical
114
As noted by Biswas (2010: 14, 20), many people and institutions have
continued to do what they were doing in the past, but under the guise of
integrated water resources management in order to attract additional funds,
or to obtain greater national and international acceptance and visibility
and the consolidation of institutions, in the name of integration, is likely to
produce more centralization, and reduced responsiveness of such institutions
to the needs of the different stakeholders. See also Warner (2007b).
66
expertise and scientic knowledge production at
the expense of other views and forms of knowledge,
even when integrated approaches aim to increase
the emphasis on the latter. The threat of integrated
approaches actually maintaining unsustainable
and unequal management practices is particularly
evident if such approaches are simplied into
sheer technical, expert-driven processes without
the recognition of their strong political nature.
6.4 CONCLUDING REMARKS
I have argued in this Thesis that integration is, even
given its challenges, the right way forward in water
management. Integrated approaches provide one
but naturally not the only framework through
which water management activities can be
planned, implemented and analysed. Essentially,
the use of integrated approaches means that we
need to consider in a more comprehensive and
sustainable manner the use, development and
management of water, and that we must better
understand the diverse interconnections between
water, the environment and the different groups of
people.
Integration also means that we need to cross the
boundaries: those between sectors and disciplines,
those between institutions and organisations and,
most importantly, those between the ideas, views
and perceptions of different people. Indeed, I
would suggest that among the most important
achievements of integrated approaches is the way
they are gradually changing the mindsets of water
experts and decision-makers towards more holistic,
systemic view on water and its management.
In the specic context of research, integration
connects to the broader discussion about scientic
knowledge production, including rethinking the
role of science and its relations with the society.
Integrated management approaches emphasise the
signicance of interdisciplinary and, ultimately,
transdisciplinary research approaches in supporting
the management practices. This shift from reliable
scientic knowledge to socially robust knowledge
(Gibbons 1999) places new expectations also
for research, highlighting transparency and
participation. Making the scientic sense common
must be common sense also for scientists!
At the same time it is obvious that water and
environmental issues are becoming increasingly
complex and interconnected in other words,
messy. Such messiness is particularly clear in
integrated management approaches due to their
crossboundary nature, as most major management
problems are found at the boundaries of, for
example, different sectors, disciplines, institutions
and scales (Mitchell 1990b). Consequently, it can
be questioned whether it makes sense to try to
manage such complexity under one management
framework even when such a framework would
be both broad and well-intentioned. In fact, I would
argue that the entire water eld is increasingly
moving to the era of multiplicity, where multiple
institutions and actors with multiple interests are
managing water with the help of multiple theories,
frameworks and practices in multiple simultaneous
processes.
Accordingly, to be able to respond to this complexity
and multiplicity, it must be acknowledged that
what ultimately matters are not so much the
means (different approaches and frameworks), but
the ends (what is actually achieved) (Biswas 2010).
This also indicates that in some circumstances the
most suitable management framework may actually
not be the one emphasising integration. Instead,
the most appropriate way forward may be provided
for instance through Adaptive Water Management
with its emphasis on collaborative learning, or
even through non-integrated water management
practices taking place at several different layers
in polycentric management contexts
115
. This
also means that integration should not be seen
to indicate a disregard of sectoral views, as also
integrated management practices must build on
in-depth understanding of the system components
and they therefore have to make use of the relevant
disciplinary expertise as well.
115
For more information, see e.g. Kindler (2000), Ostrom & Janssen (2004),
Lankford (2007), Pahl-Wostl et al. (2007) and Huitema et al. (2009). See
also FAO (2006: 1) for an interesting discussion about so-called embedded
watershed management as a new generation of watershed management
programmes that are seen to be replacing integrated watershed management
and are (again) promoting more sectoral approaches.
67
Both the theory and practice of integrated
water management approaches need thus to be
continuously improved, updated and adapted so
that they correspond to the differing, continuously
changing management contexts. They also need to
consider much better the current era of multiplicity
and complexity, including number of parallel
management processes with variety of different
actors. This also necessitates the recognition of
the fundamental differences between the theories
of integration and the actual water management
practices, calling for an increased emphasis on
the understanding of the intricate connections
between the two.
At the same time it is tempting to put the blame of
the problems with integrated water management
either on the theory or on the practice or at least
on the much-discussed gap between the two. Such
scapegoating is, however, not really addressing the
main challenges with integration, particularly not
in a eld such as water management where the
theory and the practice form a tightly interwoven
circle
116
. Instead, we need to look beyond the
theory and the practice, to the issue that really
hinders the integration to take place: the people
behind both the theory and the practice. Whether
talking about the detailed theories of integrated
approaches or about their actual implementation
during day-to-day management routines, different
people make decisions on how to do integrated
management, including the diverse ways to link
the different integration methods with actual
management practices.
Consequently, instead of mere methods and
approaches, what really matters is the mindset:
the ideas, views, values, beliefs and attitudes of
different people towards both integration and water
management. Naturally, we need to be better aware
of what kinds of methods there are available for
integration and what kinds of institutional settings
it requires. We also need extensive expertise on
116
Obviously, this doesnt mean that the addressing the gap between the
theory and the practice would not be important as well: as was discussed
above, in many situations such a gap is indeed among the main reasons
for the underperformance of integrated approaches. There are also good,
practical initiatives to try to systematically to reduce such a gap, including e.g.
the common assessment framework proposed by Lee (2006) in improving
the quality of Integrated Assessment.
developing and using the different integration
and management methods. At least as important
is, however, to continuously discuss the ultimate
objectives of integration: what we actually want to
achieve by integrated management in this specic
context, and what this requires from us and other
people involved?
Such a dialogue requires getting out of our own
comfort zones: putting our xed ideas and strictly
disciplinary methods aside, and starting to discuss
and argue with our colleagues and with the
various stakeholders about our views, motivations
and understandings related to integration and
water management. The importance of this
kind of dialogue and cooperation has for long
been discussed under the themes of stakeholder
involvement and participation. However, at least
as important but much less discussed is the
interaction taking place at the level of different
teams responsible for actual management and
integration.
This makes integration also a very personal
matter, as each person involved in an integrated
management process needs to remain critical to
their own working practices and open towards
those of others. Maintaining such an attitude is not
easy, and is very likely to lead to personal culture
shocks on how we consider and value ourselves
as well as our theoretical backgrounds and actual
management and research practices.
Yet, I do believe that better consideration of these
interactive and, ultimately, personal aspects of
integration is the right way forward to balance
out the dominance as I see it of the technical
and even mechanical emphases of the current
integrated water management practices. Indeed, I
suggest that we need to understand that the letter
I in the acronyms of integrated approaches does
not stand just for integration, but for integration
and interaction.
69
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84 Bringing back the common sense? Integrated approaches in water management: Lessons learnt from the Mekong
ARTICLE I
5
Transboundary cooperation vs.
internal ambitions: The role of
China and Cambodia in the
Mekong region
Marko Keskinen, Katri Mehtonen and Olli Varis
Introduction
The Mekong River Basin offers a fascinating example of regional
cooperation and non-cooperation in the development and manage-
ment of an international river basin. The riparian countries have in re-
cent decades experienced several internal and international conicts that
have seriously impaired regional political relations. This has also had its
impacts on regional cooperation on water management, including the
functioning of the Mekong River Commission (MRC) and its two prede-
cessors.
Despite difcult circumstances, the Mekong River organizations have
made important contributions to transboundary water management;1 the
Mekong cooperation has even been cited to be the most successful in the
developing world (Phillips et al. 2006; Jacobs 2002). However, the func-
tioning of the MRC and other regional organizations dealing with water
most importantly the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program is
still far from perfect, and they are often seen to be non-transparent and
too detached from local realities.
This chapter examines water-related cooperation in the Mekong region
through a review of the Mekong cooperation and two country-specic
case studies focusing on China and Cambodia. In this way, we aim to
illustrate the challenges of transboundary water cooperation, and in par-
ticular the specic role that the riparian countries have in its function-
ing. We show the effect that the past and present policies and internal
International water security: Domestic threats and opportunities, Pachova, Nakayama and
Jansky (eds), United Nations University Press, 2008, ISBN 978-92-808-1150-6
79
developments of China and Cambodia have had on the management of
the river and the regional cooperation in that context. Owing to the coun-
tries different roles in the region, the China case study focuses on hydro-
power development, whereas the Cambodia case study concentrates on
that countrys tumultuous history and its current political setting.
The focus on China and Cambodia is for various reasons. Taken as a
whole, China and Cambodia both have had a particular role in the Me-
kong region as well as in Mekong cooperation. For example, they both
had a specic role in the way the Mekong Agreement which established
the MRC was formulated. The countries also make an interesting pair
for comparison: whereas China is the most upstream country, a regional
superpower, a non-party of the MRC and the only riparian with dams in
the Mekong mainstream, Cambodia is a downstream country and a mem-
ber of the MRC and has potentially the most to lose from uncontrolled
development of the river as a result of potentially destructive impacts on
the countrys oodplain and aquatic production.
It is important to note, however, that the focus on riparian states inev-
itably leaves out other important aspects of the Mekong cooperation. As
highlighted by Sneddon and Fox (2006), Mekong cooperation should not
be considered just as interaction between monolithic states, since there
actually exists a variety of actors and processes at different scales that
simultaneously support and challenge the riparian states.2 The Mekong
countries are also not particularly democratic, and implementing bal-
anced water management and addressing possible water-related conicts
through transnational cooperation alone are therefore not the most via-
ble options (O
jendal 2000). However, because a number of recent studies

have focused on the above-mentioned topics (see e.g. Backer 2006;
Hirsch et al. 2006; Lebel et al. 2006; Phillips et al. 2006; Sneddon and
Fox 2006; Dore 2003; O
jendal 2000; Bakker 1999), we concentrate in

this chapter on Cambodia and China and their specic roles in the Me-
kong cooperation.
The Mekong River Basin
The Mekong River is one of the greatest rivers of the world: both its esti-
mated length (4,909 km) and its mean annual volume (475 km
3
) make it
the tenth-largest in the world (Shaochuang et al. 2007; MRC 2005). It is
also among the worlds most pristine large rivers, supporting an excep-
tionally diverse and productive freshwater ecosystem and providing a
source of livelihoods for millions of people. Six riparian countries share
the river basin: Cambodia, China, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet
Nam (Figure 5.1).
80 MARKO KESKINEN, KATRI MEHTONEN AND OLLI VARIS
Figure 5.1 Map of the Mekong River Basin.
Source: Map by Matti Kummu.
81
The Mekong River Basin can be divided into the Upper and Lower
Basins, with China and Myanmar forming the Upper Basin, which consti-
tutes approximately 24 per cent of the total catchment area and 18 per
cent of the total ow (MRC 2005, 2003). The rivers runoff originates
largely from the Lower Basin as less than one-fth of the total ow is
contributed by the Upper Mekong Basin (MRC 2003). The rivers sea-
sonal oods are vital for the basins ecology and peoples livelihoods be-
cause they support rice cultivation and diverse aquatic ecosystems and
wetlands. Although the hydrology of the downstream Mekong is not
that dependent on the Upper Basin, the latter contributes signicantly
to the rivers dry season ow as well as to its sediments.
It is estimated that roughly half of the total sediment concentration of
the river originates from the Upper Basin (Kummu and Varis 2007). Ow-
ing to sediment trapping by the dams, Chinas planned cascade of dams
in the mainstream Mekong may therefore have a signicant impact on
the sediment balance and, consequently, on the aquatic productivity of
the river system (Kummu and Varis 2007; Kummu et al. 2008). In addi-
tion, the dams probable impact on raising dry season water levels poses
a serious threat for the downstream oodplains, including the ooded
forests of the Tonle Sap Lake.3
The role of the Mekong in the riparian countries
All the Mekong countries are changing rapidly: population is growing
and urbanizing, economies are developing and trade is increasing. At the
same time, disparities are rising and natural resources are under increas-
ing pressure. Although many consider the ongoing and planned water de-
velopment projects most notably the construction of large hydropower
dams and irrigation projects important for the countries economic de-
velopment, the negative impacts that they are likely to have on ecosys-
tems as well as on the livelihoods of millions of people are also estimated
to be remarkable.
The Mekong River and its tributaries have different hydrological, eco-
nomic and social roles in different riparian countries. In the primarily
rural economies of Cambodia, Laos and the Mekong Delta of Viet Nam,
the river is the lifeline of the local people as it provides livelihoods for
millions of shers and farmers. Although not accessible for large-scale
navigation, the Mekong River is an important navigation route, par-
ticularly for landlocked Laos and the Yunnan province of China. The
river and its tributaries are also important sources of hydropower and,
consequently, of energy and income for the riparian countries. The devel-
opment of hydropower in the Mekong Basin has, however, faced severe
criticism owing to its signicant environmental and social impacts, which
remain poorly analysed and recognized (see e.g. IUCN et al. 2007; Lam-
berts 2008). Moreover, the role of dams in shifting control of water re-
sources from the local level towards provincial and central governments
has been a serious concern, particularly when noting the existing gover-
nance challenges in practically all riparian countries (IUCN et al. 2007;
O
jendal 2000; Bakker 1999).

Table 5.1 seeks to summarize the different ways in which the Mekong
countries make use of the river and its resources.4 The table also lists the
major feared impacts that the national development plans may cause for
the river as well as the foremost threats the countries face in relation to
the river. Naturally, the majority of the impacts are caused by upstream
countries, whereas the downstream countries are the ones threatened by
them.
The diverse aspirations for the exploitation of the Mekong Rivers
resources give rise to different, sometimes opposing, objectives in the
Table 5.1 Some of the main functions, impacts and threats related to the Mekong
River in ve riparian countries
Country Main use/function
Major feared impacts
caused by the country
Major threats to
the country
China Hydropower,
transportation
route
Levelling out of the
oods, trapping of
sediments and
nutrients
Lack of energy and
transportation
routes
Thailand Water diversion
for irrigation
and other uses
Environmental
degradation, ow
changes
Lack of water for
irrigation
Laos Hydropower,
navigation,
aquatic
resources
Levelling out of the
oods, trapping of
sediments and
nutrients
Impacts on
agriculture and
shing, river
bank erosion
Cambodia Aquatic resources,
irrigation,
possibly
hydropower
Potential negative
impacts owing to
unsustainable
sheries
management
Changes in
oodplains,
particularly in
the Tonle Sap
ood pulse !
impact on shing
and agriculture
Viet Nam Irrigation (delta),
hydropower
(Central
Highlands)
Increasing
environmental
degradation and
water quality
problems in the delta
owing to intensive
agriculture and
dense population
Decreased dry
season water
ows; increasing
salt water
intrusion and
negative impacts
on irrigation
ROLE OF CHINA AND CAMBODIA IN THE MEKONG REGION 83
riparian countries. For Cambodia, maintaining the seasonality of the
river is seen as crucial in order to protect the productivity of its ood-
plains and the exceptional ecosystem of the Tonle Sap Lake. Viet Nam
too considers maintaining seasonality as important for the Mekong Delta,
and sees the reduction of dry season ows as particularly unwanted.
Thailand, by contrast, aspires to draw water from the river and its tribu-
taries for irrigation, and has even planned to divert some of the Me-
kongs water to other rivers within its area (Phillips et al. 2006). Thailand
is also eager to get more hydropower from the Mekong, mainly through
electricity-buying agreements with Laos and China. The most upstream
country, China, wishes to improve the navigability of the upper parts of
the river and above all has already built hydropower dams in the
mainstream Mekong and has plans for several more.
The differing national interests in and needs for the Mekong form a po-
tential source of conict but also cooperation between the riparian
countries. Overall, the riparian countries governments seem to have
rather similar aspirations for the development of the basin, including the
development of hydropower and large-scale irrigation.5 This is illustrated
by the fact that there have recently emerged or, rather, re-emerged
plans in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia to build dams in the mainstream
Mekong.6 If these plans materialize, it will be the rst time that main-
stream dams are built in the lower Mekong River, having potentially sig-
nicant impacts in terms of both environment and livelihoods (see e.g.
Baran and Ratner 2007). The planning and decision-making process re-
lated to these plans can thus be seen to take regional cooperation, and
particularly the functioning of the MRC, to a completely new level. Con-
sequently, the success or failure of this cooperative process between
the riparian countries will for its part show the way for the future of Me-
kong cooperation.
Regional cooperation
The Mekong region has changed a great deal during the past decade in
terms of geopolitics. The riparian countries have developed rapidly,
increased their cooperation, particularly in trade and economics, and re-
oriented their policies towards more open international relations. Conse-
quently, other modalities of regional cooperation increasingly determine
Mekong cooperation and the role of the MRC in the region (Figure 5.2).
The main institutions in this context are the Greater Mekong Sub-
region (GMS) Program and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), both of which are introduced briey next. After that, the
functioning of the MRC and its predecessors is discussed in more detail.
Together these two sections present the larger context of water-related
cooperation in the Mekong region and discuss its possible future.
The GMS Program was initiated in 1992 with strong support from the
Asian Development Bank and all six riparian countries are members.7
The GMS Program focuses on economic and infrastructure development,
but environmental issues too are listed on its agenda. However, the GMS
Programs environmental initiatives focus mainly on land ecosystems,8
and largely ignore the Mekong River and aquatic biodiversity aspects
undoubtedly the regions most important and controversial environmen-
tal issue. This would naturally offer a great opportunity for the GMS
Program and the MRC to complement each other, but the interaction be-
tween the two remains limited. Part of the dilemma is that the MRC and
the GMS Program are both dealing with somewhat similar issues but with
a very different approach; it has even been indicated that the two organi-
zations are in competition (Hirsch et al. 2006).
Another, geographically broader, economic cooperation organization
in the region is ASEAN. Its 10 member countries include all the Mekong
countries except China. However, ASEAN also has close connections
with China through its dialogue processes. The development of the Me-
kong Basin is one of the ve priority areas for ASEANChina coopera-
tion (ASEAN 2002), and the ASEANMekong Basin Development
Cooperation is one of the subregional cooperation frameworks in which
ASEAN is involved. The framework was established in 1996, and its ob-
jective is to stimulate sustainable economic growth of the Mekong Basin
Figure 5.2 Different levels of cooperation in the Mekong region.
and to encourage a process of dialogue and identication of common
projects (ASEAN 1996). Again, these objectives could be easily linked
with those of the MRC, but there is still little cooperation between
ASEAN and the MRC. Part of the dilemma seems to be the different val-
uations and views of the river: whereas the MRC sees the Mekong River
chiey as a natural resource, the GMS Program and ASEAN seem to
consider the river more as a symbol that denes the region in which
they are promoting economic growth and cooperation (Weatherbee
1997).
There exist several other regional institutions and initiatives that have
water-related issues on their agenda. These include the United Nations
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacic (ESCAP), the
United Nations Development Programmes Regional Environmental
Governance Programme for Asia-Pacic as well as the initiative by the
World Conservation Union (IUCN) and its partners to make discussion
about water development in the basin more transparent and participatory
through a multi-stakeholder dialogue process (IUCN et al. 2007). Other
multilateral cooperation processes include, for example, a navigation
agreement for the upper Mekong River between China, Laos, Myanmar
and Thailand and the Thai-initiated AyeyawadyChao PhrayaMekong
Economic Cooperation Strategy. In addition, the major nancial institu-
tions in the region the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank
(ADB) are strongly involved in water issues through nancing river de-
velopment and related projects. The World Bank, together with the ADB,
has also developed the Mekong Water Resources Assistance Strategy for
the Mekong Basin.
Despite some interaction between all these different regional organiza-
tions, their cooperation remains limited, and some of them are actually
seen more as rivals than as collaborators (Hirsch et al. 2006; Sokhem
and Sunada 2006). Considering the limited capacity of the Mekong coun-
tries, the rapid pace of regional development and the tremendous possi-
bilities and threats included in water development, this non-cooperation
is unquestionably a remarkable opportunity wasted.
The Mekong River Commission and its predecessors
In terms of water resources, the most central cooperation body for the
Mekong countries is the Mekong River Commission (MRC). However,
the functioning of the MRC and its predecessors (Figure 5.3) has often
been limited for political reasons, particularly owing to differing national
interests and domestic political challenges in the member countries. In
addition, the organizations have operated in only the four Lower Me-
kong countries of Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Viet Nam, which has
left China out of the actual cooperation. A review of the functioning of
the Mekong River organizations the MRC and its two predecessors
therefore provides an interesting framework for analysing the roles of
riparian states in regional water cooperation.
The Mekong Committee and the Interim Mekong Committee
The Mekong Committee (MC), the rst cooperative body between the
four Lower Mekong countries, was established in 1957. The foundations
of the MC were laid at the beginning of the 1950s, when the United Na-
tions and the US Bureau of Reclamation carried out a series of studies
that suggested great possibilities for irrigation and the development of
hydropower, and aroused the interest of the four Lower Mekong coun-
tries (MRC 2002).
The Mekong Committee, headquartered in Bangkok, was set up only
for the Lower Mekong Basin. China and Burma (now Myanmar) were
not members: China was excluded mainly because it was not a UN mem-
ber and was under a communist regime, and Burma was not interested in
joining the cooperative body (Browder and Ortolano 2000). The forma-
tion of the Mekong Committee was also very much a product of the
Cold War, because one of its objectives was to support the capitalist re-
gimes in the region and in this way to prevent the spread of communism
in the area (Phillips et al. 2006).
The mandate of the Mekong Committee was focused on planning, and
throughout the 1960s the Committee was involved in a massive pro-
gramme of water resources studies (Browder and Ortolano 2000). In
1970, the MC introduced the Indicative Basin Plan, which marked a shift
from mere planning towards implementation. The plan presented a set of
options for water resources projects, and included several large-scale
dams to be constructed in the Mekong mainstream (MRC 1970).9 These
massive plans were, however, put together with few doubts about their
Figure 5.3 Three phases of the Mekong River organizations.
Note: The letters indicate the rst letters of the names of the four member
countries.
actual desirability, guided by an optimistic view of the capitalist develop-
ment of the basin (Phillips et al. 2006; O
jendal 2000).
The year 1975 proved to be one of the most important turning points
for Mekong cooperation. During that year the MC issued a Joint Decla-
ration of Principles in which the four member countries agreed that all
mainstream, major tributary and inter-basin diversions require the un-
animous approval of the Committee prior to implementation (Browder
and Ortolano 2000). However, the Joint Declaration was not ratied
nor were any of the projects dened in the Indicative Basin Plan imple-
mented owing to the radical political changes emerging in the region in
the very same year. Out of the four MC countries, Cambodia, Laos and
Viet Nam acquired communist governments, and Thailand remained
alone in the pro-Western, capitalist camp (Browder and Ortolano 2000).
In Cambodia, the extreme communist Khmer Rouge regime came to
power in April 1975, and severed connections with the Mekong Commit-
tee. The absence of Cambodia forced the remaining three member coun-
tries to form the Interim Mekong Committee (IMC). The formation of
the IMC was seen to be an important achievement in itself; after all, it
brought socialist Viet Nam and Thailand to the same table, offering one
of the very few opportunities for diplomatic negotiations between the
countries during these turbulent years (Weatherbee 1997). However, the
functions of the Interim Mekong Committee were much more limited
than those of the Mekong Committee as the three remaining member
countries concentrated on their internal water development projects.
The regions tense geopolitical situation, along with Cambodias continu-
ing internal problems, transformed the IMC from a temporary coopera-
tive body to a diplomatic battleground that was to operate for more
than a decade. As a consequence, Mekong cooperation seemed to be
slowly slipping into irrelevance during the 1980s (Browder and Ortolano
2000).
The formation of the Mekong River Commission
The beginning of the 1990s marked the revitalization of Mekong cooper-
ation and eventually led to the formation of the Mekong River Commis-
sion (MRC). Soon after the signing of Cambodias peace agreement in
1991, Cambodias new government requested reactivation of the coun-
trys membership in the former Mekong Committee. Although the IMCs
statute declared that the Mekong Committee would succeed the IMC
once Cambodia was ready to rejoin, things had changed dramatically.
Although all the IMC members were willing to readmit Cambodia, Thai-
land and Viet Nam in particular had serious disagreements over the
constitutional structure of the new Mekong Committee. The idealistic
and even euphoric atmosphere of joint interest that prevailed in the
1950s and 1960s was now absent (Phillips et al. 2006).
The disagreements between the countries resulted from the changed
global and regional political environment. The ending of the Cold War
era altered the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia as well, and forced
the riparian countries to rethink their domestic and foreign policies. In
the new regional order China appeared as the regions most important
power, with growing economic signicance (Makim 2002). At the begin-
ning of the 1990s, China also initiated an enormous hydropower develop-
ment project for the upper Mekong River that caused concern in the
Lower Basin countries and resulted in further disagreements about the
focus and structure of Mekong cooperation. In addition to geopolitical
changes, the regional socio-economic situation had changed as well.
Whereas other Lower Mekong countries had suffered from poor eco-
nomic growth throughout the 1980s, Thailand had developed signicantly
and was now clearly more developed than the other riparian countries.
This was seen to give Thailand more bargaining power in the negotia-
tions about the future of Mekong cooperation (Nakayama 1999).
Although all four Lower Mekong countries were ready to continue
their cooperation, they disagreed over whether they should carry on
under the old Mekong Committee framework or negotiate a totally new
framework. In addition, Thailand was eager to incorporate China in the
new Mekong organization, while the others were more hesitant (Radose-
vich 1995).10 The impasse was solved in 1992 by the signing of a Memo-
randum of Understanding that returned Cambodia ofcially to Mekong
cooperation and started negotiations for a new cooperation framework.
After long and complex negotiations, the Mekong River Commission
(MRC) was established in April 1995 by the four Lower Mekong coun-
tries with the signing of the Agreement on the Cooperation for the Sus-
tainable Development of the Mekong River Basin (MRC 1995).
Despite Chinas prominent role and its massive plans for the develop-
ment of its part of the Mekong River, it did not join the MRC. However,
the 1995 Mekong Agreement includes an article that allows any other
riparian State to become a member of the MRC with the consent of
the other members (MRC 1995). In 1996, China and Myanmar became
so-called dialogue members of the Commission. The MRCs cooperation
with China was further improved in 2002 when China signed an agree-
ment on the provision of hydrological information on the Mekong River
(MRCS 2002).
The new Mekong Agreement started a new era of cooperation in the
Lower Mekong Basin. Instead of the former emphasis on planning and
construction, the Mekong Agreement focused on sustainable and compre-
hensive management of the Mekong River. Because of the prominence it
gives to joint development, ecological protection and water allocation,
the agreement has been praised as a milestone in international water re-
sources management treaties (Radosevich and Olson 1999). However,
the phrasing of the Mekong Agreement of 1995 emphasizes the territo-
rial integrity and sovereignty of the signatory states, and rejects the en-
forcement power of the MRC. The Agreement is thus less binding than
the 1975 Joint Declaration and leaves more freedom for national water
utilization. The MRC can therefore be seen to be more a coordinator,
rather than a controller, of the use of the Mekongs resources (Browder
and Ortolano 2000). For this reason the Mekong Agreement has also
been described as weak, allowing the member countries to interpret it as
they like or even just to sideline it (Backer 2006).
Way forward for Mekong cooperation?
It is obvious that the MRC and its predecessors have played an important
role as a cooperation platform between the Mekong countries; the orga-
nizations have collected and shared information between the countries,
made common plans for the basin development, and provided a dialogue
forum for the governments. However, with the increase in unilateral
and bilateral plans for water development most notably hydropower
construction in the basin, there is a real danger that the MRC will be
sidelined from the planning and decision-making processes.11
Despite the seemingly easy cooperation, the four member countries of
the MRC seem not to be eager to carry out really comprehensive and co-
ordinated development of the basin. We see two main reasons for this.
First, the governments seem to be hesitant to give up even a small part
of their national sovereignty. The different forms of regional cooperation
particularly those that involve agreements and limitations on countries
use of water and related resources are subordinated to national inter-
ests, and the MRC therefore remains marginalized from the national
decision-making processes (Dore 2003; Backer 2006; Hirsch et al.
2006).12 The differing national interests are also related to the regions
tumultuous history and the complex political relations between the ripar-
ian countries. Secondly, the member country governments seem to fear
that cooperation in the MRC would considerably slow down and even
prevent their plans for the utilization of the Mekong. Indeed, the coun-
tries seem to be reluctant to take steps towards a more regulatory role
for the MRC, with greater emphasis on governance, as this would also
mean compromising their national sovereignty and their plans for devel-
oping the river and its tributaries (Hirsch et al. 2006).
The MRC is also facing other, more general, challenges. The fairly
weak institutional capacity of its member countries Cambodia and
Laos in particular is also reected in the MRC, which still has plenty of
room for improvement (Chenoweth et al. 2001). In addition, the very
structure of the MRC as a cooperative body between the riparian states
means that the MRC considers the entire basin mainly as a transnational
space (Sneddon and Fox 2006). Many see that this state-centrism
particularly when combined with persisting governance challenges in the
member countries means that the MRC does not comprehensively ad-
dress the different temporal and spatial scales of water use, does not in-
volve the non-state actors properly in its work and fails to reect the
actual needs and concerns at the local level (IUCN et al. 2007; Sneddon
and Fox 2006; Sokhem and Sunada 2006; Dore 2003; O
jendal 2000).
At the basin-wide level, the absence of two upstream countries China
and Myanmar is perhaps the biggest deciency of the MRC, seriously
restricting comprehensive management of the entire basin. The fact that
all three Mekong River organizations have had only Lower Mekong
countries as members means that none of the organizations has complied
with the most frequently highlighted prerequisite for basin-wide water
management, i.e. that the river basin organization should coincide with
the geographical extent of the watershed (Phillips et al. 2006). China
thus has a very special role in Mekong cooperation and its actions and
non-actions have a remarkable inuence on the development and man-
agement of the entire basin; these are discussed more below, as well as in
Chapter 10 on China.
A bit more than a decade after the Mekong Agreement was signed, the
MRC is in many ways at a crossroads. Whereas the rst 10 years of the
MRC focused on building technical and management capacity, particu-
larly for the MRC Secretariat, the long-formulated new strategic plan
for 20062010 is moving towards an approach oriented more to develop-
ment, investment and action (MRC 2006). This seems also to be what the
member country governments and the CEO unlike most of the donors
want (Backer 2006; Affeltranger 2005; Cogels 2005). This kind of
approach is actually very close to that of the Greater Mekong Subregion
Program and ASEAN, raising questions about overlaps. This approach
has also attracted criticism owing to the lack of proper consideration of
emerging conict-prone issues, most importantly the ongoing construc-
tion of dams upstream and in the tributaries (Jensen 2005).
Case study 1: China
China is a regional superpower with a history of non-cooperation in the
management of its transboundary river basins.13 This is also a reality
in the Mekong Basin, where China is the uppermost riparian and has
expressed only limited interest in regional cooperation, at least when it
comes to discussing its own plans for the exploitation of the river. This
kind of self-centred approach has been easy for China: as the most up-
stream country it has control over the Upper Mekong Basin.
Development in the upper Mekong
Despite the strong efforts towards integrated management of water re-
sources, the international dimension and transboundary impacts have tra-
ditionally been to a large extent left out of Chinas water-related plans
and activities. Best known of these activities is the plan to build a cascade
of several large hydropower dams into the Mekong mainstream in
Yunnan province (Table 5.2). The rst dam, Manwan, was completed in
1996 without prior consultation with the downstream countries. The sec-
ond one, the Dachaoshan dam, went into operation in 2003, and con-
struction of the massive 300 metres high Xiaowan hydroelectric project
began in 2002. The Xiaowan dam is Chinas second-largest dam project,
smaller only than the Three Gorges project on the Yangtze River. The
Jinghong dam is also under construction and the Nuozhadu dam is in
preparation; the remaining projects are at the planning stage (Magee
2006; Dore and Yu 2004; Voigt 2004).
The dams in the upper Mekong or Lancang as it is known in China
are mainly planned to provide energy. The dam cascade, concentrated
close to Chinas southern borders, will have a maximum installed capac-
ity of 15,000 MW. Yunnan province is one of the poorest in the country,
and income from the power trade is therefore considered important for
its economic development. At the national level, power shortages are
Table 5.2 Proposed Mekong dam scheme in China
Site
Dam
height
(metres)
Installed
capacity
(MW)
Current
status
Estimated
completion
Gonguoqiao 130 750 n.a. n.a.
Xiaowan 300 4,200 Under construction 2012
Manwan 126 1,500 Completed 1996
Dachaoshan 110 1,350 Completed 2003
Nuozhadu 254 5,850 Under preparation 2017
Jinghong 118 1,750 Under construction 2009
Ganlanba n.a. 250 n.a. n.a.
Mengsong n.a. 600 n.a. n.a.
Sources: Magee (2006), Dore and Yu (2004), Voigt (2004), IRN (2001), McCor-
mack (2001), Plinston and He (1999).
becoming increasingly serious, and energy production is therefore high on
the governments agenda. Hydropower is also considered to be a clean
form of energy, particularly compared with the dominant coal-based en-
ergy production.
Besides national needs, the upper Mekong dams are expected to sup-
ply power to the growing markets in Southeast Asia, particularly to Thai-
land. The Chinese part of the Mekong has a remarkable total exploitable
capacity of an estimated 23,480 MW (Chincold 2003). Nonetheless, the
river forms only a minor part of the countrys total hydropower potential,
and is also situated far from the main industrial centres. However, con-
sidering the low level of development in Yunnan province as well as the
energy needs of the other Mekong countries, there seems to be a growing
demand for both local consumption and cross-border electricity trade.
The Mekong River also offers China access to the Southeast Asian
markets. In order to improve the navigability of the river, China has ini-
tiated a navigation improvement project on the river together with Thai-
land, Laos and Myanmar. The plan included removal of several rapids
and reefs in the upper reaches of the Mekong by dredging and blasting
(Finlayson 2002). The navigation project has been criticized for poor im-
pact assessments that did not properly assess the potential environmental
impacts (Lazarus et al. 2006). Additionally, Cambodia and Viet Nam
claim that they were not consulted or even properly informed about the
agreement, although they are the two countries in many ways most de-
pendent on the river and most affected by upstream development (Mak-
konen 2005).14
According to the ofcial Chinese view, development in the upper Me-
kong will not have severe impacts. In fact, the Chinese view the impacts
of dam construction as being mainly positive, because during the dry sea-
son the amount of water in the river could be increased and during the
rainy season ood protection improved. With careful operation of the
dams, the adverse effects could be minimized (Chapman and He 2000).
Chinas statements have nevertheless been criticized for badly underesti-
mating and even neglecting the negative downstream impacts. Many
regional and international specialists maintain that the consequences of
the Chinese dams will be considerable, and will have environmental and
social impacts because the quality and quantity of the river ow will
change remarkably (see e.g. IUCN et al. 2007; Lamberts 2008; Kummu
and Varis 2007; Keskinen et al. 2007). In particular, the immense aquatic
production, which is a major source of income and food in the basin, is
likely to be endangered.
One of the main challenges in discussing the impacts of upstream dams
is that there has not been a proper cumulative environmental assessment
covering the entire river basin and the different development plans, at
least not one that is publicly available. This is related to the problems
with the availability of information; China has been hesitant to share de-
tailed information on its plans or even on the hydrological measurements
in its part of the Mekong River. On the other hand, comprehensive infor-
mation about the different development plans and their impact assess-
ments is usually very difcult to get in other riparian countries too.
Chinas reluctance to cooperate regionally?
Chinas cooperation or non-cooperation in the Mekong Basin looks
different depending on the viewpoint. The ofcial Chinese version wants
to give an impression of high-level cooperation as well as of mutual ben-
ets from the Chinese projects. However, the alternative view reveals
that the importance of the water projects, particularly those involving
hydropower production, is so great that the possible negative impacts on
downstream countries may simply not be taken seriously into account.
There are several reasons for Chinas relatively low cooperation in the
management of the Mekong River, including:
the structure of Chinese society and politics a strong central adminis-

tration;
historical factors turbulent relationships with the neighbouring coun-

tries;
strong economic development, pressure to develop further and the

need for energy the necessity of the projects targeted at water re-
sources development;
challenges inside the country and the resources required to solve them
shortage of capacity and the low priority of international issues;
lack of adequate benets what China would really achieve through

increased Mekong cooperation.
All these factors should be taken into account when considering future
actions to improve Mekong cooperation and in particular Chinas role in
it. As can be seen, most of the factors are closely related to Chinas do-
mestic issues. The structure of Chinese society remains highly centralized
and relies on the one-party system. The process of maintaining this polit-
ical system while aiming at a market economy and increased participation
in the international community is a very special one. Adding the huge
size of the country and the domestic challenges faced in many sectors, it
is practically impossible to compare China with any other nation.
Based on the structures of Chinese society and politics, there is a ten-
dency to keep internal matters including the development of water
resources as the nations own business. In addition, some of the work-
ing methods in the water sector clearly hamper the implementation of an
integrated approach. Water-related responsibilities are divided among
different ministries and bureaus, and there is hardly any information-
sharing among them. To full the aims set for them, the different
agencies also compete with each other, which further reduces the motiva-
tion for information-sharing (Makkonen 2005). At the middle and lower
levels of governance, contradictions exist in the position of the bureaus as
they need to respond both to the next level in their own sector and to the
general local governance. All these very basic governance challenges
have their implications for international cooperation.
At the same time, China faces some substantial, high-level domestic
challenges that demand priority over other issues. Environmental degra-
dation, which has reached an alarming level, is one such challenge and is
very difcult to curb. The same problems as are faced in many sectors
an inoperative management structure and a lack of funding also occur
in the environmental eld. Owing to the scope of Chinas internal envi-
ronmental problems, there may be little capacity for solving international
matters related to the environment. Chinas national economy is another
major challenge. The drive towards a Western idea of a developed coun-
try, a strong national economy and both economic and social balance are
major factors in all decision-making. The importance of projects that sup-
port domestic development, such as energy and transportation sectors,
must not be underestimated. Water resources have signicant potential
from both of these viewpoints. This provides strong justication too for
the projects on transboundary rivers, even if the impacts on the other ri-
parian countries are likely to be largely negative.
However, positive signs of Chinas willingness to cooperate more
actively in the Mekong do exist. Local administrations and the non-
governmental organizations seem to consider increased cooperation im-
portant, but rarely have real opportunities to work towards these aims
because of bureaucratic challenges, problems with resources and lack of
experience in real public participation (Makkonen 2005). At a higher lev-
el, Chinas economic opening, its drive for more transparency and its
increasingly important position as a member of the international commu-
nity encourage international cooperation. China is also becoming more
and more dependent on the outside world, which seems to be giving in-
creasing weight to relationships with its neighbouring countries as well.
Future prospects for Chinas Mekong cooperation
Despite its history of weak regional cooperation, China is a major player
in the Mekong region and has shown increasing interest in the region.
China is keenly interested in more economically focused cooperation
within the GMS Program and ASEAN, and it has substantially increased
its bilateral cooperation with the other Mekong countries. Furthermore,
even though China is not a member of the MRC, it meets regularly with
the MRC because of its dialogue membership, and since 2002 it has
also shared some hydrological information with the Commission (MRCS
2006, 2002).
As noted by Hirsch et al. (2006), the ofcial Chinese position seems
also to have shifted to be more favourable towards MRC membership.
Although many see Chinas membership in the MRC as an important
step forward in Mekong cooperation, there are fundamental challenges
to Chinas membership from both sides. For the Chinese, the possible re-
strictions that membership would entail particularly on the building and
operation of its dams are difcult to accept. It also seems that China
wants the Commission to cover more economic and trade issues in addi-
tion to environmental and water-related questions (Makkonen 2005). On
the other hand, it is not clear if the MRC countries would actually accept
Chinas membership, as the country could have a too dominant role in
the Commission.
At the same time, China has become an increasingly important bilat-
eral partner for the other Mekong countries. In Cambodia and Laos,
China has become one of the largest foreign investors and trade partners,
and it has also given signicant donations and loans, particularly for
infrastructure development, including hydropower (Sokha 2007; China
Development Brief 2006).15 This kind of increased bilateral cooperation
could potentially lead also to increased multilateral cooperation. This
requires, however, strong political will in the riparian countries for coor-
dinated action; without this it seems likely that these kinds of bilateral
partnerships will not strengthen more multilateral processes, but might
even increasingly replace them.
Case study 2: Cambodia
Cambodia is a centrally located downstream country that falls almost
completely within the Mekong Basin. Tonle Sap Lake, which is the heart
of the Mekongs aquatic production, an invaluable ood-leveller and an
essential source of income for the region, is also situated in the country.
Cambodia is hence deeply dependent on the Mekong River and con-
cerned about the possible negative impacts of upstream development.
Because of its central location and the vital role of the Tonle Sap for the
entire Mekong system, Cambodia is also an important partner for the
other Mekong countries.
The civil war and political unrest that have characterized Cambodia for
much of recent decades have resulted in severe poverty, relatively poor
infrastructure, a lack of technical, nancial and human capacity and con-
tinuing governance challenges. Cambodia is one of the worlds most aid-
dependent countries, and donors and development banks are heavily
involved in the countrys development. Mekong cooperation is seen as
important for bringing much-needed nancial and technical assistance to
the country. Although water resources management is high on the gov-
ernments agenda (Chamroeun 2006), the governmental line agencies
weak capacity and a lack of coordination between the different ministries
mean that Cambodia still lacks the means comprehensively to address the
different aspects of the 1995 Mekong Agreement (Keskinen and Varis
2005; Sokhem and Sunada 2006).
At the same time, Cambodia has a history of exceptional internal prob-
lems and conicts that have profoundly affected the regional geopolitics
and have also seriously hindered Mekong cooperation. However, Cam-
bodias problems have by no means had only internal causes but have
been greatly affected by the power struggles of both regional and global
superpowers. Cambodias strategic location between the two regional
powers, Thailand and Viet Nam, means that it easily gets caught up in re-
gional power battles. This situation has forced Cambodia either to favour
one of the regional powers or to attempt to remain neutral by appealing
to an outside power such as China or the United States (Chandler 1996).
Internal turmoil in the 1970s and 1980s Mekong cooperation
ends
Cambodia was, like Laos and Viet Nam, a French colony until it gained
its independence and became a constitutional monarchy in 1953 under
King Norodom Sihanouk. With the escalation of the Cold War in South-
east Asia, Sihanouk adopted a policy of neutrality that aimed to maintain
Cambodias internal stability and to keep the country out of the intensify-
ing conicts in neighbouring countries, particularly in Viet Nam (Kiernan
2007). The formation of the Mekong Committee in 1957 increased Cam-
bodias cooperation with its neighbours and provided possibilities and re-
sources for the development of its water resources; it was also hoped that
it would impede the spread of communism in Cambodia and in the region
as a whole. However, towards the end of the 1960s the country was in-
creasingly affected by the Viet Nam war, and Sihanouks regime was un-
able to handle its increasing effects.
In 1970, Sihanouk was replaced by General Lon Nol in a bloodless
coup de tat. Soon after that, the Cambodian communists, the Khmer
Rouge, launched a civil war against the new right-wing and pro-US gov-
ernment (Chandler 1996). The civil war came to an end in 1975 with the
takeover by the Khmer Rouge, which plunged the country into chaos and
misrule that no one was able to predict. The Khmer Rouge regime, led by
the infamous Pol Pot, adopted a policy of self-reliance, cutting practically
all connections to the outside world (Browder and Ortolano 2000). The
Khmer Rouge era also seriously affected Mekong cooperation because
the Khmer Rouge regime had neither the capacity nor the will to be in-
volved in regional cooperation. As a result, the regime ended Cambo-
dias participation in the Mekong Committee. As discussed earlier, this
forced the remaining three member countries of Viet Nam, Laos and
Thailand to form the Interim Mekong Committee (IMC).
The three-and-a-half-year misrule of the Khmer Rouge ended in 1979,
when the Vietnamese Army occupied Cambodia and helped to form a
new regime. Although the end of the Khmer Rouge regime was a posi-
tive step forward, the following decade involved foreign occupation, civil
unrest and international isolation for the country (Kiernan 2007). In
terms of Mekong cooperation, the Vietnamese presence in Cambodia
weakened the relationship between Viet Nam and Thailand and made
the operation of the IMC more troublesome. Although the Vietnamese-
backed Cambodian government indicated its willingness to participate in
the IMC, Thailand refused to recognize the government as legitimate be-
cause of the lack of international recognition (Phillips et al. 2006). Thus,
Cambodia remained out of ofcial Mekong cooperation for two decades.
Stabilization in the 1990s rejoining Mekong cooperation
The 1990s brought considerable stabilization in Cambodias political situ-
ation and also the reactivation of Cambodias role in regional coopera-
tion. The Vietnamese troops withdrew from Cambodia in 1989, and in
1991 the parties in the Cambodian civil war signed the Paris Peace
Agreement, which calmed the hostilities in the country. Cambodia re-
garded the revitalization of Mekong cooperation as a key to breaking its
long international isolation (Phillips et al. 2006), and the Mekong Com-
mittee was also seen as an important source of nancial and technical
assistance.
Accordingly, the newly formed coalition government requested re-
admission to and reactivation of the Mekong Committee as soon as 1991.
However, as was illustrated above, the regions political and economic
situation had changed fundamentally, and the four Lower Mekong coun-
tries entered into long negotiations about the future of Mekong coopera-
tion. The negotiations came to an end in 1995 with the establishment of
the Mekong River Commission (MRC), which again had Cambodia as a
member. Three years earlier, in 1992, Cambodia had already joined the
other riparian countries and the Asian Development Bank to form the
Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program. The GMS Program was
considered important in Cambodia to develop its poor infrastructure
and promote its economic development (Krongkaew 2004). The forma-
tion of these major regional organizations meant that Cambodia was,
after two decades, again an active and fully acknowledged member in
Mekong cooperation.
The 1990s saw several remarkable changes in Cambodias domestic
politics too, many of which had impacts both positive and negative
on its role in regional cooperation. The rst notable step on Cambodias
path towards stability was the UN-led parliamentary elections of 1993,
won by the royalist FUNCINPEC party. The party was, however, forced
to form a coalition government with the Cambodian Peoples Party
(CPP), which represented the earlier communist regime and had better
connections at the provincial and commune levels (Roberts 2001). This
coalition was characterized by mistrust, and ended in July 1997 when the
tensions between the two parties led to an armed conict. The CPP
emerged as the winner, and the head of the party, Hun Sen, assumed
the sole leadership of Cambodia as Prime Minister, a position he still
holds today. The political crisis of 1997 like most of the subsequent
ones negatively affected Cambodias international relations. Cambo-
dias admittance to ASEAN was postponed and the majority of donors
and foreign investors suspended their projects in the country.
New parliamentary elections were organized in July 1998. The CPP
won the elections, although there were accusations of voter intimidation
and vote buying, a lack of opposition access to the media and overall
electoral fraud in favour of the ruling CPP (ICG 2000). After a four-
month political deadlock, the CPP managed to form a coalition govern-
ment with FUNCINPEC. Despite their unpromising history, the new
coalition government proved to be relatively stable and it was able to ini-
tiate some economic reforms as well as to enhance international cooper-
ation. The year 1998 was an important landmark for Cambodia in the
newly started Mekong cooperation, as the MRC Secretariat was trans-
ferred from Bangkok to Phnom Penh during that year. This move
marked considerable recognition of the fact that, throughout the 1990s,
Cambodia had fought its way towards stability and an increased role in
regional cooperation.
Cambodia in the new millennium progress with political
problems
Since the parliamentary elections of 1998, Cambodia has made progress
towards stability and strengthened its links with its neighbours and the in-
ternational community. Cambodia became a member of ASEAN in 1999
and of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2004, being only the sec-
ond least developed country to be admitted to the organization through
the full negotiation process. At the same time, however, the disparities
between different parts of the country and particularly between urban
and rural areas increased dramatically. Additionally, problems of corrup-
tion, mismanagement of the countrys natural resources and continuous
violations of human rights remain largely to be solved (Keskinen et al.
2007; ECOSOC 2006; Heder 2005; World Bank 2004).
Although the ruling CPP won the parliamentary elections of 2003, it
failed to secure the majority to govern alone. Consequently, the political
situation after the elections was again extremely difcult and was solved
only a year later when a CPPFUNCINPEC coalition government was
formed. Because of the political stalemate, the functioning of the govern-
ment was in practice paralysed for a full year, and most international do-
nors postponed their funding for the country. In a country as deeply aid
dependent as Cambodia, the postponement hampered the functioning of
all ministries, including those in the water sector. Owing to the political
stalemate, foreign investments were also deterred and the countrys
membership in the WTO was delayed. However, neither the strong nan-
cial incentives nor repeated requests from the international community
for the formation of a new government had any noticeable effect on the
political parties towards solving the political deadlock (Ten Kate 2004).
The anti-Thai riots that took place in Phnom Penh in January 2003
were another, unfortunate, example of how ammable Cambodias polit-
ical situation remains and how easily it affects regional cooperation. Al-
though it remains unclear who the actual mastermind behind the riots
was, it seems obvious that anti-Thai feelings were used only as a medium
for the domestic political battle (Hinton 2006). Accordingly, the underly-
ing reason for the riots had more to do with the upcoming parliamentary
elections than with the troubles between Thailand and Cambodia as such.
Consequently, although Mekong cooperation is still highly regarded by
the Cambodian government (Sen 2003a), the countrys domestic political
battles continue to hinder regional cooperation. Power struggles between
the different parties and politicians also leave their mark on the countrys
foreign policy and, when necessary, regional cooperation is subordinated
to domestic political purposes. In addition, the challenges to the sustain-
able management of the countrys natural resources sh in particular
have an impact on other Mekong countries owing to the enormous
aquatic production in the Cambodian oodplains and particularly in the
Tonle Sap Lake.
At the same time, ironically, the increasing economic dependence on
other Mekong countries, particularly China, is a potential threat to the
balanced management of Cambodias water resources. Owing to fear of
the political and economic consequences, Cambodias politicians seem to
be tempted to pay only limited attention to the possible negative impacts
of the upstream development on the countrys water resources.16 There
is therefore a danger that the melding of political and economic powers
and Cambodias increasing economic dependence on its neighbours will
mean that the country will not use its position in the Mekong River Com-
mission and other regional cooperation mechanisms to discuss openly the
critical transboundary impacts on its water resources (Keskinen et al.
2007). Because of the crucial role of the countrys oodplains and in par-
ticular of the Tonle Sap Lake in the entire Mekong River system, this
would have unwanted consequences not only for Cambodia but also for
the other riparian countries.
Conclusion
Challenges to regional cooperation
Mekong cooperation has existed in the Lower Mekong Basin for over
ve decades with the notable support and involvement of the United
Nations, development banks and donors. Still, the Mekong River Com-
mission and its predecessors have not been too successful in the com-
prehensive development and management of the water resources. The
reasons for the weak performance of the MRC and its predecessors in-
clude the organizations overambitious development plans with little con-
nection to local-level realities, the lack of real commitment by the
member countries to the Commissions work, and challenges to institu-
tional capacity and transparency within the organizations as well as in
the riparian countries. However, various internal governance problems
and domestic political battles in the MRC member countries including
Cambodia are at least as important. Finally, the absence of China and
Myanmar seriously hinders the comprehensive and coordinated develop-
ment of the basin.
Despite these challenges, the MRC offers an important platform for
cooperation between the Mekong countries. After all, it is the only re-
gional organization focused specically on water resources management,
a role that is increasingly important now that plans for water develop-
ment are mushrooming in practically all parts of the basin. However,
as discussed above, the growing number of bilateral and unilateral
agreements often including the private sector in the riparian countries
puts the MRC in a difcult position, and may potentially lead it to be
sidelined from the actual planning processes on the development of the
Mekongs water resources.
When considering the future of the MRC, it is important to note that
both the Mekong Agreement and the internationally agreed principle
of integrated water resources management (IWRM) require reasonable
compromises between environmental sustainability, social equity and
economic well-being. In addition, the MRC has set poverty reduction as
its main goal. Because a signicant proportion of the Mekong Basins
population gain their livelihood from the resources that the Mekong
River and its tributaries offer, the health of the river ecosystems feeds di-
rectly back to the welfare of those people. The conict is therefore not so
much between the environment and wealth as between the modern and
the more traditional sectors of society. As noted by Phillips et al. (2006):
The key development paradox of the region is that economic growth is
necessary to bring many of the populations out of poverty, but the clas-
sical route involving the subsidised construction of massive infrastruc-
ture is most unlikely to provide the optimal result in this respect for the
poorer sections of the populations. Indeed, the existing decentralized
utilization of the Mekongs resources based on small-scale shing, farm-
ing, the use of wetland and oodplain resources, etc. is likely to form a
more sustainable basis for poverty reduction than is the development of
large-scale irrigation and hydropower.
Consequently, the MRC should get more actively and transparently in-
volved in the discussion about development in the basin, including the
potential impacts and trade-offs following development. Related to this,
the MRC should acknowledge more clearly that coordinated water man-
agement between riparian countries is particularly conict prone, and
should increase its capacity for resolving disputes between its member
states and potentially with the other riparian countries.17 Ultimately,
the future of the MRC depends on the will for cooperation of member
countries and their governments. Extended partnership with China,
increased collaboration with other regional organizations and a more
focused agenda would enable the MRC to concentrate on its original
purpose to serve the people of its member countries by recognizing
the most sustainable ways to use the basins water resources and by facil-
itating dialogue on the best possible paths for future development.
Lessons learned from the China and Cambodia case studies
Besides an overall analysis of the Mekong River and its riparian coun-
tries, this chapter has analysed Mekong cooperation through two
country-specic case studies. The rst case study on China concentrated
on the countrys plans for hydropower and navigation development in
the basin, and discussed the reasons for Chinas relatively low interest in
regional cooperation. The Cambodia case study focused on the countrys
internal politics, and analysed their impact on Mekong cooperation dur-
ing different periods.
The major differences between the two countries include their geo-
graphical location, geopolitical and economic might and development ob-
jectives for the river. Because China is the most upstream country in the
basin, its decisions on the development of its part of the basin have signif-
icant impacts on the other riparian countries. In particular, the ongoing
construction of a cascade of dams in the mainstream Mekong has raised
concerns in the downstream countries. However, the benets of Mekong
cooperation in terms of economics, politics or water management do not
currently seem to be strong enough to persuade China to join the MRC,
because joining would simultaneously limit its plans for the upper Me-
kong. Although increasing regional cooperation through ASEAN and
the GMS Program could potentially make multilateral water cooperation
more attractive for China, it seems that it prefers, at least for the time
being, to be more involved in bilateral arrangements with the down-
stream countries.
Whereas China seems to have more to lose than to gain from coopera-
tion within the MRC, the situation for Cambodia is the opposite. Mekong
cooperation gives Cambodia access to technical and nancial assistance
and offers a convenient forum in which to raise critical issues related to
the development of the river basin and its impacts on Cambodia. How-
ever, Cambodias internal political rivalries regularly override the needs
of regional cooperation, and the countrys government also appears to
lack the capacity and possibly the political will to address comprehen-
sively the potential transboundary impacts on its water resources.
As the case studies on China and Cambodia reveal, countries internal
problems can be so challenging that it may be unrealistic to expect in-
ternational cooperation on water issues to be given a high priority. In
addition, the development of water and related resources is both eco-
nomically and socially so important for the riparian countries that na-
tional interests often override the need for closer regional coordination.
The analysis of the domestic situation in China and Cambodia shows
how signicantly and differently the countries internal problems and na-
tional interests have affected Mekong cooperation, in particular the func-
tioning of the MRC and its predecessors. The analysis also illustrates that
just having a regional cooperation institute in place is not enough; strong
political commitment from the riparian countries is required for regional
water cooperation to be really successful.
Despite the challenges, the different forms of regional cooperation
still have a signicant role in the development and management of the
Mekong River Basin. Sustainable management of the basins water re-
sources requires that all these different forms of cooperation function
transparently and take equal account of the different scales of water use.
To achieve this, a truly open dialogue about future development plans,
their impacts and their consequent trade-offs must be encouraged be-
tween the different actors and levels. In this, the riparian countries gov-
ernments have a key role to play.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to Matti Kummu, Mira Ka ko nen, Professor Pertti Vakki-
lainen, Zhou Bo and Henry Voigt for comments and assistance. Financial
support from the Sven Hallin Research Foundation, the Academy of Fin-
land (project 111672), the Foundation of Technology (TES) and Maa-ja
vesitekniikan tuki ry. is acknowledged.
Notes
1. The MRC and its predecessors, the Mekong Committee (MC) and the Interim Mekong
Committee (IMC), are also referred to as the Mekong River organizations in this
chapter.
2. For example, the private sector has played a remarkable role in the development of the
basins water resources particularly in the construction of hydropower dams and large-
scale irrigation projects and its role seems to be only strengthening.
3. It has been estimated that a 30 cm increase in the dry season water level would perma-
nently submerge in essence destroy around one-third of the remaining large canopy
forests in the Tonle Sap oodplain (Keskinen et al. 2007; Kummu 2007).
4. Myanmar is excluded from the table owing to the lack of reliable information and the
relatively small signicance of the Mekong River for the country.
5. Consequently, it has been suggested that it is more probable that serious conicts over
water development will occur within the countries rather than between them (Keskinen
et al. 2007).
6. Interestingly, the feasibility study for Cambodias planned dam on the mainstream Me-
kong will be carried out by a Chinese company (Sisovann 2007).
7. China as a whole is not in fact a member of GMS, but the Yunnan province is. The
Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region also has been involved in the programme (Qin
2005).
8. Environmental issues are addressed particularly through the GMS Programs Sub-
regional Working Group on the Environment as well as through the Core Environment
Programme and the Biodiversity Conservation Corridors Initiative.
9. The Mekong is thus relatively unique for a river of its size, because a regional master
plan for its development was completed although not applied before any major pro-
jects were initiated (Bakker 1999).
10. China and Myanmar actually took part in a planning meeting on Mekong cooperation
organized by Thailand and boycotted by Viet Nam in March 1992. The two up-
stream countries, however, did not attend the subsequent meetings (Browder 2000).
11. It could even be claimed that this has already happened, and that as a result the MRC
has been turned from a regional cooperation body into a kind of smokescreen: in theory
the MRC coordinates the sustainable and balanced development of the basin, but in re-
ality it has practically no inuence in the planning of water projects that will have trans-
boundary impacts. This has led to a situation where the development of the basin looks
to be relatively well coordinated, when in reality it is not. This, in turn, can mislead
researchers, non-governmental organizations and even donors to over-focus on the
MRC and other regional cooperation mechanisms, instead of on more relevant planning
processes within national governments and increasingly within the private sector.
12. Indeed, it has been suggested that the member countries actually prefer the MRC to be
a toothless organization focusing on planning, capacity-building and attracting external
funding, while control of the development of the basin remains with the countries them-
selves (Backer 2006).
13. The only known signicant transboundary river treaty that China has signed is the Tu-
men River Agreement, which concerns mostly economic aspects.
14. Related to this it is interesting to note that neither Thailand nor Laos despite being
MRC member countries involved the MRC in the actual negotiation of the project
(Dore 2003).
15. China is even considered to be the main engine for Cambodias hydropower develop-
ment (Sokha 2007). Unlike Western donors, China does not impose conditions on its
aid at least publicly. As stated by the Cambodian Minister of Commerce: Others say,
You have to do this with human rights, you have to do that with democratic reforms.
China doesnt do that (Lee 2006).
16. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen said in a speech in 2003 that the Upstream coun-
tries projects in the Mekong River, namely the continued dam constructions and com-
mercial navigation plan, have become a major concern for the downstream countries
including Cambodia, being particularly concerned about the impacts on the Tonle Sap
Lake (Sen 2003b). Two years later, just before leaving for the second GMS Summit
organized in China, Hun Sen was quoted in a Chinese newspaper as saying that he
believed hydropower dams built by the Mekongs upstream countries would pose no
problems to Cambodia, and he also criticized people wanting to undermine the unity
among the riparian countries by claiming otherwise (Peoples Daily Online 2005).
17. Although the MRCs role as a commonly agreed cooperation framework, together with
its ability to provide scientic information on possible development impacts, naturally
facilitates discussion and prevents some misunderstandings between the member coun-
tries, the capacity for actual resolution of disputes and conicts is still predominantly
lacking within the Commission.
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ARTICLE II
127
#(!04%2
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).4%'2!4%$-!.!'%-%.4/&7!4%2
2%3/52#%3
MACICAL TOOL, MATHLMATICAL TOY OR
SOMLTHINC IN BLTWLLN7
]uho SorkkuIo, Morko Keskinen, ]ormo Koponen,
MoIIi Kummu, ]ussi NikuIo, OIIi Voris ond Morkku VirIonen
)NTRODUCTION
Aie mooels useul oi managemenr ano oecision making on warei
iesouices? Aie rle eoirs pur inro rlem jusriheo? !n rlis claprei we aigue
rlar marlemarical mooeling is one o rle ew oprions availalle ro look ar
rle quesrions o uruie clanges ano impacrs o luman acriviry on warei
iesouices. Mooels ano rleii iesulrs, lowevei, aie oren misriusreo, unoei-
urilizeo oi misuseo in managemenr ano oecision making, ano as a iesulr
rle iole o mooels in warei managemenr seems ro le lorl conrioveisial
ano uncleai.
Ciirical quesrions ielareo ro rle use o mooels in oecision making
on warei iesouices incluoe: \lar is rle connecrion o mooeling ro
social, economic ano polirical aspecrs o warei managemenr? o mooels
piovioe an aoequare iepiesenrarion o lioplysical piocesses? o mooels
piesenr rleii iesulrs in a oim rlar aooiesseo rle acrual neeos o policy-
ano oecision-makeis? o oecision-makeis ano orlei 'non-mooeleis"
unoeisrano rle limirarions incluoeo in rle mooels ano rleii iesulrs? Aie
rleie sriaregies in mooel oevelopmenr ano communicarion rlar can lelp
allay unieasonalle eai ano misriusr o marlemarical mooels? !ow can
rle peiceiveo legirimacy, cieoililiry ano rianspaiency o mooeling le
impioveo?
Tlis claprei piesenrs, oiawing on examples iom rle Mekong iegion,
oui ioeas ano suggesrions on iesponoing ro clanging usei neeos, mooel
conrenr ano usei inreiaces as well as on incieasing rle linkages lerween
mooeling ano orlei ciirical issues in warei managemenr. \e aigue rlar
Chapter06.indd 127 4/11/07 2:10:53 PM
128
]UHA SARKKULA LT AL.
uirlei woik is neeoeo on linking lyoiological ano enviionmenral issues
wirl social ano economic acriviries ro acilirare lalanceo mooeling ano
impacr assessmenr, ano consequenrly, oecision making. Tlis will iequiie
mulri- ano cioss-oisciplinaiy appioacles oi lorl mooeling ano impacr
assessmenr, ano lerrei communicarion ano inreiacrion lerween mooeleis
ano non-mooeleis. Tlis, in ruin, lelps ro pioouce moie rianspaienr ano
ielevanr inoimarion, ano cieares sriongei scienrihc ano social lasis oi
impacr assessmenr ano managemenr oecisions.
)NTEGRATEDMODELINGANDASSESSMENTOFWATER
RESOURCES
#HALLENGESFORINTEGRATINGMULTIDISCIPLINARYINFORMATION
Successul implemenrarion o enviionmenral managemenr policies
iequiies rloiougl unoeisranoing o enviionmenr ano irs linkages wirl
rle suiiounoing sociery. ue ro rle complex naruie o rlese issues ano
rleii inreiconnecrions, vaiious kinos o marlemarical mooels lave leen
oevelopeo ro suppoir managemenr ano goveinance. Mooels aie useo ro
impiove unoeisranoing o cumularive ano aggiegare eecrs, ro piovioe
oiecasrs, ano ro lelp ro quanriy scenaiios, wlicl in ruin aie lelpul oi
long-reim planning.
!owevei, rle iole o mooels in enviionmenral ano warei managemenr is
conrioveisial. Tleie appeais ro le rwo rorally oieienr sclools o rlouglr
iegaioing rle use o mooels. \lile some manageis ano scienrisrs look ar
rle mooels as lasically marlemarical roys o ovei-enrlusiasric engineeis
wirl only weak connecrion ro ieal piollems, orleis value mooels alove
anyrling else riusring almosr llinoly rleii iesulrs. As a consequence,
mooels ano rleii iesulrs aie oren eirlei pooily inregiareo in rle oecision
making, oi rle managemenr is laseo complerely on rleii iesulrs wirlour
piopei consioeiarion o rle limirarions ano unceirainries o rle mooels ano
rleii iesulrs.
Tlis claprei looks ar rle sriengrls ano weaknesses o marlemarical
mooels laseo on rle expeiiences iom rle inregiareo warei managemenr
in rle !owei Mekong Basin. !nregiareo ano lalanceo managemenr
o warei iesouices is an exriemely clallenging rask, as ir sloulo rake
inro accounr seveial oieienr helos iom enviionmenr ro economy ano
sociery. !noimarion neeoeo in warei managemenr rlus compiises nor
only lyoiological lur also enviionmenral, social, economical ano polirical
inoimarion ano oara. Collecring inoimarion on rlese wioe-ianging
ielos is an enoimous clallenge, nor ro menrion acrual analysis ano
compielension o rle issues.
Tle liggesr clallenge, lowevei, is successul inregiarion o rlese oieienr
rypes o inoimarion. !r iequiies open ano long-reim coopeiarion lerween
Chapter06.indd 128 4/11/07 2:10:53 PM
12
MATHLMATICAL MODLLINC IN INTLCRATLD MANACLMLNT OI WATLR RLSOURCLS
ieseaicleis iom oieienr oisciplines, pieeially as a mulrioisciplinaiy ream
woiking rogerlei iom rle veiy leginning o analysis woik. Tlis naruially
necessirares also some saciihces, sucl as slaiing o hnancial iesouices ano
piojecr aclievemenrs wirlin rle ream. n rle orlei lano, ir also slaies
rle woikloao ano mosr piolally liings new kino o ioeas ano appioacles
oi rle enriie ream. !owevei, rle success o inregiarion may le rlieareneo
ly rle ielucrance o rle oecision-makeis ro aoopr new kino o inoimarion
rlar conicrs wirl pievailing unoeisranoing ano managemenr sriaregies.
Aclieving giearei inregiarion rlus oemanos a clange o minoser iom lorl
ieseaicleis ano oecision-makeis, ano ir can le iarlei rime-consuming ano
even iusriaring expeiience oi all rle pairies involveo.
Tle aurlois nore rle valualle conriilurion ly Somlyoy (199+) ro rle
issues aooiesseo alove. !e poinrs our riemenoous gaps in rle inregiarion
o enviionmenral managemenr, reclnology ano sociery, lerween oieienr
oisciplines ano pioessions, laiiieis in legislarion, insrirurions ano oecision
making, ano lack o uruie visions suppoireo ly science. Relareo ro rlis,
àncaiiow (2OO5) aooiesses some inreiesring issues on mooeling, ano
pairiculaily on rle ielarionslip lerween mooeleis ano social scienrisrs.
Sle poinrs our some oieiences in rleii oveiall appioacles (ro simpliy:
mooeleis simply assume a piollem ano srair ly oehning ano collecring oara
neeoeo ro solve ir, wlile social scienrisrs srair ly ioenriying rle oieienr
srakeloloeis ano low rley see ano oehne rle piollem) ano also aooiesses
clallenges ielareo ro woiking in mulrioisciplinaiy reams.
vei rle pasr oecaoe, many o rle gaps lave lecome naiiowei, rliougl
a numlei o scienrihc, insrirurional ano orlei iniriarives ano coopeiarive
eoirs rlar lave leo ro piogiess in inregiareo appioacles. Tlese incluoe oi
example rle concepr o !nregiareo \arei Resouices Managemenr (IWRM),
EU-unoeo !uiopean !oium oi !nregiareo !nviionmenral Assessmenr
(ElEA), inreinarional convenrions sucl as rle Mekong Rivei Agieemenr
ano irs implemenrarion ly rle Mekong Rivei Commission (MRC) as well
as acriviries ly oieienr ieseaicl insrirurions ano NGOs in oeveloping moie
coopeiarive ano inregiarive appioacles.
!PPROACHESFORINTEGRATEDMODELINGANDASSESSMENT
!nregiareo Mooeling ano Assessmenr (IMA) las evolveo iapioly ovei rle
lasr oecaoe as a new scienrihc concepr ro aooiess rle neeo oi moie mulri-
ano cioss-oisciplinaiy appioacles. Rormans (1998) nores rle incieasing
iecognirion oi rle helo o !nregiareo Assessmenr (IA) lur ar rle same rime
iecognizes rlar rle merlooological lasis is lagging lelino rle expecrarions
iom rle oursioe woilo. Paikei er al. (2OO2) give a ieview o srare ano
posirion o IA mooeling, concluoing rlar rle science lelino IA mooeling is
oren nor new ano in many ways ir can le consioeieo ro le rle comlining
o olo aieas o science ano ieseaicl ro consioei piollems in new, moie
lolisric ways.
Chapter06.indd 129 4/11/07 2:10:53 PM
130
ne o rle main merlooological piollems in IA mooeling is rle scale,
ano rle iesolurion o oieienr scales oi oieienr sysrem componenrs.
Jakeman ano !erclei (2OO3) poinr our some impoiranr consioeiarions
wirlin IA mooeling, appiopiiare rime peiioos ano rime sreps ro cloose ovei
wlicl ro mooel rle liglly vaiialle ecosysrems, lanoling mooel complexiry
ly keeping rle level o inregiarion o issues ano oisciplines managealle ano
oeveloping merloos ro claiacreiize mooel unceirainry.
Janssen ano Coloswoirly (1996) oiscuss rle impoirance o arriilures
o mulrioisciplinaiy reams ano ieseaicl eoirs, rlar aie iequiieo oi
success in IA mooeling. Tley emplasize rle impoirance o rle reams
oeveloping rleii own sers o noims ano values ano concluoe rlar arriruoe,
communicarion skills, eoucarion ano expeiience aie all impoiranr arriilures.
Communicarion is a cenrial issue lorl inreinally among rle ream memleis
ano exreinally wirl oecision-makeis, srakeloloeis ano orlei scienrisrs.
Paikei er al. (2OO2) ano Jakeman ano !erclei (2OO3) liglliglr rlar rle
piocess o IA ano mooeling is acrually as impoiranr as rle piooucr o
any pairiculai piojecr. !eaining ro woik rogerlei ano iecognizing rle
conriilurion o all ream memleis can cieare a sriong scienrihc ano social
lasis cieareo ro aooiess rle enviionmenral piollems o rle rwenry-hisr
cenruiy.
!n rlis claprei, we seek ro illusriare wlar mooels aie, low rley aie
useo ano low oieienr people peiceive rlem. !xpeiiences aie oeiiveo
mainly iom woik oone in rle Mekong iegion, ano in rle Tonle Sap
!ake in pairiculai. Tle use o mooeling rools oi suppoiring susrainalle
enviionmenral, social ano economic oevelopmenr is unoeilineo. An essenrial
pair o rlis woik is capaciry luiloing oi uruie use ano mainrenance o rle
oevelopeo rools ly rle eno useis in rle iegion. \e also oiscuss sranoaio as
well as railoieo mooels ano riy ro see low rley hr ro oieienr kino o neeos
o piollem solving.
Tleie is a giear numlei ano vaiiery o mooels oevelopeo oi rle Mekong
lasin, wirl oveilaps ano weak connecrions lerween rle mooels leing rle
iule iarlei rlan rle exceprion (annex 7.1). Tlis can le seen ro illusriare rle
common oihculries ro cooioinare lerween inoivioual mooeling appioacles
as well as lack o piopei unoeisranoing o rle capaliliries o oieienr
mooels ly many manageis ano oecision-makeis. Tle Mekong Rivei
Commission (MRC) las a key iole ano oppoiruniry ro cieare a solio mooel
ano inoimarion lase oi lyoiological, enviionmenral ano socioeconomic
impacr assessmenr ro suppoir rle oevelopmenr planning in rle Mekong
lasin. To rlis eno, rlis claprei also oiscusses rle ongoing woik on MRC`s
ecision Suppoir !iamewoik (DSF).
Specihc arrenrion is paio ro rle quesrions ano piollems o inregiareo
assessmenr ano mooeling. Tle case sruoy in rle Tonle Sap !ake ano irs
oooplains oeis a complex, clallenging ano impoiranr rask in rlis iespecr.
!inally, conclusions aie oiawn ro ioenriy laiiieis ano possililiries oi
Chapter06.indd 130 4/11/07 2:10:53 PM
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oeveloping rle inregiareo assessmenr ano mooeling plaroim, oi liinging
rle new inoimarion ro rle oisposal ano use o rle oecision-makeis, ano oi
linking mooeling lerrei wirl orlei aspecrs o warei managemenr.
-ODELING4HEOUTLINE
7HATAREMODELS
Conrempoiaiy merlooological lireiaruie on naruial iesouices manage-
menr piesenrs a wioe aiiay o analyrical ano compurarional appioacles,
mosr o wlicl aie closely ielareo wirl mooeling. Tle oieienr appioacles
iange iom vaiious srarisrical reclniques (empiiical) ro piocess mooels wirl
oieience oi oieienrial equarions (meclanisric), ano iom oecision mak-
ing mooels ano oprimizarion (piagmaric) ro clecklisrs ano impacr mariices
(veilal). Mucl o rle piacrical applicarion o rlese mooels is in one way oi
anorlei ielareo ro vaiious aominisriarive neeos.
!n enviionmenral ano socioeconomic mooeling, rle planning ano
managemenr componenr is rypically ciucial. Tlis is simply oue ro implicir
iole o luman leing in sucl sysrems, since rle concepr o 'enviionmenr"
pei se wirlour a luman leing is equally as alsuio as 'socioeconomy"
wirlour a luman leing (oi, ar leasr in rle conrexr o rle Mekong iegion,
wirlour enviionmenr). Surleilano (1983) sees rle comlineo use o mooels
in oecision making as 'an air o gerring rlings oone." !oi rlis puipose, le
las caregoiizeo oecisions ano consequenr mooeling appioacles inro oui
main caregoiies oesciileo in lox 6.1.
\arei ano ecosysrem mooel use can le oivioeo inro ieseaicl, engineeiing,
enviionmenral managemenr ano socioeconomically oiienrareo liancles.
Typical uses in ieseaicl aie, oi insrance, compielensive ecosysrem mooels
oesciiling oeraileo nuriienr ano cailon cycles ano laige numlei o species
oi classes o species. !ngineeiing applicarions can oi example incluoe
oesign o conriol sriucruies sucl as emlankmenrs, culveirs ano gares, oi
hnoing oprimal oieoging solurions.
An inoivioual woiking wirl enviionmenral piollems, oecision making,
ano enviionmenral policies, inevirally comes acioss peisons wlose
appioacles ano convenrions ro scienrihc piollem solving ano oecision
making aie veiy oieienr. Tlis is pairly oue ro rle consranrly evolving srare
o rle helo, ano pairly oue ro rle giear inreioisciplinaiiry, enviionmenral
sruoies is ar rle cioss-ioaos o seveial riaoirion-iicl puie ano applieo
sciences.
!ngineeis, economisrs, liologisrs, sociologisrs, erc., lave all rleii own
paiaoigmaric lackgiounos. Communicarion piollems ano inroleiance,
ano even piejuoice conceining appioacles aie veiy common. Take as an
example rle woio 'mooel" irsel wlicl las seveial oieienr meanings.
Synonyms sucl as ioeal, exemplaiy, ano peiecreo can le ouno among
Chapter06.indd 131 4/11/07 2:10:54 PM
132
aojecrives, miniaruie, sainr, iool, iepiesenrarion, symlol, piororype,
example, ano ieplica among nouns, ano pose ano mimic among veils (c.
Somlyoy ano Vaiis 1993). Tle exacr inreipierarion oepenos on conrexr
ano convenrion. A liie oesciiprion o warei ano ecosysrem mooeling is
given (lox 6.2).

Box 6.1 Four mun model cutegores
Opcretiene/ mec/s: Piovioe enlanceo possililiries ano suppoir oi ieal-
rime managemenr ano oecision making rliougl auromareo oara ieriieval
iom rle warei looy in quesrion. Sucl oara is oren leing useo in ieal-rime
opeiarions sucl as ieseivoii opeiarion, ooo piorecrion oi riearmenr planr
opeiarion. Mooels oi sloir-reim pieoicrions aie neeoeo. Typically, rle
mosr essenrial earuies o oara srieam aie hlreieo our.
Te.ti.e/ mec/s: Tle lasic rask is ro hno inpur-ourpur ielarions lerween
key vaiialles o rle sysrem. !n suiace warei mooeling, moniroiing oara is
usually useo ro consriucr mooels, wlicl allow oi insrance 'wlar-i" rype o
scenaiio analysis ano riaoe-o analysis lerween oieienr srakeloloeis ano
warei useis.
Stretcgi. mec/s: By oeinirion, a sriaregic analysis sloulo le useo ro
piojecr cuiienr siruarions ro srares, wlicl lave a signihcanr piolaliliry
o occuiience. !nviionmenral ano social impacr assessmenr, meoium-
reim planning ano orlei rasks in wlicl rle sysrem is exposeo ro porenrial
sriucruial clanges aie rypical siruarions oi rle use o rlis caregoiy o
mooels. Came rleoieric mooels, simularion, piolalilisric iisk analysis ano
scenaiio analysis aie rypical compurarional appioacles.
Dirc.titc mec/s: Piollems sucl as susrainaliliry, aoapriviry, iesilience,
ano oesciiprion o possille uruie evenrs aie incluoeo in planning ano
managemenr o rle evolurion o rle sysrem in rle long iun. Tle piollems
ano oara souices o rle sysrems aie essenrially moie expeir-juogmenr laseo,
policy ano polirics ielareo, ano suljecrive.
Box 6.2 Muthemutcul models
ùmeiical mooel is irsel a simplihcarion o rle iealiry ano ir arremprs ro
oesciile rle ieal woilo plenomena laseo on rle plysical ano clemical
laws, ano uncrions oeiiveo iom liology, ecology ano socioeconomics. !r
oeis an exrension ano rool oi liainwoik ro analyze complicareo piocesses
ano rleii inreiconnecrions.
\irl rle mooel, ir is possille ro simulare piocesses rlar aie oihculr
oi impossille ro oesciile oi ieseaicl any orlei way, incluoing analysis o
rle piolalle uruie clanges ano rleii impacrs. Tle mooel can oesciile
vaiious plenomena ano analyze rle eecrs o clanges in inoepenoenr (i.e.
explanaroiy) vaiialles on oepenoenr vaiialles.
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-!4(%-!4)#!,-/$%,).').).4%'2!4%$-!.!'%-%.4/&7!4%22%3/52#%3
7HODEVELOPSWHOBENElTS
Among rle liggesr clallenges wirlin rle enviionmenral mooeling is
rle gap lerween mooeleis ano porenrial mooel-useis i.e. enviionmenral
planneis ano manageis. Tlis gap las oren leen laige oue ro vaiious
ieasons, rle lack o communicarion ano piejuoice rowaios mooels ano rleii
iesulrs leing among rle simplesr lur liggesr linoiances. Mooeleis ano
mooel-useis oren speak oieienr languages, wirl mooeleis ai roo oren
iesoiring ro roo reclnical reims ano/oi nor explaining cleaily rle lasic
piinciples ano assumprions lelino rle mooels. Mooeleis ano mooel-useis
also lave usually oieienr neeos ano oemanos: wlile mooeleis wanr ro
oevelop moie aovanceo mooels wirl long-reim peispecrive, planneis ano
manageis acrually neeo quick ano simple mooel iesulrs rlar aie accuiare
enougl. Alrlougl mooeleis pur a lor o eoir inro oeveloping aovanceo
mooels, rley iaiely pur equal amounr o rime ro rianseiiing rle mooel
ourpurs inro simpleano simpliyingiesulrs rlar planneis ano manageis
coulo moie easily use. Tlis kino o imlalance lerween rime allocareo oi
mooeling on one lano, ano oi communicarions ano coopeiarion on rle
orlei, is also unoirunarely pievalenr in orlei srages o rle mooeling.
Consequenrly, rle iole o mooel-useis las lecome incieasingly
impoiranr ano las leo ro incieaseo eoirs in usei riaining ano oevelopmenr
o moie usei-iienoly mooel inreiaces. Tle successul riansei o mooel
iesulrs ro rle eno-useis is naruially an alsolure necessiry oi susrainalle
use o rle mooels. Bur rle inoimarion exclange musr lappen lorl ways:
mooel oevelopeis also lave ro lisren ro rle oecision-makeis ano manageis
iom rle veiy leginning o mooel oevelopmenronly in rlis way rle
mooels will le alle ro answei ro rle mosr uigenr piollems ano quesrions
rlar rle manageis ace. As a iesulr, in iecenr yeais rleie las leen a geneial
renoency ro involve enviionmenral manageis ano planneis, limnologisr,
liologisrs ano orlei 'non-mooeleis" lerrei inro mooel use ano even
oevelopmenr. Tlis oiminisles rle gap lerween rle 'non-mooeleis"
ano rle mooeleis ano impioves rle useulness o rle mooels oi lorl
managemenr ano ieseaicl ano oevelopmenr.
Tle oialogue lerween rle mooeleis ano mooel-useis is pairiculaily
impoiranr lecause manageiial oecisions on naruial ano enviionmenral
iesouices aie usually louno ro oiecasrs ano assessmenrs wirl veiy ligl
unceirainry. ue ro economic, rime-ielareo ano orlei piacrical consriainrs,
ir is oren oihculr oi impossille ro collecr rloiougl enougl empiiical
oara, especially in oeveloping counriies wleie exisring iesouices ano
inoimarion aie usually moie limireo. Tle MRC las leen no exceprion on
rlis, ano is srill acing wioe gaps in irs enviionmenral inoimarion on rle
Mekong iegion. !owevei, rle MRC is srill ro le commenoeo oi piomoring
a lasic ieseaicl piogiamme in rle Mekong iegion, oeveloping rle oara ano
inoimarion lases, ano luiloing rle capaciry o rle narional insrirurions in
irs memlei counriies.
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134
3TANDARDORTAILOREDMODELING
Rcgu/etery nccs. !n piacrice, enviionmenral mooeling is srill a ielarively
lereiogeneous ielo wirl a giear numlei o commeicial ano pullic
mooeling rools availalle. Tlis is as mucl oue ro rle iapio evolurion o
rle helo as rle wioe gap lerween mooel oevelopeis ano eno-useis. Tlis
piollem is pairiculaily valio in planning ano managemenr serrings. Tleie
aie almosr as many mooels as rleie aie mooeleis ano rleie exisr ew 'lesr-
appioacl" guioelines ro lelp selecr rle mosr suiralle mooel oi rle issue
ar lano.
n rle orlei lano, rle oiveisiry musr le roleiareo orleiwise no piogiess
is possille. Moieovei, rle rasks ro wlicl mooels aie leing useo aie oiveise
enougl rlar no geneiic enviionmenral mooels aie iealisric. Many laige
goveinmenr agencies oi commeicial companies lave oevelopeo selecrions
o enviionmenral mooeling rools ro aooiess vaiious neeos. Some acrois
incluoe rle !nireo Srares !nviionmenral Piorecrion Agency (EPA) ano
rle !uiopean Commission (EC) iom rle pullic sioe, ano rle !aesrao
Merloos ano anisl !yoiaulic !nsrirure (DHI) iom rle lusiness sioe. Sucl
sranoaioizarion is jusriheo as ceirain mooel piooucrs lecome well-known
ano rle communicarion aiouno rlem lecomes easiei. !owevei, sucl
mooels aie oren unoeisrooo as leing moie geneial-puipose rools rlan
wlar rley acrually aie ano oren leaos ro ignoiing rle case specihciry o rle
acrual piollem ro le solveo.
Box 6.3 Lxumple oI stundurdzed models n the Unted Stutes
Tle USA las esrallisleo ano implemenreo a ara Qualiry !aw (Pullic !aw
1O6-55+, 2OO1) ro impiove sranoaioizarion ano legirimacy o enviionmenral
inoimarion. !rs oljecrive is ro 'ensuie ano maximize rle qualiry, oljecriviry,
uriliry ano inregiiry o inoimarion (incluoing srarisrical inoimarion)
oisseminareo ly eoeial agencies." Marlemarical mooels lave leen also
classiheo ro rlis caregoiy ano a lisr o mooels rlar ulhll rle qualiry ciireiia
o rle law las leen pullisleo ly rle US EPA. !n rle lesr case, rle law coulo
aoo ro rle rianspaiency ano use o souno science in oimularing iegularoiy
policy.
Tle hisr expeiiences seem ro le, lowevei, iarlei oispuralle. Many
cirizens gioups ano enviionmenral acrivisrs say rlar rle acr is liaseo in avoi
o inousriy, rlar ir oismisses scienrihc inoimarion ano will always le moie
useul ro rlose seeking ro oeciease goveinmenr iegularion (Rick \eiss,
eshingten Pest Augusr 2OO+). !r seems rlar rle lesr iesulrs iom rle social
ano enviionmenral oevelopmenr poinr o view aie aclieveo ly a conrinuing
oelare lerween rle inreiesr gioups, acrive pullic meoia ano awaieness
iaiseo wirl rle lelp o scienrihc inoimarion. Mayle science sloulo nor
le oispureo in couirs o law, excepr in cases o misuse oi alsihcarion o
inoimarion.
Chapter06.indd 134 4/11/07 2:10:55 PM
135
Limits ej steneri:c mec/ pe.legcs. Tle uses o sranoaioizeo mooel
packages aie jusriheo oue ro rle rianspaiency ano ielialiliry iequiiemenrs
rlar aie pairiculaily impoiranr in sensirive polirical serrings. Many
enviionmenral clanges ano piollems impacr vaiious oieienr srakeloloeis
ano can even le inreinarionally sensirive issues. Many sranoaioizeo mooel
packages aie also ielarively sriong in piesenring ano communicaring
rle mooel sriucruie ano mooel iesulrs ro rle oecision-makeis ano orlei
non-useis, rlus porenrially oecieasing rle possille gap lerween mooeleis
ano non-mooeleis. !n aooirion, sranoaioizeo mooel packages rlar lave a
sriong riaining componenr may oei ielarively easy way ro srair exploiing
rle lasic possililiriesano limirarionso mooeling. !owevei, rleie aie
cases in wlicl quick mooeling implemenrarions wirl sranoaio mooeling
packages oo nor necessaiily go lano in lano wirl cieoille mooeling iesulrs
oi oevelopmenr o susrainalle planning rools.
Tle aurlois o rlis claprei aie o rle opinion rlar railoiing o mooels
ro a specihc case usually pays o. Tle ieasons aie unoamenral: Tle use
o a sranoaio mooeling rool conhnes ieseaicl appioacl ro rle limirs o
rle rool. Tle piollem-solving aspecr ano piooucrion o rle mosr useul
inoimarion lecomes a seconoaiy goal, ano hrring rle piollem ro suir rle
sranoaio appioacl rle piimaiy one. !n rlis case, rle inleienr limirarions o
a sranoaio mooel ano appioacl consriain rle wlole mooeling piocess iom
rle mooel consriucrion ro rle eno use o rle iesulrs.
Sranoaio rools can unoeimine rle ielialiliry o rle mooeling iesulrs.
!r is ielarively easy ro assume rlar a use o a sranoaio rool is moie oi
less 'auromaric," rle iesulrs will le piacrically always coiiecr, ano rlar
applicarion ooesn`r iequiie any special expeiience oi unoeisranoing o
mooeling piinciples. Tlis may leao ro allacious assumprions in serring
up rle mooel, passing eiioneous oara ro rle mooel ano accepring iesulrs
wirlour piopei clecking. !inally, rle mooel iesulrs aie likely ro le useo
wirlour rle usei`s piopei unoeisranoing alour rle limirarions o rle
assumprions rlar rle mooels aie laseo on. Tailoiing necessirares rle
mooellei ro owell oeepei inro rle piollem ar lano ano rle mooeling
reclniques applieo ro ir. !n rlis way, ir piorecrs againsr ar leasr rle mosr
llaranr negligence.
Tle cases wleie using railoieo mooels insreao o sranoaioizeo mooel
packages can le moie lenehcial aie uirlei illusriareo ly rle ollowing
examples:
1. A mooeling case may conrain elemenrs rlar aie impossille oi
oihculr ro mooel wirl any sranoaio appioacl. An example wleie
majoi railoiing is neeoeo is a case wleie oieienr aieas neeo ro le
coupleo: rlis kinos o aieas incluoe e.g. oooplains, iivei clannels,
ieseivoiis, lakes ano coasral aieas.
Chapter06.indd 135 4/11/07 2:10:55 PM
136
2. Sranoaioizarion may srie local mooel oevelopmenr. Tle lesr way
ro riain ano mainrain comperenr mooeleis is ro involve rlem in
mooel oevelopmenr. ! ieseaicl ano oevelopmenr is exreinalizeo,
also rle qualiry o rle mooeling woik rlar any insrirurion is
involveo in sueis. !oi rlis ieason, even i an insrirurion is
planning ro use only sranoaio rools, ir is sriongly iecommenoalle
rlar ir is srill involveo ar leasr on some level on mooel ieseaicl ano
oevelopmenr as well.
\len using railoieo mooeling rools, ir is naruially impoiranr ro involve
oecision-makeis ano orlei useis o rle mooel iesulrs in rle railoiing o
rle mooel. !owevei, rleii iole is nor always rlar sriaiglroiwaio, as rley
may nor always le even alle ro oimulare rle piollem oi iequiieo ourpurs
in conciere reims. !r is rleieoie no wonoei rlar rley may nor le eagei,
oi alle, ro guioe in oecioing on rle exacr appioacl oi mooeling. !n rlis
kino o case, piolally rle lesr oprion is ro hisr lave rloiougl oiscussion
lerween rle mooeleis ano eno useis on rle expecreo ourcomes o rle
mooeling, ano rlen pioouce a pilor veision o rle mooel wirl some sample
ourpurs so rlar rle usei can commenr on rlem ano le rlus lerrei incluoeo
in mooel oevelopmenr.
Steneri:c mec/ sc/c.tien en cte/uetien. Moie impoiranr rlan mooel
sranoaioizarion is ro sranoaioize mooel selecrion ano evaluarion pioceouies.
!n wearlei oiecasring, sranoaio evaluarion merlooology las lelpeo mooel
compaiison ano oevelopmenr. !n enviionmenral mooeling, lowevei,
glolally accepreo evaluarion pioceouies aie srill lacking. Because o rlis,
mooel useis ano piojecr evaluarois lave oren giear oihculries in selecring
rle iiglr rools oi rleii woik, ano in ianking oieienr appioacles.
Tleie aie aieas sucl as applieo mereoiology wleie complicareo, well-
esrallisleo numeiical mooels aie in opeiarional, eveiyoay use, ano aie
useo ro give pieoicrions i.e. wearlei oiecasrs ro people. !owevei, rle
inreipiereis o rle iesulrs rlar rle mereoiological mooels piovioe aie srill
rleie. !xpeirs in mereoiological piocesses rlar aie alle ro rianslare rle
oiecasrs o oren seveial oieienr numeiical mooels ro rle language o
an oioinaiy peisonin rlis case oi example, oecision-makeis opeiaring
unoei rle consioeialle unceirainries o wearleiaie srill a pieiequisire oi
successul use o mereoiological mooels, ano consequenrly gooo wearlei
oiecasrs,
!n opeiarional cases sucl as ooo oiecasring o iiveis, rle siruarion is
nor veiy oieienr iom rle mereoiological mooel use. \ell-esrallisleo
lyoiological mooelsoren a comlinarion o srarisrical, plysically-laseo,
iisk-analyrical erc. roolsaie opeiareo ly a lyoiological seivice. Tlis
seivice rlen communicares oiecasrs ro oieienr srakeloloeis ano useis in
oims rlar aie (oi ar leasr sloulo le) easily unoeisranoalle.
Chapter06.indd 136 4/11/07 2:10:55 PM
137
7AYFORWARDFORMODELING
!n oioei ro look ar ways ro impiove rle urilizarion o mooels ano mooel
iesulrs in acrual managemenr ano oecision making, ano rleieoie ro
oehne rle possille way oiwaio oi mooeling, we sloulo also unoeisrano
rle oieienr kinos o expeiienceslorl posirive ano negarivewirl
mooeling.
!n a posirive expeiience on mooeling, mooel oevelopmenr ano use
acilirares coopeiarion ano oialogue lerween wioe iange o oisciplines ano
secrois iom compurarional plysics ro socioeconomics ano enviionmenral
policy-making. Tlis kino o mulrioisciplinaiiry enalles an exrensive use
o rle rools in assessmenrs, encouiages making an analyrical appioacl in
piollem oimularion ano solving, ano oiiecrs ano srimulares inoimarion
collecrion. !n rlis way ir may also porenrially oei an impoiranr plaroim
ano lasis oi rianslounoaiy warei managemenr.
!iusriarion wirl mooel oevelopmenr can le expeiienceo, oi example, in
cases wleie mooel iesulrs aie nor riusreo oi seiiously raken inro accounr, oi
aie omirreo iom oecision making lecause o polirical ielucrance oi orlei
sloir-reim inreiesrs. Tlis kino o siruarion ooes quesrion rle ehciency
o rle vasr eoirs maoe oi oeveloping reclnically ligl qualiry mooels,
ano also unoeilines once again rle impoirance o open communicarions
lerween rle mooeleis ano oecision-makeis. !ow can we lerrei link mooels
ano orlei ieseaicl acriviries wirl goveinance piacrices? !ow can we lowei
laiiieis oi lerrei peneriarion o scienrihc ano reclnical inoimarion inro
oecision making? Tlese quesrions oeseive seiious arrenrion in rle ieseaicl
on inregiareo assessmenr ano mooeling.
!inally, ir is veiy impoiranr ro srare rle olvious acr rlar no mooel,
wlerlei oi warei managemenr, economics oi orlei helos, is an appiopiiare
ieason oi ieplacing a luman leing. Mooels aie like any orlei rools rlar
iequiie a skilleo usei, ano aie useul only i conoucreo ano opeiareo
piopeily lur coulo orleiwise even le oangeious. A mooel wirlour a
comperenr usei is like a cai wirlour an expeiienceo oiivei.
-ODELINGTHE-EKONG2IVER
Tle Mekong Rivei lasin is no exceprion among rle woilo`s iiveis as ir
las leen suljecr ro a lioao specrium o mooeling eoirs ovei rle yeais
(a lulk o rle iesulreo mooel piooucrs aie lisreo in annex 6.1). Many
mooels lave leen oevelopeo ano useo, ano many playeis aie woiking wirl
rlem. \lar aie rle main quesrions in rle Mekong iegion rlar mooeleis
aie riying ro answei? \ly aie rlese quesrions impoiranr? !s anylooy
cooioinaring rle woik oi is cooioinarion neeoeo ar all? \ly rleie aie
so many mooels? !s rleie somerling rlar rle olo mooels lave nor leen
alle ro answei, ano i so, wly? Manageis ano planneis oon`r acrually neeo
new mooels rlar aie even moie elaloiare, lur iarlei a single mooel rlar is
simple lur accuiare enougl. !ow coulo rlis le aclieveo?
Chapter06.indd 137 4/11/07 2:10:55 PM
138
+EYLESSONSLEARNTFROMPASTMODELINGEXERCISES
\ly oo vaiious agencies ano acrois srill keep oeveloping mooels oi rle
Mekong? To wlar eno? !n rlis sloir summaiy, rleie is lirrle possililiry o
making a rloiougl sciuriny ano rlus piovioe answeis ro all rlese quesrions.
!owevei, some geneial ourlines can le piovioeo.
!iisr, ir is impoiranr ro norice rlar rle oieienr mooels oevelopeo oi
rle Mekong iegion seive many unoamenrally oieienr puiposes. Mosr
o rlem lave leen useo eirlei in scienrihc invesrigarions oi as planning
ano managemenr insriumenrs. Tleiely rley lelong in some cases ro
racrical, lur in mosr cases ro sriaregic level, oren useo also in scenaiio
analyses. Typically, rle oara ano knowleoge managemenr piopeiries
aie veiy ciucial ano numeiical mooels aie useo in comlinarion wirl
geogiaplic inoimarion sysrems, srarisrical mooels ano iisk-analyric rools.
Tle accuiacy ano piecision o sucl rools cannor ieacl rle same level as
rlose mooels rlar aie useo oi opeiarional puiposesin a oara-auenr,
single-puipose serring. Rarlei, rley aie moie analogical ro iegional oi
glolal climare mooels useo, oi insrance, in climare clange ieseaicl rlan
ro opeiarional wearlei mooels.
Secono, rle helo o acrois in rle lasin is oiveise. àrional agencies aie
acrive in rlis iegaio pairiculaily in Viernam ano Tlailano. Tle Mekong
las leen an arriacrive ano impoiranr ropic ro oi ieseaicl. Tleie las leen
rens o acaoemic mooeling sruoies caiiieo our, oi example, in rle Mekong
oelra alone. !n aooirion, rle Mekong iegion las leen a majoi raiger o an
aiiay o lilareial ano mulrilareial oevelopmenr co-opeiarion eoirs ovei
oecaoes. Tlis las iesulreo in giear oiveisiry o acriviries wlicl aie veiy
oihculr ro manage, cooioinarion ano synrlesis aie seiiously neeoeo.
!n rlese ano seveial orlei iegaios, one o rle key oiganizarions in rle
!owei Mekong Basin is rle MRC. Tleieoie, we will ocus leie on rle MRC`s
concuiienr mooeling eoirs. onoi-oiiven oiganizarions sucl as rle MRC
aie pairiculaily clallenging since exreinally oiiven oevelopmenr iniriarives
oo nor easily ger iooreo in rle iegion. !oi olraining susrainalle iesulrs,
rle iipaiian expeirs ano insrirurions sloulo eel rlar rley aie rle 'owneis"
o sucl mooeling rools. Tlis is easiei in cases in wlicl rle iniriarive comes
iom insioe rle counriies. !owevei, counriies sucl as !aos ano Camlooia
lave lao consioeialle capaciry sloircomings ano exreinal inpur las leen
seen as an impoiranr conriilurion in rle helo o warei ano enviionmenral
managemenr. Tle conriilurion o rle MRC las leen consioeialle leie,
alrlougl ir las nor leen ully capalle o ciearing suhcienr links ro local
expeirs in rle iipaiian counriies. Tle exrension o rle riaining eoirs ro
a wioei communiry o mooeleis ano mooel useis, incluoing acaoemics, is
seen as way ro inciease susrainaliliry ano urilizarion o rle mooeling rools,
as oiscusseo iepeareoly in rlis claprei. Tlis woulo also sloie up rle MRC`s
eoirs ro ieciuir mooeleis.
Chapter06.indd 138 4/11/07 2:10:56 PM
13
Box 6.4 Models n development cooperuton
Many o rle Mekong-ielareo mooels lave leen iealizeo as oevelopmenr
coopeiarion piojecrs oi piogiams. Biinging 'wesrein" mooels ano mooeling
appioacles inro rle piojecrs also liings seveial new rlings inro mooeling
ano mooel use. ne o rlese is rle oehnire neeo ro inregiare social ano
economic analysis ano impacr assessmenr rools wirl riaoirional engineeiing.
Tle piollems o rle mosr vulneialle ano pooiesr people cannor le
aooiesseo wirlour social consioeiarions ano pairiciparoiy appioacles. Tle
giear clallenge in mosr cases is ro inregiare qualirarive social inoimarion
wirl riaoirionally quanrirarive naruie-scienrihc ano reclnological oara. !n
aooirion, many oevelopmenr co-opeiarion piojecrs lave also nor piopeily
unoeisrooo rle polirical, insrirurional ano culruial conrexr wleie rley lave
leen woiking.
Peilaps rle giearesr clallenge is ro piovioe suicienr riaining ano
capaciry-luiloing oi rle lenehciaiies ano ro guaianree susrainalle use ano
lenehr o rle oevelopeo mooeling ano assessmenr rools in uruie. Too many
'piooucrs" o pasr oevelopmenr iniriarives lave leen pur asioe wirlour
use. To le lonesr, ull success in rlis iespecr also seems impossille. Tle
piollems oo nor lie only in rle arriruoes ano capaliliries o rle suppliei, lur
also in rle laiiieis wirl ano limirarions o rle ieceiveis. àruially rleie aie
gaps in reclnical skills ano expeiience, lur rley aie nor rle mosr oihculr ro
oveicome. Somerimes rle limirarions in language skills llock a gooo pair
o rle inoimarion riansei. Moieovei, rle pooi counriies aie oren unalle
ro piovioe long-reim woik conriacrs ano assignmenrs oi young people,
ano rlus a ieason oi rlese sra ro commir ro leaining ano using rlis new
knowleoge.
Borl rle oonoi communiry ano implemenrarion agencies sloulo
rleieoie pay incieasing arrenrion ro ollow-up riaining ano coopeiarion on
mooeling ano impacr assessmenr. Tlis is lesr oone wirl esrallisleo riainee
nerwoiks, pieeially ly cooioinareo ano collaloiarive eoirs wirl oieienr
acrois ano insrirures. Tle Tonle Sap case piesenreo larei in rlis claprei
slows one piacrical expeiience on rle inregiareo mooeling appioacl as well
as capaciry luiloing ano irs clallenges.
Chapter06.indd 139 4/11/07 2:10:56 PM
140
-ODELINGACTIVITIESATTHE-2#
Tle MRC is one o rle mosr poweiul inreinarional oiganizarions
in rle iegion along wirl ADB, Asia-Paciic !conomic Coopeiarion
(APEC), Associarion o Sourleasr Asian àrions (ASEAN), Ciearei Mekong
Suliegion (GMS), ano vaiious laige non-goveinmenral oiganizarions.
!owevei, a lor is neeoeo ro meige rleii appioacles closei ro eacl orlei
wirl moie open collaloiarion ano inoimarion slaiing. Among rle iipaiian
counriies, Camlooia, Viernam, !ao PDR ano Tlailano aie memleis o
rle MRC, lur Clina ano Myanmai |Buima] aie only oialogue pairneis. A
lively scienrihc-reclnological coopeiarion wirl rlese upsrieam counriies
is a necessiry oi compielensive lasin-wioe lyoiological, enviionmenral,
economical ano social impacr assessmenr. Tlis issue is also well aooiesseo
ly rle MRC, ano irs new Sriaregic Plan 2OO62O1O iecognizes piomorion
ano impiovemenr o oialogue ano collaloiarion wirl Clina ano Myanmai
as one cenrial oljecrive o rle oiganizarion.
Tle conrempoiaiy MRC is laseo on rle Mekong Agieemenr, wlicl was
signeo in 1995 ly rle oui memlei counriies. Relareo ro rle Agieemenr,
rle ollowing vision oi rle Mekong Rivei lasin was oeineo: 'An
economically piospeious, socially jusr ano enviionmenrally souno Mekong
Rivei lasin." Tlese sriaregic ourlines rlar oim rle lacklone o rle MRC
aie veiy inreiesring. !n acr, rley aie veiy mucl in accoioance wirl rle
piinciples o !nregiareo \arei Resouices Managemenr (IWRM). Tleieoie,
rle MRC`s ongoing mooeling eoirs aie peioimeo also in rle lioao
iamewoik o IWRM.
Tle MRC is cuiienrly woiking on a compielensive iolling plan ano
planning piocess oi rle !owei Mekong Rivei Basin. Tlis incluoes rle
lasin`s pairs rlar aie wirlin rle memlei counriies. Tlis compielensive
plan, rle Basin evelopmenr Plan (BDP) is suppoireo ly a massive six-
yeai lackgiouno analysisoi a seiies o analysesunoei rle rirle \arei
!rilizarion Piogiamme (WUP) unoeo mainly ly rle Clolal !nviionmenr
!aciliry (GEF).
7ATER5TILIZATION0ROGRAMME750
Tle WUP aims ar lelping rle MRC memlei srares ro implemenr key
elemenrs o rle 1995 Mekong Agieemenr. !r piovioes reclnical ano
insrirurional capaciries iequiieo oi longei-reim coopeiarion ro manage
rle lasin`s warei ano ecological iesouices in a susrainalle mannei. ne o
irs coie acriviries is rle !nregiareo Basin !low Managemenr (IBFM), iealizeo
joinrly ly rle WUP ano rle MRC !nviionmenr Piogiamme (EP).
IBFM acriviries aie oesigneo ro piovioe inoimarion ro rle oecision-
makeis on rle pieoicreo lenehrs ano cosrs o lano ano warei oevelopmenr
o rle Mekong lasin. Tlis inoimarion is aimeo ar aciliraring oiscussions
lerween rle counriies ro ieacl a lalanceo ano susrainalle economic,
enviionmenral ano social oevelopmenr in rle lasin.
Chapter06.indd 140 4/11/07 2:10:56 PM
-!4(%-!4)#!,-/$%,).').).4%'2!4%$-!.!'%-%.4/&7!4%22%3/52#%3
ùmeiical mooels play a key iole in rle IBFM piocess, leaning on rle
oevelopmenr o rle MRC ecision Suppoir !iamewoik (DSF). Tle DSF
compiises a ser o lyoiological mooels ano ooo analysis pioceouies. So
ai, rle IBFM piocess las ocuseo on lyoiological claiacreiisrics as lasis
oi rle ow iules, leaning on rle piopeiries o rle piesenr DSF. !owevei,
oi wioening rle scope o IBFM appioacl, moie aovanceo analyrical
merloos aie neeoeo. Tlese incluoe, oi example, warei qualiry mooels
oi simularion o mareiial rianspoirs in rle iivei ano in rle oooplain ano
assessing consequenr enviionmenral, economic ano social impacrs unoei
vaiious ow iegimes.
3TRENGTHENINGTHEMODELBASEFORIMPACTASSESSMENT
Tle mooel ano knowleoge lase i.e. MRC`s ecision Suppoir !iamewoik
(DSF) is rle coineisrone o IWRM as well as o rle IBFM piocess. A majoi
clallenge oi, ano inreiesr o, rle MRC is ro luilo a scienrihcally valioareo,
cieoille ano susrainalle mooel plaroim ro suppoir lasin oevelopmenr
planning, lyoiological oiecasring, ano inregiareo enviionmenral,
economic ano social assessmenr. !n rlis iegaio, rleie is srill lor o woik
ro oo wirl rle DSF. Tle MRC woulo leneir giearly iom conrinuing
valioarion ano scienrihc ieview o rle mooel sysrem, wlicl is necessaiy
oi irs rianspaiency ano cieoililiry, nor leasr in rle rianslounoaiy conrexr.
\ioening rle plaroim ro an ensemlle o mooels oi oieienr scopes,
involving mooel compaiison ano cioss-valioarion, woulo mosr likely leao
ro incieasing cieoililiry ano aooirional useulness o rle DSF. \irlour
ooulr, all rlis woulo leao ro moie eecrive Mekong lasin oevelopmenr
planning ano oecision making ly rle MRC.
An elemenraiy pair o rle mooel lase is ro luilo a iipaiian capaciry ro
rake caie o irs mainrenance, oevelopmenr ano uruie use, ro eecrively
iespono ro any emeiging oevelopmenr plan wirl iegional impoirance.
Builoing o wioe narional capaciry ano porenrial in rle memlei counriies
is necessaiy, exrenoing iom MRC ro narional agencies ano acaoemic
insrirurions. Tlis allows conrinuing capaciry oiming ano upoaring oi rlis
enriie usei communiry ano iesouice. Moieovei, inreinarional scienrihc ano
ieseaicl nerwoiks oei wioe iange o possililiries oi oeveloping counriies
oi riaining ano RD coopeiarion. Tle EU, among orleis, is slowing a
giowing inreiesr in rle Mekong iegion ano in lecoming a norewoirly
pairnei in rlis helo.
Relareo ro rlis, ir is essenrial ro make rle mooel lase aiclirecruie open
ano mooulai ro acilirare capaciry luiloing ano avoio possille iisks o
oeao enos in sysrem oevelopmenr. Tle mooel engines musr le possille
ro clange ano le comparille wirl eacl orlei. Mooeling is a conrinuous
piocess ano new geneiarions o mooels appeai iequenrly ano neeo ro le
easy ro use.
Chapter06.indd 141 4/11/07 2:10:56 PM
142
Consulranrs, wlo aie laigely iesponsille oi oeveloping mooels ar
rle MRC, sloulo slaie iesponsililiry oi oeveloping rools wlicl meer rle
neeos o rleii clienrs. Moieovei, open souice sorwaie ano license-iee
mooel sysrems woulo wioen rle possililiry o narional looies, incluoing
univeisiries, accessing ano using rle MRC-sponsoieo rools. Tlis coulo aoo
iemaikally ro rle conhoence on rle mooels as well as rleii oevelopmenr.
Tle exrensive use o mooels, oi a mulriruoe o puiposes ano case sruoies in
rle iipaiian counriies, woulo lave a sriong posirive eecr in rle long-reim
susrainaliliry o rle oevelopeo rools.
"ASIN$EVELOPMENT0LAN
Tle mooel ano knowleoge lase (DSF) also oims rle ounoarion oi
rle oevelopmenr scenaiio assessmenr o rle MRC Basin evelopmenr Plan
(BDP). Accoioing ro rle 1995 Mekong Agieemenr, rle BDP is: 'Tle geneial
planning rool ano piocess rlar rle Joinr Commirree o rle Mekong Rivei
Commission woulo use as a lluepiinr ro ioenriy, caregoiize ano piioiirize
piojecrs ano piogiammes ro seek assisrance oi ano ro implemenr rle plan
ar rle lasin level."
Tle oljecrive o rle BDP is 'susrainalle oevelopmenr o rle warei
ano ielareo iesouices o rle lasin oi rle murual lenehrs o rle iipaiian
counriies ano people living in rle Mekong Rivei lasin." !n rle meoium
reim, rle piogiamme will oevelop a iamewoik oi iegional coopeiarion
among rle iipaiian counriies ro oevelop rle Mekong Rivei lasin rliougl
implemenrarion o a well-oehneo ano esrallisleo BDP. Tle BDP is rleieoie
a cenrial planning rool oi rle MRC`s new 'Mekong Piogiamme," a iegional
coopeiarion piogiamme rlar, ly using rle concepr o !nregiareo \arei
Resouices Managemenr (IWRM), aims ro aclieve moie eecrive ano
lalanceo use o warei ano ielareo iesouices in rle lasin. Tle knowleoge
ano capaciry luiloing piocess ano a oialogue wirl rle pullic, srakeloloeis
ano polirical levels iun paiallel wirl rle lasin oevelopmenr planning
piocess. Tle lig clallenge oi rle MRC is ro oevelop ano implemenr a
lolisric mooel sysrem ro seive as an inregiareo planning rool oi irs sul-
iegions as well as lasin wioe planning neeos.
750&).TOOLSSUPPORTINGTHE-2#
Complemenraiy ro rle MRC`s \arei !rilizarion Piogiamme (WUP) is
rle WUP-lN Piojecr, wlicl ocuses on capaciry luiloing in mooeling ano
impacr assessmenr oi socioeconomic ano enviionmenral analyses. Tlis
kino o mulri- ano cioss-oisciplinaiy appioacl, linkeo ro narional insrirures,
aims conriilures ro rle oevelopmenr o enlanceo lyoiooynamic mooels as
well as enviionmenral ano socioeconomic impacr assessmenr rools oi rle
!owei Mekong Basin.
Pair o rle WUP-FIN piojecr is ro oevelop an inregiareo mooeling
appioacl using a giiooeo, lyliio ano mulrioimensional (1/2/3) mooel.
Tle iivei ano loooplain sysrem is claiacreiizeo ly slope, plysical,
Chapter06.indd 142 4/11/07 2:10:57 PM
143
Iigurc 6.1 Modcl ow chart from modcl input to impact analysis in thc
Tonlc Sap arca
clemical ano liological giaoienrs, loiizonrally ano veirically. Tle GIS-
rype o sysrem allows oi inregiaring oooplain inoimarion, sucl as
iniasriucruie ano lano use, wirl warei ano enviionmenral paiamereis.
Tlis is complemenreo ly socioeconomic oara ano inoimarion oi uirlei
analysis ano impacr assessmenr.
!n aooirion ro WUP ano narional insrirures, rle !looo Managemenr ano
Mirigarion Piogiamme (FMMP) as well as rle !isleiies ano àvigarion
secrois o rle MRC aie key useis ano lenehciaiies o rle WUP-lN mooeling
ano impacr assessmenr rools. !r is anricipareo rlar rle WUP-lN !owei
Mekong Basin lyliio lyoiooynamic mooel will seive rle FMMP oi
impioveo ooo oiecasring accuiacy in place ano rime ovei rle iivei
ano oooplain sysrem. !n aooirion, rle rliee-oimensional lyoiooynamic
ano warei qualiry mooel can le an ehcienr rool in navigarional planning
ano oevelopmenr, enviionmenral impacr assessmenr ano managemenr o
accioenral cases (e.g. oil spills) ano conringency planning. Tle !isleiies
Piogiamme lenehrs iom rle inregiareo lyoiooynamic ano warei qualiry
mooels applieo ro rle LMB oooplains ano ro rle Tonle Sap ooo pulsing
sysrem in pairiculai. Tle WUP-lN Piojecr is conrinuing rlis woik ly
ciearing a iamewoik oi mooeling reiiesriial ano aquaric piooucriviry o
rle pulsing sysrem. Tle woik ocuses on rle iole o seoimenrs ano nuriienr
liouglr ro rle sysrem ly looo wareis oi mainraining irs liological
piooucriviry, oooplain vegerarion impacrs, ano rle inoicarois o hsl
iepiooucrion iares in rle oooplains.
ModeI
Input data
ModeI
engine
FIow change
indicator
Impact on
ecosystem
Topography
Landuse
Hydrology
Meteorology
Hydrodynamics
Water quality
Hydrodynamic
model
Water quality
model
nundated
flooddplain
area / volume
Duration of
inundation
Net
sedimentation
Dissolved
oxygen
Dry season lake
area
Fish breeding
Fish growth
Vegetation
cover
Biodiversity
Hydrological
model
Primary
production
Fish larvae &
juvenile drift
Chapter06.indd 143 4/11/07 2:10:57 PM
144
)NTEGRATEDMODELOFTHE4ONLE3APSYSTEM
!n rle ollowing, rle applicarion o rle WUP-lN mooels ano analysis rools
ro rle Tonle Sap sysrem is piesenreo as a piacrical example o inregiareo
mooeling ano impacr assessmenr piocess (hguie 6.1). Tle applicarion also
slows rle neeo ano jusrihcarion o oeveloping an aovanceo mooel sysrem
oi rlis kino o complex lyoiooynamic, enviionmenral ano social enriry.
Tle mooel oevelopmenr ano applicarion woik las leen accompanieo wirl
riaining ano capaciry luiloing given oi rle mooel useis ano oecision-
makeis ar rle MRCS ano ar rle narional insrirurions, incluoing lorl
goveinmenral ano acaoemic insrirurions. Tle mooe o riaining las coveieo
woikslops ano couises, on-rle-jol riaining, suppoir ro acaoemic ieseaicl
ano oisseirarions ano cuiiiculum oevelopmenr, joinr pullicarions ano
coneience papeis as well as suppoir oi rle riainees ro ieacl inreinarional
riaining ano sruoy posirions. All rlis las leen aimeo ar incieasing rle skills
o rle riainees in mooeling ano impacr assessmenr merlooologies as well
as enlance rleii knowleoge in rle uncrioning o rle Tonle Sap !ake ano
oooplain sysrem.
Tle Tonle Sap !ake in Camlooia is rle laigesr peimanenr ieslwarei
looy in Sourleasr Asia ano a veiy impoiranr pair o rle Mekong sysrem
(hguie 6.2). Tle lake is among rle mosr piooucrive ieslwarei ecosysrems
in rle woilo (e.g. Bonleui 2OO1, e.g. !amleirs 2OO1, Saikkula er al. 2OO3).
Tle ligl ecosysrem piooucriviry is laseo on rle ooo pulse iom rle
Mekong ano rle riansei o reiiesriial piimaiy piooucrs inro rle aquaric
plase ouiing oooing. Tle pulsing sysrem concepr was oevelopeo ano
sruoieo in giear oerail in rle Amazon lasin ly Junk (1997), ano ir is a veiy
useul concepr also applieo ro rle Tonle Sap. ue ro rle ooo pulse ano
exrensive oooplain, rle lake oeis many o rle Mekong hsl species ioeal
conoirions oi eeoing ano lieeoing (Poulsen er al. 2OO2). Tle lake also
woiks as a naruial ieseivoii oi rle !owei Mekong Basin, oeiing ooo
piorecrion ano conriiluring signihcanrly ro rle oiy season ow ro rle
Mekong oelra.
%COSYSTEMPROCESSES
espire rle exrieme impoirance o rle lake ano irs oooplains, irs
ecosysrem piocesses ano liological piooucriviry aie pooily unoeisrooo.
To lerrei unoeisrano rle lake`s ecosysrem ano oevelop impacr assessmenr
rools, rle WUP-lN Piojecr las oevelopeo marlemarical mooels oi rle
Tonle Sap !ake ano oooplain. To suppoir oevelopmenr o rle mooels,
exrensive plysical, clemical, liological ano socioeconomic piimaiy oara
collecrion was caiiieo our. A plysically laseo oisriilureo lyoiological
mooel was applieo ro rle Tonle Sap wareisleo ano rliee-oimensional
Chapter06.indd 144 4/11/07 2:10:58 PM
145
Iigurc 6.2 Tonlc Sap Lakc and its oodplain as a part of Mckong systcm
lyoiooynamic ano warei qualiry mooel oevelopeo oi rle Tonle Sap !ake,
oooplain ano rle Tonle Sap Rivei up ro Piek am.
Tle piojecreo iniasriucruie oevelopmenr in rle Mekong lasin,
incluoing incieaseo iiiigarion ano lyoiopowei consriucrion ar lorl
local ano iegional levels, rliearens rle Tonle Sap`s vulneialle ecosysrem.
!oi example upsrieam oevelopmenrs in rle Mekong Rivei sucl as oam
consriucrion lave alieaoy leo ro signihcanr riapping o seoimenrs ano
nuriienrs (Kummu er al. 2OO6l), ano may lave signihcanr impacr on rle
ooo iegime ano riming o rle ooo in LMB ano Tonle Sap !ake in rle neai
uruie (Aoamson 2OO1). Tlese clanges may lave a giear inuence on rle
piooucriviry o rle lake`s ecosysrem (e.g. Saikkula er al. 2OO+, e.g. Saikkula
er al. 2OO3). Tle mooels oevelopeo ouiing rle WUP-lN Piojecr can rlus le
useo ro esrimare possille impacrs on rle Tonle Sap !ake oue ro rle local
ano upsrieam oevelopmenrs (Kummu er al. 2OO6a, WUP-lN 2OO3).
Availalle mooel iesulrs iom rle WUP-lN Piojecr can le aclieveo oi
lorl naruial ano scenaiio cases, ano incluoe riiluraiy inows, ow speeo
ano oiiecrion, oooing claiacreiisrics, oissolveo oxygen concenriarions
(iguie 6.3), seoimenrarion (iguie 6.+), laivae ano juvenile isl oiir
(Saikkula er al. 2OO+) as well as pollurion oispeision iom oaring villages.
Chapter06.indd 145 4/11/07 2:10:58 PM
146
Iigurc 6.3 Calculatcd avcragc oxygcn conditions in thc Tonlc Sap Lakc
and oodplains. Ycar 199S on lcft and ycar 2000 on right.
3OCIOECONOMICANALYSIS
!n oioei ro acilirare impacr assessmenr ano ro link mooeling lerrei
ro social, economic ano goveinance issues, rle mooels oevelopeo wirlin
rle WUP-lN Piojecr weie complemenreo wirl socioeconomic ano policy
analyses. Tle socioeconomic analysis consisreo o rliee main componenrs:
1) analysis o rle oaralases ano ciearion o a new GIS-laseo socioeconomic
oaralase, 2) pairiciparoiy village suiveys ano rleii analysis, ano 3) analysis
o orlei souices o inoimarion incluoing lireiaruie ieviews ano expeir
inreiviews. Tle ocus o rle socioeconomic analysis is on warei-ielareo
livelilooos ano rienos o naruial iesouices (Keskinen er al. 2OO5).
Tle socioeconomic analysis rlus consisreo o rwo main plases:
assessmenr ano inregiarion plases. Assessmenr plase was caiiieo ar rle
leginning o rle piojecr ano ir analyzeo rle mosr impoiranr warei-ielareo
socioeconomic issues in rle aiea, wlicl rlen lelpeo ro ser rle ocus oi rle
acrual mooeling woik ano issues rlar rle mooeling aimeo ro rackle. Tle
secono plase was implemenreo ar rle larrei lal o rle piojecr, ano ir aimeo
ro inregiare rle mooel iesulrs wirl social ano economic inoimarion ano
rlis way ro assisr social impacr assessmenr, ano ulrimarely, ro give lalanceo
managemenr iecommenoarions (Keskinen er al. 2OO5a).
!n oioei ro acilirare rle inregiarion wirl rle iesulrs o lyoiooynamic
ano warei qualiry mooels, rle garleieo quanrirarive socioeconomic
oara was aiiangeo ano analyzeo accoioing ro ropogiaplic locarion (i.e.
elevarion) o rle villages in GIS. All ropogiaplic zones weie coveieo also
ly rle pairiciparoiy village suiveys, alrlougl rleii small sample size meanr
Chapter06.indd 146 4/11/07 2:10:59 PM
147
Sedimentation on Western part of TonIe Sap Lake
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
agriculture grassland shrubland forest water
Land - use class
S
e
d
i
m
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n

[
g
/
m
2
]
1998
2000
2000 damtrapping
Sedimentation on Eastern part of TonIe Sap Lake
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
agriculture grassland shrubland forest water
Land - use class
S
e
d
i
m
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n

[
g
/
m
2
]
1998
2000
2000 damtrapping
Iigurc 6.4 Calculatcd scdimcntation rcsults for diffcrcnt land usc classcs
(agriculturc, grassland, shrubland, forcst and watcr).
Diagram on top shows scdimcntation for thc wcstcrn part and right
for thc castcrn part of thc lakc
Sedimentation on western part of Tonle Sap Lake
Sedimentation on eastern part of Tonle Sap Lake
Chapter06.indd 147 4/11/07 2:11:00 PM
148
rlar rlis coveiage was inoicarive only. Alrogerlei oui ropogiaplic zones
weie oimeo. !n aooirion, uilan aieas weie analyzeo sepaiarely ano rley
oimeo rle hrl zone. Tle enriie Tonle Sap !ake alls wirlin Zone 1, ano
mosr o irs oooplain wirlin Zones 1 ano 2. !xceprionally ligl ooos like
rlar in 2OOO can also covei mosr o Zone 3 ano pairs o Zone + (Keskinen
2OO6).
urpurs iom socioeconomic analysis oeiiveo iom rle alove-menrioneo
acriviries incluoe:
incieaseo unoeisranoing o livelilooo sriucruie in rle aiea,
incluoing seasonal vaiiarion ano oiveisiry o livelilooos as well as
livelilooos` connecrions ro warei iesouices ano naruial iesouices
iecognizing some iecenr rienos o livelilooos, naruial iesouices
ano warei-ielareo acrois
linking rle aclieveo socioeconomic inoimarion wirl rle
ropogiaplic locarion, lence aciliraring rle connecrion wirl rle
lyoiology o rle oooplain
oeraileo analysis o rle oieienr secroi policies` impacr ro
enviionmenral susrainaliliry, economic giowrl ano poveiry
ieoucrion (as pair o policy analysis woik)
!r musr le emplasizeo rlar alrlougl one pair o rle WUP-lN Piojecr
also incluoeo mooeling (see lelow), rle analysis piesenreo alove was nor
caiiieo our oi mooeling puiposes pei se, lur iarlei ro guioe mooeling
rliougl incieaseo unoeisranoing o rle socioeconomic siruarion in rle
Tonle Sap aiea, ano rogerlei wirl mooel iesulrs ano orlei inoimarion, ro
acilirare moie lalanceo social ano enviionmenral impacr assessmenr.
0OLICYANALYSIS
Socioeconomic analysis wirlin rle WUP-lN Piojecr was complemenreo
wirl policy analysis o oieienr warei-ielareo secroi policies in rle Tonle
Sap Aiea. !oi rle puiposes o policy analysis, rle so-calleo WUP-lN Policy
Mooel was cieareo. Alrlougl leaiing rle name 'mooel," WUP-lN Policy
Mooel is acrually veiy oieienr iom rle lyoiooynamic ano warei qualiry
mooels as ir is laseo on Bayesian Causal èrwoiks (lox 6.5), ano aims ro
analyze in a lioaoei mannei rle impacr o oieienr warei managemenr
policies ro sociery ano enviionmenr (Vaiis ano Keskinen 2OO6).
Tle policy analysis aimeo rlus ro link rle iesulrs o rle lyoiooynamic
ano warei qualiry mooels wirl lioaoei enviionmenral, economic ano social
acrois, ano rleieoie ro suppoir managemenr ano oecision making. Tle
Policy Mooel laseo on Bayesian Causal èrwoiks enalles a sysremaric
iisk analysis o oieienr rypes o acrois, ano also allows unceirainries ro le
raken inro accounr in rle mooelingclaiacreiisrics rlar aie oren lacking
lur oehnirely neeoeo wlen analyzing rle complicareo inreiconnecrions
ano impacrs o oieienr policies.
Chapter06.indd 148 4/11/07 2:11:00 PM
14
Box 6.5 Buyesun Network
Tle Bayesian èrwoik merlooology is laseo on rle sysremaric analysis
o causal inreiconnecrions in complex sysrems unoei ligl unceirainry. !r
allows rle analysis o iisks ro vaiious componenrs o rle enviionmenral ano
social sysrem unoei concein, as consequences o policy sriaregies unoei
evaluarion. Tiaoe-o analyses lerween oieienr oevelopmenr oljecrives
can le maoe, ano policy comlinarions rlar cieare win-win siruarions
lerween rle compering srakeloloeis can le souglr (Vaiis 1998, Vaiis ano
!ialouler-Jussila 2OO2)
Tle iesulrs iom rle policy analysis slow rlar some, lur nor all, o rle
secroi policies incluoeo in rle analysis aie ciucial oi lorl rle economy
ano poveiry ieoucrion. Tle measuies rlar oeciease rle luge sloircomings
in eoucarion ano goveining insrirurions aie olviously rle ones rlar mosr
sriongly suppoir rlese rwo goals. Ar rle same rime, wirl eveiy scenaiio
ano secroi policy, unceirainries ielareo ro rleii impacrs iemain veiy ligl
ano musr rleieoie le appieciareo. Tle ieason oi ligl unceirainries
iesulr pairly iom rle lack o oara, lur even moie impoiranrly iom
liglly complicareo nerwoik o oiiecr ano inoiiecr impacrs rlar reno ro
le inconsisrenr in many cases, rlus incieasing unceirainry o possille
impacrs.
Tle secroi policies incluoeo in rle Policy Mooel appeai, lowevei, ro
le ielarively roorlless ro enviionmenral piollems, pairiculaily i oehneo
as 'enviionmenral susrainaliliry" as is oone in rle Mekong Agieemenr.
Tlis is mosr piolally oue ro rle ollowing ieasons. !iisr, rle concepr o
enviionmenral susrainaliliry is nor easy ro le conceprualizeo concierely
enougl so rlar ir woulo le easy ro riear analyrically. Secono, as rle majoiiry
o rle popularion o rle Tonle Sap Aiea live in villages ano make rleii
living iom rle lake oi rle oooplain in a oiiecr way, rle enviionmenral
issues aie closely louno ro social issues. Social oevelopmenrs rleieoie aie
riglrly louno ro enviionmenral impacrs, ano rle impiovemenrs in social
conoirions reno ro inrioouce lorl posirive ano negarive enviionmenral
impacrs wlicl cancel eacl orlei, seemingly ro a giear exrenr. Tle siruarion
woulo mosr piolally le oieienr i rle aiea`s goveinance sysrem was moie
oevelopeo ano rianspaienr (Vaiis ano Keskinen 2OO6).
)NTEGRATIONOFSOCIOECONOMICECOLOGICALANDHYDROLOGICAL
INFORMATION
As was menrioneo eailiei, inregiareo managemenr o warei iesouices
as well as impacr assessmenr o oieienr low scenaiios asks oi a
compielensive appioacl rlar analyses ano inregiares inoimarion o
vaiious rypes. Tle ioenrihcarion o ciucial issues in reims o policies, rleii
Chapter06.indd 149 4/11/07 2:11:00 PM
150
inreiielarions, rleii social, economic ano enviionmenral impacrs ano rle
ourcome ro vaiious vulneialiliries ano srakeloloei riaoe-os is nor a riivial
rling, lur ar rle same rime ir oeis a unique leaining expeiience. ren
sucl a pioceouie ieveals majoi new aieas oi ieseaicl.
Tle social ano enviionmenral impacr assessmenr iequiies rloiougl
unoeisranoing o rle linkages lerween lyoiology, ecosysrem ano social
ano economic issues, as well as o rle impacrs rlar rlese oieienr acrois
expeiience oue ro rle clanges in warei iegime. !iguie 6.5 slows a
simpliheo illusriarion o rle inreiconnecrions lerween rle rliee main
acrois rogerlei wirl oieienr componenrs o rle WUP-FIN Piojecr.
Consequenrly, social ano enviionmenral impacr assessmenr o rle WUP-lN
Piojecr luilos on rle inregiarion o social ano economic inoimarion wirl
mooeling iesulrs ano inoimarion on enviionmenr, ecosysrem piocesses,
ano lano use.
Tle inregiarion lerween lyoiological, ecological, social ano economic
inoimarion can naruially le caiiieo our in oieienr ways, oepenoing
on rle local serring ano rle oveiall conrexr o rle mooeling ano impacr
assessmenr woik. Common ro all o rlese oieienr appioacles is rle
clallenge in aciliraring rle linkages lerween oiveise socioeconomic
inoimarion ano orlei inoimarion souices ano oarasers, in pairiculai
wirl mooeling iesulrs. Tlis is pairly ielareo ro rle oieiences in rype o
inoimarion availalle: wlile marlemarical mooels aie laseo on quanrirarive
oara, socioeconomic analyses aie commonly ounoeo on lorl quanrirarive
ano qualirarive inoimarion. Since qualirarive inoimarion is piacrically
impossille ro incluoe inro convenrional marlemarical mooels, quanrirarive
oara is rypically pieeiieo wlen linking rlese oieienr elemenrs rogerlei.
!owevei, quanrirarive social ano economic oara las irs own piollems ano
liases, ano urilizarion o lorl quanrirarive ano qualirarive socioeconomic
inoimarion iesulrs in moie compielensive unoeisranoing o rle social ano
economic siruarion in rle aiea (Keskinen 2OO6).
Tle clallenges oesciileo alove can le rackleo in oieienr ways. As
was explaineo eailiei, in rle case o Tonle Sap Aiea, rle inregiarion was
acilirareo ly caiiying our rle socioeconomic analysis accoioing ro GIS-
laseo ropogiaplic zones rlar coulo rlen le linkeo wirl mooel iesulrs
(Keskinen 2OO6). rlei possililiries exisr as well, sucl as ie-oiganizing
exisring social ano economic inoimarion laseo on ooo claiacreiisrics as
was oone in rle Camlooian Mekong !loooplains (Keskinen er al. 2OO5l).
!n rle WUP-lN Piojecr, rwo oieienr kinos o merloos weie useo oi
inregiarion (Keskinen 2OO6, Keskinen er al. 2OO5l, ìkula 2OO5):
1. Quanrirarive inregiarion o socioeconomic, lano use ano
lyoiological oara wirl rle lelp o GIS ano ropogiaplic zones, ano
2. esciiprive inregiarion comlining quanrirarive ano qualirarive
inoimarion on inreiconnecrions ano causaliries lerween
lyoiological, ecological, economic ano social issues.
Chapter06.indd 150 4/11/07 2:11:01 PM
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Iigurc 6.5 Iramcwork for impact asscssmcnt and intcgration of
hydrological, ccological and socio-cconomic information togcthcr with
diffcrcnt WP-IIN Projcct componcnts
MEASUREMENTS
& MODELLING
SOCIO-ECONOMIC &
POLICY ANALYSIS
ENVIRONMENTAL
ANALYSIS
NSTTUTONAL & POLTCAL SETTNG
WUP-FIN
Project
component
PrincipIe
of inter-
connections
Impact
assessment
process
WATER
PEOPLE &
LIVELIHOODS
ECOSYSTEM
HydroIogicaI
Indicator
LiveIihoods
Ecosystem
(Response & Impact / Service)
!nirially, rle ioea was ro oereimine ielarions lerween possille
lyoiological clanges ano rleii impacrs on people`s livelilooos ar rle lake
laigely quanrirarively wirl rle lelp o GIS ano ropogiaplic zones. Soon ir
lecame cleai, lowevei rlar rlis kino o quanrirarive inregiarion was nor
enougl ro unoeisrano rloiouglly rle inriicare inreiconnecrions lerween
lyoiology, enviionmenr ano social ano economic aspecrs. Tle main
ieason oi rlis aie rle limirarions ielareo ro quanrirarive oara: mosr o rle
inreiconnecrions iemain pooily unoeisrooo ano analyzeo, ano many o
rlem cannor anylow le piesenreo compielensively in quanriheo reims.
Also, rle riaoirions o oieienr oisciplines iom compurarional lyoiology
ro pairiciparoiy merloos in sociology lampeieo rle inregiarion. Tlis
unease coulo lave piolally leen ieouceo wirl a caieul oesign o rle
piojecr componenrs in rle eaily srages o rle piojecr. Consequenrly, also
moie conceprual appioacl oi inregiarion, oesciiprive inregiarion, was
applieo.
Tle lasic ioea lelino rle oesciiprive inregiarion is hisr ro ioenriy
rle mosr ielevanr lyoiological inoicarois/paiamereis (e.g. ooo level),
rlen oehne rle iesponse o rle ecosysrem oi ecological meclanisms rlar
rleii porenrial clanges cause (e.g. oeciease in inunoareo lalirars), rlen
iecognize rleii mosr impoiranr ecological impacrs (e.g. hsl piooucrion),
ano inally consioei impacreo livelilooo acriviries, rogerlei wirl rle
immeoiacy rlar rle impacr is elr. Tlis enriie 'impacr piocess" is piesenreo
wirl so-calleo impacr ralles, wleie rle oiiecrion ano inrensiry o rle
impacrs aie speciheo laseo on oara, inoimarion ano knowleoge availalle
Chapter06.indd 151 4/11/07 2:11:01 PM
152
oi rlis specihc impacr. !oi moie inoimarion on oesciiprive inregiarion,
please ieei ro Keskinen (2OO6) ano ìkula (2OO5).
!nirial expeiiences iom rle inregiarion woik emplasize rle neeo
oi a moie compielensive appioacl rlar makes use o a wioe aiiay o
oieienr merlooologies ano inoimarion souices, pieeially rogerlei wirl
a mulrioisciplinaiy ream. !yoiological mooels conriilure signihcanrly
ro unoeisranoing rle lake`s complicareo lyoiological iegime, lur rleii
useulness oi assessing social ano enviionmenral impacrs is limireo.
To uirlei woik on impacr assessmenr, moie qualirarive merloos lave
ro le applieo. !ocal ano expeir knowleoge is neeoeo: wlen local ano
expeir knowleoge is comlineo wirl inoimarion iom rle measuiemenrs
ano mooels, rle ourpur o rle mooeling piojecr will also le mucl moie
susrainalle ano lerrei connecreo wirl local neeos ano expecrarions.
#ONCLUSIONSANDTHEWAYAHEAD
Tle claprei las oiscusseo seveial issues ielareo ro warei mooeling: mooel
reclnology ano oevelopmenr, rle ielarion o mooels ro enviionmenral
ano social impacr assessmenrs, ano rle useulness o mooels in suppoiring
planning ano oecision making. !xamples lave leen oeiiveo mainly iom
expeiiences in rle Mekong Rivei lasin, pairiculaily wirlin rle conrexr o
rle MRC. Some key conclusions ano conceins lave emeigeo oi uirlei
ieseaicl ano piacrical applicarions on mooeling ano impacr assessmenr:
Mooeling las porenrially an impoiranr iole in warei managemenr,
pairiculaily oi analyzing uruie scenaiios ano rleii impacrs as well
as oi complex, mulri-oimensional sysrems sucl as rle ooo pulse
o rle Tonle Sap !ake.
!owevei, in oioei ro link mooeling wirl ieal woilo piollems, rle
enriie appioacl o mooeling las ro le upoareo: mooeling piojecrs
musr link lerrei wirl rle orlei oimensions o warei managemenr,
mosr impoiranrly wirl rle sociery irs is sruoying. Tlis linkage
sloulo pieeially le cieareo iom rle veiy leginning o any
mooeling exeicise, ano enougl rime ano iesouices sloulo le
allocareo ro ir.
Mooeleis ano mooeling piojecrs neeo ro ocus moie on coopeiarion
ano communicarions, ly enlancing oialogue wirl oecision-makeis
ano orlei srakeloloeis, ano ly incieasing rle rianspaiency ano
inrelligililiry o rle mooels ano rleii iesulr. A way oi rle larrei
woulo le ro piovioe oecision-makeis ano orlei non-mooeleis
possililiry ro acrually riyano porenrially also usemooeling ano
mooel applicarions ly rlemselves.
Relareo ro rlis, liinging new inoimarion in a cleaily unoeisrooo
oim ro rle awaieness o rle manageis, oecision-makeis ano rle
Chapter06.indd 152 4/11/07 2:11:01 PM
153
pullic calls oi a pioessional skill. A mooelei cannor usually
ieplace a pioessional jouinalisr in rlis rask.
Collecring piimaiy inoimarion on lyoiological, enviionmenral
ano social ano economic piocesses is a key oi oeveloping rle
mooel sysrem ano consequenr, inregiareo impacr assessmenrs. All
possililiries ro coopeiare openly wirl orlei ieseaicl reams sloulo
le urilizeo.
Mooel sysrem neeos ro iespono suhcienrly ro rle complexiry o
rle enviionmenr ano conrexr wleie mooel is applieo, sranoaioizeo
ano commeicial appioacles aie nor always rle solurion, so rle
possililiries sloulo le open also oi railoieo mooel sysrems.
ne o rle mosr oihculr rasks in mooeling woik lies in riaining o
rle iegional expeirs oi long-reim susrainaliliry, mainrenance ano
uruie use o rle oevelopeo skills, reclnology ano knowleoge on
mooeling ano impacr assessmenr.
Relareo ro rlis, rle iisk o losing riaineo key peisonnel is a
ieal rliear in rle Mekong iegion. !eie rle sraliliry ano long-
reim woik o rle MRC Secieraiiar`s mooeleis gioup is o cenrial
impoirance oi oeveloping ano mainraining reclnical skills lorl ar
rle Secieraiiar ano in rle memlei counriies.
Risk o susrainaliliry losses can le mirigareo ly conrinuous ano
eecrive coopeiarion lerween rle mooel oevelopeis (piesenrly
mainly inreinarional consulranrs ano rle iipaiian expeirs) ano
rle narional line agencies, insrirures ano univeisiries. Tle iole
o narional univeisiries in long-reim capaciry luiloing cannor
le ovei-emplasizeo, ano rley sloulo le closely involveo in rle
riaining ano oevelopmenr o rle mooels.
!owevei olvious rle neeos oi an inregiareo ano coopeiarive appioacl
oi impacr assessmenr in rianslounoaiy warei lasins aie, rleie seems srill
ro le a long way ro go. Some piogiess in inregiarion o reams iom naruial
ano engineeiing sciences las leen maoe, lur inregiarion wirl rle social
sciences is srill only oawning. To oare, rle appioacl aoapreo ly mooeleis
ro aooiess rlese moie mulrioisciplinaiy connecrions las rypically leen jusr
'ro aoo some social sru" ro rleii mooels (àncaiiow 2OO5). Tlis may
lave leen pieoominanrly jusr ro sarisy rle oemanos o rle oonois ano/oi
oecision-makeis, lur ir ooesn`r ieally clange rle unoamenral piollems
wirl mooeling. Tle ieal clange may come rliougl esrallislmenr o
reams oi inregiareo assessmenr ano mooeling wirl lalanceo ano equal
pairiciparion ly mooeleis, social scienrisrs, policy expeirs ano orlei non-
mooeleis. Tlis may lelp ro oimulare rle iiglr quesrions ro guioe mooel
oevelopmenr ano ro eno up wirl ielevanr answeis ano solurions iom
sociery`s poinr o view. Tlis may also lelp ro liing new inoimarion ano
iecommenoarions ro rle oecision-makeis.
Chapter06.indd 153 4/11/07 2:11:02 PM
154
!mpioving rle connecrion wirl oecision-makeis is nor wirlour laiiieis
ano olsracles, eirlei. èirlei polirical arriruoes ano inreiesrs noi hnancial
consriainrs aie easy ro oveicome. Tle iesponsililiry ro iise alove rlese
laiiieis iesrs mainly on mooeleis, wlo neeo ro oevelop mooels ano
piesenr rle mooel iesulrs in sucl a cleai way rlar rley aie accepralle ano
unoeisranoalle ly planneis, manageis ano oecision-makeis. Tlis evioenr
laiiiei makes one ro rlink rlar a giear oeal o rle eoir pur in mooeling
ano irs reclnical oevelopmenr sloulo acrually le ieleaseo oi collaloiarion
ano communicarion wirl oecision-makeis ro ensuie rlar rle iesulrs
aclieveo ly (rypically nor cleap) mooeling piojecrs aie ieally urilizeo in
planning ano oecision making. Tle necessaiy iesouice oi rlis coulo le
easily ieleaseo iom scarreieo mooel oevelopmenrs, i only rle oecisions
oi moie collaloiarive ano conceireo mooeling woik can le raken, ano
implemenreo.
Tle clallenges oesciileo alove leao one inevirally ro rlink rlar
rle 'spiiirual sioe" o rle long oiscusseo ano awaireoano srill laigely
penoinginregiareo appioacles las leen mosrly ignoieo. Reacling
new milesrones in rle cumleisome ioao o inregiareo appioacles rlus
necessirares ioenrihcarion o rle menral ano social laiiieis pievenring riue
inregiarion o rle people involveo. Tlis ooes concein rle ieseaicl reams
as well as rle insrirurions ano oiganizarions, ano also rleii goveinance
merloos ano piacrices. Tle solurion may iesr in lerrei murual appieciarion
ano lisrening lerween rle involveo inoiviouals, reams, srakeloloeis ano
inreiesr gioups. Tle impoirance o mulrioisciplinaiy ieseaicl oi naruial
iesouices managemenr is inoeeo olvious. As poinreo our ly Janssen ano
Coloswoirly (1996), ro ieally aclieve rlis, rle mosr impoiranr arriilures
aie arriruoe, communicarion skills, eoucarion ano expeiience.
Chapter06.indd 154 4/11/07 2:11:02 PM
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Anncx 6.1. Sclcctcd modcling cfforts in thc Mckong rcgion.
Hydrological Modcling
US Aimy Coips o !ngineeis (SSARR): hisr lasin wioe wareisleo mooel oi
Mekong iegion aiouno 196O. Simulare iuno iom iainall ano snow melr, ano
iivei sysrems incluoing opeiarions o ieseivoiis ano oiveisions (Tanaka 1998).
MRC-DSF (SWAT IQQM): SWAT, soil ano warei assessmenr rool, iuno oi eacl
Mekong sul-lasin. IQQM, !nregiareo Quanriry ano Qualiry Mooel, movemenr
o rle iuno geneiareo ly SWAT mooel oown rle iivei sysrem. Mooels aie pair
o MRC`s ecision Suppoir Sysrem (DSF) (e.g. Jiiayoor ano Tiung 2OO+, WUP-A
2OO3).
MRCS/WUP-lN (HBV VMOD): Tonle Sap sul-carclmenr ano Songkliam
wareisleo in Tlailano, 1 lumpeo HBV mooel ano 2 oisriilureo wareisleo
mooel (VMOD) (WUP-lN 2OO3).
TSLV Piojecr: WUP-JICA ano Tonle Sap Viciniries piojecr, 1$ lyoiological
mooel oown iom Kiarie ro suppoir rle 2 lyoiaulic mooel (TSLV Piojecr
2OO+).
!niveisiry o \aslingron (VIC): Basin wioe 2 oisriilureo wareisleo mooel.
IWMI (SLURP): Basin wioe Semi-isriilureo !ano-!se Runo Piocess
lyoiological mooel (Kire 2OOO, Kire 2OO1).
!llir (TOP Mooel): !low lyoiogiapl mooel oi àm Cnouan Carclmenr in
!aos (!llir 2OOO).
!niveisiry o Yamanasli (YHYM): Basin wioe Yamanasli !yoiological Mooel,
2D giio laseo oisriilureo lyoiological mooel (Kuoo er al. 2OO+).
Toloku !niveisiry (BTOP/MC): isriilureo oisclaige mooel useo oi seoimenr
movemenr sruoy, Mioole Mekong Basin (Kuoo er al. 2OO+).
!eiarl er al (IISDHM): ooo lyoiogiapls simularion up ro Kiarie (Tian 2OOO).
ànjing !nsrirure o !yoiology ano \arei Resouices (LSM): Yunnan pair o
Mekong, !ancang iivei Simularion Mooel (LSM), lumpeo iainall iuno mooel
(!iu unpullisleo).
Hydrodynamic modcling
SOGREAH: Mekong oelra mooel in 1963. Quasi 2 ow equarions.
elr (WENDY): !yoiaulic mooel oi Mekong elra Masrei Plan.
\olanski: 2 mooel oi coasral eiosion in Mekong oelra (\olanski er al.
1996).
SAL: 1 lyoiaulic mooel ro simulare ow, saliniry inriusion, BOD, ano
piopagarion o acio warei (Tian 2OOO).
HMS (KOD Mooel): 1 ooo mooel oi Mekong oelra.
Chapter06.indd 155 4/11/07 2:11:02 PM
156
SIWRP (VRSAP): 1 lyoiaulic ano warei qualiry mooel oi Mekong oelra (Tian
2OOO).
HMS (HYDROGIS): !looo ano saliniry inriusion oiecasring in Mekong oelra.
Kyoro !niveisiry (KYOTO): 1$ iivei nerwoik & 2 oveilano ooo mooel
(!noue er al. 2OOO).
MRCS/WUP-A (ISIS): 1 lyoiaulic mooel oi !owei Mekong oooplains (iom
Kiarie oown ro sea incluoing Tonle Sap !ake) (Tes ano Tiung 2OO+).
MRCS/WUP-lN (3 EIA Mooel): Applicarions oi Tonle Sap !ake, Vienriane
òngklai secrion o Mekong, àm Songkliam oooplains, !owei Mekong
Basin oooplains (oownsrieam iom Kiarie ro rle Sourl Clina Sea),
Clakromuk juncrion in Plnom Penl, Tan Clau aiea, Tieu Rivei Mourl, ano
Plain o Reeos (WUP-lN 2OO3).
Tonle Sap viciniries (Mike 11): !seo in Camlooia oooplains ro sruoy mulri-
uncrional lyoiologic ioles o Tonle Sap !ake ano viciniries (TSLV Piojecr
2OO+).
DHI (Mike21): 2 lyoiooynamic mooel wirl cuivilineai cooioinare sysrem
applieo ro Clakromuk aiea oi unoeisrano rle eiosion ano seoimenrarion
claiacreis
AIT (PWRI): Comlineo 1 ano 2 suiace-iivei ow mooel applieo ro
Camlooian oooplains (urra er al. 2OO+)
.OTES
All rle aurlois aie woiking oi rle !owei Mekong Mooeling Piojecr unoei rle \arei
!rilizarion Piogiam (WUP-lN) o rle MRC. !innisl !nviionmenr !nsrirure is leaoing rle
piojecr in collaloiarion wirl rle !nviionmenral !mpacr Assessmenr Cenrie o !inlano ano
rle \arei Resouices !aloiaroiy o rle !elsinki !niveisiry o Teclnology. Tle piojecr is
unoeo ly rle evelopmenr Coopeiarion epairmenr o rle Minisriy oi !oieign Aaiis
o !inlano rliougl rle MRCS. Tle hisr plase o rle piojecr, calleo rle Tonle Sap Mooeling
Piojecr (WUP-lN) sraireo in June 2OO1 ano ocuseo on rle Tonle Sap !ake o Camlooia.
Tle secono plase o rle piojecr, namely rle !owei Mekong Mooeling Piojecr sraireo in
May 2OO+ ano exrenos rle woik iom rle Tonle Sap ro orlei ciirical aieas in rle !owei
Mekong Basin. Tlese lor-spor aieas incluoe Camlooian Mekong oooplains, rle Mekong
oelra o Viernam, ano eiosion-pione aieas aiouno Vienriane in !aos as well as rle Songkliam
\areisleo in noirleasrein Tlailano.
Tle aurlois woulo like ro acknowleoge all o rle WUP-lN ream, pairiculaily Seppo
!ellsren, Mikko Kiiiikki, Miia Kkonen, ano all o rle Camlooian co-woikeis, especially
Mao !ak ano Yin Tlan, Clir Kimloi ano Bonvongsai Tocl ano riainees. Pioessoi Peirri
Vakkilainen is equally acknowleogeo. Ciirical ano consriucrive commenrs ouiing rle wiiring
piocess maoe ly Joln oie, !ouis !elel ano Rajesl aniel aie giearly acknowleogeo. Masao
!mamuia is acknowleogeo oi all rle oiganizing eoirs ouiing rle wiiring piocess.
Chapter06.indd 156 4/11/07 2:11:03 PM
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ARTICLE III
The Lake with Floating Villages: Socio-
economic Analysis of the Tonle Sap Lake
MARKO KESKINEN
Helsinki University of Technology, Water Resources Laboratory, Finland
ABSTRACT Increasing complexity and multidisciplinarity of water management has resulted in the
development of broader approaches such as Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). This
paper discusses the IWRM and particularly its social and participatory dimensions based on the
practical experience gained from the socio-economic analysis within a modelling project in
Cambodias Tonle Sap Lake. It is argued that water-related socio-economic analysis can
signicantly contribute to water modelling and impact analysis work because it helps to link
modelling with the most relevant social and economic issues. This way modelling is also better able
to answer to the needs of integrated water resources management.
Water, Environment and Society
Water resources management is much more than managing water. This contradictory
statement is self-evident in the Mekong Basin where water equals life for millions of
people for whom water provides directly or indirectly the source of livelihood. In addition
to direct economic values, the basins water resources possess remarkable social, cultural
and spiritual values. The Mekong River and its tributaries constitute an important, and
controversial, energy source and transportation route for the riparian countries. The river
system also supports diverse aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems. The basins immense
water resources are thus the key factor for social and economic development of its riparian
countries. At the same time, economic development and the increasing population put the
water resources under growing stress. Therefore, understanding the interactions and
interconnections between water, environment and society is an absolute necessity for
balanced and equal management of the basin.
In this sense the Mekong Basin is obviously no different from any other river basin in
the world. The need for integrated management of water resources has been understood
around the world for decades (Biswas, 2004). However, it has only been during recent
years that this type of integrated approach has been more widely and uniformly
acknowledged as the most appropriate one for water management. The main reason for
this is the emergence of the concept of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM).
According to its denition, the IWRM is a dynamic process that promotes the coordinated
0790-0627 Print/1360-0648 Online/06/030463-18 q 2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/07900620500482568
Correspondence Address: Marko Keskinen, Helsinki University of Technology, Water Resources Laboratory,
02015 TKK, Finland. Email:marko.keskinen@tkk.
Water Resources Development,
Vol. 22, No. 3, 463480, September 2006
management of water, land and related resources to maximize economic and social
welfare without compromising sustainability of vital ecosystems (GWP, 2000). Thus, the
challenging aim of the IWRM is to nd a balance between three Es, i.e. Economic
efciency, Environmental sustainability and social Equity.
Information required for the integrated management of water resources therefore
includes hydrological, environmental, and economic as well as social data and
information. Although collating and analysing this type of diverse and multidisciplinary
information is already a huge task itself, it is not enough. In order to understand and
manage the interconnections and impacts between water, environment and society, the
information also needs to be linked rmly together.
Consequently, the most difcult question in the implementation of the IWRM is related
to the letter I in its name: How to Integrate the diverse social, economic, environmental
and hydrological information in a meaningful and comprehensive way to sustain the
balanced management of water resources? Successful implementation of the IWRM also
largely depends on the scale of the IWRM. There have been arguments that IWRM would
not be the most suitable approach on a macro-scale, and particularly not in transboundary
river basins, such as the Mekong, where the differences in countries governance
structures together with national interests and political rivalries make an integrated
approach far more challenging (see e.g. Biswas, 2004).
This paper addresses the Integrated Water Resources Management and its challenges by
presenting a case study on water-related socio-economic analysis within the Tonle Sap
Modelling Project. The paper includes two intertwined themes: one that is more
practically orientated and presents the methods and results of the socio-economic analysis
of the Tonle Sap Lake, and the other that is more general and looks more at the
overall context of the IWRM. It must be noted that the term socio-economic analysis is
somewhat vague and even misleading. This is so for two reasons. First, the term tries to put
together two aspects that actually are very different, namely social and economic issues.
This results often in a situation where one aspect is emphasized more than the otheror at
worst neither of the aspects is properly dealt with. Second, the socio-economic analysis
addressed in this paper focuses mainly on livelihoods. Therefore the term socio-economic
analysis should in this context actually be understood as a livelihood analysis rather than
as thorough analysis of social and economic issues.
The Multidisciplinary Approach of the IWRM
Integrated Water Resources Management requires a multidisciplinary approach where
actors from several different disciplines and institutions cooperate in an open and
constructive manner (Delli Priscoli, 2004; GWP, 2000). Multidisciplinarity can have
several different levels, and different meanings and dimensions at different levels. The two
levels discussed in more detail in this section are referred to as the management level and
project level.
As the name implies, the management level is more general where the information
derived from different disciplines, or sectors, is collated and analysed in a multi- and
cross-disciplinary manner. In an ideal situation the different analyseshydrological,
socio-economic, ecological, politicalnecessary for integrated management are not
carried out by separate projects, but by one multidisciplinary team that is able to link the
different sectors together from the very beginning (Delli Priscoli, 2004). In this situation
464 M. Keskinen
separate sector projects and programmes become basically unnecessary. However, setting
up this kind of multidisciplinary team is not always possible. This might be due to
limitations in available resources and information, lack of institutional capacity, or due to
the large scale and complexity of the research area. All three hold true at least to a certain
extent for the Tonle Sap Area.
In this kind of situation the sector analyses are usually carried out in an old-fashioned
way in separate projects, and the results of the different analyses are integrated after at the
management level. Unfortunately, this separation makes the integration of socio-
economic, ecological and hydrological information more problematic due to
dissimilarities between the sectors, including differences in the methods used and the
type of information gathered. To overcome this problem, the sector projects should also
develop more transparent and compatible approaches and hence adjust their approach
towards greater multidisciplinarity. This leads to increased understanding of other sectors
and their needs and requirements, and thus enables the creation of better linkages with
these sectors.
The socio-economic analysis carried out within the Tonle Sap Modelling Project
presents an example of the multidisciplinary approach applied at the project level: the
results of the analysis are used to focus the modelling work to create rmer connections
with other dimensions of the IWRM, most importantly with society. This enables
modelling to address better the multidisciplinary needs set by the IWRM. At the same time
it should be noted that the socio-economic analysis is by no means comprehensive, but is
intended to support and complement the modelling work. Thus the analysis does not
remove the need for a more extensive socio-economic analysis that is unquestionably
necessary for a comprehensive understanding of the area, and consequently, for truly
integrated management of the Tonle Sap.
Cambodia and Tonle Sap
Although relatively rich in natural resources, Cambodia is one of the poorest countries in
Asia. Most of countrys population is still heavily dependent on common natural resources
for their livelihood. More than 70% of the labour force works in the agricultural sector
although agricultures proportion of the GDP is decreasing rapidly (NIS, 2004).
Cambodian society is characterized by deep-rooted inequality, which is demonstrated by
poverty as well as inequality in gender status and access to education. Regional
differences, particularly between urban and rural areas, increase this inequality even
further (Ministry of Planning, 2002).
Several decades of internal turmoil, poor management of natural resources, and weak
and corrupted governance are the main reasons for the underdevelopment of the country
(World Bank, 2004). However, Cambodia is slowly developing towards a more
decentralized and democratic system, and this development has already enhanced
economic growth, enabled development of public services and the preparation of legal
reforms, and increased the inow of foreign investment (Ramamurthy et al., 2001). These
are all needed in the sustainable economic and social development of Cambodia.
The Tonle Sap Lake, also known as the Great Lake, lies in the central plains of
Cambodia. The 120 km long Tonle Sap River connects the lake to the Mekong River. The
lake is known for its rich biodiversity and extraordinary water regime with a huge seasonal
variation in water level and volume. During the wet season the water depth in the lake rises
The Lake with Floating Villages 465
from a mere 1 m up to 10 m (see Figure 3 in Kummu et al., 2006, this issue). At the same
time, the surface area of the lake more than quadruples from 2500 km
2
up to 15 000 km
2
,
extending the lake over vast oodplains consisting mainly of ooded forests, shrubs and
rice elds (MRCS/WUP-FIN, 2003).
The variation of water volume in the lake is caused by an exceptional hydrological
phenomenon determined by the Mekong River. During the southwest monsoon the water
level in the Mekong River rises so fast that part of the oodwaters runs to the Tonle Sap
River, causing the river to reverse its ow back towards the Tonle Sap Lake that thus loses
its only outlet. The largest festival in Cambodia, Bon Om Tok, i.e. the water festival, is
celebrated in October and November after the Tonle Sap River reverses once again and
starts emptying the Tonle Sap Lake back to the Mekong River.
The extraordinary water regime of the Tonle Sap Lake and River has resulted in an
exceptional and highly productive oodplain ecosystem. The Tonle Sap Lake is among the
most productive freshwater ecosystems and one of the most sh-abundant lakes in the
world. Flooded forests and shrubs offer excellent shelter and breeding grounds for sh.
Migration of different sh species and other aquatic animals between the Tonle Sap Lake
and the Mekong River is extensive and diverse. During the inow there is mostly a passive
migration of eggs, fry and sh to the Tonle Sap Lake and its oodplains. Later, large
numbers of sh follow the receding oodwater back to the lake and nally back to the
Mekong River, while numerous species, mainly the so-called black sh, stay in the lake
and adjacent water bodies inhabiting them throughout the year (Lamberts, 2001).
The socio-economic setting of the Tonle Sap Area is diverse. This is due to various
reasons, including the peculiar nature of the lake, its oods and ecosystem, the areas
rapidly growing population and massive incidence of poverty as well as peoples deep
dependence on the lake and other natural resources. Ethnic diversity, seasonal variations
of livelihood sources, unequal access to natural resources, and insufcient rights of land
tenure also have impacts on the area.
Due to its extraordinary role the Tonle Sap Lake can be regarded as the Heart of the
Mekong; without it the Mekong River and its aquatic life would not ourish as it does
today. The role of the Tonle Sap for Cambodia is even greater. It has been approximated
that as many as half of the countrys population benets directly or indirectly from the
lakes resources (Bonheur, 2001). Therefore, the successful management of the Tonle Sap
Lake is vital for both Cambodia and the entire Mekong Basin. Vice versa, due to its
extraordinary water regime, the future of the Tonle Sap depends not only on local
development, but also on the upstream development in other Mekong Basin countries
because even relatively small changes in water quantity and quality in the Mekong River
can have unpredictable impacts on the lake and its resources.
The Tonle Sap Modelling Project
The socio-economic analysis of the Tonle Sap Lake was carried out as a part of the Tonle
Sap Modelling Project (WUP-FIN). The main aim of the Tonle Sap Modelling Project is to
create a means to understand the physical, chemical and biological processes in the Tonle
Sap Lake, and to assist in the maintenance of sustainable conditions of the lake
(MRCS/WUP-FIN, 2003). The results and recommendations of the project are being used
to support management and decision-making at different levels, ranging from regional to
national and local levels.
466 M. Keskinen
To full this demanding task, a set of hydrological, hydrodynamic and water quality
models were developed within the project (Kummu et al., 2006, this issue). In order to
facilitate impact assessment and to better link modelling into social, economic and
environmental issues, the models were complemented with environmental and socio-
economic surveys and analyses. This type of broad approach was seen as essential for the
full and meaningful use of the developed models, but it also brought new challenges.
Perhaps the biggest challenge was the integration of diverse socio-economic
information with other information sources and datasets, in particular with ecological
information and modelling results. Due to the specic nature of the Tonle Sap Area,
ecology is clearly the main connecting factor between socio-economic and hydrological
information (Nikula, 2005). However, achieving through understanding the areas ecology
proved to be extremely challenging due to ambiguity and a sheer lack of information on
ecological processes and functions (Lamberts, 2006, this issue).
Another major challenge was related to differences in type of information available.
While the mathematical models are based on quantitative data, socio-economic analysis
(and often also environmental analyses) are based on both quantitative and qualitative
information. Since qualitative information is practically impossible to include in
conventional mathematical models, quantitative data is typically preferred when linking
these different elements together. However, socio-economic databases have their own
problems and biases, and utilization of both quantitative and qualitative socio-economic
information results in a more comprehensive and up-to-date understanding of the socio-
economic situation in the area.
After considering the challenges described above, the socio-economic analysis within the
WUP-FIN Project was based on both socio-economic database analysis and participatory
village surveys, and was complemented with expert interviews and literature reviews. To
facilitate the integration between socio-economic, ecological and hydrological information,
the socio-economic analysis was carried out according to topographic zones that were
dened with the help of Geographic Information System (GIS). The linking of qualitative
socio-economic information with modelling results was also made easier by summarizing
some of the results of the village surveys with semi-quantifying methods.
The socio-economic analysis thus consisted of two main phases: (1) actual analysis
phase; and (2) integration and assessment phase. The former was carried out at the
beginning of the project and it analysed the most important water-related social and
economic issues in the area. This increased the overall understanding of these issues in the
Tonle Sap Area, and helped to set the focus for the actual modelling work. The second
phase was implemented during the latter half of the project and it aimed to integrate the
model results with socio-economic information to assist impact assessment, and
ultimately, to give balanced management recommendations. The latter phase was closely
connected with the policy analysis carried out within the project (Varis & Keskinen, 2006,
this issue).
Topographic Zoning
The idea behind topographic zoning is to arrange the available village-level socio-
economic information into zones according to topographic location (i.e. elevation) of the
villages to allow better connection with the lake and its oods. This type of arrangement
differs considerably from normal because databases usually classify socio-economic
information according to administrative boundaries such as provinces and districts.
However, these boundaries do not follow the water ows, which makes the integration
between socio-economic analysis and water resources far more challenging.
The Tonle Sap Area is well suited to this type of classication as the areas topography
rises steadily further away from the lake, and the zones thus form well-dened entities
(Table 1). Quantitative socio-economic data derived from the different databases were
arranged and analysed according to these zones, resulting in the creation of a new,
topography-based socio-economic database. Information derived from the participatory
village surveys and literature reviews was also analysed according to zones, although their
extremely small sample size made this analysis indicative only. The results of
the hydrodynamic and water quality models were also arranged according to topographic
zones, thus enabling enhanced linking between the model results and socio-economic
variables.
Figure 1. Tonle Sap Area with ve zones and six survey villages (marked with stars). Source:
Keskinen (2003).
Table 1. Topographic and urban zoning of the Tonle Sap Area
Topographical location
Population
(1998)
Number of villages
(1998)
Area
(km
2
)
Zone 1 06 m (above sea level) 84 742 88 8 531
Zone 4 10 m to National Roads 470 196 554 1 574
Zone 5 Urban areas 291 460 121 73
All zones Between National Roads 5 & 6 1 186 192 1158 14 876
468 M. Keskinen
Consequently, the villages of the Tonle Sap Area were divided into four topographic
zones. Zones were numbered in ascending order so that Zone 1 is closest to the lake and
Zone 4 furthest from the lake and closest to the National Roads 5 and 6 that were dened to
be the borders of the study area (Table 1 and Figure 1). Due to the clear differences
between urban and rural areas, urban areas formed their own zone based on the land use
classication for the area (JICA, 1999).
Figure 1 shows a map derived from the created database for the Tonle Sap Area. As can
be seen, a large majority of the population concentrates in the areas around the National
Roads and provincial capitals even though most of the area, including the lake and most of
its oodplains, falls into the Zones 1 and 2. The diagonal lines indicate the extent of
ooding in year 2000 when the ood was exceptionally high (Figure 4).
Database Analysis
Database analysis included reviews and analyses of different socio-economic and related
databases as well as the creation of a new topographic-based socio-economic database for
the Tonle Sap Area. The socio-economic indicators included in the new database consisted
of various socio-economic indicators, such as age, population, literacy, occupation, land
use, poverty and use of natural resources. The most important database was the Population
Census 1998 (NIS, 2000) that contained data from all 1158 villages within the study area.
Other databases included the Fishing Household Survey (FHS) from years 199596
(COMBASE, 1996), the Poverty Mapping Database from 2002 (WFP, 2000), and the Land
Use Database (JICA, 1999).
The lack of more recent databases means that the database analysis is partly out-of-date,
increasing further the importance of village surveys and other information sources to
complement and contradict the results of the database analysis. The results from the Inter-
Censal Population Survey of 2004 generally supported the results of the Population
Census 1998, but also showed considerable improvements in several elds in country-
level (NIS, 2004). The proportion of employed people working in the agriculture, hunting,
forestry and shing sectors in 2004 was slightly less (74%) than in 1998 (77.5%) but still
remained extremely high.
Tables 2 and 3 present information about selected social and economic indicators in
different zones derived from the constructed database. For more detailed information on
different socio-economic variables and their analysis, see Keskinen (2003).
Table 2. An example of selected social indicators of different zones
Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 All zones
019 years 56.0% 58.3% 57.0% 56.6% 53.4% 55.9%
Females 50.6% 52.0% 52.2% 52.3% 51.9% 52.0%
Literacy rate 35.7% 44.3% 48.9% 51.2% 66.0% 52.9%
Ethnic origin (FHS)
Khmer 82.9% 100.0% 99.8% 94.9% 100.0% 94.6%
Chinese 0.2% 0.1% 0.1%
Vietnamese 14.0% 0.9% 3.0%
Cham 3.0% 3.9% 2,2%
Source: NIS (1998); COMBASE (1996).
Participatory Village Surveys
Participatory village surveys together with database analysis formed the foundation of
socio-economic analysis. Village surveys were based on the methods of the Rapid and
Participatory Rural Appraisal (RRAand PRA). The main difference between the two is that
in the RRAthe aimis to apply participatory methods to gain information whilst minimizing
biases, while the PRA is a more long-term process with an emphasis on knowledge sharing
and empowerment of local people (Chambers, 1994). Due to the nature and scope of the
WUP-FIN Project, the village surveys were used to gain better understanding of the local
realities and were not for long-term development of the survey villages as such. Therefore,
the approach of the village surveys is inevitably more extractive and closer to RRA than
PRA. However, this should not also prevent the use of so-called PRA methods to benet
both the project through a better understanding of the local situation, and the villagers
through enhanced, although still limited, participation in the analysis process.
There are several examples of the use of local knowledge and participatory research
methods to benet water resources research. For example, the experience of Valbo-
Jrgensen & Poulsen (2001) illustrates that local shermen can be an extremely valuable
information source when studying sh migrations in the Lower Mekong Basin. However,
in a context as large and complicated as the Tonle Sap, the local knowledge is best utilized
when combined with information gained from other sources, since the combination of
scientic and local knowledge usually exceeds the limits of either type of knowledge alone
(Zanetell & Knuth, 2002).
Altogether six participatory village surveys were conducted in ve provinces around the
Tonle Sap. In order to capture the seasonal and topographic variation, the village surveys
covered all four topographic zones (Figure 1), and took place during both the dry and wet
seasons. Each village survey lasted approximately four days and involved 1520 villagers
of different ages, gender and occupations (Figure 2). The village survey reports were
prepared in both Khmer and English. Reporting in the local language as well as making the
reports freely available on the projects website were regarded to be important ways of
enhancing the possibilities of participation for local people and other stakeholders.
Participatory methods used in the village survey were in chronological order:
. key-informant interview (semi-structured interview);
. group discussion (semi-structured interview);
Table 3. Main occupational involvement in different zones
Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Zone 5 All zones
Census 1998
Agriculture 26.1% 91.0% 83.5% 77.0% 21.5% 63.4%
Trade 10.3% 2.1% 4.9% 8.3% 30.2% 12.0%
Fishing 55.2% 2.1% 2.4% 1.4% 0.6% 5.7%
FHS 199596
Farming 17.1% 86.9% 86.5% 76.4% 31.7% 67.2%
Fishing 60.9% 3.6% 3.8% 6.4% 6.3% 15.5%
Trade combined 8.0% 1.2% 2.5% 4.4% 28.5% 5.3%
Source: NIS (1998); COMBASE (1996).
470 M. Keskinen
. participatory mapping;
. transect walk and observation;
. seasonal calendar and occupational preference ranking;
. time ranking;
. focus group discussion and ranking on migration; and
. nal discussion and analysis of the survey.
The key-informant interviews were performed at both the provincial and village level.
Their aim was to collect overall information about the socio-economic situation in the
area, and to better link the village survey with the other projects and actors in the area. The
actual participatory methods encompassing group discussions and different mapping and
ranking exercises focused on livelihoods, use of natural resources and their trends.
Understanding the recent and probable future trends was seen as extremely important due
to the dynamic nature of social and economic issues.
In the synthesis report (Keskinen, 2003), the ndings of the village surveys were
combined and compared with the results of database analysis and literature reviews. To
make the comparison of achieved qualitative information easier, part of the survey results
were semi-quantied with the help of symbols or diagram charts. Table 4 shows an
example of the result of the time rankings that are summarized and semi-quantied as
symbols representing trends.
Results of the Socio-economic Analysis
The socio-economic analysis combined information derived from the database analysis,
participatory village surveys and other information sources such as literature reviews and
expert interviews. The analysis was performed separately for each zone in order to
Figure 2. Seasonal ranking in Preak Ta Kong Village. Photo: Marko Keskinen.
understand each zones specic characteristics, and consequently, to see the differences
between the zones in terms of socio-economy, land use, natural resources and
vulnerability to the possible changes in water resources. Table 5 summarizes the basic
socio-economic characteristics for each zone.
People living closest to the Tonle Sap Lake are in many ways in a worse situation than
those living closer to the National Roads. They are generally poorer, less educated, have
fewer livelihood options, do not own agricultural land and largely depend on common
property resources such as water bodies and ooded forests for their livelihood (Keskinen,
2003). Ethnic issues are also important because many of the oating villages are inhabited
by ethnic Vietnamese whose status in the country remains unclear and is often
unrecognized.
People living in the rural zones further away from the lake rely heavily on rice
cultivation for their livelihood, and decreasing availability of agricultural land due to
population growth is therefore among the main problems in this area. The villagers
depending on the cultivation of oating and recession rice are particularly vulnerable to
the changes and year-to-year variations in oods. Although people living in these zones
are generally wealthier than those living on the lake, economic disparity seems to be
greater. This also indicates possible conicts in the future.
There is a clear occupational difference between the zones. The urban zone naturally
forms a very different case with its more diverse livelihood structure. The rural zones can
be classied into two different main groups: the shing zone (Zone 1) and the agriculture
zones (Zones 24). While shing forms the main source of livelihood in Zone 1, rice
cultivation and other agricultural activities are by far the most important source of
livelihood in all other rural zones. Secondary occupations form an important supplement
for the main occupations in all rural zones, particularly during the seasons when
involvement in the main occupation is less intensive. Fishing is among the most important
secondary occupations in all agricultural zones.
Table 4. Trends of different environmental and socio-economic variables in the survey villages
472 M. Keskinen
The clear occupational division is particularly signicant when it is recalled that a large
majority of the people in the survey area live in Zones 35. Hence, although the Tonle Sap
Lake itself is particularly known for its exceptional sh production, most of the people
living in its oodplains are actually more dependent on agriculture than aquatic resources
for their livelihood. However, it must be remembered that although it is not the primary
source of livelihood in the area, sh has a very special role in Cambodia: it is the staple
food for the entire country, and the main source of income particularly for the landless and
the poor in many areas (Gum, 2000).
Figure 3. In Tonle Sap the annual ood pulse is followed by a so-called livelihood pulse
Table 5. Basic socio-economic characteristics of each zone
Zone Basic socio-economic characteristics
Zone 1 Mostly oating villages; main industry shing with some involvement in
trade; lowest level of livelihood; highest incidence of ethnic minorities,
particularly of Vietnamese; lake and ooded forests & shrubland;
severe ooding
Zone 2 Main industry rice cultivation and particularly oating and recession rice;
part-time involvement in shing signicant; ooded shrubland and
abandoned / partly used elds; severe ooding
Zone 3 Main industry rice cultivation; involvement in shing less signicant
than in lower zones; most of the area covered by permanent rice elds;
regular oods important for rice cultivation; moderately ooded
Zone 4 Main industry rice cultivation; growing importance of other industries
(commerce & manufacturing); better access to the markets and higher
level of livelihood than in other rural zones; most of the area covered
by permanent rice elds
Zone 5 Occupational involvement in the village level more diverse but within
households less diverse than in the rural zones; highest level of livelihood
and education; most developed infrastructure and best market access
The results of the socio-economic analysis indicate clearly that the livelihoods of the
population in the Tonle Sap Area are very closely connected with annual hydrological
cycle of the lake. Adaptation to, rather than control of, the areas exceptional water regime
is therefore a typical characteristic in the Tonle Sap; the situation is exactly the reverse, for
example, in the Mekong Delta of Vietnam. Figure 3 shows a somewhat simplied
representation of the relationship between the water regime and level of livelihood by
presenting the annual variation of both together. The dark grey area in Figure 3 shows the
water level in Kampong Level measurement station in the years 200001 when the oods
were exceptionally high. Four lines indicate the seasonal variation of the level of
livelihood as derived from the seasonal calendar exercises in four survey villages.
Kampong Preah is a shing village with oating houses while all other villages are
agricultural villages located in different topographic zones shown in parentheses.
From Figure 3 it can be clearly seen how the ood peak in September October is
followed a few months later by a rapid increase in level of livelihood, livelihood pulse, in
all four villages. This is due to two main facts. First, receding oods results in a massive
migration of sh from the oodplains to the lake and nally to the Mekong River. This
period is also the most productive shing period of the year. Second, the main rice crop is
harvested every year few months after the ooding has brought water and fertile silt to the
rice elds. Figure 3 thus also shows the strong seasonal nature of the level of livelihood,
particularly due to the much higher importance of primary livelihood sources compared
with secondary and tertiary sources.
The signicant dependency on natural resources and water in the Tonle Sap Area is
particularly alarming since the products from several natural resources seem to be in
decline. For example, the sh catch from the Tonle Sap Rivers Dai sheries decreased for
three consecutive years 200204 and in 2004 it was the lowest ever recorded (Hortle et al.,
2004). At the same time it should be noted that the sh catch of 2005 was exceptionally
high, and that the overall reliability of sheries statistics in the area can be seriously
questioned (Lamberts, this issue). Nevertheless, the decreasing trend seems clear and the
decrease in availability of natural resources and rapid population growth is an
unsustainable combination that is likely to decrease the level of livelihood, particularly in
the rural areas. The result of this will probably be a large increase in the number of people
migrating to urban areas (Heinonen, 2006, this issue).
Table 6. Comparison between data drawn from Population Census and Village Survey results
Village (zone)
Population Census 1998 Village Surveys 200203
Households Fishing Agriculture Households Fishing Agriculture
Kampong Preah (1) 172 417 130 115 Majority Little,
part-time
Prek Ta Kong (4) 45 0 98 45 1 family Majority
Ansang Sak (2) 158 4 193 205 9 families Majority
Kampong Pradam (3) 188 0 490 227 26 families Majority
Peam Kraeng (3) 262 0 616 271 Part-time Majority
Pou (1) 55 122 6 84 Majority No
474 M. Keskinen
It is also important to note that the occupational diversity in the Tonle Sap Area is much
greater within households than within and between the villages, as the main source of
livelihood in each village and commune appears to be surprisingly uniform. This increases
peoples vulnerability to the sudden environmental changes: if the primary source of
livelihood fails, the secondary livelihood sources, often regarded as the safety net of the
villagers, cannot sustain the sudden load created when most of the people in the village
shift simultaneously to these sources.
The combined approach that made use of both the databases and the village surveys
also offered the possibility for comparison and cross-checking, revealing shortcomings
of both methodologies. Table 6 presents a comparison between information derived
from the Population Census and village surveys. As can be seen, the information from
these two very different sources is mostly consistent, but clear inconsistencies also
emerge, for example, in the rst survey village. Closer analysis of these differences
Figure 4. Flooded area and average sedimentation in different zones.
revealed some in-built problems the Population Census enumeration related to, e.g.
seasonal migration (Keskinen, 2003). These problems and discrepancies in the
databases could thus be taken into consideration when carrying out the socio-economic
analysis.
Integration of Socio-economic and Hydrological Information
How does the topographic zoning and semi-quantication of village survey results
actually facilitate integration with water modelling? While the zones formed practical and
convenient entities that are relatively uniform in their socio-economic characteristics,
semi-quantied village survey results made the comparison of survey results with database
analysis easier. Since the model results can also be presented according to the dened
zones, these both beneted signicantly the integration between the socio-economic
analysis and modelling.
Figure 4 presents an example of the model results derived from hydrodynamic and
water quality models developed for the Tonle Sap Lake. The left-hand diagram shows the
extent of ooded area and the ood duration while the right-hand diagram demonstrates
the variation in sedimentation in different years. The sedimentation diagram also includes
a so-called dam-trapping scenario where the sediment load from the Mekong River to the
Tonle Sap has been halved to illustrate the possible effect of upstream dam construction to
the sediment inux.
Figure 4 shows remarkable differences in the area and duration of ood between the
different zones. These changes are particularly extreme in Zones 2 and 3 where all oating
rice cultivation and most of the other rice cultivation are concentrated. Sedimentation,
which is seen as one of the main driving forces for sh production (van Zalinge et al.,
2003) and an important nutrient source for agricultural land, also greatly varies between
the different years and zones. Therefore, these changes will probably have an enormous,
and varying, impact for the people living in different zones. For more information on
model results and integration, see Kummu et al. (2006, this issue) and Nikula (2005).
Although this kind of quantitative integration with the help of GIS facilitated linking
between socio-economic and hydrological information, it proved not to be enough to
understand thoroughly the intricate interconnections between hydrology, environment and
social and economic aspects. The main reason for this is the lack of suitable quantitative
data: most of the interconnections remain poorly understood and analysed, and many of
them cannot anyhow be presented comprehensively in quantied terms.
Consequently, integration between socio-economic, environmental and hydrological
information was further facilitated with so-called descriptive integration utilising both
quantitative and qualitative information (Nikula, 2005). The idea is rst to identify
the most relevant hydrological indicators (e.g. ood level), then dene the mechanisms
that their potential changes cause (e.g. increased ood area), then recognise their
most important ecological impacts (e.g. sh production), and nally consider impacted
livelihood activities, together with the immediacy that the impact is felt. This entire
impact process is presented with so-called impact tables, where the direction and
intensity of the impacts are specied based on data, information and knowledge available
for this specic impact. An example of such an impact table is presented in Table 7. For
more information on integration, please refer to Kummu et al. (2006, this issue) and Nikula
(2005).
476 M. Keskinen
Conclusions
This paper presented the experiences from the water-related socio-economic analysis
within the Tonle Sap Modelling Project, and studied them in the context of the Integrated
Water Resources Management. It is argued that modelling can have an important role in
integrated management of water resources, particularly in an area as complex and
multifaceted as the Tonle Sap Lake. However, in order to meet the ambitious and
multidisciplinary demands of integrated management, the entire approach of modelling
has to be updated as well: modelling projects must link their work better with the other
dimensions of water management, most importantly with society where its linkages have
traditionally been the weakest. Water-related socio-economic analysis proved to be a
helpful tool in this as it improved the understanding of the most signicant water-related
problems, and thus enhanced the linking of the model results with social and economic
issues.
The experience from the Tonle Sap illustrates that the socio-economic analysis benets
from an approach combining quantitative socio-economic databases with more
qualitative, participatory research methods. While database analysis worked well on a
macro-scale in different topographic zones, it had several biases and deciencies at the
village level. Respectively, the participatory village surveys fundamentally increased the
understanding of the most relevant socio-economic issues at the village level, but could
not form a comprehensive picture from the entire area due to their small sample. The two
methodologies thus formed an advantageous match by supporting and complementing
each other.
The integration between socio-economic and hydrological information was made easier
by analysing both the socio-economic databases and village survey results according to
topographic zones, instead of administrative boundaries. This facilitated linking the
analysis results with the lake and its oods, and consequently, with the developed water
models. Even then the integration remained partly incomplete due to lack of information
Table 7. Example of impact table for Tonle Sap (Nikula, 2005)
on ecological processes and functions such as sh and rice productivity that connect
peoples livelihoods with water. More on integration, ecology and its challenges can be
found at Nikula (2005).
Participation of local people also proved to be crucial for the integration work, because
local people provide invaluable insights in the interconnections between water,
environment and society. The complexity of the water-environment-society relations
and the lack of scientic data make their analysis utterly challenging, and the local
knowledge can help to shed some light on this complexity. With more focused
participatory exercises such as a comparison exercise between different types of
oods (e.g. Hardner et al., 2002), this type of knowledge could be even more benecial.
Through participatory methods the needs and expectations of local people could also be
taken into account more comprehensively, which paves the way for more balanced
management.
There are naturally several aspects that could be improved. The socio-economic team
could have been even more multidisciplinary, with experts from the elds of water
resources management, rural development, sheries and GIS. In addition, the socio-
economic analysis was focused on issues of livelihoods, giving less thought for other
important social and economic aspects such as health, gender and cultural values. In
addition, participation of local people should be improved, despite challenges related to,
for example, the technical nature and the scale of the project, particularly in the nal
phases of the analysis.
Although the socio-economic analysis of the WUP-FIN Project was carried out with
relatively few resources and a tight timeframe, it provided invaluable information that
improved the linkages between modelling, environment and society. It helped to focus the
modelling better into the real issues at both grassroots and higher levels, and thus also
made the model results more useful and applicable for planners, managers and decision-
makers. The socio-economic analysis increased the possibilities for local people to
participate, an aspect that is often neglected in modelling projects, and consequently
enhanced the understanding of local realities. This understanding is extremely important,
not only for the success of modelling but also for the success of the IWRM as each region
has its own specic characteristics that have to form the basis for the management of the
regions water resources. This is particularly applicable for the Tonle Sap Area with its
extraordinary water regime, exceptional ecosystem and intricate social conditions.
Acknowledgements
The WUP-FIN is a complementary project for the Water Utilization Programme of the Mekong River
Commission and it is funded by the Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The author would like to thank the
Ministry, the MRC, the Finnish Environment Institute and the entire WUP-FIN Team and trainees for
cooperation. Special thanks are due to Dr Solieng Mak, Dr Robyn Johnston, Dr Le Duc Trung, Dr Neou Bonheur,
Dr Juha Sarkkula and Jorma Koponen for helpful comments and support. Thanks are also due to Professor Pertti
Vakkilainen for inspiring discussions and to Dr Olli Varis for sharing his insight and knowledge: without your
support this work would not have been possible. The comments of colleagues Matti Kummu, Ulla Heinonen, Jussi
Nikula, Mira Kakonen and Katri Makkonen have been extremely valuable and are highly appreciated. Matti
deserves special thanks for tirelessly helping with maps, model results and other technical stuff. Thank you also to
the wonderful Cambodian colleagues at WUP-FIN, particularly for Noy Pok and Yim Sambo who carried out the
village surveys with the author, and to Huon Rath who did the work on database analyses. Finally, thank you to all
the villagers who shared their time and knowledge with us during the village surveys. This work has received
478 M. Keskinen
funding from the Academy of Finland Project 211010, Maa-ja vesitekniikan tuki ry. and the Graduate School of
Helsinki University of Technology.
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480 M. Keskinen
ARTICLE IV
Policy Analysis for the Tonle Sap Lake,
Cambodia: A Bayesian Network Model
Approach
OLLI VARIS & MARKO KESKINEN
Helsinki University of Technology, Water Resources Laboratory, Finland
ABSTRACT The starting point of the policy analysis of the Tonle Sap Area in Cambodia was the
Mekong Agreement of 1995. It species three development goals for the Mekong Basin: economic
growth, poverty reduction and environmental sustainability. The possibilities to nd combinations of
sector policies for achieving these often conicting goals were analysed systematically using a
probabilistic, Bayesian network model. Four policy scenarios were constructed, one promoting each
of the three development goals separately and one integrated, compromise scenario. The results
indicate that a compromise policy is possible, being radically more balanced and acceptable than
any of the policies that target only one of the three goals at a time.
Introduction
Should a poor country such as Cambodia develop its water resources with a priority in
environmental conservation, in economic growth or in reducing poverty? There is enough
justication for all these prioritizations. However, only one of them, or a compromise
between them, can be realized.
Cambodia is one of Asias poorest countries. Having suffered from disastrous violence
over many decades, the economy, society and the environment have paid an enormous toll.
However, recent years have induced some optimism. Hostilities have calmed down and
the government has gradually stabilized, although the deep-rooted problems with
corruption and lack of political transparency are still evident (World Bank, 2004). The
government agencies are still weak and often corrupt, but they are slowly getting back on
track. However, the central government is not well informed about what is happening in
the provinces. The provincial and local authorities have a melange of ties and links with
NGOs, and ties with central government are often undone.
In terms of water, Cambodia is heavily dependent on the Mekong and hence on its
neighbours, since all six of the Mekong countries have their varied and specic aspirations
about how to make a living and wealth from the mighty river. These aspirations are not
always met. An international organization was set up to deal with this matter in 1957,
0790-0627 Print/1360-0648 Online/06/030417-15 q 2006 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/07900620500482840
Correspondence Address: Olli Varis & Marko Keskinen, Helsinki University of Technology, Water Resources
Laboratory, 02015 TKK, Finland. Email: olli.varis@tkk., marko.keskinen@tkk.
Water Resources Development,
Vol. 22, No. 3, 417431, September 2006
namely the Mekong Committee (MC). Due to the hostile history of the region ever since,
the Mekong Committee and its successors have been largely occupied by various
diplomatic tasks which are not only water-related, and therefore its success has been
limited. However, the committee renewed its force in 1995 with the Mekong Agreement,
which meant a new set-up for the committee, now called the Mekong River Commission.
The 1995 Mekong Agreement includes various goals for the development of the river,
with a variety of tools to achieve them. The goals include economic development, poverty
reduction and sustainable environment. One of the major tools to nd feasible
compromises between these often conicting goals is to produce a basin-wide
development plan (BDP). This plan would integrate the various aspirations of a mix of
actors inside the riparian countries and deal with the confrontations that these aspirations
produce internationally.
A model-oriented component of the MRC, the Water Utilization Programme (WUP)
commenced in 2000 (MRC, 2003a). One of its sub-components, the Lower Mekong
Modeling Project (WUP-FIN), analyses Cambodias Tonle Sap Basin, the poorest part
of the country with an average income of US$ 0.4 per capita. It is a unique and
exceptionally rich wetland-lacustrine ecosystem, which has a population of around
1.2 million in its vicinity. The chiey subsistence-level livelihoods are profoundly
dependent on the lake.
This paper documents the policy analysis component of the WUP-FIN Project for the
Tonle Sap Area. The focus is in the analysis of the policy-related accords and discords of
economic development, poverty reduction and environmental sustainability.
Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong River
With approximately 475 km
3
of water that it carries each year, the Mekong is the worlds
eighth largest river (MRC, 2003b). It is one of the worlds most pristine large rivers with
approximately 55 million people living in the Lower Mekong Basin (MRC, 2003b). The
GNP per capita of the riparian countries ranges between Cambodias US$260 to
Thailands US$2010. In Vietnam, Lao PDR and Cambodia, around 40% of the population
live below the poverty line. Over 50% of the GNP originates from shing and agriculture
which are both totally dependent on water resources.
Cambodias Great Lake, the Tonle Sap, is a unique lacustrine-wetland ecosystem. It is
Mekongs major natural reservoir with annual water level uctuations of around 8 m. The
area exceeds 15 000 km
2
during the monsoon oods, and shrinks to 2500 km
2
in the dry
season (MRCS/WUP-FIN, 2003). Being one of the worlds most productive large wetland
ecosystems, its biodiversity is extreme. Fish and rice are the backbones of the traditional
livelihood.
For the analysis here, the lake was divided into ve geographic zones (see Figure 1, in
Keskinen, 2006, this issue). Four of the zones were dened by the topography: Zone 1
ranges from 0 to 6 m above mean sea level, Zone 2 from 6 to 8 m, Zone 3 between 8 and
10 m, Zone 4 between 10 m and national roads 5 and 6. Zone 5 includes the urban areas.
The Mekong Basin has witnessed a period of wars and disquiets in the past 60 years. The
countries are now in the process of recovery on many fronts and rapid growth of economic
prosperity. Urgent development of the infrastructure is needed and it is progressing rapidly,
as are the educational and health care systems. Government institutions, particularly
ministries, are still weak and corrupt, although there has been some improvement.
418 O. Varis & M. Keskinen
Economic growth and globalization have changed the traditional rural-urban balance and
thus the urbanization levels are soaring. Currently slightly fewer than 20% of Cambodians
live in urban areas (NIS, 2004).
The economy of a large part of the Mekong Basin relies on very basic subsistence
farming and shing. Poverty is widespread. Illegal activities, largely based on the
destructive exploitation of natural resources, are rapidly increasing. Nature is heavily
pressed by the present informal economy and poverty-driven destructive practices.
There are major ambitions to develop the basin in various ways: by dam construction
particularly in China and Laos; agricultural development and exploitation of forests
throughout the catchment area; and road and settlement construction and other activities.
All these activities modify the mass ows and hydrology in a considerable manner.
The Research Question
The Mekong River Commission and its predecessors have been the strongest international
organizations in the region for several decades. Among the riparian countries Cambodia,
Vietnam, Lao PDR and Thailand are members, while China and Myanmar are only
dialogue partners of the MRC.
The contemporary MRC was set up in 1995 to full the following vision (MRC, 2000,
p.1): An economically prosperous, socially just and environmentally sound Mekong
River Basin. Accordingly, it was mandated to work towards . . . a balance between the
economic, social, and environmental decisions and development. With the majority of the
basins inhabitants being rural-based and poor, socio-economic considerations inevitably
assume vital importance in development planning and implementation.
Both these are in accord with the concept of sustainable development, as stated in the
Johannesburg Summit in 2002. Consistent with this philosophy, the Summit powerfully
promoted the concept of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM), which can be
summarized as follows: waters should be used to provide economic well-being to the
people, without compromising social equity and environmental sustainability. This should
happen in a basin-wide context, with stakeholder participation and under good
governance, and by supporting and building on existing water management procedures
and structures. Therefore, the IWRM is aiming to develop democratic governance and
Figure 1. Logical chart of the analysis
Policy Analysis for the Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia 419
promotes balanced development in poverty reduction, social equity, economic growth and
environmental sustainability.
The policies and plans prepared by an institution such as the MRC are implemented
chiey by national governments. Typically, at the national level, water-related policies are
included in the mandates of several ministries. In Cambodia, several ministries deal with
water in a variety of ways, for example, the Cambodian National Mekong Committee has
10 member ministries.
The objective of this study is to analyse the following challenging question: how can the
vision for the Mekong Basin be realized for the Tonle Sap Area in Cambodia?
The three goals included in the MRCs vision are all important, but conict in many
ways. It would be tempting to consider only environmental protection, or social questions,
or economic growth under policy targets, but to include them all is a massive challenge.
Indeed, reaching any of these goals today seems very distant. Economic growth is
necessary to reach prosperity. Massive poverty reduction is mandatory for improving
social justice. Likewise, achieving environmental stability needs strong policies.
Of particular interest in the analysis here are 11 sector policies and how they can be
used to develop the Tonle Sap Area in the desired direction. The timeframe of the analysis
is 10 years, i.e. up to year 2015, thus coinciding with the target year of the Millennium
Development Goals.
The policy analysis has also been used to support the Tonle Sap Sub-Area Analysis Process
(TSSAP) that is carried out by the BDP and Cambodian National Mekong Committee. The
TSSAP is a part of the BDPs task to establish a planning process at national and regional
levels that will enable the Lower Mekongcountries tojointlyplanthe development of the river
basin and to produce the rst regionally-owned basin development plan (MRC, 2004, p.7).
For further information on WUP-FIN Tonle Sap Policy Models use for the analysis of the
strategies dened within the TSSAP, see Keskinen & Varis (2005).
Analytical Approach
The Bayesian Network methodology used (Varis, 1998; Varis & Fraboulet-Jussila, 2002;
Varis & Lahtela, 2002; Rahaman et al., 2006) is based on the systematic analysis of causal
interconnections in complex environmental-social-economic systems. The objective is to
assess risks to various components of the environmental and social system under scrutiny
as consequences of different policy strategies under evaluation.
The social system components typically consist of stakeholders, i.e. different
communities and groupings of people that are inuenced by the implementation of
policies in the studied geographical area. It is not rare that their aspirations and interests
are in conict with one another.
The information from various sources and of varying quality is summarized in a risk
analysis framework, and a multidisciplinary analysis is performed. The analysis reveals
the major risks, uncertainties, mismatches of information and opportunities to nd win-
win solutions among the various stakeholders and the environment.
The created model, WUP-FIN Tonle Sap Policy Model, has a set of variables, which
were specied by the authors and rened in an expert consultation process. The model
structure is dened as a link matrix (see Varis, 1998), in which each pair of variables can
be linked with a link parameter which stands for the likelihood for a conditional
probability between those variables. Many of the variables are also assigned an a priori
tendency of evolution which is then updated with probabilistic information from the rest of
the model, in a Bayesian sense.
A logical sequence in the socio-economic model study starts from a set of scenarios,
which are followed by a selection of development priorities, which allow the society to
react to these scenarios. Different policies have different impacts on the environment and
on different social and economic issues. Finally, the local and national stakeholders feel
these changes and either benet or suffer from them (Figure 1).
The model allows trade-off analyses between different development objectives, and
helps in nding policy combinations that create a maximum number of win-win situations
between the competing stakeholders.
Technical Outline
The WUP-FIN Tonle Sap Policy Model includes two primary interfaces that the model
and its function are based on: the tendencies sheet where the future tendencies of different
environmental, economic and social variables are dened, and the link matrix where the
linkages between these different variables are specied. The model is run from the
scenario sheet where different types of policy scenarios can be constructed and modied.
In addition, the model results, i.e. the impact of different policy scenarios on development
goals and other variables, can be analysed in the scenario sheet. Keskinen & Varis (2004)
present detailed pictures from the three interfaces.
To allow easy use of the model, the model interfaces have been programmed using a
Microsoft Excel spreadsheet, and the computational routines have been realized as
VisualBasic worksheet macro functions.
The denition of the variables most probable future trends in a tendencies sheet gives
the foundation for the model, whereas the link matrix denes the model structure. While
the tendencies sheet is easily comprehensible and a denable entity, it is the vast network
of variables and their interconnections in the link matrix that produces the most
unforeseeable, and therefore useful, impacts and information. The actual policy and
sensitivity analysis is carried out by changing the relative importance of different sector
policies in the scenario sheet and then analysing the impact of these changes on the
development goals.
The operation of the model is based on these three interfaces and their connections
(Figure 2). Policy scenarios and the tendencies sheet have an impact on the development
goals and other variables through the link matrix.
The scenarios for different policy variables are technically identical to the tendencies of
environmental, economical and social variables presented in the tendencies sheet. The
reason why these variables have been separated into different worksheets is the difference
in how they can be managed and controlled: the scenario sheet includes only variables that
Figure 2. Structure of the policy model with its three interfaces
can be controlled directly. The model-user can manage and control (i.e. redene and
modify) different policy variables as they are the variables that the decision-makers are
able to control directly. In contrast, environmental, economic and social variables (such as
biodiversity decline, cash crop farming and empowerment) can be managed and controlled
only indirectly through different policies. Therefore, there is no intention to redene the
tendencies sheet that includes the environmental, economic and social variables, while the
scenario sheet that includes the policy variables can be interactively elaborated as much as
is necessary.
The tendencies sheet will be redened only when important additional information is
obtained. Obviously the aim is to dene the tendencies sheet so well that there rarely
emerges a need for this. The same applies for the link matrix.
Why then dene the tendencies if we cannot control them? The reason is that in the real
world environmental, economic and social variables are rarely in a constant state but
exhibit a certain tendency, i.e. are changing to a particular direction with a certain pace and
probability. These tendencies, or trends, strongly inuence how effectively different
policies are able to affect these variables and other variables linked to them. For example,
if the decline in biodiversity has a strong tendency, extremely rm policies are necessary
to turn or even reduce this tendency. Therefore, the tendencies are included in the model in
order to get a realistic picture of the impact of different policy options on development
goals and other variables.
Data Acquisition: The Expert Consultation Process
The rst version of the model was constructed by the authors of this paper, with frequent
consultation with the MRC and several other relevant stakeholders and experts. This
version was used to draw initial conclusions about the impact of different sector policies,
and consequently of different management options, on the vulnerability of Tonle Sap Area
as well as on three development goals (Varis, 2003).
After the rst version was completed, there was a need to integrate wider expert
judgement on the model, and to include the model end-users more rmly in the
development of the model. Therefore, an expert consultation process, or stakeholder
involvement process, was carried out (Keskinen & Varis, 2004). Expert consultation was
emphasized in the three parts: variables included in the model, the valuation of the
structure of the model (link matrix) and input data (tendencies), and on the overall
functionality of the model.
The expert consultation process began with contact being made with a diverse range of
experts who were seen as potential end-users of the model, and who could contribute their
expertise to the development of the model. The experts contacted represented various
different disciplines from various organizations and institutions including ministries,
NGOs and the MRC. The expert panel nally consisted of eight individuals, more than half
of them already being familiar with the policy model.
The actual consultation process was carried out individually with each expert. For four
experts, two separate meetings were held:
. Introduction. The model and software were introduced. The principle of the
model was explained, and feedback was received, particularly on the functionality
of the model and on the variables used in it.
. Interaction. The second meeting was held to evaluate the model structure and
input data interactively. All experts also received a CD-ROM containing the
model software for further examination and analysis.
For the other experts, one meeting combining the above tasks took place. During the
meetings it became evident that the identication of the link matrix and tendencies was too
time-consuming, so there was not enough time to go through it thoroughly with any of the
experts. Instead, each expert concentrated on the variables and linkages s/he was most
familiar with.
This also implied that the original idea of analysing the differences between policy
models dened by different experts was not possible. Nevertheless, the consultation
process offered a great deal of information and feedback on the improvement and
development of the model. For details, see Keskinen & Varis (2004).
Model Structure and Variables
The model variables are grouped under six headings (Figure 1): sector policies, impacts on
the environment, on natural resources, on society, on the economy, and goals.
Due to the varying levels of knowledge available, the changes and tendencies in the
variables, their uncertainties and the models outcomes, are semi-quantitative. Attributes
such as a small increase, large decrease etc., and characterizations of the level of
uncertainty of these issues are used. Each variable can be linked to any other. In
mathematical terms, this connection is a conditional probability distribution.
The model has 47 variables in total. They consist of 11 sector policies, 28 impact
variables, and 8 development goals. Theoretically, the total number of links in this model
is thus 47
*
(471) 2162. Of these, 457 were used (for more details see Varis, 2003).
The sector policies included in the Policy Model are:
. Conservation: The Tonle Sap is home to a wide variety of ora and fauna,
including many rare and endangered species. The Tonle Sap is included in
UNESCOs Biosphere Programme and three biodiversity core areas are
recognized within the area.
. Small and medium-scale sheries: Fish is the primary protein source for the
regions people, and family shing is of prime importance to the poor villages.
. Large-scale sheries: The lake is used by commercial sheries units that exploit
the resource intensively, often in disharmony with subsistence sheries.
. Agriculture, aquaculture and irrigation development: Most of the villages
cultivate rice, which is the major staple food in the area. Rice farming has many
forms depending on the location of the village in relation to the massive oods of
the lake. Common to all of them is low productivity due to poor infrastructure and
a low level of resources to improve the yields.
. Roads: The road network is in a desperate state, but a massive reconstruction
programme is under way. This will change rapidly the regions economy, and
open the provincial towns to markets and trade.
. Navigation: Harbours and other facilities are planned to improve the navigability
of the lake. Tourism is one aspect behind these plans.
. Water and sanitation services: The water infrastructure is almost non-existent at
present, and many improvements are needed.
. Rural development: A variety of community and rural development activities are
occurring in villages, predominantly with foreign funding. Local authorities ally
with NGOs, but the central government has little to do with this important
activity.
. Urban development: The examples from economically booming neighbours feed
plans for developing Cambodias towns and cities into being attractive to foreign
investments for industry and tourism. The famous Angkor temples could attract
far more tourism than today.
. Education: Cambodias schooling system has suffered greatly from the past
conditions. It should be remembered in the 1970s the era of the Khmer Rouge
brutally disposed of almost all educated people. Cambodian schooldays are
among the shortest in the world. Much needs to be done to provide all Cambodian
children with access to proper schools.
. Formal institutions: Ministries in Phnom Penh live quite a different life from their
local agencies. This is only one example of the shortcomings of the Cambodian
governance system.
Other variables are listed in Table 1. The model and its variables are described in more
detail by Varis (2003).
Scenario Analysis
Denition of Policy Scenarios
The policy scenarios are based on the different weightings of the three goals dened in the
Mekong Agreement of 1995: environmental sustainability, economic growth and poverty
reduction. Each of them is important to the development of the Tonle Sap Area. In many
respects they conict, but compromises are possible, and necessary, for the balanced
development of the area.
In the scenario analysis, one scenario that clearly prioritizes each of these goals is
constructed. In addition, an integrated scenario is produced that makes a realistic
compromise between these goals in order to nd win-win solutions between them. These
scenarios are presented in Table 2, by using the notation dened in Table 3. The model
allows interactive modication of the scenarios.
Analysis of the vulnerability of the ve geographical zones around the lake (see Figure 1
in Keskinen, 2006, this issue) reveals that the vulnerability can be reduced more for zones
closer to the national roads. Yet, uncertainties involved are strikingly high. Other notable
results gained from the policy analysis are:
. Environmental sustainability scenario: Vulnerability decreases only slightly. For
Zone 1, there is not much change from the present level, in the others some
improvement occurs.
. Economic growth scenario: Higher uncertainties than in other scenarios.
. Poverty reduction scenario: Best among the three basic scenarios in terms of
reducing vulnerability, particularly in zones closer to the lake.
. Integrated scenario: Better than any of the three basic scenarios. More reduction
of vulnerability and less uncertainties.
The Three Sustainability Goals
With respect to the three sustainability goals, the policy scenarios give interesting
outcomes. As can be expected, the economic growth scenario gives the best response in
the economic growth goal. However, the difference is not too large compared to the
poverty reduction scenario. In fact the latter contains far less uncertainties than the former,
and is therefore somewhat better. Figure 3 shows, and Table 4 summarizes, the results
from other goals and scenarios. The most important issues are:
. The economic growth scenario has a high degree of uncertainties.
. The conservation scenario is not very favourable to achieve environmental
sustainability since it obviously ignores the villages and their development.
. The poverty reduction scenario gives fairly good results in all respects, but it can
be clearly improved in the Integrated scenario by giving more attention to
Table 1. Variables of the Tonle Sap Policy Model
Theme Group Variable
Impacts: Water Floods
Environment Droughts
Suspended solids, sedimentation
Toxics, oil spills
Regional Soil degradation
Aquatic weeds, eutrophication, low oxygen
Biodiversity decline
Impacts: Forests Flood forests
Natural resources Other forests
Agriculture Floating rice
Wet season rice
Dry season rice
Fish Black sh
White sh
Small sh
Impacts: Subsistence Fisheries
Economy Agriculture
Market Fishery (commercial)
Cash crop farming
Others (tourism, trade etc)
Impacts: Poverty Human development
Society Food security
Empowerment
Social and gender equity
Governance Social cohesion
Formal governance
Migration Rural push
Urban pull
Goals Vulnerability Zone 1 to Zone 4
Urban
Sustainability Economic growth
Poverty reduction
Environmental sustainability
Note: For policy variables, see text, for other variables, see Varis (2003).
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Table 3. The semi-quantitative scale used in the model
Mark All variables
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development scenarios. C Conservation, E Economic growth, P Poverty reduction, and
I Integrated. The legends are shown in the lower two diagrams
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The sensitivity plot always changes when the scenario is modied, providing
important information about how the scenario could be improved with respect to each of
the three development goals. In Figure 4, investing in rural development, education and
public health and small and medium-scale sheries would yield the best results in
poverty reduction. Urban development and roads, in turn would benet economic
growth. Strengthening formal institutions would enhance environmental sustainability.
It must be emphasized that the sensitivity results shown in Figure 5 present only an
example that is specic to the economic growth scenario as dened in Table 4. Other
scenarios produce different sensitivity results.
Conclusions
The starting point of the policy analysis of the Tonle Sap Area was the Mekong Agreement
of 1995, and its Vision statement in particular. It species three development goals for the
basin: economic growth, poverty reduction and environmental sustainability.
The possibilities to nd combinations of sector policies for achieving these, often
conicting, goals were analysed systematically using a probabilistic Bayesian network
model. The model was specically tailored for this purpose. The Bayesian network
approach was very useful in this type of analysis.
Interestingly, some sector policies are crucial for both the economy and poverty
reduction, but not all. The huge shortcomings in education and institutions are obviously
the ones that most strongly support these two goals. In turn, rural development has a very
important social function although it does not have much immediate economic
implication. Large-scale sheries would be economically benecial but counterproductive
Figure 4. Results of the sensitivity analysis for the economic growth scenario
for poverty reduction. At the same time, with every scenario and sector
policy, uncertainties related to their impacts remain very high and must therefore be
appreciated. The reason for high uncertainties result partly from the lack of data, but
even more importantly from a highly complicated network of direct and indirect impacts
that tend to be inconsistent in many cases, thus increasing the uncertainty of possible
impacts.
The biggest surprise was that the policies included in the model appear to be relatively
inefcient with regard to environmental problems, particularly if dened as
environmental sustainability in the Mekong Agreement of 1995. This seems to be due
to the following reasons:
. It is not easy to conceptualize environmental sustainability concretely enough so
that it can be treated analytically. In the model it is a combination of various
issues and problems related to the environment and natural resources.
. Due to the fact that the majority of the population of the Tonle Sap Area live in
villages and make their living from the lake or the oodplain fairly directly, the
environmental issues are very closely bound to social issues. Therefore, social
developments are tightly bound to environmental impacts, and typically what
happens in model simulations is that improvements in social conditions tend to
introduce both positive and negative environmental impacts which cancel each
other, seemingly to a great extent. The situation was different with a more
efcient governance system.
It should also be noted that the Tonle Sap system is governed by the huge oods of
the Mekong, which raise the water level up to 10 m, and subsequently the surface
area of the lake grows fourfold. The sediments and other mass ows are also dominated
by these monsoon oods. There are no strong handles in the sector policies included in
the model that would allow the control of these issues. This is because the
vast majority of sediments are of natural origin and they are eroded from areas
upstream of Cambodia.
As well as the results from the WUP-FIN Tonle Sap Policy Model itself, what are the
lessons learnt from the expert consultation process? Expert consultation proved to be a
laborious task that demands a great deal of time and effort and good human relations skills.
These are particularly important when the methodology used is unfamiliar for a
stakeholder, and no immediate personal benet from it is seen.
Although it is important to involve the experts into the model development from the
very beginning, it seemed useful to have an initial model version ready when starting the
expert consultation. In this way it is easier for stakeholders to understand the actual
concept of the model, and consequently to use, develop and give comments on it. A user-
friendly model-interface and a good training package help to get the stakeholders more
rmly involved in the use and development of the model, and they must therefore form
an integral part of the model development. In addition, good human relation skills are a
vital condition for successful stakeholder involvement, and consequently, for full use of
the model.
The WUP-FIN Tonle Sap Policy Model proved to be a useful tool in analysing impacts
and uncertainties of different management options and nding compromise solutions
between them. Thus, the policy model can be used to help the decision-making and it
possesses great potential for further development and adaptation.
Acknowledgements
The authors gratefully acknowledge the WUP-FIN team, particularly Juha Sarkkula, Jorma Koponen, Markku
Virtanen, Seppo Hellsten, Matti Kummu, Ulla Heinonen and the Cambodian co-workers and trainees. The co-
operation with the Mekong River Commission and Finnish Environment Institute is also appreciated. The Water
Resources Laboratory staff from Helsinki University of Technology is equally acknowledged. The input of the
following individuals who participated the expert panel deserve special thanks: Eric Baran, World Fish Center /
IFReDI; Renaud Bailleux, consultant specialized to Tonle Sap Lake; Chris Barlow, Fisheries Programme of the
MRC; Neou Bonheur, Ministry of Environment / Tonle Sap Biosphere Reserve Secretariat; Ian Campbell,
Environmental Programme of the MRC; Patrick Evans, FAOs Participatory Natural Resource Management in
the Tonle Sap Region Project; Solieng Mak, Basin Development Plan of the MRC and Robyn Johnston, Basin
Development Plan of the MRC. This work has received funding from the Academy of Finland Project 211010.
References
Keskinen, M. & Varis, O. (2004) WUP-FIN Policy Model: Lessons Learned from the Expert Consultation
Process. WUP-FIN Socio-Economic Studies on Tonle Sap 10B (Phnom Penh: MRCS/WUP-FIN).
Keskinen, M. & Varis, O. (2005) WUP-FIN Policy Model: Analysing the Strategies of the Tonle Sap Sub-Area
Analysis Process. WUP-FIN Socio-Economic Studies on Lower Mekong (Phnom Penh: MRCS/WUP-FIN).
MRC (2000) Strategic Plan for the Implementation of the 1995 Mekong Agreement (Phnom Penh: Mekong River
Commission Secretariat).
MRC (2001) Strategic Plan 20012005. Towards and Economically Prosperous, Socially Just and
Environmentally Sound Mekong River Basin (Phnom Penh: Mekong River Commission).
MRC (2003a) MRC Work Programme 2004 (Phnom Penh: Mekong River Commission).
MRC (2003b) State of the Basin Report 2003 (Phnom Penh: Mekong River Commission).
MRC (2004) MRC Annual Report 2003 (Phnom Penh: Mekong River Commission).
MRCS/WUP-FIN (2003) Final Report. Water Utilization ProgramModelling of the Flow Regime and Water
Quality of the Tonle Sap (Phnom Penh: Mekong River Commission Secretariat and Finnish Environment
Institute Consultancy Consortium).
NIS (2004) Reclassication of Urban Areas in Cambodia (Phnom Penh: National Institute of Statistics (NIS)).
Rahaman, M.M., Varis, O. & Kajander, T. (2006) A Ganges Water Policy Model. Water International (in press).
Varis, O. (1998) A belief network approach to optimization and parameter estimation: application to resource and
environmental management, Articial Intelligence, 101, pp. 135163.
Varis, O. (2003) WUP-FIN Policy ModelFinding Ways to Economic Growth, Poverty Reduction and
Sustainable Environment. WUP-FIN Socio-Economic Studies on Tonle Sap 10 (Helsinki: Finnish
Environment Institute and Phnom Penh: Mekong River Commission).
Varis, O. & Fraboulet-Jussila, S. (2002) Water resources management in the lower Senegal River basin
conicting interests, environmental concerns, and policy options, International Journal of Water Resources
Development, 18, pp. 245260.
Varis, O. & Lahtela, V. (2002) Integrated water resources management along the Senegal River: Introducing an
analytical framework, International Journal of Water Resources Development, 18, pp. 501521.
World Bank (2004) Cambodia at the Crossroads: Strengthening Accountability to Reduce Poverty. Report No.
30636-KH (Washington DC: World Bank Group).
ARTICLE V
POPULATION, NATURAL RESOURCES &
DEVELOPMENT IN THE MEKONG:
DOES HIGH POPULATION
DENSITY HINDER DEVELOPMENT?
Marko Keskinen
High population density is often considered to be among the biggest hindrances for development,
particularly in areas where people depend on natural resources for their livelihoods. The reality is, however,
more complicated. The cases presented from the Tonle Sap area and the Mekong Delta show that the
drivers for areas development can be very different from population density, and in some cases higher
population density can be seen to be benecial for development. This nding highlights the need for more
thorough understanding of the wider socio-political and historical context
where development and resource use takes place.
Population growth and resulting higher population
density is often argued to lead to increased stress
on water and natural resources, decreased food
security, slower development and, consequently,
to poverty. This is also the view in many Mekong
countries, as highlighted by their population
policies and strategies (see e.g. The Socialist
Republic of Vietnam, 2003; MRC, 2003a; RGC,
2002). It is indeed obvious that more people
relying on same natural resource base put these
resources under increasing pressure. As a result
there are fewer resources available per person,
which is likely to impact negatively both food
insecurity and social and economic development
of the area.
The relationship between population, natural
resources and development is, however, more
complex, and it seems that many population
strategies partly ignore the importance of other
environmental, social, economic and political
issues impacting development. The more positive
aspects related to population density are also easily
forgotten: higher population density means higher
human capital and therefore a possibility for
greater ingenuity and adaptation.

This Chapter looks at the interconnections
between population, natural resources and
1 Introduction
Corresponding author:
Marko Keskinen
Water Resources Laboratory
Helsinki University of Technology - TKK
P.O. Box 5200, FIN-02015 TKK, Finland
Email: keskinen@iki.
2008 TKK & Keskinen ISBN 978-951-22-9102-1
Kummu, M., Keskinen, M. & Varis, O. (eds.): Modern Myths of the Mekong, pp. 107-121
Water Resources Laboratory, Helsinki University of Technology, Finland
Water & Development Publications - Helsinki University of Technology
AB
108
development through case studies from the Tonle
Sap area of Cambodia and the Mekong Delta of
Vietnam. The case studies are presented with the
help of population theories, historical reviews and
analyses of population indicators and livelihood
structures. To keep its focus, the Chapter does
not tackle some other important issues related to
population and development, such as the multi-
dimensional aspects of poverty (for more on this
see e.g. Laderchi et al., 2003). The focus is on
rural areas, since the extremely important issue
of urbanisation and migration has already been
well addressed in several other studies (see e.g.
Deshingkar, 2006; Jack, 2006; Heinonen, 2006;
Guest, 1998; Drakakis-Smith and Dixon, 1997).
1.1 Three theories on population and
development
The relationship between population and
development has puzzled policy makers,
economists and demographers for centuries.
Perhaps the most challenging is that the impacts
between the two go both ways: demographic
structures have far-reaching environmental, social
and economic implications, while environmental,
social and economic processes and changes have
extensive demographic consequences (Kuznets,
1998). Different studies during different periods
of time have suggested that population growth
and resulting higher population density either
restricts, promotes, or is independent of economic
growth. Following from these, Bloom et al. (2003)
dene three main theories: 1) Pessimistic Theory,
2) Optimistic Theory, and 3) Neutralist Theory.
The underlining principle behind Pessimistic
Theory is that higher population density puts
natural resources under increasing stress and
thus restricts economic and social growth. This
principle can be traced back to Thomas Malthus
who theorized already in 18
th
Century that in
a (agrarian) world with xed resources and slow
technical progress, higher population densities
would lead to insufcient food production.
This will have a negative impact on overall
development as a remarkable part of investments
and resources must be used to supply the needs of
larger population, and not for enabling an increase
in the level of provision per capita (Bloom et al.,
2003).
During the past few decades, the Pessimistic
Theory have largely given way to so-called
Optimistic Theory that believes that population
growth and resulting higher population density
actually fuels economic growth and development.
Higher population density should therefore be
seen as an economic asset rather than a threat. The
fundamental change in opinion is largely based
on empirical analysis: during the last 30 years the
worlds population has doubled and population
densities increased dramatically and yet also the
average per capita incomes have increased by
about two-thirds (Bloom et al., 2003).
The Optimistic Theory gives more importance
on to technological progress and accumulation
of human resource base (human capital) than
to physical and natural capital. Optimists believe
that as population increases, so does the stock of
human ingenuity to solve practical technical,
social, economic and environmental problems
(Homer-Dixon, 1999). Larger societies that have
a capacity to take an advantage of economies of
scales are therefore better positioned to develop
and utilise the increased level of knowledge
they receive (Kuznets, 1967 in Bloom et al.,
2003). Optimistic Theory thus turns Malthusian
worldview around: population growth indeed
creates pressure on limited resources, but people
are resourceful and are stimulated to innovate
particularly in adversity.
The last one of three theories, so-called Neutralist
Theory, sees that higher population density has
no signicant, direct effect on development. This
view is based on the statistical analyses of the
correlation between population and economic
growth in different countries. There are usually
relatively clear indicators that countries with
rapidly growing population tend to have more
slowly growing economies. However, this negative
correlation often disappears when other critical
factors such as size of the country, trade policies,
Modern Myths of the Mekong - Part III: Development
109
Cambodia Vietnam
Population, total (mid-2004) 14 482 000 82 481 000
Annual population growth (2004) 2,4 % 1,3 %
Av. population density [people/km
2
] (2004) 80,0 248,7
Av. population density [people/km
2
] (1965) 34,3 93,3
Proportion of 0-14 years 43% 32%
Proportion of 15-64 years 54% 63%
Proportion of 65+ years 3% 5%
Annual growth rate of 0-14 years 1,4 % -1,4 %
Annual growth rate of 15-64 years 3,2 % 2,6 %
Annual growth rate of 65+ years 2,5 % 1,4 %
Table 1 Comparison of key population indicators between Vietnam and Cambodia.
educational level and governance system are taken
into account as well (Bloom et al., 2003).
Neutralist and Optimistic Theories thus
concentrate more on long-term impacts of higher
population density to development
1
. Both theories
thus take a broader and more multifaceted view
on the relationship between population, natural
resources and development, arguing that there is
a multiplicity of population-related factors that
can have positive but also negative impacts on
development (Bloom et al., 2003).
1.2 Demographic changes
Demography is not static in any country or area;
the relative proportions of different age cohorts
change as birth and mortality rates vary over the
years. One of the most dominant demographic
changes globally is so-called demographic
transition that results from decrease in number of
young people and increase in number of old. This
demographic transition has over the past decades
been dramatic in many countries of the world,
including Asia (Hussain et al., 2006).
While demographic transition has profound
implications for planning of the social services,
it can also give a positive boost for countries
Source: The Far East and Australasia (2004), United Nations (1968)
development as relatively more people will be in
the adult age groups who comprise the productive
labour force (Ross, 2004). Unfortunately this
situation does not last forever; few decades later
the age distribution changes again as large adult
population moves into the older age groups and is
followed by the smaller cohorts of younger people.
When this occurs, so-called dependency ratio rises
again: only this time it is due to the need to care for
the elderly than for the young (Ross, 2004). The
demographic transition can thus see to open only
a limited window of opportunity for countries
development.
When looking at the current demographic
situation in the Mekong countries, it can be noted
that in most South-East Asian countries including
Vietnam the growth rates of the proportion of
young people (0-14 years) from total population
are currently zero or even negative, indicating
reducing fertility rates (Hussain et al., 2006). In
the case of Cambodia, however, the growth rate
of youngest cohort is still strongly positive, despite
the fact that the proportion of young people is at
43% already now extraordinarily high (Table 1).
Population projections thus indicate that Vietnam
is, together with several other Asian countries,
already going through a dramatic demographic
Keskinen - Population, natural resources & development in the Mekong
Kratie
Can Tho
Chau Doc
Siem Reap
Battambang
PHNOM PENH
Kampong Thom
Kampong Cham
Kampong Chhnang
Ho Chi Minh City
My Tho
Ca Mau
100
km
Tonle Sap
Lake
Cambodia
Lao PDR
Vietnam
Thailand
M
e
k
o
n
g
B
a
s
s
a
c
South
China Sea
Legend
Country Boundary
Water (dry season)
Population density (people/km
2
)
High : 8526

Low : 0
T
o
n
l
e

S
a
p
R
i
v
e
r
110
transition. This transition links to sharp decline
in population growth rate in 1990s, when growth
rate drop from almost 2% in 1990 to 1,4% in 2000
(National Committee for Population and Family
Planning, 2002). Cambodias population structure,
on the other hand, continues to be dominated by
youngest age cohorts. High positive growth rates
particularly in the dependent age groups i.e. young
and elderly can be seen to form a burden for a
country as poor as Cambodia. On the other hand
the increase of economically active population
(as younger age cohorts enter the work force) can
provide a window of opportunity for countrys
development assuming that there exist broader
social and economic context that supports it.
2 Two unique case studies from the
Mekong Basin
This Chapter looks at two closely situated but very
differently developed areas in the Mekong Basin:
the Tonle Sap Lake of Cambodia and the Mekong
Delta of Vietnam (Figure 1). Both areas are
unusual in terms of hydrology: while Tonle Sap
has its extraordinary ood regime, the Mekong
Delta possesses the diverse characteristics of deltas
including oods, saline water intrusion and strong
tides.
In both areas people have developed different
methods for adaptingand making use ofthe
hydrological regime. While in the Tonle Sap the
Figure 1 The Tonle Sap Lake and the Mekong Delta together with the population densities in the areas (population data
shown only for the Mekong Basin). (Map by Matti Kummu)
111
Cambodia Vietnam East Asia & Pacic /
South-East Asia
World Bank
Datasheets
Surface area (km
2
) 181 000 331 700
Population, total (2004) 13 600 000 82 200 000 1 870 000 000
Av. population density (people/km
2
) 75,1 247,8
Urban population (% of total population) 19,0 % 26,0 % 41,0 %
Annual population growth (2004) 1,7 % 1,0 % -
Av. population growth (98-04) 1,9 % 1,2 % 0,9 %
Av. labour force growth (98-04) 2,4 % 2,4 % 1,1 %
UNFPA Av. population growth rate (2005-10) 2,0 % 1,3 % 1,2 %
Urban growth rate (2005-10) 4,9 % 3,0 % 3,0 %
Population / ha of arable land 2,5 6,0 -
World Bank
Datasheets
GNI per capita (Atlas method, US$) $350 $540 $1 280
Annual GDP growth (2004) 6,0 % 7,5 % -
Poverty (% below poverty line) 36,0 % 29,0 % -
Literacy (% of population age 15+) 74,0 % 90,0 % 90,0 %
Life expectancy at birth (years) 54 70 70
Fertility rate / births per woman (2003) 3,9 1,9 -
people are still adapted to natural water regime,
in the Delta this decades-long adaptation has
actually meant ambitious engineering projects
that have resulted in a move from adaptation to
control of deltas water regime (Kknen, 2008;
Biggs, 2003; Miller, 2003).
The most important livelihoods in these two
areas are similar and closely linked with water: in
both areas rice cultivation and other agricultural
activities combined with shing and/or
aquaculture form the most important livelihood
sources. In spite of these similarities, there are
stunning differences in the population density
and level of development between the two areas
(Table 2). While the total population of the six
provinces surrounding Tonle Sap Lake is around
four million with average population density of
mere 56 persons/km
2
, the average population
density in the Mekong Delta is 416 persons/km
2

(The Far East and Australasia, 2004).
Yet, despite its high population density, the
Mekong Delta of Vietnam has been able to
Table 2 Comparison of key poverty and population indicators between Vietnam and Cambodia.
develop into extremely productive rice cultivation
and aquaculture area, and its economytogether
with the entire country-has been growing rapidly
during the past decade. People living in the delta
are currently considered to have higher income
than anywhere else in the Lower Mekong Basin,
although the relative poverty rates
2
in the deltas
provinces are around the same level than the ones
e.g. in Cambodia and Thailand (Chaudhry &
Juntopas, 2005; MRC, 2003a).
At the same time much less densely populated
Tonle Sap area remains as one of the poorest areas
in the entire Mekong Basin. Similarly to the delta,
people living in the villages of Tonle Sap are deeply
dependent on rice and sh. But in the Tonle Sap
the average rice yield is considerably less (around
2 t/ha) than in the delta (3-5 t/ha), and in most
areas people cultivate just one rice crop per year
compared to two and three crops cultivated in
the delta (MRC, 2003b). In addition, due to so-
called shing lot system based on private shing
concessions, villagers can utilise lakes immense
aquatic resources only to limited extent. While in
Source: World Bank Datasheets for 2004, UNFPA (2006); East Asia & Pacic = World Bank, South-East Asia = UNFPA
112
Vietnam the GDP doubled during the 1990s and
the proportion of the poor population dropped
from just under 60 percent to around 30 percent,
in Cambodia the proportion of population living
under national poverty rate has stayed rather stabile,
reducing during 1990s just three percentage points
from 39 percent to 36 percent (MRC, 2003a).
The question thus raises; why is the Mekong Delta
-despite its much higher population density and
similarly challenging environmental conditions-
so much more prosperous than the Tonle Sap? And
what have been the main reasons for different paces
of development in these two reasons? Following
chapters try to shed light on these questions.
TONLE SAP Area
(km
2
)
Population
in 2001
Population density (persons/km
2
)
Banteay Meanchey 6 679 703 356 105,3
Battambang 11 702 949 614 81,1
Kampong Chhnang 5 521 476 556 86,3
Kampong Thom 13 814 642 932 46,5
Pursat 12 692 418 303 33,0
Siem Reap 10 299 798 546 77,5
Tonle Sap provinces total 60 707 3 989 307 65,7
Tonle Sap Area 14 876 1 186 192 79,7
(between National Roads 5 & 6) (in 1998)
3.1 Historical background From a
prosperous country to a battleeld
The prospects for economic and social development
for Cambodia were after the independence i.e.
in the 1950s very promising, and in many ways
better than for neighbouring Vietnam. Cambodia
possessed stable food supplies, and its trade
balance was good as the country was able to export
its agricultural surpluses such as rice and sh.
Also exports of rubber and timber contributed for
economic growth (The Far East and Australasia,
2004; United Nations, 1968).
The immense natural resources of the Tonle Sap
Lake were recognised also that time, and they
formed an important source of income and food
4
.
During the 1960s the Cambodian government
investedwith foreign supportin economic
development and particularly in industrialization
Table 3 Population densities in the provinces of Tonle Sap.
3 Tonle Sap Lake Low population
density with persistent poverty
Cambodia is together with Laos the poorest of the
Lower Mekong countries. The countrys Gross
National Income (GNI) per capita in 2006 was
mere 480US$
3
. When compared to its neighbours,
this means 70% of Vietnams GNI, 16% of
Thailands GNI and 96% of Laos GNI (World
Bank, 2007). Most of the population, including
the population living in the Tonle Sap area, is still
heavily dependent on natural resources for their
livelihood, and more than 70% of the labour force
works in the agricultural sector (NIS, 2004).
Sources: The Far East and Australasia (2004), Keskinen (2003)
Although the countrys economy has been growing
relatively fast during past decade, the development
has not been equal. Particularly disparities
between urban and rural areas are growing rapidly
(Ministry of Planning, 2002). Several decades of
internal turmoil, poor management of natural
resources, and weak and corrupted governance
are considered to be the main reasons for the
underdevelopment of the country (World Bank,
2004).
113
3.2 Population indicators
The total population of the six provinces
surrounding Tonle Sap Lake was in 2001 around
3.3 Tonle Saps livelihood structure
The livelihoods of the people living around
the Tonle Sap are closely linked with lakes
extraordinary hydrological regime and areas
diverse natural resources. The Tonle Sap Lake is
among the most productive freshwater ecosystems
in the world, and it is approximated that as much as
half of the countrys population benets directly or
indirectly from lakes resources (Bonheur 2001).
Yet, despite the immense natural resources of the
lake and its oodplains, most of the people living
aiming to increase countrys self-sufciency (The
Far East and Australasia, 2004). The promising
economic development got, however, halted
already in the late 1960s with the political problems
and following economic stagnation of the country.
These were partly inuenced by Vietnam War that
destabilised also Cambodias economy (Chandler,
1998).
The 1970s was dominated by internal turmoil
that was culminated with the launch of civil war
by Cambodian communists, the Khmer Rouge,
against the government. The civil war ended
with the takeover of the Khmer Rouge in April
1975. This plunged the country into the chaos
and misrule that no one was able to predict.
The Khmer Rouge regime, lead by infamous
Pol Pot, adapted a policy of self-reliance, cutting
practically all connections to the outside world
and international organisations (Browder &
Ortolano, 2000). Cambodias economic and
social development was fully halted as the Khmer
Rouge regime implemented its peculiar way of
communism and as a result destroyed large parts
of the countrys physical and human resources.
Khmer Rouge repressed particularly the educated
and urban class that were either killed or ed
abroad (Chandler, 1998).
Although the Khmer Rouge regime was ousted
in 1979 with political and military support from
Vietnam, the situation in the country remained
unstable till the early 1990s. Fighting and unrest
continued particularly close to border areas with
Thailand, including the areas around the Tonle
Sap Lake. Consequently, it has been only past
decade or so that the country, and the Tonle Sap
area, has been able to develop in a relative peace.
Even today, Cambodia remains as one of the most
aid-dependent countries in the world. Although
countrys education system is slowly recovering,
the challenges with human resources continue to
be immense.
four million, with average population density
of 66 persons/km
2
. The population density of
the Tonle Sap area i.e. Tonle Sap Lake and its
oodplains is at 80 persons/km
2
somewhat higher
(Table 3). Both gures are clearly lower than the
average population density for the Mekong Delta.
At the same time, however, Cambodias annual
population growth is among the highest in Asia,
with estimations for current growth rates varying
from 2,0% (World Bank, 2007) up to 2,4% (The
Far East and Australasia, 2004). The population
in the Tonle Sap area is estimated to grow even
faster than national average with an annual growth
rate of nearly 2,4% (NIS, 2000). Like in almost
everywhere else in the world, urban population is
growing faster than the rural population: the urban
growth is further accelerated by the remarkable
migration from rural to urban areas (Heinonen,
2006).
It must be noted that the gures based on
average population density rarely present the
actual population density on the ground. This is
particularly true in the Tonle Sap area, where huge
variation of lakes water level has pushed most of
the people to live along the rivers and National
Roads. The actual population density is thus much
higher than the average gures indicate. Same
applies to the oating villages of Tonle Sap that are
concentrated to relatively small areas around the
lakes and its tributaries. The situation is, however,
somewhat similar in the Mekong Delta where the
population is also concentrated mainly along the
rivers and canals.
114
MEKONG DELTA Area (km
2
) Population
in 2001
Population density
(persons/km
2
)
Long An 4 492 1 348 000 300,1
Dong Thap 3 238 1 593 000 492,0
An Giang 3 406 2 099 000 616,3
Tien Giang 2 367 1 636 000 691,2
Ben Tre 2 316 1 308 000 564,8
Vinh Long 1 475 1 023 000 693,6
Tra Vinh 2 215 989 000 446,5
Can Tho 2 986 1 852 000 620,2
Soc Trang 3 223 1 213 000 376,4
Kien Giang 6 269 1 543 000 246,1
Bac Lieu 2 524 757 000 299,9
Ca Mau 5 195 1 158 000 222,9
Mekong Delta provinces total 39 706 16 519 000 416,0
4 Mekong delta - High population
density with prosperity
The Mekong Delta is the most southern region
in Vietnam, and due to its huge rice production
capacity it is often dubbed as the rice basket of
Vietnam. The delta covers in Vietnamese side
an area of around 39 700 km
2
and extends over
13 Vietnamese provinces (SIWRP and VNMC,
2003). The hydrological characteristics differ
greatly in different parts of the delta: while the
upper part is characterised by ooding, lower parts
are dominated by close interaction with the sea,
including strong tides and saline water intrusion.
The Mekong Delta is one of Vietnams most
populated region and the largest agricultural area
in term of agricultural production. In this way the
Delta symbolises the Vietnam success story in
agricultural growth. At the same time, however,
the delta also highlights the limits of agricultural
development: despite economic growth and
Table 4. Population densities in the provinces of Mekong Delta.
in the Tonle Sap area are poorer than the national
average. Altogether around 1.2 million people live
around the lake and its oodplain. This area can
be divided into three livelihood zones: shing
zone, agricultural zone and urban zone (Keskinen,
2003). People in the shing zone are directly
dependent on sh and other aquatic resources and
they live closest to the lake, either in the oating
houses or houses built on stilts. People in this zone
are in many ways worse off than people living in
the higher areas, as they are on average the poorest,
least educated and have poorest access to services
and markets.
People living further away from the lake rely largely
on rice cultivation for their livelihood. However,
the importance of the lake and its oods is still
signicant particularly for cultivation of oating
and recession rice as well as for seasonal shing
activities. In urban zone the dependence on natural
resources is much lower and the occupational
structure totally different: the main source of
livelihood is more varied, while the involvement
in secondary occupations is signicantly less than
in the rural areas (Keskinen, 2003).
The reasons for the lack of development in the
Tonle Sap area are naturally manifold, but among
Sources: The Far East and Australasia (2004)
the most important ones can be seen to be the
difcult history of the entire country, weak and
corrupted governance system, unequal access to
land and natural resources as well as misuse of the
areas natural resources (Keskinen, 2006).
115
4.1 Historical background - From
adaptation to control
Due to its intensive canal and embankment
network, the Mekong Delta is hydrologically
perhaps the most controlled area in the Mekong
Basin. Typical to all deltas, its at landscape is
strongly inuenced and shaped by water, both
through natural water cycle and by human efforts
to modify and control water regime for its own
needs (Miller, 2003).
The efforts to adapt to, and gain control of, the
deltas water regime started through different kinds
of land reclamation project already centuries ago
(Le Coq et al., 2001). These efforts were intensied
during the French colonial period. Between
the late 19
th
Century and mid-20
th
Century, the
French developed and modied the infrastructure
and particularly hydraulic structures in the delta
through various public works programs, having a
profound impact on deltas hydrology, ecology and
society (Biggs, 2003; Miller, 2003).
The period from the end of French colonial rule
in 1954 till the end of the Second Indochina War
in 1975 was politically and socially tumultuous in
the entire country. In the delta the period meant
re-organisation of old social structure, and further
intensication in rice cultivation. This was done
particularly through land reforms and introduction
of high-yielding rice varieties. While the Second
Indochina War left the entire country devastated
and countrys agricultural production stagnated,
the agricultural production of the Mekong Delta
was more efcient than in the other parts of the
country (Le Coq et al., 2001).
Despite the success of deltas agricultural
production, the strategy for countrys recovery was
development, the Delta remains among the
poorest regions of the country, ranking third
in national poverty statistics (French Embassy
in Socialist Republic of Vietnam, 2004). The
economic growth has thus not lead to successful
poverty reduction, and disparities in the area have
been growing.
to impose the central planning and collectivisation
applied in the North Vietnam also to the South.
The centrally applied ve-year plans in late 1970s
and early 1980s failed in the Delta as a result of
inefciency of centralised planning and reluctance
to take measures to collectivise the Deltas
agricultural production (Le Coq et al., 2001).
The severe decline in agriculture productivity,
particularly in the Mekong Delta, was one of
the main reasons for government to undertake
remarkable changes in its policy. As a result, in
1986 Vietnam adapted so-called renovation policy
(doi moi) that was based on more market-oriented
development strategy, and introduced an array of
institutional and economic reforms. More free-
market enterprises were permitted, and the push
to collectivise the industrial and agricultural
operations was abandoned.
Although doi moi had rather strong focus on urban
areas, the Mekong Delta led in many aspects the
way in this economic transformation (Drakakis-
Smith & Dixon, 1997; Taylor, 2004). In the
Delta doi moi meant that farmers could sell their
agricultural products at higher prices than before.
As a result farmers intensied their rice cultivation
methods and started to use more fertilizers and
pesticides, and the average rice yield increased
from 3t/ha to 4 t/ha between 1985 and 1995 (Le
Coq et al., 2001). During the past decade Vietnam,
and consequently the delta, has taken further steps
away from centrally planned economy which has
resulted in further increase, and more recently also
in more diversied agricultural production.
The deltas high population density has therefore
in no serious way been a limiting factor for the
development of the area. In fact, it seems that
the situation has actually been partly vice versa.
Le Coq et al. (2001), for example, argue that the
reasons for the success of the deltas development
are two-fold; good agricultural infrastructure
and the sound social structure that made farmers
willing to invest capital and labour for agricultural
development. Le Coq et al. (2001) also point
out that the availability of labour was a critical
factor for the agricultural development in the
delta. It could therefore be argued that the deltas
116
5 Conclusions
This Chapter has discussed the relationship
between population, natural resources and
development in two unique areas in the Mekong
Basin, the Tonle Sap area of Cambodia and the
Mekong Delta of Vietnam. While the areas share
similarities e.g. in terms of their overall livelihood
4.3 Deltas livelihood structure
Despite the fact that the Mekong Delta comprises
only around 10% of the total area of Vietnam, it
plays a central role in countrys development.
The delta is also determined as a key area for the
national food security strategy. Rice cultivation
and aquaculture are dominant livelihood
activities, although in recent years agricultural
production has diversied signicantly and also
the importance of non-agricultural sector has
increased (van de Walle & Cratty, 2004).
The Delta contributes currently about half of the
national food volume of the entire country, 55%
of the national shery and fruit production, and
around 60% of the national export value (SIWRP
and VNMC, 2003). Despite the high agricultural
production and economic growth, the Delta still
remains as one of the poorest areas in Vietnam.
The challenges with poverty reduction have been
linked, among other things, to the deltas low
educational level, and resulting lack of human
capital (Taylor, 2004). When compared to the
other parts of Vietnam, the education level in the
delta is remarkably low with 33% of the population
having not nished their primary school
6
.
Thus, despite clear economic successes of
long-term commitment in the infrastructure
development in the delta, there are also drawbacks
and challenges. While the problems related to
water quantity have largely been solved, water
quality problems have increased (Kknen, 2008,
MRCS/WUP-FIN, 2007). With the construction
of defensive water resources infrastructure the
Delta has become more physically interconnected
and complex, and is now increasingly subject to
human regulation, and therefore also political
tensions (Miller, 2003).
4.2 Population indicators
The total population of the 12 provinces
5
of the
Mekong Delta was in 2001 around 16.5 million,
meaning an average population density of 416
persons/km
2
(Table 4). Out of this population,
about three million people i.e. bit less than 20% live
in urban areas. The average number of people per
household in the delta is 5.4, while the population
growth rate is around 2,4% per year (SIWRP and
VNMC, 2003). The population density is highest
in the areas along the Mekong River and the
Bassac River, indicating the importance of access
to water (both for agriculture and transportation)
for the deltas inhabitants.
Although Vietnams population growth rates are
overall lower than in Cambodia, it is estimated
that countrys population continues to increase
for next 40-50 years and will probably stabilize
at the level of 120 million (UNFPA, 2005). As a
result, high population and labour growth is still
considered to be among the main challenges for
Vietnams development (The Socialist Republic of
Vietnam, 2003).
high population density -meaning higher social
capital and good availability of labour- was one
contributing factor for innovations in cultivation
methods and, overall, for rapid development in the
delta. It also seems that the dense population has
contributed for mutual learning and information
exchange between farmers based on customary
knowledge and local forms of communication
(Taylor 2005).
Today, the delta and entire Vietnam face new
kinds of problems. The negative side of the entire
countrys progress has been widening gap between
the rich and the poor. Increased corruption is also
a problem, although the government has taken
measures to counter corruption and increase
local democracy (Fritzen, 2002; Jorgensen, 2005).
In terms of the Mekong Delta, the aggressive
infrastructure development has resulted in
environmental and social problems that remain to
be solved (Kknen, 2008; Miller 2003).
117
structures, there are also remarkable differences
between the two areas. Most relevant difference
in this context is the fact that the delta is -despite
its much higher population density- in terms of its
development in entirely different level than the
Tonle Sap area. The case studies indicate that the
linkages between population, resource use and
development are far from being straightforward.
The case studies thus indicate that the linkages
between population, resource use and development
are far from being straightforward, and highlight
the importance of broader context when looking
at these linkages and, overall, the possibilities for
sustainable development in different areas.
The context matters (at least) in two different ways.
Firstly, the areas development depends always
from several different factors. Population density
is denitely one important factor, but also other
social, economic, geographical, infrastructural,
environmental, and in particular political factors
have a great inuence for the way the area develops
or does not develop. The success of the Mekong
Delta, for example, results from a combination of
several different factors, many of which actually
challenge the commonly held beliefs about the way
the areas should be developed (Taylor 2004)
7
.
The analysis of relationships between population,
natural resource use and development should
therefore never be separated from the other critical
factors impacting development and resource
use. Similarly important is the understanding of
historical development in the area; the analysis of
the past helps usually to understand the current
circumstances and possibly to guide way towards
more sustainable future. Finally, it is crucially
important to take into account the local ways and
patterns of economic, social and cultural activities
as these are often the factors that ultimately enable
successful development (Taylor, 2004).

Secondly, the actual impact of population density
to development and vice versa depends very
much from the context. Higher population
density usually puts natural resources under
increasing pressure, and can therefore impact both
environment and overall development negatively.
But as was shown in the case from the Mekong
Delta, also positive impacts are possible; higher
population density creates larger human resource
base that provides sufcient labour and can also
foster social and economic development through
new ideas and innovations. Achieving this kind of
positive correlation depends, however, very much
from the broader context: to ourish, the existing
human resource base needs to be supported by
sound education and governance systems, and
well-functioning infrastructure.
The ndings of this Chapter therefore support
so-called Optimistic and Neutralist Theories
on the relationship between population and
development. This does not mean, however, that
high population density and development are not
related, or that higher population densities are
not problematic for developing countries. Quite
the opposite: in most of the areas in the world
including the Tonle Sap and the Mekong Delta
higher population densities bring remarkable
challenges, including increased possibilities for
environmental degradation, resource conicts,
food insecurity, and increasing disparity.
What this Chapter seeks to illustrate is that the
relationship between population and development
is much more complex and multifaceted that
seems to be commonly portrayed. By sticking
to different kinds of simplied arguments and
explanationsindeed, Modern Mythsit is easy to
forget that there are also several other factors that
contribute for development and lack of it. At the
same time there is a threat that the possibilities
related to changes in population and its structure
are overlooked. When looking at the population,
the emphasis should therefore not be only on
population policies, but also on other sectors.
Realising the opportunities for development
brought by increasing population is particularly
important for the Tonle Sap area, where a majority
of the people lives in poverty. By sharing the
lessons learnedboth positive and negativefrom
the areas such as the Mekong Delta, the area may
be able to develop in environmentally and socially
sustainable way. But in order this to happen, the
118
overall context need to be improved: the Tonle Sap
area needs a more comprehensive management
plan with strong participatory character, equal and
non-corrupt governance system and functioning
market mechanisms. Without these the Modern
Myth depicted in the title of the Chapter may turn
out to be true for the Tonle Sap area.
The chapter has beneted from authors cooperation
with several individuals working in the Mekong
Region: thank you for all of you. Special thanks to
Dr Olli Varis, Professor Pertti Vakkilainen, Dr Juha
Sarkkula, Matti Kummu, Mira Kknen and the
entire WUP-FIN staff for your valuable comments.
Thank you also for my wonderful Cambodian and
Vietnamese counterparts without whom the two
case studies would not have been possible. The work
on the chapter was enabled by the scholarships from
SNIL ry. and the graduate school of the Helsinki
University of Technology.
Acknowledgements
119
1 The two theories also highlight the importance of governance and democracy in development and food security: as
Amartya Sen has noted, there has never been a severe famine in a functioning democracy (Sen, 1999).
2 Relative poverty rates are measured separately for each country based on the national consumption levels for food
and basic necessities (MRC, 2003a)
3 This GNI value for Cambodia was gained by using Atlas method; when using Purchasing power parity (PPP)
method the GNI of Cambodia is 2920$ (World Bank 2007).
4 As stated in 1968 in the Atlas of Physical, Economic and Social Resources of the Lower Mekong Basin (United
Nations, 1968): The four riparian countries have an abundance of natural resources. The combination of climate,
soils, topography and human endeavour have long enabled Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam to produce signicant
rice production surplus. Cambodias Great Lake [Tonle Sap], linked to the Mekong by the Tonle Sap River, and
into which the Mekong ows in the ood season is an outstanding sh reservoir.
5 Can Tho Province was in November 2003 divided into Can Tho City and Hau Giang Province, increasing the total
number of provinces in the Mekong Delta to thirteen. The population data presented here is based on information
collected before this division.
6 As pointed out by Taylor (2004), however, school-based education is a statist denition that leaves out host of other,
more informal ways of circulating and reproducing knowledge. When discussing the paradox between low school
enrolment and high economic growth in the delta, Taylor also argues that the current formal education system may
simply not meet the needs of local economy in the delta.
7 Taylor (2004) discusses four such paradoxes in the delta: the paradox between land liberalization policies and
increasing number of farmers losing the land ownership; between the poor overland transport network and signicant
amount of agricultural exports; between high income levels and low educational level; and between the assistance to
the Khmer Krom ethnic minority and their increasing isolation.
Endnotes
120
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National University of Singapore.
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Population Matters: Demographic Change, Economic
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Bloom, D.E., Canning, D, & Sevilla J. 2003. The
Demographic Dividend: a New Perspective on the
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Browder, G. & Ortolano, L., 2000. The evolution of an
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Chaudhry, P. & Juntopas, M. 2005. Water, Poverty
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Economic growth and poverty reduction in Vietnam: stuck
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Vietnam, UNDP Discussion Paper 1, Hanoi, Vietnam.
Heinonen, U., 2006. Environmental Impact on Migration
in Cambodia: Water-related Migration from the Tonle Sap
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Hussain, A., Cassen, R. & Dyson, T., 2006. Demographic
Transition in Asia and its Consequences, Asia 2015
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www.asia2015conference.org/pdfs/Hussain.pdf
Jack, M., 2006. Urbanisation, Sustainable Growth
and Poverty Reduction in Asia, Asia 2015 Conference,
Session 3 Papers. Available online at http://www.
asia2015conference.org/pdfs/Jack.pdf
Jorgensen, B., 2005. Democracy among the Grassroots
Local Responses to Democratic Reforms in Vietnam,
in Loh Kok Wah & jendahl (ed.): Southeast Asian
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Kknen, M., 2008. Mekong Delta at the Crossroads:
More Control or Adaptation?, Ambio, Vol. 37, No. 3, in
press.
Keskinen, M., 2006. The Lake with Floating Villages
Socio-Economic Analysis of the Tonle Sap Lake,
International Journal for Water Resources Development,
Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 463-480.
Keskinen, M., 2003. Socio-economic survey of the Tonle
Sap Lake, Cambodia, Masters Thesis, Water Resources
Laboratory, Department of Civil and Environmental
Engineering, Helsinki University of Technology,
Finland. Available online at http://users.tkk./u/
mkeskine/dippa.pdf
Kuznets, S., 1998. Population Trends and Modern
Economic Growth, in Demeny & McNicoll (ed.):
Population and Development, Earthscan Publications
Ltd, London.
Kuznets, S., 1967. Population and Economic Growth,
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol.
111, pp. 170-193.
Laderchi, C.R., Saith, R. & Stewart F., 2003. Does it
matter that we dont agree on the denition of poverty?
A comparison of four approaches, Working Paper 108,
QEH Working Paper Series, University of Oxford.
Le Coq, J.F., Dufumier, M. & Trbuil, G., 2001. History
of rice production in the Mekong Delta, a paper presented
at the third Euroseas Conference London, September
the 6th 8th 2001.
Miller, F., 2003. Society-Water Relations in the Mekong
Delta: A Political Ecology of Risk, Division of Geography,
University of Sydney, Australia.
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Ministry of Planning, 2002. Cambodia Human
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Epidemic in Cambodia, Progress Report 2001, Ministry
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Cambodia.
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around land-use change in the Mekong Basin, in Modern
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(eds.) SAME ISSUE!
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Water Resources Planning (SIWRP) and Vietnam
National Mekong Committee (VNMC), Hanoi.
Taylor, P., 2004. Redressing Disadvantage or Re-
arranging Inequality? Development Interventions and
Local Responses in the Mekong Delta, in Loh Kok
Wah & jendahl (ed.): Southeast Asian Responses
to Globalisation: Restructuring Governance and
Deepening Democracy, Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, Singapore.
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the World: The Far East and Australasia 2005, Europa
Publications, London.
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Comprehensive Poverty Reduction and Growth Strategy
(CPRGS), The Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Hanoi,
Vietnam.
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A Passage to Hope, United Nations Population Fund
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does the data tell us?, United Nations Population Fund
(UNFPA) Vietnam, Hanoi, Vietnam.
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Social Resources of the Lower Mekong Basin, United
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(data updated April 26, 2005), U.S. Census Bureau,
Population Division, International Programs Center.
Available online at http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/
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farm market economy the route out of poverty in Vietnam,
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This publication is available electronically at
water.tkk./global/publications
ARTICLE VI*
*Please note that the original article was published with two article pages per one journal page. To ensure uent reading, the article pages have here been split
so that every page of the Thesis has a separate article page. For this reason, however, only every other article page has a page number in it.
!"#$%&'(')*&+$',$-#.&#$.(/$0#&12*34$5'12(.6, ISSN 1749-852X Keskinen et al., !"#$%&'"()*+%,-.*/"0*1"2. p. 49
www.epsjournal.org.uk Vol. 2, No. 2 (2007)
The Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia: water-related
conflicts with abundance of water
3"42%*5.)2',.,, 3'4"*5627,.,, 84%#*+%-", and 9--'*:"4')
T
he past decade has seen increasing discussion on water-related conIlicts, water
crises, and even water wars.
1
This discussion has ranged Irom possible types
oI water-related conIlicts to their scales, with a heated debate on whether
conIlicts will be more likely to occur within or between countries. There have also
been arguments that water conIlicts are not so much about water 0.4*)., but about the
diIIerences in values attached to water and related resources.
2
In this article we analyze water-related tensions and conIlicts within the Tonle Sap
Lake area oI Cambodia. We do so with three case studies that Iocus on diIIerent kinds
oI water uses. Revealing multiple dimensions and levels oI water-related conIlicts,
they indicate that as a source oI tension and conIlict, prevailing power structures
which include inIormal and Iormal arrangements oI resource access and use are Iar
more important than the physical abundance oI water itselI.
Cambodia: a society in transition
Relatively rich in natural resources,
3
Cambodia is one oI the poorest countries in Asia
when measured in monetary terms: its GNI per capita in 2005 was estimated to be a
mere $380.
4
The majority oI its population is deeply dependent on common natural
resources Ior their livelihood, with rice and Iish Iorming the most important livelihood
sources. Although the proportion oI agriculture in GNI has been decreasing, over 70
percent oI the labor Iorce still works in the agricultural sector.
5
Since the early 1990s, Cambodia has Iaced the challenges oI multidimensional
transition, shiIting Irom long years oI war to peace, Irom single-party politics toward
democracy, and Irom command economy to market economy.
6
It has opened up to
regional and global economics and politics, and the entire Mekong region has moved
toward closer cooperation, particularly in trade. Cambodian society has gone through
signiIicant political changes, and the pursuit oI participatory democracy has leIt its
mark. The results have oIten been mixed, and democratic processes currently overlap
with diIIerent kinds oI patronage structures. These dynamic changes have resulted in
sociopolitical hybridization.
7
While Cambodia`s economic growth has been relatively rapid, development has
been Iar Irom equal and the disparities keep growing particularly between urban and
rural areas.
8
Among the main challenges Ior equal development are weak and non-
transparent governance; these also contribute to polarization oI the society.
9
Political
dominance oI the ruling party and coalescence oI bureaucratic, economic, and military
power have inIluenced natural resources management as, e.g., Iish and Iorest
resources oIIer an easy income source Ior the well-connected elite.
10
Indeed, as noted
by the World Bank, many oI Cambodia`s development challenges are 'Iundamentally
about governance,` that is, how the rules, institutions, and systems oI the state
operate and how the state relates to citizens, civil society and the private sector in
terms oI transparency and accountability.
11
Cambodia`s Iormal governance system suIIers Irom horizontal discontinuities. For
example, water-related issues are handled under several ministries with diIIerent
mandates, ambitions, and policies. Also troublesome are the Iunctioning oI vertical
links among central government, provincial and local authorities, and villages.
Consequently, on-going decentralization programs including initiatives Ior
community-based natural resource management aim at strengthening local level
governance, Iacilitating bottom-up processes and improving the two-way Ilow oI
inIormation along vertical links. An additional twist in Cambodia`s governance
system is its aid dependency and the relative dominance oI donors and international
NGOs in shaping government policies and introducing new approaches such as
decentralization and participation.
12
Tonle Sap Lake: a natural and hydrological wonder
The Tonle Sap Lake (Figure 1) and its resources Iorm a central source oI livelihoods
and Iood Ior well over one million people living in the lake are and its Ilood plains.
13
However, Tonle Sap`s signiIicance extends much Iurther as it is estimated that halI
oI Cambodia`s population beneIits directly or indirectly Irom the lake`s resources.
14
Despite the relative richness oI the area`s natural resources and its abundance oI
water, the Tonle Sap area remains one oI Cambodia`s poorest when measured in
monetary terms.
The Tonle Sap Lake is known Ior its extraordinary Ilood pulse system with a
remarkable but nevertheless regular seasonal variation in the lake`s water volume and
level.
15
During the rainy season part oI the Mekong`s Iloodwaters Ilow to the lake, and
the lake`s surIace area quadruples. An exceptional and highly productive Ilood plain
ecosystem has been Iormed: the Tonle Sap is believed to be among the world`s most
productive Ireshwater ecosystems.
16
Water-related conflicts in the Tonle Sap
The case studies in this article describe conIlicts in the Tonle Sap area related to Ilood
plains, agricultural land, and Iisheries. These resources are in diIIerent ways enabled,
supported, and nurtured by water.
While the case studies Iocus on diIIerent aspects and dimensions oI water-related
conIlict, all oI them are essentially about the inequality in access to and control over
natural resources and thus about diIIerent kinds oI power structures. One way oI
The Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia: water-related
conflicts with abundance of water
3"42%*5.)2',.,, 3'4"*5627,.,, 84%#*+%-", and 9--'*:"4')
T
he past decade has seen increasing discussion on water-related conIlicts, water
crises, and even water wars.
1
This discussion has ranged Irom possible types
oI water-related conIlicts to their scales, with a heated debate on whether
conIlicts will be more likely to occur within or between countries. There have also
been arguments that water conIlicts are not so much about water 0.4*)., but about the
diIIerences in values attached to water and related resources.
2
In this article we analyze water-related tensions and conIlicts within the Tonle Sap
Lake area oI Cambodia. We do so with three case studies that Iocus on diIIerent kinds
oI water uses. Revealing multiple dimensions and levels oI water-related conIlicts,
they indicate that as a source oI tension and conIlict, prevailing power structures
which include inIormal and Iormal arrangements oI resource access and use are Iar
more important than the physical abundance oI water itselI.
Cambodia: a society in transition
Relatively rich in natural resources,
3
Cambodia is one oI the poorest countries in Asia
when measured in monetary terms: its GNI per capita in 2005 was estimated to be a
mere $380.
4
The majority oI its population is deeply dependent on common natural
resources Ior their livelihood, with rice and Iish Iorming the most important livelihood
sources. Although the proportion oI agriculture in GNI has been decreasing, over 70
percent oI the labor Iorce still works in the agricultural sector.
5
Since the early 1990s, Cambodia has Iaced the challenges oI multidimensional
transition, shiIting Irom long years oI war to peace, Irom single-party politics toward
democracy, and Irom command economy to market economy.
6
It has opened up to
regional and global economics and politics, and the entire Mekong region has moved
toward closer cooperation, particularly in trade. Cambodian society has gone through
signiIicant political changes, and the pursuit oI participatory democracy has leIt its
mark. The results have oIten been mixed, and democratic processes currently overlap
with diIIerent kinds oI patronage structures. These dynamic changes have resulted in
sociopolitical hybridization.
7
While Cambodia`s economic growth has been relatively rapid, development has
been Iar Irom equal and the disparities keep growing particularly between urban and
rural areas.
8
Among the main challenges Ior equal development are weak and non-
transparent governance; these also contribute to polarization oI the society.
9
Political
dominance oI the ruling party and coalescence oI bureaucratic, economic, and military
power have inIluenced natural resources management as, e.g., Iish and Iorest
resources oIIer an easy income source Ior the well-connected elite.
10
Indeed, as noted
by the World Bank, many oI Cambodia`s development challenges are 'Iundamentally
about governance,` that is, how the rules, institutions, and systems oI the state
operate and how the state relates to citizens, civil society and the private sector in
terms oI transparency and accountability.
11
Cambodia`s Iormal governance system suIIers Irom horizontal discontinuities. For
example, water-related issues are handled under several ministries with diIIerent
mandates, ambitions, and policies. Also troublesome are the Iunctioning oI vertical
links among central government, provincial and local authorities, and villages.
Consequently, on-going decentralization programs including initiatives Ior
community-based natural resource management aim at strengthening local level
governance, Iacilitating bottom-up processes and improving the two-way Ilow oI
inIormation along vertical links. An additional twist in Cambodia`s governance
system is its aid dependency and the relative dominance oI donors and international
NGOs in shaping government policies and introducing new approaches such as
decentralization and participation.
12
Tonle Sap Lake: a natural and hydrological wonder
The Tonle Sap Lake (Figure 1) and its resources Iorm a central source oI livelihoods
and Iood Ior well over one million people living in the lake are and its Ilood plains.
13
However, Tonle Sap`s signiIicance extends much Iurther as it is estimated that halI
oI Cambodia`s population beneIits directly or indirectly Irom the lake`s resources.
14
Despite the relative richness oI the area`s natural resources and its abundance oI
water, the Tonle Sap area remains one oI Cambodia`s poorest when measured in
monetary terms.
The Tonle Sap Lake is known Ior its extraordinary Ilood pulse system with a
remarkable but nevertheless regular seasonal variation in the lake`s water volume and
level.
15
During the rainy season part oI the Mekong`s Iloodwaters Ilow to the lake, and
the lake`s surIace area quadruples. An exceptional and highly productive Ilood plain
ecosystem has been Iormed: the Tonle Sap is believed to be among the world`s most
productive Ireshwater ecosystems.
16
Water-related conflicts in the Tonle Sap
The case studies in this article describe conIlicts in the Tonle Sap area related to Ilood
plains, agricultural land, and Iisheries. These resources are in diIIerent ways enabled,
supported, and nurtured by water.
While the case studies Iocus on diIIerent aspects and dimensions oI water-related
conIlict, all oI them are essentially about the inequality in access to and control over
natural resources and thus about diIIerent kinds oI power structures. One way oI
!"#$%&'(')*&+$',$-#.&#$.(/$0#&12*34$5'12(.6, ISSN 1749-852X Keskinen et al., Cambodias Tonle Sap Lake p. 50
Figure 1: Tonle Sap Lake and floodplains, together with private fishing lot
areas. Map by Matti Kummu.
viewing the diIIerent interests, power relations, and inequalities in resource allocation
is to look at them through the concept oI structural violence. It implies that violence
can be built into the structures oI a society, resulting in unequal liIe chances.
17
By
discussing the mechanisms that marginalize the poor and deny them rights to use
natural resources to meet their subsistence needs, the case studies in this article
address important aspects oI structural violence in relation to natural resource
management.
18
Local, largely subsistence-based livelihood activities directly based on natural
resources are oIten the ones that degrade most with 'development.
19
Related
governance challenges can thus be seen to reIlect prevailing conceptualizations oI
development and the consequent valuation oI water and related resources. This comes
close to the discussion on symbolic violence that some see as an important dimension
in conIlicts over natural resource use.
20
For example, most state-level actors seem to
value modernist schemes such as large-scale irrigation and hydropower dam
construction more than traditional livelihoods. Also justiIications Ior intervention
e.g., in Iorm oI impact assessments are oIten done by scientists and even the very
language they use excludes local communities Irom discussions that concerns their
Iuture lives.
Case 1: Upstream development threatening flood plain ecosystem and livelihoods
This section is a case study about possible eIIects that upstream development in other
Mekong basin nations is likely to have on the ecosystem and livelihoods oI the Tonle
Sap Ilood plain.
21
The case addresses the issue oI diIIerent scales oI water-related
conIlict and bridges the discussion between intra- and interstate conIlict. The section
reviews regional cooperation mechanisms and discusses why transboundary impacts
despite their negative eIIects and consequent tensions between the countries are
unlikely to escalate to interstate conIlict.
Transboundarv impacts on the Tonle Sap flood plain
The Ilood plains surrounding the Tonle Sap support local people in many ways; a
large variety oI Ilood plain products provide Iood, traditional medicine, Iirewood and
income Ior villagers, and Ilooded Iorests provide shelter Ior Iloating villages during
the Iloods. Flooded Iorests and shrubs also Iorm a key element oI Tonle Sap`s
ecosystem and play a critical role in sustaining its aquatic production.
22
However, the
area oI the Ilooded Iorest has been shrinking rapidly, e.g., due to Iirewood cutting and
oI conversion oI the Ilooded Iorests into agricultural land.
23
Recent cumulative impact assessment studies indicate that a planned development
in the upstream parts oI the Mekong River and its tributaries most notably the
construction oI large hydropower dams in China and Laos are likely to cause an
increase in the dry-season water level in the lower parts oI the Mekong, and
consequently in the Tonle Sap Lake.
24
The rise oI dry-season water level means an
extension oI the permanent lake area and thus changes in the Ilood plain. The most
notable change would be permanent submersion, in essence destruction, oI remarkable
areas oI remaining Ilooded Iorests surrounding the lake.
25
The reduction oI Ilooded Iorest area would mean loss oI livelihood sources Ior a
signiIicant number oI people, both due to loss oI Ilooded Iorests per se and due to
consequent negative eIIects on aquatic production.
26
These are also likely to result in
increased pressure on other natural resources as more people would rely on Iewer
remaining resources. Thus, increased water development in other Mekong countries
would cause negative eIIects Ior the ecosystem and livelihoods oI the Tonle Sap Ilood
plain and potentially Iuel additional water- and resource-related conIlict in the area.
Local impacts not visible in regional discussion
When considering possible transboundary impacts on Tonle Sap, it is important to
note that there exist regional cooperation organizations in the Mekong basin that aim
to Iacilitate discussion between riparian countries about impacts and trade-oIIs oI
Figure 1: Tonle Sap Lake and floodplains, together with private fishing lot
areas. Map by Matti Kummu.
viewing the diIIerent interests, power relations, and inequalities in resource allocation
is to look at them through the concept oI structural violence. It implies that violence
can be built into the structures oI a society, resulting in unequal liIe chances.
17
By
discussing the mechanisms that marginalize the poor and deny them rights to use
natural resources to meet their subsistence needs, the case studies in this article
address important aspects oI structural violence in relation to natural resource
management.
18
Local, largely subsistence-based livelihood activities directly based on natural
resources are oIten the ones that degrade most with 'development.
19
Related
governance challenges can thus be seen to reIlect prevailing conceptualizations oI
development and the consequent valuation oI water and related resources. This comes
close to the discussion on symbolic violence that some see as an important dimension
in conIlicts over natural resource use.
20
For example, most state-level actors seem to
value modernist schemes such as large-scale irrigation and hydropower dam
construction more than traditional livelihoods. Also justiIications Ior intervention
e.g., in Iorm oI impact assessments are oIten done by scientists and even the very
language they use excludes local communities Irom discussions that concerns their
Iuture lives.
Case 1: Upstream development threatening flood plain ecosystem and livelihoods
This section is a case study about possible eIIects that upstream development in other
Mekong basin nations is likely to have on the ecosystem and livelihoods oI the Tonle
Sap Ilood plain.
21
The case addresses the issue oI diIIerent scales oI water-related
conIlict and bridges the discussion between intra- and interstate conIlict. The section
reviews regional cooperation mechanisms and discusses why transboundary impacts
despite their negative eIIects and consequent tensions between the countries are
unlikely to escalate to interstate conIlict.
Transboundarv impacts on the Tonle Sap flood plain
The Ilood plains surrounding the Tonle Sap support local people in many ways; a
large variety oI Ilood plain products provide Iood, traditional medicine, Iirewood and
income Ior villagers, and Ilooded Iorests provide shelter Ior Iloating villages during
the Iloods. Flooded Iorests and shrubs also Iorm a key element oI Tonle Sap`s
ecosystem and play a critical role in sustaining its aquatic production.
22
However, the
area oI the Ilooded Iorest has been shrinking rapidly, e.g., due to Iirewood cutting and
oI conversion oI the Ilooded Iorests into agricultural land.
23
Recent cumulative impact assessment studies indicate that a planned development
in the upstream parts oI the Mekong River and its tributaries most notably the
construction oI large hydropower dams in China and Laos are likely to cause an
increase in the dry-season water level in the lower parts oI the Mekong, and
consequently in the Tonle Sap Lake.
24
The rise oI dry-season water level means an
extension oI the permanent lake area and thus changes in the Ilood plain. The most
notable change would be permanent submersion, in essence destruction, oI remarkable
areas oI remaining Ilooded Iorests surrounding the lake.
25
The reduction oI Ilooded Iorest area would mean loss oI livelihood sources Ior a
signiIicant number oI people, both due to loss oI Ilooded Iorests per se and due to
consequent negative eIIects on aquatic production.
26
These are also likely to result in
increased pressure on other natural resources as more people would rely on Iewer
remaining resources. Thus, increased water development in other Mekong countries
would cause negative eIIects Ior the ecosystem and livelihoods oI the Tonle Sap Ilood
plain and potentially Iuel additional water- and resource-related conIlict in the area.
Local impacts not visible in regional discussion
When considering possible transboundary impacts on Tonle Sap, it is important to
note that there exist regional cooperation organizations in the Mekong basin that aim
to Iacilitate discussion between riparian countries about impacts and trade-oIIs oI
water development. The best-known organizations are the Mekong River Commission
and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program.
27
But despite these regional
cooperation mechanisms and despite an increasing number oI studies indicating
adverse transboundary eIIects, Cambodia`s government seems not to be eager to bring
them up at least not publicly.
28
One oI the main reasons Ior this appears to lie in increasing regional economic
cooperation, particularly China`s growing economic cooperation and assistance Ior
Cambodia. Apparently, the Cambodian government does not wish to risk its regional
economic cooperation by getting into diIIicult dialogue about possible transboundary
impacts with upstream countries. This stance has clearly strengthened over the past
Iew years,
29
concurrent to a remarkable increase in China`s economic and technical
cooperation with Cambodia, Ior example in hydropower construction.
30
This Iinding supports the view
that riparian countries preIer to
cooperate economically rather than
to get into substantial conIlict over
water.
31
At the same time, however,
the case also raises an important
point in the discussion oI interstate
and intrastate water conIlicts. While
it indeed seems possible that transboundary impacts between riparian countries can
result in increased water-related tensions within a country, the local level negative
impacts are not necessarily considered in the regional discussions between riparian
countries` governments.
Case 2: Appropriation of agricultural land in the flood plain
Improving agricultural productivity is seen as crucial Ior Cambodia`s economic
growth.
32
This has its implications Ior the Tonle Sap area as well. Rapid agricultural
development, including large-scale irrigation projects, is taking place in the upper
parts oI the basin. Many oI these projects are managed by governmental line agencies
and supported Ior instance by the Asian Development Bank. Also private initiatives
Ior agricultural development are occurring, but they are taking place mainly in Tonle
Sap`s Ilood plains. These new phenomena inIluence the availability oI resources to
diIIerent user groups.
The Tonle Sap Ilood plains diIIer in many aspects Irom the surrounding uplands.
Traditionally, large parts oI the Ilood plains particularly those close to the lake that
are submerged Ior longer periods oI time have not been under clear ownership or
cultivation, but have been used Ior various purposes.
33
Many are so-called communal
areas, their use being based on customary user rights without eIIicient control or
'domestication by government. The drive Ior agricultural production along with
improved accessibility oI the Tonle Sap area
34
and increased land value has led private
investors oIten belonging to the country`s elite with connections to investors
elsewhere in Southeast Asia to see the Ilood plain areas as proIitable targets Ior
investment. This has brought its own challenges and increased tensions in the area.
3#.45',5*04'6"7.*'44'5"7'%,*"4.")*',*78.*9-%%&*0-"',)
The increased Ilow oI investments to Tonle Sap`s Ilood plains has materialized in the
Iorm oI a rapid expansion oI irrigated agriculture and related structures such as large
embankments and reservoirs. These are intended primarily Ior proIitable dry-season
rice cultivation.
35
Concessions Ior these private initiatives are usually granted by
provincial or central government, but the granting procedures seem oIten dubious and
many including government oIIicials claim that a signiIicant proportion oI new
irrigation areas and structures are in Iact illegal.
36
The emergence oI private irrigation areas in the Tonle Sap Ilood plain has meant
that many local communes have lost areas that they have traditionally used, e.g., Ior
Iloating rice cultivation and as grazing grounds Ior cattle, thus undermining local
customary rights. As these areas are usually not oIIicially titled to villagers, the
villagers have weak possibilities to inIluence the construction oI new structures and
have not even been able to get proper compensation Ior their losses. Moreover, our
Iield surveys indicate that private concessionaires plan to charge local Iarmers Ior
irrigation water Irom their reservoirs, and this has caused additional tensions.
37
Private irrigation areas have also Iaced resistance. Some oI the planned irrigation
development projects in diIIerent parts oI the Ilood plain have been halted due to
increased pressure Irom local people and NGOs.
38
In addition, some provincial
agencies have brought up problems related to the new irrigation projects, including
their possible negative impacts on Iisheries as well as on local livelihoods.
39
Thus,
even though the emerging development is basically supported by central and
provincial governments, and concession rights were guaranteed by government
oIIicials, these oIIicials are not unanimous about the legitimacy oI the land
appropriation process.
These diIIering views oI government oIIicials are related to the line agencies`
conIusion about whom the responsibility Ior the management and development oI the
Ilood plain areas actually belongs to.
40
The conIusion is linked with existing
institutional rivalries between diIIerent ministries over the responsibility and
resources Ior agricultural development.
41
DiIIerent line agencies also see the
possible impacts oI the private irrigation development diIIerently: as none oI the
private irrigation structures include a proper impact assessment process, the irrigation
structures` impacts, e.g., to the Iisheries has thereIore not been appropriately assessed.
The conIlict over the use and control oI Ilood plain areas is thus closely linked
with the broader governance context and its ambiguities. The roots Ior the conIlict can
also be seen in the vagueness oI the ownership oI Ilood plain land areas that have
traditionally been under community user rights but are now diIIerently recognized by
While adverse transboundary impacts
among riparian states can result in
water-related intrastate tensions, local-
level adverse effects are not necessarily
considered in interstate discussions.
water development. The best-known organizations are the Mekong River Commission
and the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program.
27
But despite these regional
cooperation mechanisms and despite an increasing number oI studies indicating
adverse transboundary eIIects, Cambodia`s government seems not to be eager to bring
them up at least not publicly.
28
One oI the main reasons Ior this appears to lie in increasing regional economic
cooperation, particularly China`s growing economic cooperation and assistance Ior
Cambodia. Apparently, the Cambodian government does not wish to risk its regional
economic cooperation by getting into diIIicult dialogue about possible transboundary
impacts with upstream countries. This stance has clearly strengthened over the past
Iew years,
29
concurrent to a remarkable increase in China`s economic and technical
cooperation with Cambodia, Ior example in hydropower construction.
30
This Iinding supports the view
that riparian countries preIer to
cooperate economically rather than
to get into substantial conIlict over
water.
31
At the same time, however,
the case also raises an important
point in the discussion oI interstate
and intrastate water conIlicts. While
it indeed seems possible that transboundary impacts between riparian countries can
result in increased water-related tensions within a country, the local level negative
impacts are not necessarily considered in the regional discussions between riparian
countries` governments.
Case 2: Appropriation of agricultural land in the flood plain
Improving agricultural productivity is seen as crucial Ior Cambodia`s economic
growth.
32
This has its implications Ior the Tonle Sap area as well. Rapid agricultural
development, including large-scale irrigation projects, is taking place in the upper
parts oI the basin. Many oI these projects are managed by governmental line agencies
and supported Ior instance by the Asian Development Bank. Also private initiatives
Ior agricultural development are occurring, but they are taking place mainly in Tonle
Sap`s Ilood plains. These new phenomena inIluence the availability oI resources to
diIIerent user groups.
The Tonle Sap Ilood plains diIIer in many aspects Irom the surrounding uplands.
Traditionally, large parts oI the Ilood plains particularly those close to the lake that
are submerged Ior longer periods oI time have not been under clear ownership or
cultivation, but have been used Ior various purposes.
33
Many are so-called communal
areas, their use being based on customary user rights without eIIicient control or
'domestication by government. The drive Ior agricultural production along with
improved accessibility oI the Tonle Sap area
34
and increased land value has led private
investors oIten belonging to the country`s elite with connections to investors
elsewhere in Southeast Asia to see the Ilood plain areas as proIitable targets Ior
investment. This has brought its own challenges and increased tensions in the area.
3#.45',5*04'6"7.*'44'5"7'%,*"4.")*',*78.*9-%%&*0-"',)
The increased Ilow oI investments to Tonle Sap`s Ilood plains has materialized in the
Iorm oI a rapid expansion oI irrigated agriculture and related structures such as large
embankments and reservoirs. These are intended primarily Ior proIitable dry-season
rice cultivation.
35
Concessions Ior these private initiatives are usually granted by
provincial or central government, but the granting procedures seem oIten dubious and
many including government oIIicials claim that a signiIicant proportion oI new
irrigation areas and structures are in Iact illegal.
36
The emergence oI private irrigation areas in the Tonle Sap Ilood plain has meant
that many local communes have lost areas that they have traditionally used, e.g., Ior
Iloating rice cultivation and as grazing grounds Ior cattle, thus undermining local
customary rights. As these areas are usually not oIIicially titled to villagers, the
villagers have weak possibilities to inIluence the construction oI new structures and
have not even been able to get proper compensation Ior their losses. Moreover, our
Iield surveys indicate that private concessionaires plan to charge local Iarmers Ior
irrigation water Irom their reservoirs, and this has caused additional tensions.
37
Private irrigation areas have also Iaced resistance. Some oI the planned irrigation
development projects in diIIerent parts oI the Ilood plain have been halted due to
increased pressure Irom local people and NGOs.
38
In addition, some provincial
agencies have brought up problems related to the new irrigation projects, including
their possible negative impacts on Iisheries as well as on local livelihoods.
39
Thus,
even though the emerging development is basically supported by central and
provincial governments, and concession rights were guaranteed by government
oIIicials, these oIIicials are not unanimous about the legitimacy oI the land
appropriation process.
These diIIering views oI government oIIicials are related to the line agencies`
conIusion about whom the responsibility Ior the management and development oI the
Ilood plain areas actually belongs to.
40
The conIusion is linked with existing
institutional rivalries between diIIerent ministries over the responsibility and
resources Ior agricultural development.
41
DiIIerent line agencies also see the
possible impacts oI the private irrigation development diIIerently: as none oI the
private irrigation structures include a proper impact assessment process, the irrigation
structures` impacts, e.g., to the Iisheries has thereIore not been appropriately assessed.
The conIlict over the use and control oI Ilood plain areas is thus closely linked
with the broader governance context and its ambiguities. The roots Ior the conIlict can
also be seen in the vagueness oI the ownership oI Ilood plain land areas that have
traditionally been under community user rights but are now diIIerently recognized by
While adverse transboundary impacts
among riparian states can result in
water-related intrastate tensions, local-
level adverse effects are not necessarily
considered in interstate discussions.
diIIerent parties.
Case 3: Practices of exclusion in Tonle Sap fisheries
Fish Iorms the main source oI income and Iood particularly to the poorest and most
vulnerable groups oI people in Cambodia.
42
Well-Iunctioning and equal Iisheries
management would thereIore be crucial Ior balanced development oI the country.
UnIortunately this is not the case. Cambodia`s Iisheries management like the
management oI many oI its other resources is dominated by weak implementation
oI policies, lack oI accountability, and non-transparent and unjust practices.
43
Accordingly, diIIerent kinds oI conIlicts related to Iishing and particularly to access
to and control over diIIerent Iishing areas exist, two oI which are presented in this
section.
44
Conflicts with private fishing lots
Cambodia`s Iisheries management is marked by appropriations and exclusions Irom
access oI the local communities. The epitome oI this is the operation oI large-scale,
commercial Iisheries that is based on so-called Iishing lot system. Fishing lots are
geographical concessions auctioned to the highest bidder Ior a certain period, usually
two years. The lots include lake areas, rivers, ponds, and inundated Iorest and are
typically located in the most productive Iishing areas. The owner oI the Iishing lot has
an exclusive right to harvest Iish Irom the lot, to sublease parts oI the lots, and to keep
everyone else out Irom the lot area.
45
The Iishing lots are allowed to operate only during the most important Iishing
season which, in theory, leaves lots accessible Ior small-scale subsistence Iishing Ior
the rest oI the year. But many lot owners limit the access to lots throughout the year,
and some lots have also extended their areas to community Iishing areas, open access
areas, and Iish conservation zones, creating thus both geographical and temporal
conIlicts over access to Iishing areas. In short, the system excludes most people Irom
the most productive Iishing areas during the most productive Iishing season.
46
It is thereIore no surprise that the Iishing lot system has created serious tensions
and even armed conIlict between local villagers and Iishing lot owners and their
guards. Tensions were soaring at the turn oI the millennium, when villagers around
the Tonle Sap started to protest more loudly against the exclusionary Iishing lot
system, the extended boundaries oI lot areas, and government`s inability to respond
to the conIlict.
47
Responding to the accumulation oI Iisheries conIlict, the government
proclaimed in 2001 radical and sudden changes to the country`s Iisheries
management. HalI oI the total area oI the private Iishing lots was changed to public
Iishing lots open Ior community Iisheries. This shiIt aimed to improve peoples` Iood
security and to ease the growing tensions between local people and Iishing lot owners.
Conflicting interests in communitv
fisheries
The Iisheries reIorm oI 2001
experienced certain setbacks and
some believe that the tensions just
took diIIerent Iorms.
48
Although the
release oI more areas Ior
community Iishing was overall a
positive shiIt and eased tensions between Iishers and Iishing lot owners, management
oI community Iishing areas has turned out to be challenging.
49
Among the main
reasons Ior these challenges is that the institutional arrangements oI community
Iisheries seem oIten to ignore the heterogeneity oI local communities and the
complexity oI local power structures.
50
The underlying assumptions Ior the common ethos oI community-based Iisheries
management are oIten unrealistic; they assume that all local Iishers including larger
scale Iishers would easily become environmental 'shepherds and agree to limit
their activities to subsistence levels. This points toward government`s and donors`
lack oI sensitivity to resource users` own perceptions on their resource use as well as
to the Iact that Iishing communities consist oI Iishers with diIIerent scales oI
activities. An additional challenge Ior community management is that Iish are
commonly seen as a commodity by the Iishers, not least because oI the long moral
inIluence oI the private lot system. Tonle Sap is thus rather special in that the
development oI new institutional arrangements does not originate Irom the 'tragedy
oI open access, but rather Irom the 'tragedy oI privatization.
At the same time, the continued operation oI private Iishing lots
51
seriously
undermines the legitimacy oI regulatory measures in community Iishing areas and
discourages compliance with law. Findings Irom our Iield surveys indicate that many
villagers saw the community Iisheries` regulations that restrict villagers` Iishing to
subsistence levels hard to justiIy when compared to the liberties given to private
Iishing lot owners. This relates to broader questions about the context oI and values
behind current Iisheries governance: who has the right to consider Iish a commodity
and who is to be restricted to subsistence Iishing, and do local Iishers have rights to
deIend their livelihood or just rights to deIend subsistence Iishing that they are by law
restricted to?
Another emerging diIIiculty in the community Iisheries is so-called elite capture.
There naturally exist various power relations and interests within a Iishing community
that are then combined with outside interests. As a result, those with a strong asset
base and high social and political capital dominate easily the agenda and activities oI
the community Iisheries. Indeed, Iindings Irom our Iield surveys indicate that many
oI the current community Iisheries management systems in the areas with high prior
heterogeneity among the local Iishers have Iailed to take the local power structures
The emergence of private irrigation
areas in the Tonle Sap flood plain has
led many local communes to lose areas
that they have traditionally used, for
example, for floating-rice cultivation
and as grazing grounds for cattle.
diIIerent parties.
Case 3: Practices of exclusion in Tonle Sap fisheries
Fish Iorms the main source oI income and Iood particularly to the poorest and most
vulnerable groups oI people in Cambodia.
42
Well-Iunctioning and equal Iisheries
management would thereIore be crucial Ior balanced development oI the country.
UnIortunately this is not the case. Cambodia`s Iisheries management like the
management oI many oI its other resources is dominated by weak implementation
oI policies, lack oI accountability, and non-transparent and unjust practices.
43
Accordingly, diIIerent kinds oI conIlicts related to Iishing and particularly to access
to and control over diIIerent Iishing areas exist, two oI which are presented in this
section.
44
Conflicts with private fishing lots
Cambodia`s Iisheries management is marked by appropriations and exclusions Irom
access oI the local communities. The epitome oI this is the operation oI large-scale,
commercial Iisheries that is based on so-called Iishing lot system. Fishing lots are
geographical concessions auctioned to the highest bidder Ior a certain period, usually
two years. The lots include lake areas, rivers, ponds, and inundated Iorest and are
typically located in the most productive Iishing areas. The owner oI the Iishing lot has
an exclusive right to harvest Iish Irom the lot, to sublease parts oI the lots, and to keep
everyone else out Irom the lot area.
45
The Iishing lots are allowed to operate only during the most important Iishing
season which, in theory, leaves lots accessible Ior small-scale subsistence Iishing Ior
the rest oI the year. But many lot owners limit the access to lots throughout the year,
and some lots have also extended their areas to community Iishing areas, open access
areas, and Iish conservation zones, creating thus both geographical and temporal
conIlicts over access to Iishing areas. In short, the system excludes most people Irom
the most productive Iishing areas during the most productive Iishing season.
46
It is thereIore no surprise that the Iishing lot system has created serious tensions
and even armed conIlict between local villagers and Iishing lot owners and their
guards. Tensions were soaring at the turn oI the millennium, when villagers around
the Tonle Sap started to protest more loudly against the exclusionary Iishing lot
system, the extended boundaries oI lot areas, and government`s inability to respond
to the conIlict.
47
Responding to the accumulation oI Iisheries conIlict, the government
proclaimed in 2001 radical and sudden changes to the country`s Iisheries
management. HalI oI the total area oI the private Iishing lots was changed to public
Iishing lots open Ior community Iisheries. This shiIt aimed to improve peoples` Iood
security and to ease the growing tensions between local people and Iishing lot owners.
Conflicting interests in communitv
fisheries
The Iisheries reIorm oI 2001
experienced certain setbacks and
some believe that the tensions just
took diIIerent Iorms.
48
Although the
release oI more areas Ior
community Iishing was overall a
positive shiIt and eased tensions between Iishers and Iishing lot owners, management
oI community Iishing areas has turned out to be challenging.
49
Among the main
reasons Ior these challenges is that the institutional arrangements oI community
Iisheries seem oIten to ignore the heterogeneity oI local communities and the
complexity oI local power structures.
50
The underlying assumptions Ior the common ethos oI community-based Iisheries
management are oIten unrealistic; they assume that all local Iishers including larger
scale Iishers would easily become environmental 'shepherds and agree to limit
their activities to subsistence levels. This points toward government`s and donors`
lack oI sensitivity to resource users` own perceptions on their resource use as well as
to the Iact that Iishing communities consist oI Iishers with diIIerent scales oI
activities. An additional challenge Ior community management is that Iish are
commonly seen as a commodity by the Iishers, not least because oI the long moral
inIluence oI the private lot system. Tonle Sap is thus rather special in that the
development oI new institutional arrangements does not originate Irom the 'tragedy
oI open access, but rather Irom the 'tragedy oI privatization.
At the same time, the continued operation oI private Iishing lots
51
seriously
undermines the legitimacy oI regulatory measures in community Iishing areas and
discourages compliance with law. Findings Irom our Iield surveys indicate that many
villagers saw the community Iisheries` regulations that restrict villagers` Iishing to
subsistence levels hard to justiIy when compared to the liberties given to private
Iishing lot owners. This relates to broader questions about the context oI and values
behind current Iisheries governance: who has the right to consider Iish a commodity
and who is to be restricted to subsistence Iishing, and do local Iishers have rights to
deIend their livelihood or just rights to deIend subsistence Iishing that they are by law
restricted to?
Another emerging diIIiculty in the community Iisheries is so-called elite capture.
There naturally exist various power relations and interests within a Iishing community
that are then combined with outside interests. As a result, those with a strong asset
base and high social and political capital dominate easily the agenda and activities oI
the community Iisheries. Indeed, Iindings Irom our Iield surveys indicate that many
oI the current community Iisheries management systems in the areas with high prior
heterogeneity among the local Iishers have Iailed to take the local power structures
The emergence of private irrigation
areas in the Tonle Sap flood plain has
led many local communes to lose areas
that they have traditionally used, for
example, for floating-rice cultivation
and as grazing grounds for cattle.
properly into account, and are
actually maintaining existing local
power imbalances.
The wealthier groups in our
survey villages were signiIicantly
mor e r epr esent ed i n t he
management oI community
Iisheries, capturing the best Iishing
grounds, and at the same time
restricting the access oI poorer
groups even when oIIicial rules
and regulations aim to reduce these
kinds oI exclusive practices. The
situation is thus paradoxical: an institutional arrangement designed Ior subsistence
Iishers has turned into one that excludes them, and instead provides a negotiation
ground Ior medium or larger-scale Iishers as well as a means to control the activities
oI the poorer ones.
The lack oI cultural sensitivity oI donor-driven reIorms can be seen as one issue
explaining this paradox. While decentralized natural resource management aims at
more equal allocation oI beneIits Irom natural resources, democratic communicative
practices might not always reduce local power imbalances, although they might take
new Iorms. Southeast Asian world views are oIten considered to Iavor harmony over
open discussion that could bring up conIlict-prone topics. Although this is naturally
a simpliIication, it has discovered that the drive toward greater participation indeed
leaves space Ior so-called silent conIlicts, as communicative ideals oI participation Iail
to address the 'dark side oI power and politicking within planning institutions,
planning practice, communication, and social relations.
52
Silent conIlict thus
potentially results in continuities oI local repressive structures.
53
Discussion: the different dimensions of water-related conflicts
We analyzed characteristics oI water-related conIlicts in three case studies Irom
Cambodia`s Tonle Sap Lake Iocusing on Ilood plains, agricultural land, and Iisheries.
The cases encompass diIIerent dimensions and aspects oI water-related conIlicts.
The case study on Iisheries (case 3) Iocused on conIlicts between Iishers and on
the role oI Iisheries management in those conIlicts. Until the Iisheries reIorm oI 2001,
Cambodia`s Iisheries management was structurally violent toward local Iishers in that
private Iishing lots excluded local communities Irom most oI the major Iishing areas.
Although these excluding practices still exist, the situation has improved and many
oI the Iishing areas have been shiIted to Iall under local community management.
Consequently, one interesting Iinding Irom the Iisheries case is that conIlicts should
not be seen only in a negative light, but may also be seen as a driver Ior change. As
the Iisheries reIorm showed, the accumulating resistance oI local Iishing communities
that conIlicted openly with private Iishing concessions was the driver Ior development
oI more equal laws, rules, and regulations in Iisheries management, thus reducing
potential Iuture conIlicts. ConIlict may thus play a constructive role in Iacilitating
social and economic transIormation as well as in shaping social relations and power
structures.
54
Fisheries reIorm, however, did not come without challenges. One diIIiculty in this
otherwise positive reIorm was that it was done in a hasty manner without suIIicient
commitment Irom state actors and proper involvement oI the local level. In addition,
the reIorm was greatly inIluenced by the donor community. A danger with initiatives
driven by the donor community is that the general policies they imply are oIten rather
detached Irom local reality and thereIore likely to cause unintended and undesirable
results.
55
As demonstrated by the Iisheries case, iI new institutional and participatory
arrangements are designed without proper understanding oI local realities and
sociopolitical structures, they are despite their good intentions likely to result in
participatory processes that merely reproduce dominant power structures.
The case study on land appropriations in the Ilood plains (case 2) revealed a
situation where traditional use oI a resource is being undermined by powerIul groups.
The combination oI increased accessibility to the Ilood plains and unclear legal status
oI the Ilood plains areas have leIt these areas exposed to uncontrolled privatization
and resulted in conIlicts between local communes and outside appropriators and
private investors. The case revealed that Iormal rules and regulations do not properly
recognize local communities` customary user rights that have existed as practical
norms Ior generations to utilize agricultural land.
Comparison oI these two cases reveals an interesting diIIerence: whereas the Ilood
plains areas are increasingly being transIormed Irom common to private areas, the
Iishing domains are being reconverted Irom private concessions to community user
groups. DiIIerent water-related resources have diIIerent histories and are perceived
diIIerently by local users. Consequently, without sensitivity to the resource users` own
perceptions on their resource use, attempts to understand tensions related to resource
use are likely to Iail. Local communities are not homogenous entities; they entail
diIIerent user groups with diIIering perceptions on the resources they use.
While the cases on Iisheries and agricultural land Iocused on conIlicts within the
Tonle Sap area, case 1 elaborated on possible adverse transboundary impacts Irom
upstream Mekong countries. The case also addressed the diverse conceptualizations
oI development and diIIering values attached to natural resources by actors in
diIIerent levels and scales. The discussion on why water-related conIlicts are unlikely
to scale up to the regional level indicated that national decisionmakers seem not to be
aware oI or are even ignorant toward concerns about transboundary impacts at the
local level. The political elites, irrespective oI their country, seem to have similar
modernization aspirations and common economic interests, and they are thus more
likely to Iind consensus than to end up in serious conIlict over water development in
The drive toward greater participation
leaves space for silent conflicts, as
communicative ideals of participation
fail to address the ~dark side of power
and politicking within planning
institutions, planning practice,
communication, and social relations.
Silent conflict thus potentially results
in continuities of local repressive
structures.
properly into account, and are
actually maintaining existing local
power imbalances.
The wealthier groups in our
survey villages were signiIicantly
mor e r epr esent ed i n t he
management oI community
Iisheries, capturing the best Iishing
grounds, and at the same time
restricting the access oI poorer
groups even when oIIicial rules
and regulations aim to reduce these
kinds oI exclusive practices. The
situation is thus paradoxical: an institutional arrangement designed Ior subsistence
Iishers has turned into one that excludes them, and instead provides a negotiation
ground Ior medium or larger-scale Iishers as well as a means to control the activities
oI the poorer ones.
The lack oI cultural sensitivity oI donor-driven reIorms can be seen as one issue
explaining this paradox. While decentralized natural resource management aims at
more equal allocation oI beneIits Irom natural resources, democratic communicative
practices might not always reduce local power imbalances, although they might take
new Iorms. Southeast Asian world views are oIten considered to Iavor harmony over
open discussion that could bring up conIlict-prone topics. Although this is naturally
a simpliIication, it has discovered that the drive toward greater participation indeed
leaves space Ior so-called silent conIlicts, as communicative ideals oI participation Iail
to address the 'dark side oI power and politicking within planning institutions,
planning practice, communication, and social relations.
52
Silent conIlict thus
potentially results in continuities oI local repressive structures.
53
Discussion: the different dimensions of water-related conflicts
We analyzed characteristics oI water-related conIlicts in three case studies Irom
Cambodia`s Tonle Sap Lake Iocusing on Ilood plains, agricultural land, and Iisheries.
The cases encompass diIIerent dimensions and aspects oI water-related conIlicts.
The case study on Iisheries (case 3) Iocused on conIlicts between Iishers and on
the role oI Iisheries management in those conIlicts. Until the Iisheries reIorm oI 2001,
Cambodia`s Iisheries management was structurally violent toward local Iishers in that
private Iishing lots excluded local communities Irom most oI the major Iishing areas.
Although these excluding practices still exist, the situation has improved and many
oI the Iishing areas have been shiIted to Iall under local community management.
Consequently, one interesting Iinding Irom the Iisheries case is that conIlicts should
not be seen only in a negative light, but may also be seen as a driver Ior change. As
the Iisheries reIorm showed, the accumulating resistance oI local Iishing communities
that conIlicted openly with private Iishing concessions was the driver Ior development
oI more equal laws, rules, and regulations in Iisheries management, thus reducing
potential Iuture conIlicts. ConIlict may thus play a constructive role in Iacilitating
social and economic transIormation as well as in shaping social relations and power
structures.
54
Fisheries reIorm, however, did not come without challenges. One diIIiculty in this
otherwise positive reIorm was that it was done in a hasty manner without suIIicient
commitment Irom state actors and proper involvement oI the local level. In addition,
the reIorm was greatly inIluenced by the donor community. A danger with initiatives
driven by the donor community is that the general policies they imply are oIten rather
detached Irom local reality and thereIore likely to cause unintended and undesirable
results.
55
As demonstrated by the Iisheries case, iI new institutional and participatory
arrangements are designed without proper understanding oI local realities and
sociopolitical structures, they are despite their good intentions likely to result in
participatory processes that merely reproduce dominant power structures.
The case study on land appropriations in the Ilood plains (case 2) revealed a
situation where traditional use oI a resource is being undermined by powerIul groups.
The combination oI increased accessibility to the Ilood plains and unclear legal status
oI the Ilood plains areas have leIt these areas exposed to uncontrolled privatization
and resulted in conIlicts between local communes and outside appropriators and
private investors. The case revealed that Iormal rules and regulations do not properly
recognize local communities` customary user rights that have existed as practical
norms Ior generations to utilize agricultural land.
Comparison oI these two cases reveals an interesting diIIerence: whereas the Ilood
plains areas are increasingly being transIormed Irom common to private areas, the
Iishing domains are being reconverted Irom private concessions to community user
groups. DiIIerent water-related resources have diIIerent histories and are perceived
diIIerently by local users. Consequently, without sensitivity to the resource users` own
perceptions on their resource use, attempts to understand tensions related to resource
use are likely to Iail. Local communities are not homogenous entities; they entail
diIIerent user groups with diIIering perceptions on the resources they use.
While the cases on Iisheries and agricultural land Iocused on conIlicts within the
Tonle Sap area, case 1 elaborated on possible adverse transboundary impacts Irom
upstream Mekong countries. The case also addressed the diverse conceptualizations
oI development and diIIering values attached to natural resources by actors in
diIIerent levels and scales. The discussion on why water-related conIlicts are unlikely
to scale up to the regional level indicated that national decisionmakers seem not to be
aware oI or are even ignorant toward concerns about transboundary impacts at the
local level. The political elites, irrespective oI their country, seem to have similar
modernization aspirations and common economic interests, and they are thus more
likely to Iind consensus than to end up in serious conIlict over water development in
The drive toward greater participation
leaves space for silent conflicts, as
communicative ideals of participation
fail to address the ~dark side of power
and politicking within planning
institutions, planning practice,
communication, and social relations.
Silent conflict thus potentially results
in continuities of local repressive
structures.
1. See, e.g., Ohlsson (1999); HaItendorn (2000); Postel and WolI (2001); Watkins and
Berntell (2006).
2. For instance, Shiva (2002).
3. It has been suggested that Cambodia has one oI the highest natural resource
availability per capita in Asia (Kurien, .3*"-., 2006; World Bank, 2004), but there
seems not to be a proper study on this.
4. World Bank (2006a).
5. This decline is partly due to natural disasters, i.e., drought and high Iloods during
the past Iew years. See NIS (2004). In these statistics the agricultural sector includes
also Iishing and Iorestry.
6. Le Billon (2007).
7. jendal and Sedara (2006). It is important to note that the sociopolitical structures
usually considered as obstacles Ior democracy, such as patron-client relations and
authoritarianism, are not as static as is oIten thought.
the basin. Discussion about interstate water conIlict is thus not likely to be meaningIul
in the Mekong basin. However, this conclusion shows only one side oI the coin as at
the same time the seemingly Iluent regional cooperation seems to prevent actual
discussion about negative transboundary impacts at the local level.
This Iinding relates to James C. Scott`s idea on state simpliIications.
56
The trade-
oIIs between livelihood sources look diIIerent when viewed Irom the state rather than
the local level. Calculations based on abstract Iorms oI knowledge and inIormation
render livelihood issues oI Iarmers and Iishers living around the Tonle Sap into
estimations oI general productivity and proIitability, ignoring political and moral
dimensions oI the trade-oIIs. The trade-oIIs are usually made on issues that many
locals could not consider calculable or comparable. Thus, a common characteristic Ior
all three cases is Iound to be related to unequal power structures and mechanisms oI
marginalization within and between the diIIerent scales.
Conclusion: the importance of the governance context
The three case studies indicate how diverse and multidimensional water-related
tensions and conIlicts are in the context oI the Tonle Sap. It becomes obvious that
water-related conIlicts are rarely solely about water and its scarcity (or abundance),
but that access to and control over water and related resources are actually oIten more
dominant reasons Ior water-related conIlicts.
Water-related conIlicts cannot thus be linked to increased resource scarcity alone,
but also and perhaps mainly to unequal distribution oI water and related resources.
Consequently, we see that the discussion on water conIlicts should Iocus much more
on the mechanisms oI allocation oI water and related resources as well as on Iormal
and inIormal power structures shaping these mechanisms. In addition, diIIerent
valuations attached to the resources as well as the political and historical context
where they prevail have a strong inIluence on tensions over resource use.
Consequently, water-related conIlicts should always be examined in a broader
context, with special attention to existing power structures both at local and higher
national and regional levels. These Iindings reinIorce many other studies on conIlict
and natural resources.
57
Notes
Marko Keskinen is a researcher and Ph.D. candidate at the Water Resources
Laboratory oI Helsinki University oI Technology, Finland. His research Iocuses on
the interactions between water and society as well as on multi- and cross-disciplinary
approaches oI water management. He may be reached at keskineniki.Ii. Mira
Kknen is a master`s degree student at the Department oI Sociology in the
University oI Helsinki with experience in natural resource management-related
projects in the Mekong region. Her research interests are in power and knowledge
relations and changes in expertise in
environment and development
issues. Prom Tola is an
independent researcher and
consultant Irom Phnom Penh,
Cambodia. He has long experience
in natural resource management and
participatory approaches. Olli Varis
is a senior researcher at the Water Resources Laboratory oI Helsinki University oI
Technology and has broad, interdisciplinary experiences on water, environment, and
development research and consultation. He is a Irequently used expert by various
U.N. and other international organizations and is the author oI over 300 scientiIic
papers. We are grateIul Ior comments and support provided by numerous colleagues
and Iellow researchers in the Mekong region. Special thanks are due to Matti Kummu,
Juha Sarkkula, Jorma Koponen, and ProIessor Pertti Vakkilainen as well as to our
Cambodian colleagues Yim Sambo and Suong Leakhena who were instrumental in
Iacilitating the Iield surveys. For Iluent collaboration and inspiring discussions we
also thank Mak Sithirith, Dil Bahadur Rahut, Blake Ratner, and Babette Resurreccion.
Water-related conflicts cannot be
linked to increased resource scarcity
alone, but also - and perhaps mainly -
to unequal distribution of water and
related resources.
1. See, e.g., Ohlsson (1999); HaItendorn (2000); Postel and WolI (2001); Watkins and
Berntell (2006).
2. For instance, Shiva (2002).
3. It has been suggested that Cambodia has one oI the highest natural resource
availability per capita in Asia (Kurien, .3*"-., 2006; World Bank, 2004), but there
seems not to be a proper study on this.
4. World Bank (2006a).
5. This decline is partly due to natural disasters, i.e., drought and high Iloods during
the past Iew years. See NIS (2004). In these statistics the agricultural sector includes
also Iishing and Iorestry.
6. Le Billon (2007).
7. jendal and Sedara (2006). It is important to note that the sociopolitical structures
usually considered as obstacles Ior democracy, such as patron-client relations and
authoritarianism, are not as static as is oIten thought.
the basin. Discussion about interstate water conIlict is thus not likely to be meaningIul
in the Mekong basin. However, this conclusion shows only one side oI the coin as at
the same time the seemingly Iluent regional cooperation seems to prevent actual
discussion about negative transboundary impacts at the local level.
This Iinding relates to James C. Scott`s idea on state simpliIications.
56
The trade-
oIIs between livelihood sources look diIIerent when viewed Irom the state rather than
the local level. Calculations based on abstract Iorms oI knowledge and inIormation
render livelihood issues oI Iarmers and Iishers living around the Tonle Sap into
estimations oI general productivity and proIitability, ignoring political and moral
dimensions oI the trade-oIIs. The trade-oIIs are usually made on issues that many
locals could not consider calculable or comparable. Thus, a common characteristic Ior
all three cases is Iound to be related to unequal power structures and mechanisms oI
marginalization within and between the diIIerent scales.
Conclusion: the importance of the governance context
The three case studies indicate how diverse and multidimensional water-related
tensions and conIlicts are in the context oI the Tonle Sap. It becomes obvious that
water-related conIlicts are rarely solely about water and its scarcity (or abundance),
but that access to and control over water and related resources are actually oIten more
dominant reasons Ior water-related conIlicts.
Water-related conIlicts cannot thus be linked to increased resource scarcity alone,
but also and perhaps mainly to unequal distribution oI water and related resources.
Consequently, we see that the discussion on water conIlicts should Iocus much more
on the mechanisms oI allocation oI water and related resources as well as on Iormal
and inIormal power structures shaping these mechanisms. In addition, diIIerent
valuations attached to the resources as well as the political and historical context
where they prevail have a strong inIluence on tensions over resource use.
Consequently, water-related conIlicts should always be examined in a broader
context, with special attention to existing power structures both at local and higher
national and regional levels. These Iindings reinIorce many other studies on conIlict
and natural resources.
57
Notes
Marko Keskinen is a researcher and Ph.D. candidate at the Water Resources
Laboratory oI Helsinki University oI Technology, Finland. His research Iocuses on
the interactions between water and society as well as on multi- and cross-disciplinary
approaches oI water management. He may be reached at keskineniki.Ii. Mira
Kknen is a master`s degree student at the Department oI Sociology in the
University oI Helsinki with experience in natural resource management-related
projects in the Mekong region. Her research interests are in power and knowledge
relations and changes in expertise in
environment and development
issues. Prom Tola is an
independent researcher and
consultant Irom Phnom Penh,
Cambodia. He has long experience
in natural resource management and
participatory approaches. Olli Varis
is a senior researcher at the Water Resources Laboratory oI Helsinki University oI
Technology and has broad, interdisciplinary experiences on water, environment, and
development research and consultation. He is a Irequently used expert by various
U.N. and other international organizations and is the author oI over 300 scientiIic
papers. We are grateIul Ior comments and support provided by numerous colleagues
and Iellow researchers in the Mekong region. Special thanks are due to Matti Kummu,
Juha Sarkkula, Jorma Koponen, and ProIessor Pertti Vakkilainen as well as to our
Cambodian colleagues Yim Sambo and Suong Leakhena who were instrumental in
Iacilitating the Iield surveys. For Iluent collaboration and inspiring discussions we
also thank Mak Sithirith, Dil Bahadur Rahut, Blake Ratner, and Babette Resurreccion.
Water-related conflicts cannot be
linked to increased resource scarcity
alone, but also - and perhaps mainly -
to unequal distribution of water and
related resources.
8. Although the estimated poverty incidence in Cambodia Iell Irom 47 percent to 35
percent Irom 1994 to 2004, per capita consumption among the poorest IiIth oI the
population rose by only 8 percent, compared to 45 percent among the richest IiIth.
The Gini coeIIicient (measuring inequality in the income distribution) grew Irom 0.35
in 1994 to 0.40 in 2004. Poverty sunk much Iaster in urban than in rural areas, and the
inequalities grew particularly in rural areas (World Bank, 2006b).
9. World Bank (2004, 2006a).
10. Le Billon (2000, 2007); Tarr (2003).
11. World Bank (2006b, p. 131).
12. There naturally are a variety oI practical norms when implementing these policies.
For example, decentralization and its importance might be diIIerently interpreted by
diIIerent groups. The on-going decentralization process would probably not have
taken place iI it had not been interpreted by the ruling party as a new source oI means
to gain popularity and legitimacy. Thus decentralization has actually not been
'participatory revolution, but merely 'power politics as usual (jendal and Sedara,
2006).
13. Keskinen (2006).
14. Bonheur (2001).
15. Lamberts (2006).
16. However, as noted by Lamberts (2006), there is currently very little inIormation
available on the actual ecosystem productivity oI the Tonle Sap, and the available data
is particularly ambiguous on Iisheries.
17. See Galtung (1969); Farmer (1997). According to Galtung (1969, p. 168),
structural violence reIers to the mechanisms oI exclusion and inequality and poverty
that constrain the physical and mental capacities oI the poor and denies them a decent
liIe. Galtung sees violence consisting oI Iactors that 'cause people`s actual physical
and mental realizations to be below their potential realizations.
18. Exclusory mechanisms are partly based on ethnicity; in particular, Cambodia`s
Vietnamese minority is regularly deprived oI basic rights such as land ownership.
They are also oIten excluded Irom oIIicial statistics and enumerations, and it is
thereIore impossible to give their exact number. However, they are particularly
numerous in the Iloating villages oI the Tonle Sap, and it has been estimated that at
least 14 percent oI the population (around 12,000 people) in those villages would be
ethnic Vietnamese (Keskinen, 2003).
19. Bryant and Bailey (1997).
20. For example, Peluso and Watts (2001).
21. In addition to the potential transboundary impacts discussed in this section, other
kinds oI transboundary impacts occur in the Mekong basin. For instance, Cambodia
has suIIered Irom Vietnam`s water development in diIIerent ways. The Vietnamese
Ilood protection structures along the Cambodian border (built to reduce Ilood damages
on the Vietnamese side) have resulted in increased Ilooding in Cambodia (Bown,
2003). Also, the Mekong`s tributaries in the Vietnamese Central Highlands have been
a site Ior increased irrigation abstractions, deIorestation, and dam construction that
have had adverse eIIects on the Cambodian side. Perhaps the best-known case is the
construction oI Yali Falls Dam that has caused loss oI river-bank agricultural areas,
increased erosion, and losses Ior Iisheries on the Cambodian side oI the Se San River
(Baird and Mean, 2005).
22. Kummu, .3*"-. (2007); Evans, .3*"-. (2004).
23. Evans, .3*"-. (2004) estimate that between 1973 and 1997 the Ilooded Iorest cover
in the Tonle Sap area has reduced over 50 percent. See Evans, .3*"-. (2004); Degen,
.3*"-. (2000). The conversion oI Ilooded Iorests into agricultural land has also induced
conIlicts between Iarmers and Iishers. While Iishers (including Iishing lot owners)
want to preserve the Ilooded Iorest to sustain Tonle Sap`s high Iish production,
Iarmers some oI whom seem to be shiIting Irom Iishing to Iarming due to reduced
Iish catch want to convert the Iorest areas to agricultural land.
24. Kummu, .3*"-. (2007).
25. Kummu (2007) estimates that a 30 cm increase in Tonle Sap`s dry-season water
level would permanently submerge up to one third oI the remaining Ilooded Iorest
area.
26. Although the Tonle Sap area`s population is concentrated on the upper Iringes oI
the Ilood plain, an estimated over 140,000 people live in the actual Ilood plains, i.e.,
in the area that is submerged practically every year (area between 0m and 8m above
sea level). See Keskinen (2006).
8. Although the estimated poverty incidence in Cambodia Iell Irom 47 percent to 35
percent Irom 1994 to 2004, per capita consumption among the poorest IiIth oI the
population rose by only 8 percent, compared to 45 percent among the richest IiIth.
The Gini coeIIicient (measuring inequality in the income distribution) grew Irom 0.35
in 1994 to 0.40 in 2004. Poverty sunk much Iaster in urban than in rural areas, and the
inequalities grew particularly in rural areas (World Bank, 2006b).
9. World Bank (2004, 2006a).
10. Le Billon (2000, 2007); Tarr (2003).
11. World Bank (2006b, p. 131).
12. There naturally are a variety oI practical norms when implementing these policies.
For example, decentralization and its importance might be diIIerently interpreted by
diIIerent groups. The on-going decentralization process would probably not have
taken place iI it had not been interpreted by the ruling party as a new source oI means
to gain popularity and legitimacy. Thus decentralization has actually not been
'participatory revolution, but merely 'power politics as usual (jendal and Sedara,
2006).
13. Keskinen (2006).
14. Bonheur (2001).
15. Lamberts (2006).
16. However, as noted by Lamberts (2006), there is currently very little inIormation
available on the actual ecosystem productivity oI the Tonle Sap, and the available data
is particularly ambiguous on Iisheries.
17. See Galtung (1969); Farmer (1997). According to Galtung (1969, p. 168),
structural violence reIers to the mechanisms oI exclusion and inequality and poverty
that constrain the physical and mental capacities oI the poor and denies them a decent
liIe. Galtung sees violence consisting oI Iactors that 'cause people`s actual physical
and mental realizations to be below their potential realizations.
18. Exclusory mechanisms are partly based on ethnicity; in particular, Cambodia`s
Vietnamese minority is regularly deprived oI basic rights such as land ownership.
They are also oIten excluded Irom oIIicial statistics and enumerations, and it is
thereIore impossible to give their exact number. However, they are particularly
numerous in the Iloating villages oI the Tonle Sap, and it has been estimated that at
least 14 percent oI the population (around 12,000 people) in those villages would be
ethnic Vietnamese (Keskinen, 2003).
19. Bryant and Bailey (1997).
20. For example, Peluso and Watts (2001).
21. In addition to the potential transboundary impacts discussed in this section, other
kinds oI transboundary impacts occur in the Mekong basin. For instance, Cambodia
has suIIered Irom Vietnam`s water development in diIIerent ways. The Vietnamese
Ilood protection structures along the Cambodian border (built to reduce Ilood damages
on the Vietnamese side) have resulted in increased Ilooding in Cambodia (Bown,
2003). Also, the Mekong`s tributaries in the Vietnamese Central Highlands have been
a site Ior increased irrigation abstractions, deIorestation, and dam construction that
have had adverse eIIects on the Cambodian side. Perhaps the best-known case is the
construction oI Yali Falls Dam that has caused loss oI river-bank agricultural areas,
increased erosion, and losses Ior Iisheries on the Cambodian side oI the Se San River
(Baird and Mean, 2005).
22. Kummu, .3*"-. (2007); Evans, .3*"-. (2004).
23. Evans, .3*"-. (2004) estimate that between 1973 and 1997 the Ilooded Iorest cover
in the Tonle Sap area has reduced over 50 percent. See Evans, .3*"-. (2004); Degen,
.3*"-. (2000). The conversion oI Ilooded Iorests into agricultural land has also induced
conIlicts between Iarmers and Iishers. While Iishers (including Iishing lot owners)
want to preserve the Ilooded Iorest to sustain Tonle Sap`s high Iish production,
Iarmers some oI whom seem to be shiIting Irom Iishing to Iarming due to reduced
Iish catch want to convert the Iorest areas to agricultural land.
24. Kummu, .3*"-. (2007).
25. Kummu (2007) estimates that a 30 cm increase in Tonle Sap`s dry-season water
level would permanently submerge up to one third oI the remaining Ilooded Iorest
area.
26. Although the Tonle Sap area`s population is concentrated on the upper Iringes oI
the Ilood plain, an estimated over 140,000 people live in the actual Ilood plains, i.e.,
in the area that is submerged practically every year (area between 0m and 8m above
sea level). See Keskinen (2006).
27. The Mekong River Commission (MRC) Iocuses on water management, but only
Iour oI the six downstream countries are members (Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, and
Vietnam; but not China and Burma/Myanmar). The GMS Program has all six Mekong
countries as it members and it Iocuses on economic and inIrastructure development,
but some environmental and water issues are also on its agenda.
28. Despite the MRC`s commonly agreed rules oI equitable utilization oI the
Mekong`s waters, local livelihoods are still in various ways threatened by water
development in the basin. This paradox can be understood partly through the state-
centerd structure oI the regional organizations. As noted by Fox and Sneddon (2004)
Ior example, the MRC as an inter-governmental organization seems to dismiss that
the river is a host oI complex socioecological dynamics, and instead sees it
simplistically as a watercourse where water is allocated in equal quantities among the
countries.
29. In 2003 Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen said in a speech that '... the upstream
countries' projects in the Mekong River, namely the continued dam constructions and
commercial navigation plan, have become a major concern Ior the downstream
countries including Cambodia, and he was particularly concerned about the negative
impacts to the Tonle Sap (Cambodia New Vision, 2003). Two years later, just beIore
heading to the Second GMS Summit in China, Hun Sen was quoted saying that he
believes hydropower dams built by upstream countries will pose 'no problems to
Cambodia, and he criticized that people who are claiming otherwise just want to
undermine the unity among the riparian countries (People`s Daily Online, 2005). At
the same time China`s economic assistance to Cambodia has increased remarkably
(Keskinen, .3*"-., 2007).
30. Keskinen, .3*"-. (2007).
31. See, e.g., Pryor (2007).
32. World Bank (2006b).
33. Land title remains unclear in most areas oI Cambodia.
34. National roads surrounding the Ilood plains as well as many smaller rural roads
have during the past years been improved remarkably.
35. For example, Evans, .3*"-. (2005) note that at least 15-20 dams/embankments Ior
dry-season rice cultivation have been built in the 91.5 km
2
study area in Kampong
Thom since 2003. These structures capture receding Ilood waters, are long (typically
extending 0.5-2 km), and can each irrigate hundreds oI hectares.
36. For example, in Kampong Thom province, an interviewed provincial oIIicer
estimated that up to halI oI the private irrigation areas in the province would be
illegally built.
37. Field surveys were carried out in Iall 2006 by Mira Kknen, together with Yim
Sambo, Suong Leakhena, and Marko Keskinen, in three diIIerent locations around the
Tonle Sap Lake, adjacent to the surveys oI the so-called Built Structures Project.
38. Findings Irom our Iield surveys indicate that, e.g., in Battambang province the
development oI approximately 6,450 hectares oI land bought/leased by CityMart
company is at a standstill due the strong opposition oI local Iarmers and NGOs who
criticize that the project acquired the land areas illegally.
39. Our Iield surveys indicate that, e.g., in Kampong Thom the provincial departments
oI agriculture and Iishery are addressing the problems related to private irrigation
structures and are demanding removal oI some oI the new structures.
40. The ministries involved include, e.g., the Ministry oI Water Resources and
Meteorology and the Ministry oI Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries. While the latter
seems to preIer more diversiIied and smaller-scale agricultural development, the
Iormer is keener to plan and build large-scale irrigation schemes and has been more
active in promoting private land concession around the lake.
41. As pointed out by Ratner, .3* "-. (2004), the conIusion and even institutional
rivalries over the Iormal division oI authority in natural resource management is quite
common in the case oI wetlands due to its ambiguous nature.
42. Sithirith and Grundy-Warr (2007); Navy, .3* "-. (2006); McKenney and Tola
(2002).
43. Ratner (2006); Salayo, .3*"-. (2006).
44. Salayo, .3* "-. (2006) and Sithirith and Grundy-Warr (2007) recognize Iive
diIIerent kinds oI Iishing-related conIlicts in Tonle Sap, including, e.g., those between
Iishers and other users oI aquatic resources (e.g., lowland Iarmers) as well as with
'outsiders migrating seasonally to the lake and its Ilood plain to Iish. We Iocus here
only on conIlict among Iishers and also leave out ethnic aspects (particularly with
ethnic Vietnamese) that include some serious tensions as well.
45. Actually a lessee, but the term 'lot owner is much more commonly used,
reIlecting the dominance oI the lessee over the Iishing lot area.
27. The Mekong River Commission (MRC) Iocuses on water management, but only
Iour oI the six downstream countries are members (Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, and
Vietnam; but not China and Burma/Myanmar). The GMS Program has all six Mekong
countries as it members and it Iocuses on economic and inIrastructure development,
but some environmental and water issues are also on its agenda.
28. Despite the MRC`s commonly agreed rules oI equitable utilization oI the
Mekong`s waters, local livelihoods are still in various ways threatened by water
development in the basin. This paradox can be understood partly through the state-
centerd structure oI the regional organizations. As noted by Fox and Sneddon (2004)
Ior example, the MRC as an inter-governmental organization seems to dismiss that
the river is a host oI complex socioecological dynamics, and instead sees it
simplistically as a watercourse where water is allocated in equal quantities among the
countries.
29. In 2003 Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen said in a speech that '... the upstream
countries' projects in the Mekong River, namely the continued dam constructions and
commercial navigation plan, have become a major concern Ior the downstream
countries including Cambodia, and he was particularly concerned about the negative
impacts to the Tonle Sap (Cambodia New Vision, 2003). Two years later, just beIore
heading to the Second GMS Summit in China, Hun Sen was quoted saying that he
believes hydropower dams built by upstream countries will pose 'no problems to
Cambodia, and he criticized that people who are claiming otherwise just want to
undermine the unity among the riparian countries (People`s Daily Online, 2005). At
the same time China`s economic assistance to Cambodia has increased remarkably
(Keskinen, .3*"-., 2007).
30. Keskinen, .3*"-. (2007).
31. See, e.g., Pryor (2007).
32. World Bank (2006b).
33. Land title remains unclear in most areas oI Cambodia.
34. National roads surrounding the Ilood plains as well as many smaller rural roads
have during the past years been improved remarkably.
35. For example, Evans, .3*"-. (2005) note that at least 15-20 dams/embankments Ior
dry-season rice cultivation have been built in the 91.5 km
2
study area in Kampong
Thom since 2003. These structures capture receding Ilood waters, are long (typically
extending 0.5-2 km), and can each irrigate hundreds oI hectares.
36. For example, in Kampong Thom province, an interviewed provincial oIIicer
estimated that up to halI oI the private irrigation areas in the province would be
illegally built.
37. Field surveys were carried out in Iall 2006 by Mira Kknen, together with Yim
Sambo, Suong Leakhena, and Marko Keskinen, in three diIIerent locations around the
Tonle Sap Lake, adjacent to the surveys oI the so-called Built Structures Project.
38. Findings Irom our Iield surveys indicate that, e.g., in Battambang province the
development oI approximately 6,450 hectares oI land bought/leased by CityMart
company is at a standstill due the strong opposition oI local Iarmers and NGOs who
criticize that the project acquired the land areas illegally.
39. Our Iield surveys indicate that, e.g., in Kampong Thom the provincial departments
oI agriculture and Iishery are addressing the problems related to private irrigation
structures and are demanding removal oI some oI the new structures.
40. The ministries involved include, e.g., the Ministry oI Water Resources and
Meteorology and the Ministry oI Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries. While the latter
seems to preIer more diversiIied and smaller-scale agricultural development, the
Iormer is keener to plan and build large-scale irrigation schemes and has been more
active in promoting private land concession around the lake.
41. As pointed out by Ratner, .3* "-. (2004), the conIusion and even institutional
rivalries over the Iormal division oI authority in natural resource management is quite
common in the case oI wetlands due to its ambiguous nature.
42. Sithirith and Grundy-Warr (2007); Navy, .3* "-. (2006); McKenney and Tola
(2002).
43. Ratner (2006); Salayo, .3*"-. (2006).
44. Salayo, .3* "-. (2006) and Sithirith and Grundy-Warr (2007) recognize Iive
diIIerent kinds oI Iishing-related conIlicts in Tonle Sap, including, e.g., those between
Iishers and other users oI aquatic resources (e.g., lowland Iarmers) as well as with
'outsiders migrating seasonally to the lake and its Ilood plain to Iish. We Iocus here
only on conIlict among Iishers and also leave out ethnic aspects (particularly with
ethnic Vietnamese) that include some serious tensions as well.
45. Actually a lessee, but the term 'lot owner is much more commonly used,
reIlecting the dominance oI the lessee over the Iishing lot area.
46. In addition, there have been conIlicts between Iishing lot owners and Iarmers over
water use rights, related mainly to diverting and storing Ilood waters, and
consequently Iish (Degen, et al., 2000).
47. For more inIormation on this topic, see, e.g., Resurreccion (2006); Sina (2003);
Bonheur (2002); NGO Forum (2000); Degen, et al. (2000).
48. McKenney and Tola (2002); Bonheur (2002); Ratner (2006).
49. However, only a part oI the released Iishing lots is currently under community
management, with the rest being so-called open access Iishing areas (McKenney and
Tola, 2002). As noted by Degen, et al. (2000), the notion oI open access is erroneous
as a majority oI these areas are actually under inIormal ownership and management
arrangements, oIten imposed by lot owners and powerIul local elite and excluding the
poorer subsistence Iishers. It would thus be perhaps better to reIer, e.g., to the concept
oI common pool resources instead oI open access resources (cI., Ostrom, 1990).
50. For innovative analysis on Iormal and inIormal power structures in Tonle Sap's
community Iisheries, and particularly on the challenges oI women`s participation in
it, see Resurreccion (2006).
51. Even aIter Iisheries reIorm, halI oI the private Iishing lots continue their operation
and apply signiIicantly larger scale and oIten illegal Iishing methods compared to
the methods allowed Ior subsistence Iishing. In the Tonle Sap Area 53.4 percent oI
the lot areas prior to 2001 are still under private Iishing lot system. In Battambang and
Kampong Chnang provinces where many oI the most productive Iishing areas are
located this Iigure is over 70 percent (McKenney and Tola, 2002). Consequently,
an additional disincentive Ior participation in community Iisheries is that the Iisheries`
production in several new community Iishing areas is Iairly low.
52. Tam (2006).
53. This conclusion should not be interpreted simply as a lack oI capacity Ior
collective action in Cambodian communities. Spontaneous local activities and
initiatives challenging authoritarian structures have Iollowed Irom decentralization in
Cambodia, also in the management oI natural resources (Middleton and Tola, 2007).
The challenge is that the community Iisheries reIorm was initiated in a top-down
manner and the responsibility does not thereIore actually lie at the local level. The
new local community Iisheries can work meaningIully only iI they are truly supported
by a broader governance context that values equitable resource allocation. Fishers in
our surveys oIten expressed Irustration with the lack oI attention and support Irom
higher level authorities and with the reluctance oI authorities to properly control
private lots as well as the actions oI local Iisher elites in community Iishing areas.
54. CI. Upreti (2001).
55. More general discussion on current water policies in the Mekong region and their
mismatches with local realities can be Iound, e.g., in Molle (2005).
56. Scott (1998).
57. See, e.g., Bryant and Bailey (1997); Peluso and Watts (2001); Upreti (2001).
!"#"$"%&"'
Baird, I.G. and M. Mean. 2005. 'Sesan River Fisheries Monitoring in Ratanakiri
Province, Northeast Cambodia: BeIore and AIter the Construction oI the Yali
Falls Dam in the Central Highlands oI Viet Nam. 3S Rivers Protection Network,
in cooperation with the Global Association Ior People and the Environment,
Ratanakiri, Cambodia.
Bonheur, N. 2002. 'National Report on the Prevention and Resolution oI
Environmental ConIlicts in the Mekong River Basin Cambodia. A Report
prepared Ior CNMC and MRC.
Bonheur, N. 2001 'Tonle Sap Ecosystem and Value. Technical Coordination Unit
Ior Tonle Sap, Ministry oI Environment, Phnom Penh.
Bown, S. 2003. 'The EIIect oI Flooding on Livelihoods oI Cambodians Living Near
the Vietnam Dam`. A Report Prepared Ior Chamroeun Cheit Khmer, Takeo and
OxIam GB, Phnom Penh.
Bryant, L.R. and S. Bailey. 1997. Third World Political Ecologv. London: Routledge.
Cambodia New Vision. 2003. 'Addressing the Management oI Large Rivers
Symposium. Speech by Prime Minister Hun Sen, Issue 61, the Cabinet oI
Samdech Hun Sen.
Degen, P., F. van Acker, N. van Zalinge, N. Thuok, and L. Vuthy. 2000. 'Taken Ior
Granted ConIlicts over Cambodia`s Freshwater Fish Resources. Paper written
Ior the 8th IASCP ConIerence, Bloomington, IN, 31 May to 4 June 2000.
Evans, P.T., M. Marschke, and K. Paudyal. 2004. 'Flood Forests, Fish and Fishing
Villages Tonle Sap, Cambodia. A Collaborative Study by the Food and
Agriculture Organization oI the United Nations, Siem Reap and Asia Forest
Network.
Evans, T., T. Gray, H. Chamnan, S. Mouyheang, and L. Vanny. 2005. 'Farming and
its impact on Ilooded grasslands around the Tonle Sap Lake A survey in the
Kruos Kraom area oI Kompong Thom. WildliIe Conservation Society Cambodia
Program, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Farmer, P. 1997. 'On suIIering and structural violence: A view Irom below,' in A.
46. In addition, there have been conIlicts between Iishing lot owners and Iarmers over
water use rights, related mainly to diverting and storing Ilood waters, and
consequently Iish (Degen, et al., 2000).
47. For more inIormation on this topic, see, e.g., Resurreccion (2006); Sina (2003);
Bonheur (2002); NGO Forum (2000); Degen, et al. (2000).
48. McKenney and Tola (2002); Bonheur (2002); Ratner (2006).
49. However, only a part oI the released Iishing lots is currently under community
management, with the rest being so-called open access Iishing areas (McKenney and
Tola, 2002). As noted by Degen, et al. (2000), the notion oI open access is erroneous
as a majority oI these areas are actually under inIormal ownership and management
arrangements, oIten imposed by lot owners and powerIul local elite and excluding the
poorer subsistence Iishers. It would thus be perhaps better to reIer, e.g., to the concept
oI common pool resources instead oI open access resources (cI., Ostrom, 1990).
50. For innovative analysis on Iormal and inIormal power structures in Tonle Sap's
community Iisheries, and particularly on the challenges oI women`s participation in
it, see Resurreccion (2006).
51. Even aIter Iisheries reIorm, halI oI the private Iishing lots continue their operation
and apply signiIicantly larger scale and oIten illegal Iishing methods compared to
the methods allowed Ior subsistence Iishing. In the Tonle Sap Area 53.4 percent oI
the lot areas prior to 2001 are still under private Iishing lot system. In Battambang and
Kampong Chnang provinces where many oI the most productive Iishing areas are
located this Iigure is over 70 percent (McKenney and Tola, 2002). Consequently,
an additional disincentive Ior participation in community Iisheries is that the Iisheries`
production in several new community Iishing areas is Iairly low.
52. Tam (2006).
53. This conclusion should not be interpreted simply as a lack oI capacity Ior
collective action in Cambodian communities. Spontaneous local activities and
initiatives challenging authoritarian structures have Iollowed Irom decentralization in
Cambodia, also in the management oI natural resources (Middleton and Tola, 2007).
The challenge is that the community Iisheries reIorm was initiated in a top-down
manner and the responsibility does not thereIore actually lie at the local level. The
new local community Iisheries can work meaningIully only iI they are truly supported
by a broader governance context that values equitable resource allocation. Fishers in
our surveys oIten expressed Irustration with the lack oI attention and support Irom
higher level authorities and with the reluctance oI authorities to properly control
private lots as well as the actions oI local Iisher elites in community Iishing areas.
54. CI. Upreti (2001).
55. More general discussion on current water policies in the Mekong region and their
mismatches with local realities can be Iound, e.g., in Molle (2005).
56. Scott (1998).
57. See, e.g., Bryant and Bailey (1997); Peluso and Watts (2001); Upreti (2001).
!"#"$"%&"'
Baird, I.G. and M. Mean. 2005. 'Sesan River Fisheries Monitoring in Ratanakiri
Province, Northeast Cambodia: BeIore and AIter the Construction oI the Yali
Falls Dam in the Central Highlands oI Viet Nam. 3S Rivers Protection Network,
in cooperation with the Global Association Ior People and the Environment,
Ratanakiri, Cambodia.
Bonheur, N. 2002. 'National Report on the Prevention and Resolution oI
Environmental ConIlicts in the Mekong River Basin Cambodia. A Report
prepared Ior CNMC and MRC.
Bonheur, N. 2001 'Tonle Sap Ecosystem and Value. Technical Coordination Unit
Ior Tonle Sap, Ministry oI Environment, Phnom Penh.
Bown, S. 2003. 'The EIIect oI Flooding on Livelihoods oI Cambodians Living Near
the Vietnam Dam`. A Report Prepared Ior Chamroeun Cheit Khmer, Takeo and
OxIam GB, Phnom Penh.
Bryant, L.R. and S. Bailey. 1997. Third World Political Ecologv. London: Routledge.
Cambodia New Vision. 2003. 'Addressing the Management oI Large Rivers
Symposium. Speech by Prime Minister Hun Sen, Issue 61, the Cabinet oI
Samdech Hun Sen.
Degen, P., F. van Acker, N. van Zalinge, N. Thuok, and L. Vuthy. 2000. 'Taken Ior
Granted ConIlicts over Cambodia`s Freshwater Fish Resources. Paper written
Ior the 8th IASCP ConIerence, Bloomington, IN, 31 May to 4 June 2000.
Evans, P.T., M. Marschke, and K. Paudyal. 2004. 'Flood Forests, Fish and Fishing
Villages Tonle Sap, Cambodia. A Collaborative Study by the Food and
Agriculture Organization oI the United Nations, Siem Reap and Asia Forest
Network.
Evans, T., T. Gray, H. Chamnan, S. Mouyheang, and L. Vanny. 2005. 'Farming and
its impact on Ilooded grasslands around the Tonle Sap Lake A survey in the
Kruos Kraom area oI Kompong Thom. WildliIe Conservation Society Cambodia
Program, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Farmer, P. 1997. 'On suIIering and structural violence: A view Irom below,' in A.
Kleinman, V. Das, and M. Lock, eds. Social Suffering. London: University oI
CaliIornia Press.
Fox, C. and C. Sneddon. 2004. 'Flood Pulses, International Watercourse Law, and
Common Property Resources: a Case Study oI the Mekong Lowlands. Research
Paper No. 2005/20, United Nations University / World Institute Ior Development
Economics Research (WIDER), Helsinki.
Galtung, J. 1969. 'Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. Journal of Peace Research,
Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. 167-191.
HaItendorn, H. 2000. 'Water and International CconIlict. Third World Quarterlv,
Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 51-68.
Hap, N., L. Seng, and R. Chuenpagdee. 2006. 'Socioeconomics and Livelihood
Values oI Tonle Sap Lake Fisheries. Inland Fisheries Research and Development
Institute, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Keskinen, M., K. Mehtonen, and O. Varis. 2007. 'Transboundary cooperation vs.
Internal Ambitions the role oI China and Cambodia in the Mekong Region, in
Jansky, Libor, Nakayama, Mikiyasu, and Pachova Nevelina, eds. Endangered
International Waters. Lessons from Domestic Securitv Issues. Tokyo: United
Nations University Press. In press.
Keskinen, M. 2003. Socio-Economic Survey oI the Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia.
Master`s Thesis. Water Resources Laboratory. Helsinki University oI Technology,
Espoo. Available at http://users.tkk.Ii/u/mkeskine/dippa.pdI.
Keskinen, M. 2006. 'The Lake with Floating Villages: Socioeconomic Analysis oI
the Tonle Sap Lake. International Journal of Water Resources Development,
Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 463480.
Kummu, M. and D. Lamberts. 2007. 'Tonle Sap Flooded Forest in Threat: Impacts
oI Mekong Upstream Development on Natural Water Levels. DraIt paper Ior
Mekong Crossroads Workshop, 14-15 May 2007, Chiang Mai.
Kummu, M. 2007. Personal communication. Helsinki University oI Technology,
Espoo, 26 February 2007.
Kurien, J., N. So, and S.O. Mao. 2006. 'Cambodia's Aquarian ReIorms: The
Emerging Challenges Ior Policy and Research. Inland Fisheries Research and
Development Institute, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Lamberts, D. 2006. 'The Tonle Sap Lake as a Productive Ecosystem. International
Journal of Water Resources Development, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 481495.
Le Billon, P. 2000. 'The Political Ecology oI Transition in Cambodia 1989-1999:
War, Peace and Forest Exploitation. Development and Change, Vol. 31, pp. 785-
805.
Le Billon, P. 2007. 'The Politics oI Forest Exploitation in Cambodia, in B. Kiernan
and C. Hughes, eds. Conflict and Change in Cambodia. New York: Routledge.
McKenney, B. and P. Tola. 2002. 'Natural resources and rural livelihoods in
Cambodia: A baseline assessment. Working Paper 23, Cambodia Development
Resource Institute, Phnom Penh.
Middleton, C. and P. Tola. 2007. 'Do community organisations exist Ior managing
water resources around Tonle Sap Lake? in The Modern Mvths of the Mekong,
Iorthcoming.
Molle, F. 2005. 'Irrigation and water policies in the Mekong region: Current
discourses and practices. Research Report 95, IWMI, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
NGO Forum. 2000. 'Fishing ConIlict in Battambang. Electronic report oI the NGO
Forum on Cambodia. Available at http://www.ngoIorum.org.kh/Environment/
Docs/FishingConIlictinBattambang.htm.
NIS. 2004. Cambodia Inter-Censal Population Survey 2004 General Report,
National Institute oI Statistics, Ministry oI Planning, Phnom Penh.
Ohlsson, L. 1999. 'Environment, Scarcity, and ConIlict - A Study oI Malthusian
Concerns. PhD dissertation, Department oI Peace and Development Research,
University oI Gteborg.
jendal, J. and K. Sedara. 2006. 'Korob, Kaud, Klach: In Search oI Agency in Rural
Cambodia. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol., Issue 3, pp. 507-526.
Ostrom, E. 1990. Governing the Commons. The Evolution of Institutions for
Collective Action. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Peluso, N.L. and Watts, M., eds. 2001. Jiolent Environments. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press.
People`s Daily Online. 2005. 'Cambodian PM dismisses impact oI Mekong's
upstream dams. Xinhua, 30 June 2005.
Postel, S.L. and A.T. WolI. 2001. 'Dehydrating ConIlict. Foreign Policv, Issue 126
(September-October), pp. 60-67.
Pryor, F.L. 2007. 'Water Stress and Water Wars. The Economics of Peace and
Securitv Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (this issue).
Ratner, B.D. 2006. 'Community Management by Decree? Lessons From Cambodia`s
Fisheries ReIorm. Policv Review, Societv and Natural Resources, Vol. 19, pp.
7986.
Ratner, B.D., D.T. Ha, M. Kosal, A. Nissapa, and S. Chanphengxay. 2004.
Undervalued and Overlooked: Sustaining Rural Livelihoods through better
Governance oI Wetlands. WorldFish Center Studies and Reviews, 28.
Resurreccion, B.P. 2006. 'Rules, Roles and Rights: Gender, Participation and
Community Fisheries Management in Cambodia`s Tonle Sap Region.
International Journal of Water Resources Development, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp.
433447.
Salayo, N.D., M. Ahmed, L. Garces, and K. Viswanathan. 2006. 'An Overview oI
Fisheries ConIlicts in South and Southeast Asia: Recommendations, Challenges
and Directions. NAGA. WorldFish Center Quarterlv, Vol. 29, Nos. 1/2, pp. 11-
20.
Scott, J.C. 1998. Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human
Condition Have Failed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Shiva, V. 2002. Water Wars. Privati:ation, Pollution, and Profit. Boston, MA: South
Kleinman, V. Das, and M. Lock, eds. Social Suffering. London: University oI
CaliIornia Press.
Fox, C. and C. Sneddon. 2004. 'Flood Pulses, International Watercourse Law, and
Common Property Resources: a Case Study oI the Mekong Lowlands. Research
Paper No. 2005/20, United Nations University / World Institute Ior Development
Economics Research (WIDER), Helsinki.
Galtung, J. 1969. 'Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. Journal of Peace Research,
Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. 167-191.
HaItendorn, H. 2000. 'Water and International CconIlict. Third World Quarterlv,
Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 51-68.
Hap, N., L. Seng, and R. Chuenpagdee. 2006. 'Socioeconomics and Livelihood
Values oI Tonle Sap Lake Fisheries. Inland Fisheries Research and Development
Institute, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Keskinen, M., K. Mehtonen, and O. Varis. 2007. 'Transboundary cooperation vs.
Internal Ambitions the role oI China and Cambodia in the Mekong Region, in
Jansky, Libor, Nakayama, Mikiyasu, and Pachova Nevelina, eds. Endangered
International Waters. Lessons from Domestic Securitv Issues. Tokyo: United
Nations University Press. In press.
Keskinen, M. 2003. Socio-Economic Survey oI the Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia.
Master`s Thesis. Water Resources Laboratory. Helsinki University oI Technology,
Espoo. Available at http://users.tkk.Ii/u/mkeskine/dippa.pdI.
Keskinen, M. 2006. 'The Lake with Floating Villages: Socioeconomic Analysis oI
the Tonle Sap Lake. International Journal of Water Resources Development,
Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 463480.
Kummu, M. and D. Lamberts. 2007. 'Tonle Sap Flooded Forest in Threat: Impacts
oI Mekong Upstream Development on Natural Water Levels. DraIt paper Ior
Mekong Crossroads Workshop, 14-15 May 2007, Chiang Mai.
Kummu, M. 2007. Personal communication. Helsinki University oI Technology,
Espoo, 26 February 2007.
Kurien, J., N. So, and S.O. Mao. 2006. 'Cambodia's Aquarian ReIorms: The
Emerging Challenges Ior Policy and Research. Inland Fisheries Research and
Development Institute, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
Lamberts, D. 2006. 'The Tonle Sap Lake as a Productive Ecosystem. International
Journal of Water Resources Development, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 481495.
Le Billon, P. 2000. 'The Political Ecology oI Transition in Cambodia 1989-1999:
War, Peace and Forest Exploitation. Development and Change, Vol. 31, pp. 785-
805.
Le Billon, P. 2007. 'The Politics oI Forest Exploitation in Cambodia, in B. Kiernan
and C. Hughes, eds. Conflict and Change in Cambodia. New York: Routledge.
McKenney, B. and P. Tola. 2002. 'Natural resources and rural livelihoods in
Cambodia: A baseline assessment. Working Paper 23, Cambodia Development
Resource Institute, Phnom Penh.
Middleton, C. and P. Tola. 2007. 'Do community organisations exist Ior managing
water resources around Tonle Sap Lake? in The Modern Mvths of the Mekong,
Iorthcoming.
Molle, F. 2005. 'Irrigation and water policies in the Mekong region: Current
discourses and practices. Research Report 95, IWMI, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
NGO Forum. 2000. 'Fishing ConIlict in Battambang. Electronic report oI the NGO
Forum on Cambodia. Available at http://www.ngoIorum.org.kh/Environment/
Docs/FishingConIlictinBattambang.htm.
NIS. 2004. Cambodia Inter-Censal Population Survey 2004 General Report,
National Institute oI Statistics, Ministry oI Planning, Phnom Penh.
Ohlsson, L. 1999. 'Environment, Scarcity, and ConIlict - A Study oI Malthusian
Concerns. PhD dissertation, Department oI Peace and Development Research,
University oI Gteborg.
jendal, J. and K. Sedara. 2006. 'Korob, Kaud, Klach: In Search oI Agency in Rural
Cambodia. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol., Issue 3, pp. 507-526.
Ostrom, E. 1990. Governing the Commons. The Evolution of Institutions for
Collective Action. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Peluso, N.L. and Watts, M., eds. 2001. Jiolent Environments. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press.
People`s Daily Online. 2005. 'Cambodian PM dismisses impact oI Mekong's
upstream dams. Xinhua, 30 June 2005.
Postel, S.L. and A.T. WolI. 2001. 'Dehydrating ConIlict. Foreign Policv, Issue 126
(September-October), pp. 60-67.
Pryor, F.L. 2007. 'Water Stress and Water Wars. The Economics of Peace and
Securitv Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2 (this issue).
Ratner, B.D. 2006. 'Community Management by Decree? Lessons From Cambodia`s
Fisheries ReIorm. Policv Review, Societv and Natural Resources, Vol. 19, pp.
7986.
Ratner, B.D., D.T. Ha, M. Kosal, A. Nissapa, and S. Chanphengxay. 2004.
Undervalued and Overlooked: Sustaining Rural Livelihoods through better
Governance oI Wetlands. WorldFish Center Studies and Reviews, 28.
Resurreccion, B.P. 2006. 'Rules, Roles and Rights: Gender, Participation and
Community Fisheries Management in Cambodia`s Tonle Sap Region.
International Journal of Water Resources Development, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp.
433447.
Salayo, N.D., M. Ahmed, L. Garces, and K. Viswanathan. 2006. 'An Overview oI
Fisheries ConIlicts in South and Southeast Asia: Recommendations, Challenges
and Directions. NAGA. WorldFish Center Quarterlv, Vol. 29, Nos. 1/2, pp. 11-
20.
Scott, J.C. 1998. Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human
Condition Have Failed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Shiva, V. 2002. Water Wars. Privati:ation, Pollution, and Profit. Boston, MA: South
End Press.
Sina, L. 2003. 'Cambodia Fisheries ConIlicts in the Post War Era and the Creation
oI Fishing Communities: A case oI Iishing lot conIlicts around Tonle Sap River
and the Great Lake. Journal of Regional Fisheries, Vol. 43, No. 2, pp. 89-106.
Sithirith, M. and C. Grundy-Warr. 2007. 'Spaces oI Engagement and Contested
Territories oI the Tonle Sap. DraIt Paper prepared Ior the RCSD ConIerence in
Chiang Mai, 27-29 January 2007.
Steins, N.A. and V.M. Edwards. 1999. 'Collective Action in Common-Pool Resource
Mangament: The Contribution oI Social Constructivist Perspective to Existing
Theory. Societv & Natural Resources, Vol. 12, pp. 539-557.
Tam, C.-L. 2006. 'Harmony Hurts: Participation and Silent ConIlict at an Indonesian
Fish Pond. Environmental Management, Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 1-15.
Tarr, C.M. 2003. 'Fishing lots and people in Cambodia, in M. Kaosa-ard and J.
Dore, eds. Social Challenges for the Mekong Region. Bangkok: White Lotus.
Upreti, B.R. 2001. 'ConIlict Management in Natural Resources A Study oI Land,
Water and Forest ConIlicts in Nepal. PhD Thesis, Wageningen University.
Watkins, K. and A. Berntell. 2006. 'How to avoid war over water. International
Herald Tribune. 24 August 2006.
World Bank. 2006a. 'Cambodia at a glance. Available at
http://devdata.worldbank.org/AAG/khmaag.pdI.
World Bank. 2006b. 'Cambodia Halving Poverty by 2015? Poverty Assessment
2006. Report No. 35213-KH. Washington, DC: World Bank.
World Bank. 2004. 'Cambodia at the Crossroads: Strengthening Accountability to
Reduce Poverty. Report No. 30636-KH. Washington, DC: Word Bank.
End Press.
Sina, L. 2003. 'Cambodia Fisheries ConIlicts in the Post War Era and the Creation
oI Fishing Communities: A case oI Iishing lot conIlicts around Tonle Sap River
and the Great Lake. Journal of Regional Fisheries, Vol. 43, No. 2, pp. 89-106.
Sithirith, M. and C. Grundy-Warr. 2007. 'Spaces oI Engagement and Contested
Territories oI the Tonle Sap. DraIt Paper prepared Ior the RCSD ConIerence in
Chiang Mai, 27-29 January 2007.
Steins, N.A. and V.M. Edwards. 1999. 'Collective Action in Common-Pool Resource
Mangament: The Contribution oI Social Constructivist Perspective to Existing
Theory. Societv & Natural Resources, Vol. 12, pp. 539-557.
Tam, C.-L. 2006. 'Harmony Hurts: Participation and Silent ConIlict at an Indonesian
Fish Pond. Environmental Management, Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 1-15.
Tarr, C.M. 2003. 'Fishing lots and people in Cambodia, in M. Kaosa-ard and J.
Dore, eds. Social Challenges for the Mekong Region. Bangkok: White Lotus.
Upreti, B.R. 2001. 'ConIlict Management in Natural Resources A Study oI Land,
Water and Forest ConIlicts in Nepal. PhD Thesis, Wageningen University.
Watkins, K. and A. Berntell. 2006. 'How to avoid war over water. International
Herald Tribune. 24 August 2006.
World Bank. 2006a. 'Cambodia at a glance. Available at
http://devdata.worldbank.org/AAG/khmaag.pdI.
World Bank. 2006b. 'Cambodia Halving Poverty by 2015? Poverty Assessment
2006. Report No. 35213-KH. Washington, DC: World Bank.
World Bank. 2004. 'Cambodia at the Crossroads: Strengthening Accountability to
Reduce Poverty. Report No. 30636-KH. Washington, DC: Word Bank.
ARTICLE VII
Marko Keskinen
Water Resources Development and Impact
Assessment in the Mekong Basin: Which Way
to Go?
The Mekong River Basin is facing rapid changes,
including intensive plans for water development. While
the different development projects are considered to be
important for economic development, the negative im-
pacts that they are likely to cause for ecosystems and
livelihoods are estimated to be remarkable. Yet, existing
impact assessment processes seem in many cases to be
inadequate to capture even the actual magnitude of the
impacts at different levels. This article looks at the
different impact assessment processes and their chal-
lenges in the basin. It is argued that impact assessment
in this kind of dynamic and complex setting requires
better coordination between assessments at different
levels. Basinwide impact assessment would benefit from
a more adaptive, multilevel approach that makes better
use of assessments from local levels up to the regional
level and builds on more participatory and interdisciplin-
ary methods. Successful impact assessment also re-
quires the recognition of the highly political nature of
water development and related planning processes.
INTRODUCTION
The Mekong River is among the greatest rivers of the world: it
is the 10th largest in the world, with an estimated length of 4909
km and mean annual flow of 475 km
3
(1, 2). Altogether six
countriesChina, Burma/Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambo-
dia, and Vietnamfall partly within the Mekong Basin. The
basin is currently facing rapid changes: population is growing
and urbanizing and the economies of riparian countries are
developing rapidly. At the same time disparities are growing,
particularly between urban and rural areas, and water and
related resources are under increasing pressure.
While the ongoing and planned water-development proj-
ectsmost notably the construction of large hydropower
damsare considered to be important for economic develop-
ment, the negative impacts that they are likely to cause for river-
dependent ecosystems and for livelihoods of millions of people
are estimated to be remarkable (3, 4, 5). The benefits and losses
related to water development are also often felt in different
countries, making water development a sensitive transboundary
issue as well.
Still, discussion about the development plans and their
potential impacts in the basin remains relatively weak, and the
public engagement in planning processes is low. At the same
time, assessments in different parts of the basin provide
differing estimates on potential environmental, social, and
economic impacts, and, particularly, basinwide assessments
have several challenges related to their comprehensiveness and
overall reliability (see, e.g., 3, 4, 68). Despite these challenges,
the results from different assessments are used to guide
development in the basin (see, e.g., 9).
MEKONG IS BEING DEVELOPED: WHAT ABOUT THE
IMPACTS?
The Mekong River system is home to a large variety of fish and
other aquatic species, and the freshwater fishery in the basin is
believed to be one of the largest in the world (10). The Mekong
and its tributaries also support a variety of floodplains and
provide water for agriculture that forms the main source of
livelihood in the rural areas (11). These water-related resources
support the majority of the basin population, many of whom
are poor.
The ongoing and planned water-development projects are
likely to cause remarkable changes for the availability of these
water-related resources and, consequently, for the livelihoods of
millions of people (3, 4). Different assessments and analyses
have therefore been undertaken at different levels and by
different actors to guide planning and decision-making.
However, as will be discussed herein, the information available
for development plans and their impacts seems in many cases to
be insufficient for balanced planning to actually take place.
Current assessments are also predominantly responsive, looking
at the impacts of planned (or even already ongoing) develop-
ments in the basin, while the more strategic assessments about
the possible development paths and options, e.g., in form of
Comprehensive Options Assessment (12), are basically nonex-
istent.
It is, however, exactly these more strategic assessments that
would be needed to consider the most sustainable options for
development in the basin. Although the basin resources are
already utilized in a variety of ways, particularly through
subsistence farming and fishing and diverse use of wetland
resources (4, 11), the common justification for large-scale water
development in the basin is the underdevelopment and
underutilization of the basin and its resources (9). Conse-
quently, most development plans focus on modern sectors, such
as irrigated agriculture and hydropower, while a majority of the
population in the basin actually depends on more traditional
livelihood sources. Worryingly, in many cases, these kinds of
large-scale development interventions seemdespite their ulti-
mate objectives of poverty reductionto actually undermine
the foundations of the livelihoods of the poorest groups by
negatively impacting the availability of and access to common
pool resources, most importantly fish (4, 13).
The challenges related to impact assessment and, overall, to
water development can be linked to the broader challenges with
water governance in the Mekong Basin. In terms of governance,
the planning and decision-making processes in practically all
riparian countries remain relatively nonparticipatory and non-
transparent, hindering open discussion about the different
development plans and their potential impacts. Due to the
crosscutting nature of water, water management also falls under
several different ministries and institutes; both vertical and
horizontal discontinuities and even institutional rivalries follow,
making water governance particularly challenging to coordinate
(14, 15, 16).
Ambio Vol. 37, No. 3, May 2008 193 Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences 2008
http://www.ambio.kva.se
Regional Cooperation
In terms of water management, the most relevant regional
coordination body in the basin is the Mekong River Commis-
sion (MRC) (17). The MRC was established in its current form
in 1995 by four downstream countries, Laos, Thailand,
Cambodia, and Vietnam, and it aims to guide balanced water
resources in the basin. The Commissions task is, however,
challenged by the absence of China, the most upstream country,
which has massive plans for hydropower development on the
Mekong mainstream. The MRC has also its own, internal
challenges; many consider the commission to be insensitive to
local realities, too technically oriented, and not transparent
enough to really facilitate discussion about the development
plans, their impacts, and consequent trade-offs (see, e.g., 13, 14,
18, 19).
Perhaps the biggest challenge for the MRC is that, despite
the often-highlighted objective of riparian countries govern-
ments for coordinated development, labelled as the Mekong
Spirit, the MRC seems to be increasingly sidelined from the
actual planning processes of water development in its member
countries (8, 14, 15). The political elites of the riparian countries
share relatively similar aspirations for economic development,
and the potentially negative local-level impacts of different
development plans are thus not always taken properly into
consideration, even in national- and regional-level discussions
be it at the MRC or elsewhere (15).
Despite these challenges, the MRC is arguably the most
suitable organization for basinwide impact assessments. The
commission does not, however, have a common impact
assessment approach that would be applied systematically by
the commission and its national committees. Instead, the
different MRC programs have developed and applied several
different assessment methods over the years, often with
relatively poor coordination among the programs (20).
One commonality to most of these approaches is that they
are planned in a relatively top-down manner and that they
predominantly make use of aggregated, macroscale data. Many
of the assessments also focus narrowly on selected issues only,
instead of more comprehensive and cross-sectoral approaches.
Despite these challenges, the assessment results provided by the
different MRC programs are used to guide planning and
decision-making on water development in the basin. For
example, the World Bank used the results generated by the
MRCs Decision Support Framework to formulate its Mekong
Regional Water Resources Assistance Strategy and therefore to
study the possibilities for basin development, concluding that
there is scope for significant levels of coordinated develop-
ment in the basin (9). This statement has been challenged by
other actors and assessments (see, e.g., 13, 24).
Different Approaches for Impact Assessment
There are several initiatives to assess the development impacts
at different levels in the Mekong Basin. Numerous impact
assessment methodologies have been applied and even more
proposed by different actors, including national line agencies,
universities, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), as well as
regional actors, such as the MRC and the Asian Development
Bank. Most of these assessments focus on basic hydrological
analyses and common Environmental Impact Assessments, but
also broader, strategic assessments have been proposed,
drawing on, e.g., Strategic Environmental Assessment (21).
Impact assessment in the basin is challenged by the large
variety of development plans in different parts of the basin, and
by the lack of comprehensive information on these plans. The
complexity of interconnections among hydrology, ecosystems,
and livelihoods provides an additional challenge for environ-
mental and social assessments, especially because there still exist
severe information and knowledge gaps, even on the most
critical environmental and social issues, such as fisheries (25). It
comes therefore as no surprise that different impact assessments
provide often remarkably different estimates on potential
hydrological, environmental, and social impacts of basin
development.
A good example of the variation between estimates of
different impact assessments is provided by Kummu and
Sarkkula (6), who analyzed the estimates provided by three
different cumulative impact assessment studies on predicted
flow changes to Tonle Sap Lake of Cambodia. Different
assessments provide relatively differing estimates; for example,
the estimated changes in Tonle Saps dry-season water level
range from an increase of 15 cm up to 60 cm. While the
difference of few dozens of centimeters may seem rather
insignificant, this variation does actually mean a remarkable
difference, in particular, for the gallery forests in the Tonle Sap
Same-same but different: while rice cultivation forms the main
livelihood source in the entire basin, its characteristics vary between
different areas. Rain-fed rice cultivation in the Tonle Sap floodplain
where cultivation is largely dependent on annual flood cycle. (Photo:
M. Keskinen)
Rice cultivation in the floodplains of the Mekong Delta where water-
control structures and agricultural intensification have enabled
cultivation of even three rice crops per year. (Photo: M. Keskinen)
194 Ambio Vol. 37, No. 3, May 2008 Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences 2008
floodplain. The estimated gallery forest areas that would be
permanently inundatedin essence destroyedvary remark-
ably between different assessments, and the three assessments
focusing on something as straightforward as water-level
changes thus provide relatively different estimates about the
potential impacts in the area (6).
In addition, the assessments focusing on hydrological
changes present only the very first step toward comprehensive
impact assessment. A river is much more than a hydrograph,
and estimations about hydrological changes cannot thus be
used to draw direct conclusions about the actual ecological,
social, and economic consequences (24). Instead, proper
environmental and social impact assessments require consider-
ation of much broader themes and their linkages across
different scalesan approach that is still largely lacking in the
Mekong Basin.
CHALLENGES FOR BASINWIDE IMPACT
ASSESSMENTS
The previous discussion has demonstrated that the lack of
coherent information about the development impacts in the
Mekong Basin is not due to the lack of impact assessments per
seactually vice versa. Why then are the existing assessment
approaches not that successful in providing coherent and
meaningful information about the impacts likely to occur in
different parts of the basin? Based on experience from impact
assessments in different parts of the Mekong Basin (26), there
appear to be four major challenges that make it more difficult
for the basinwide impact assessments to reliably and compre-
hensively estimate the impacts at different levels.
Data Reliability and Representativeness
Most of the basinwide analyses and assessments applied in the
Mekong Basin build on quantitative macroscale data, and data
are usually presented at national and/or provincial levels (see,
e.g., 27). There are, however, several cases where the
comparison of this macro-level data with information available
from lower levels has indicated that severe biases and even
errors emerge from the macroscale data when compared with
the actual situation on the ground (see, e.g., 21, 28, 29). The
reasons for these biases seem to stem from the misinterpreta-
tions and simplifications of the aggregated data, as well as from
the biases of the actual enumeration methods (28).
Many of the current basinwide impact assessments seem thus
to fail to capture the diversity of social, cultural, economic,
political, and environmental issues and their interconnections in
different parts and levels within the basin. Most regional impact
assessment approaches offer little flexibility in their indicators
or research methods, but instead they forcein the name of
comparability and claritythe assessments at different levels
into the same format by using standardized and predecided
indicators and methods. While this ensures better comparabil-
ity, a great deal of the diversity occurring in the lower
assessment levels can be lost. As a result, regional assessments
may miss important local-level aspects and can thus present
overly simplified pictures of different areas.
Spatial and Temporal Scales
The challenge with scales can be seen to have two main
dimensions, that of time and that of space (30). The challenge
with spatial scales is that while the impacts of water
developments in the basin are in effect felt at the local level,
coordinated planning and decision-making require essentially a
regional approach. The scope of truly comprehensive basinwide
impact assessments should therefore extend from very local
level to regional level and, in some aspects, even to the global
level (31). The situation thus reflects the challenge related to
environmental assessments in general, namely, that the tradi-
tional, centralized assessment efforts at regional and global
levels are often too insensitive and inflexible to really be able to
assess the multilevel nature of environmental and social
problems (32, 33, 34).
The need to assess the impacts at different spatial scales is
closely linked to the need for increased interaction between the
assessments at the different levels. The challenge with spatial
scales becomes thus also a challenge with scales of management,
institutions, and, ultimately, of information and knowledge. As
highlighted by Cash et al. (32), the failure to properly address
these different issues and their cross-scale dynamics has, in
many cases, had adverse consequences for management of
human-environment systems. In the Mekong context, basinwide
impact assessments can be seen to be particularly vulnerable for
failure to properly take into account the complexities across
different scales. Basinwide assessments are usually focused on a
limited number of key issues, since this makes their implemen-
tation less resource- and time-consuming (see, e.g., 7, 21, 23,
27). In order to ensure that these regional key issues do capture
the diversities at the different levels, however, at least the
following things should be in place: close interaction between
the actors at different levels, sufficient knowledge about the
actual local-level diversities, and transparent and adaptive
assessment processes (32). In terms of existing basinwide impact
assessments in the Mekong Basin, there is still plenty to improve
on in practically all of these aspects (21).
Assessment of development impacts is further challenged by
the issue of time; the impacts of water developments usually
differ depending on the timescale used, where shorter- and
longer-term impacts may be potentially very different. This is
partly due to the different timescales of responses to different
changes, where some impacts are felt immediately and others
more slowly over time (35). In addition, cumulative impacts
occurring over longer periods can be very different compared to
the estimated short-term impacts, with longer-term impacts
being generally more difficult to assess. The situation may,
however, also be vice versa. Many cumulative impact assess-
ments combine in their estimations, for example, hydropower
and agricultural development, which typically leads the
potential flow changes from these two developments to partially
cancel each other out. This is, however, not necessarily true in
the short-term; hydropower and irrigation projects in different
countries are rarely planned in a coordinated manner, and the
projects may thus be completed on very different timescales.
The short-term impacts of certain water developments may thus
actually be radically differentand potentially more dramat-
icthan the estimated longer-term impacts (36).
Crosscutting Issues
The third major challenge related to current basinwide impact
assessment practices is related to the problem of assessing the
impacts of basin developments that result from particularly
complex, crosscutting issues such as fisheries or flood pulse. The
actual impact of these kinds of crosscutting issues consists
typically of an array changes that have both direct and indirect
impacts on the issue in question (4, 40). Meaningful impact
assessment of these kinds of crosscutting issues would thus
require a holistic approach that integrates expertise from several
different disciplines. However, most of the impact assessments
in the Mekong Basin have a relatively narrow, sectoral focus,
and they thus tend to compartmentalize the environment and
social systems into selected indicators and sectors (37, 40).
A prime example of this kind of crosscutting issue is the
flood pulse system of Tonle Sap Lake and its floodplains (38).
The flood pulse of the lake is believed to be the main driver for
ecosystem productivity in the lake and floodplains, which
provide the source of food and livelihoods for millions of people
(28, 37). Consequently, assessments of the possible changes in
the flood-pulse dynamics would be critically important from
environmental, social, as well as economic points of view. As
pointed out by Lamberts (40), however, the current environ-
mental impact assessment practices fail to assess the actual
impacts of complex, crosscutting processes such as flood pulse
and, thus, fail to identify the full consequences of flow
alterations for the Tonle Sap ecosystem (41).
Another major crosscutting issue in the basin is, of course,
fish, which is not only environmental but also very much a
social and economic issue due to its critical importance for food
and income for different social groups, including the poorest (4,
10). Already, this multidimensionality makes the Mekong
fisheries a particularly complex, crosscutting issue. In addition,
due to extensive fish migration along the Mekong mainstream
as well as between mainstream and tributaries, fish production
is particularly vulnerable to flow changes. For the same reason,
the actual social and economic impacts caused by decreased fish
production may be felt in very different areas than where the
decrease is actually caused, requiring, therefore, a holistic,
cross-scale assessment approach.
Public Engagement
The most important reason to carry out impact assessments is
to inform planning and decision-making. Indeed, environmental
decision-making is relying increasingly on technical expertise
and assessmentsso much so that Rayner (42) characterized
the present era as the age of assessment. Ideally, impact
assessments would be based on neutral information and sound
science, and they would thus provide objective advice for a
rational decision-making process. This is, however, rarelyif
everthe case, and neither assessments nor planning processes
can be separated from values and interests of different groups
and, consequently, from broader political processes linked to
them (43, 44). Different forms of public engagement have been
proposed as a way to take the interests of different groups into
better account, to make alternative forms of knowledge and
information more available, to increase the transparency of
assessment processes, and, overall, to increase shared respon-
sibility for planning and management (see, e.g., 4245).
While several water-related planning processes in the
Mekong region already do engage publicor, as they are
usually referred to, stakeholders (46)in a variety of ways,
very few of them seem to provide a really meaningful and truly
engaging way to influence the actual planning and decision-
making processes (see, e.g., 3, 7, 8, 15). The problems with
public engagement in water planning in the Mekong region can
also be linked to the existing governance challenges. In practice,
none of the riparian countries is truly a democratic one, and all
of them have their own problems with public engagement in
decision-making processes. The challenges with participation in
impact assessments are linked, among other things, to the
transparency of assessment processes and related water
development, to the ways in which the public is engaged (and
not engaged) in them, as well as to the quality of communica-
tion of assessment methods, assumptions, and findings to
different stakeholders (47).
WAY FORWARD: MULTILEVEL IMPACT
ASSESSMENT WITH PARTICIPATORY AND
INTERDISCIPLINARY TWIST
The previous paragraphs argued that many of the current
basinwide assessments fail to comprehensively take into account
the issues and impacts at different levels. The question thus
arises: how can the situation be improved, and in which ways
should the current impact assessment practices be developed?
Although impact assessments should always be context-specific,
with different situations requiring different approaches and
methods, some general principles that can help to overcome at
least some of the challenges can still be recognized. These are
discussed in more detail next (48).
Multilevel Impact Assessment
Many of the challenges described here are related to the issue of
scales and to problems with linking information from different
levels together in a meaningful way. Currently, most of the
existing assessments in the Mekong Basin seem to either focus
on the impacts in a relatively small areafor example, in a
tributary or even within a villageor they look at the impacts
at much higher levels, focusing on costs and benefits, for
example, only on national level (51). These two approaches
seem to be rarely combined or even systematically analyzed
together (5).
As a result, few current impact assessment approaches seem
to actually be able to assess the impacts in a manner that would
be consistent at the basinwide level and yet would not
oversimplify, or even misrepresent, the issues at lower levels.
It would thus seem beneficial to move toward more flexible,
multilevel assessment approaches that make use of analyses and
assessments at multiple levels. Preferably, this kind of multilevel
assessment approach would first carry out local-level analyses,
and only after thatbased on the results from the local
analyseswould assess the impacts at higher, national and
regional levels (52). While the more local-level assessments help
to better capture the lower-level diversities, the information
provided by more macroscale analysis can help to create the
bigger picture and thus to identify the most relevant issues
regionally. In addition, to overcome the weaknesses of different
research methods, the multilevel assessment approach should
also encourage utilization of different techniques, including
both quantitative and more qualitative methods (4, 28).
Ideally, the assessments at different levels should build on
common impact assessment framework that recognizes the
main objectives and general research methods for the assess-
ments (53). In reality, however, there are rarely enough time,
resources, and/or capacity for a systematic assessment that
would include planning, implementation, and analysis of
different assessments in a common framework from the local
level to the regional level (34). Instead, the impact assessments
in the Mekong Basinlike in many other transboundary
basinscontinue to be carried out by different actors at
different levels with different methods and objectives.
It is therefore crucially important to make better use of
already existing analyses and assessments, and increase inter-
action between different assessment processes at different
levelswith specific emphasis on including lower-level assess-
ments better into national and regional processes. Since
different assessments are providing relatively different estimates
on possible impacts, it is also very important to make use of the
results of several different assessmentsrather than relying only
on one assessmentwhen formulating the strategies for water
development in the region.
Towards Interdisciplinarity
Another major challenge for basinwide impact assessments is
the assessment of cumulative impacts of different development
plans because these plans are located in different parts of the
basin and have often different impacts that may both reinforce
and cancel out each other. In addition, impact assessment is
particularly challenging in the case of complex, crosscutting
issues such as fisheries. Indeed, many of the current assessment
processes in the Mekong Basin seem to fail to properly address
the cumulative impacts due to their sectoral approach and focus
on selected plans and projects only (4, 37, 40).
In order to better assess these kinds of cumulative impacts, it
is suggested that impact assessments should move toward
multidisciplinary and, increasingly, interdisciplinary approaches
(53). Although multidisciplinary assessments seem to be getting
more common in the region, the problem is that they are not
really going to challenge the dominance of sectoral approaches
in most impact assessments. The impact assessment processes
would thus benefit from greater interdisciplinarity and,
consequently, from new kinds of assessment and analysis
methods that build on actual challenges in hand rather than
on disciplinary research traditions.
One of the main challenges in the introduction of truly
interdisciplinary approaches seems to be the lack of under-
standing about what it actually means and requires. Although
increasing numbers of impact assessments in the region claim to
be interdisciplinary (see, e.g., 4, 23, 50), in reality, most of them
remain largely multidisciplinary, relying on disciplinary/sectoral
methods and indicators. Developing a truly interdisciplinary
approach for impact assessment is a slow process that requires
enough time and resources as well as flexibility for further
development of the assessment methods. The experts involved
in a truly interdisciplinary process must also be ready to give up
some of their disciplinary sovereignty and modify and
develop the methods they are used to applying within their
own disciplines and sectors (49).
Increasing Participation
Since large-scale water-development projects are likely to bring
differing benefits and losses to different groups, water-planning
processes are not only technical but unavoidably also social and
political processes. The impact assessment is thus not only
about neutral numbers, but also about the values given
consciously and subconsciouslyto different issues (43).
Increasing participation of different stakeholders provides one
possibility to address these more social and political aspects of
impact assessment.
While participation does have its own challenges and can in
some cases even strengthen existing power imbalances (see, e.g.,
15, 42, 55), it also has the potential to enhance the legitimacy of
the assessment process, to increase acceptance of assessment
findings among different stakeholders, and, most importantly,
to make the entire assessment process more transparent and
comprehensive. Truly engaging participation also has the
potential to increase understanding of local-level diversities
and to get feedback from different stakeholders on assessment
methods and results. This kind of mutual learning is particularly
important for the impact assessments of complex and dynamic
issues because their assessment should build on iterative,
adaptive processes rather than on on-off analyses.
The impact assessments in the Mekong Basin should
therefore increase their emphasis on public participation to
ensure that different stakeholders have meaningful ways to
participate in the assessment processes, and to develop and
discuss the objectives, methods, and assumptions of the
assessments. The assessments should also make better use of
the experiences from existing participatory assessment process-
es, such as Thai Baan research (56). There is also a need to
emphasize publication and communicationparticularly in
native languagesof the principles and results of different
impact assessments, combined with an increased capacity to
facilitate discussion and information exchange on these topics.
CONCLUSIONS
The Mekong River Basin is truly at the crossroads. The drive
for increased utilization of the river and its resources is intensive
as riparian countries search means for development, yet the
actual impacts of these developments remain in many aspects
unclear, and discussion about the most sustainable development
options is weak. This article discussed the current state of
development of water resources in the Mekong Basin, with a
specific emphasis on basinwide impact assessment practices and
their major challenges. It is suggested that the impact
assessments would benefit from a more multilevel approach
that combines assessments from lower levels up to the regional
level and make better use of interdisciplinarity and participa-
tion. Assessments of complex environmental and social issues
should also have long-term perspective, and the entire
assessment framework should thus build on adaptive, learn-
ing-oriented processes.
The good news is that there already exist several impact
assessment processes at different levels in the Mekong Basin.
These processes provide a remarkable knowledge base about the
estimated impacts as well as about the strengths and weaknesses
of different assessment methods. Better coordination between
the different assessment processes and, in particular, increased
interaction between the assessments at different levels would
thus be potentially very beneficial for impact assessments in the
basin. Particularly important is to make better use of the diverse
experiences from the local-level assessments, and take these as
the basis for broader, regional assessments.
These kinds of practical recommendations provide, however,
only the starting point on the way toward more comprehensive
and engaging impact assessment. A truly meaningful impact
assessment also requires the recognition of the highly political
nature of water development and, consequently, of planning
and impact assessment processes. The underlying reasonsand
solutionsfor the challenges with impact assessment are
therefore likely to lie beyond merely methodological issues
and can instead be found from broader political processes
related to water development. For this reason, water-related
planning and impact assessment should build on transparent
processes and encourage dialogues with different stakeholders
about the requirements, methods, and assumptions used as well
as the results achieved in the assessments. This kind of more
open impact assessment approach can help to facilitate
discussion and information exchange about the different
development options, their impacts, and consequent trade-offs,
and, ultimately, it can lead the way toward more balanced and
integrated water resources management in the Mekong Basin.
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Vientiane, 93 pp.
24. IUCN, TEI, IWMI and M-POWER. 2007. Feedback on WB/ADB joint working paper
on future directions for water resources management in the Mekong River Basin.
Mekong Water Resources Assistance Strategy (MWRAS), IUCN, TEI, IWMI, &
M-POWER, Bangkok, 10 pp.
25. For example, the fisheries data for the Tonle Sap systemthat is one of the most
important fish production areas in the basin and both socially and economically critical
for all of Cambodiawere for years grossly underestimated and remain even today
problematic, being far from comprehensive (37).
26. This experience has been gained through academic research and consultancy work in
four Lower Mekong Basin countries between 2002 and 2007. Most influential work in
this regard has been that related to the WUP-FIN Project under the MRC. For more
information on the project, see http://www.eia.fi/wup-fin.
27. MRC. 2003. Social Atlas of the Lower Mekong Basin. Mekong River Commission
(MRC), Phnom Penh, 154 pp.
28. Keskinen, M. 2006. The lake with floating villages: Socioeconomic analysis of the Tonle
Sap Lake. Int. J. Water Resour. Dev. 22, 463480.
29. MRCS/WUP-FIN. 2007. Mekong Delta Socio-Economic Analysis: Interconnections
between Water and Livelihoods in the Mekong Delta of Vietnam. WUP-FIN Phase 2:
Hydrological, Environmental and Socio-Economic Modelling Tools for the Lower
Mekong Basin Impact Assessment. Mekong River Commission and Finnish Environ-
ment Institute Consultancy Consortium, Vientiane, Lao PDR, 177 pp.
30. Also, other scales can naturally be relevant for impact assessment. According to Cash et
al. (32), for example, different scales related to human-environment interaction include
spatial, temporal, jurisdictional, institutional, management, networks, and knowledge
scales.
31. For example, the newly emerged drive for hydropower development in the Mekong
region can be partly linked to the increasing emphasis globally on renewable energy
production as one important way to mitigate climate change.
32. Cash, D.W., Adger, N., Berkes, F., Garden, P., Lebel, L., Olsson, P., Pritchard, L. and
Young, O. 2006. Scale and cross-scale dynamics: Governance and information in a
multilevel world. Ecol. Society 11, article 8, 12 pp.
33. Cash, D.W. and Moser, S.C. 2000. Linking global and local scales: Designing dynamic
assessment and management processes. Glob. Envir. Change 10, 109120.
34. Cash, D.W. 2000. Distributed assessment systems: An emerging paradigm of research,
assessment and decision-making for environmental change: Viewpoint. Glob. Envir.
Change 10, 241244.
35. An example of the impacts being felt immediately could be the submersion of
agricultural or other land areas due to hydropower dam construction, while the impacts
to fisheries due to gradual habitat changes present an example of longer-term impacts.
36. The first cumulative impact assessment presented in Kummu and Sarkkula (6), for
example, includes hydropower dams and increased agricultural water use in its scenario.
This combined scenario is estimated to result in a 15 cm increase in dry-season water
level of Tonle Sap Lake. It is, however, likely that the implementation of these two forms
of water development will happen at different timescales, with hydropower development
occurring first. This would lead to a situation where the dry-season water level would
actually be considerably higher during the years before irrigation projects included in the
scenario were actually accomplished.
37. Lamberts, D. 2006. The Tonle Sap Lake as a productive ecosystem. Int. J. Water Resour.
Dev. 22, 481495.
38. Flood pulse is a term for an ecological paradigm that integrates the processes of
productivity in river-floodplain ecosystems, with a particular focus on the lateral
exchange of water, nutrients, and organisms between a water body and the connected
floodplain. For more information, see, e.g., (39).
39. Junk, W.J., Bayley, P.B. and Sparks, R.E. 1989. The flood pulse concept in river-
floodplain systems. Proceedings of the International Large River Symposium (LARS).
Can. Spec. Publ. Fish. Aquat. Sci. 106, 110127.
40. Lamberts, D. 2008. Little impact, much damage; the consequences of Mekong River
flow alterations for the Tonle Sap ecosystem. In: Modern Myths of the Mekong.
Jummu, M., Keskinen, M. and Varis, O. (eds). Water & Development Publications,
Helsinki University of Technology, Espoo, pp. 318.
41. Worryingly, Lamberts (40) also pointed out that it is currently possible to meet the
environmental safeguarding requirements of the World Bank and the Asian
Development Bankboth of whom are among the main players in water development
in the Mekong Regionwithout really assessing the actual impacts to integrative
processes such as flood pulse.
42. Rayner, S. 2003. Democracy in the age of assessment: Reflections on the roles of
expertise and democracy in public-sector decision making. Sci. Public Pol. 30, 163170.
43. Karl, H.A., Susskind, L.E. and Wallace, K.H. 2007. A dialogue not a diatribe: Effective
integration of science and policy through joint fact finding. Environment 49, 2034.
44. van Kerkhoff, L. and Lebel, L. 2006. Linking knowledge and action for sustainable
development. Ann. Rev. Envir. Resour. 31, 445477.
45. Hisschemo ller, M., Tol, R.S.J. and Vellinga, P. 2001. The relevance of participatory
approaches in integrated environmental assessment. Integr. Assess. 2, 5772.
46. Although the terms stakeholder and stakeholder involvement are widely used also
in the Mekong region, the entire issue of stakeholders, their selection process, and actual
representativeness of the diverse number of people that have a stake in an issue as
complex and broad as basinwide water development would require a much more
detailedand criticalview.
47. These challenges are particularly valid in many water-related sectors, including
hydropower, road construction, and large-scale irrigation. All these sectors require
considerable amounts of financial capital and are thus the focus of major investments by
donors, development banks, and, increasingly, the private sector. The growing
involvement of the private sector in water-development plans in the basin has also
increased concerns about the transparency of and the possibilities for public
participation in these projects (see, e.g., 3).
48. The recommendations provided in this chapter are largely based on the authors
experience from the WUP-FIN Project as well as from the IBFM process and the Built
Structures Project. For more information on these, please have a look at (4, 21, 23, 49,
50).
49. Sarkkula, J., Keskinen, M., Koponen, J., Kummu, M., Nikula, J., Varis, O. and
Virtanen, M. 2007. Mathematical modelling in integrated management of water
resources: Magical tool, mathematical toy or something in between? In: Democratizing
Water Governance in the Mekong Region. Lebel, L., Dore, J., Daniel, R. and Koma, Y.S.
(eds). Mekong Press, Chiang Mai, 127256.
50. Ratner, B.D, Ka ko nen, M., Rahut, D.B., Keskinen, M., Navy, H., Sambo, Y.,
Leakhena, S. and Chuenpagdee, R. 2007. Influence of Built Structures on Local
Livelihoods: Case Studies of Roads, Irrigation, and Fishing Lots. Study of the Influence of
Built Structures on the Fisheries of the Tonle Sap. Cambodian National Mekong
Committee and the World Fish Center, Phnom Penh, 50 pp.
51. Commonly, the former kinds of assessments are carried out, for example, by NGOs and/
or academic researchers, while the latter, more regional assessments are mainly
implemented by the regional organizations such as the MRC.
52. Indeed, the experiences from different case studies carried out within the WUP-FIN
Project (21), for example, indicate that local-level analyses can help to reduce the risk for
misinterpretations of macrolevel data.
53. The assessment frameworks proposed by the MRCS/WUP-FIN as well as by the IBFM
provide examples of these kinds of broader assessment frameworks (21, 23).
54. In this context, multidisciplinary approach means viewing the research topic from a
variety of disciplinary perspectives but yet producing a set of disciplinary results from it
by using methods available within each discipline. Interdisciplinary approach is seen to
be more problem-oriented and holistic as it seeks to integrate both knowledge and
methods from different disciplines into new kinds of methods and interpretations to be
able to better understand and assess a particularly complex problem.
55. Ka ko nen, M. 2007. Participation at Crossroads? Experiences from Decentralised Natural
Resources Management in Tonle Sap. Proceedings of the Mekong @ Crossroads
Workshop, 1415 May 2007, Chiang Mai, Thailand, pp. 5657.
56. MWBP and IUCN. 2005. Thai Baan Research on the Ecology and Local History of the
Seasonally-Flooded Forest in the Lower Songkhram River Basin. Mekong Wetlands
Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Use Programme (MWBP) and The
International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).
57. The author is thankful for the lively discussions with large range of colleagues working
in the Mekong region. Special thanks are due to Olli Varis, Matti Kummu, Mira
Ka ko nen, Juha Sarkkula, Jorma Koponen, Yim Sambo, as well as the entire WUP-FIN
team and counterparts. Thank you very much also to Louis Lebel, John Dore, Dirk
Lamberts, Pertti Vakkilainen, Kanokwan Manorom, and David Hall for your insightful
comments. Financial support from Foundation of Technology (TES) and the Academy
of Finland (Project 211010) is acknowledged.
Marko Keskinen is a researcher and PhD candidate at the
Water and Development Research Group of Helsinki Univer-
sity of Technology, Finland. He has several years of work and
research experience from the Mekong region, in particular
from Cambodia. His research focuses on the interactions
between water and society as well as on multi- and
interdisciplinary approaches to water management and impact
assessment. His address: Tietotie 1E, 02150 Espoo, Finland.
E-mail: keskinen@iki.fi

WATER & DEVELOPMENT PUBLICATIONS AALTO UNIVERSITY
TKK-WD-01 Modern Myths of the Mekong - A critical review of water and development concepts,
principles and policies
Edited by Matti Kummu, Marko Keskinen & Olli Varis
TKK-WD-02 Modern Myths of the Mekong - Summaries in six different languages
Edited by Matti Kummu, Marko Keskinen, Olli Varis & Ilona Suojanen
TKK-WD-03 Central Asian Water - Social, economic, environmental and governance puzzle
Edited by Muhammad Mizanur Rahaman & Olli Varis
TKK-WD-04 Spatio-temporal scales of hydrological impact assessment in large river basins:
the Mekong case
Matti Kummu
TKK-WD-05 Integrated Water Resources Management: Constraints and Opportunities
with a focus on the Ganges and Brahmaputra River Basins
Muhammad Mizanur Rahaman
TKK-WD-06 Water and climate change in the Lower Mekong Basin:
Diagnosis & recommendations for adaptation
Marko Keskinen, Suppakorn Chinvanno, Matti Kummu, Paula Nuorteva,
Anond Snidvongs, Olli Varis & Kaisa Vstil
TKK-WD-07 Can the Poor Enhance Poverty Reduction? Rural and Urban Perspectives on
Water Resources, Poverty & Participatory Development in the Tonle Sap Region and
Phnom Penh, Cambodia
Ulla K. Heinonen
TKK-WD-08 Impact Assessment in the Mekong Review of Strategic Environmental Assessment
(SEA) & Cumulative Impact Assessment (CIA)
Marko Keskinen & Matti Kummu
TKK-WD-09 Bringing back the common sense? Integrated approaches in water management:
Lessons learnt from the Mekong
Marko Keskinen
All publications are available online at: water.tkk. /global/publications
TKK-WD-09

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water.tkk.f/global
ISSN 1797-254X
ISBN 978-952-60-3233-7
Marko Keskinen
Watermanagementischanging:thenarrowlydefnedmanagementpracticesthathaveforlongbeendominating
arebeingreplacedbymorecomprehensiveapproaches.IntegratedapproachesincludingtheIntegratedWater
Resources Management (IWRM) represent the forerunners of this change, and they are thus loaded with
expectations.Therealityis,however,morecomplicated,withmanyoftheintegratedprocessesfailingtoliveup
totheirpromises.
This Thesis looks at integrated approaches used in water management and impact assessment, with a focus
on the transboundary Mekong River Basin and the related Tonle Sap Lake area in Cambodia. The seven
appendedarticlesdiscussanarrayofwatermanagementandassessmentcontextsintheregion,sharingpractical
experiencesontheuseofintegratedapproaches.Thesynthesisplacesthecurrentintegrationistdriveintothe
broadercontextthroughananalysisofthedevelopmentofintegratedapproachesaswellasthroughareviewof
multi-disciplinaryresearchapproaches.TheThesisrecognisessixkeyelementstobeparticularlycriticalforthe
actual implementation of integrated management: Comprehensiveness, Institutions, Politics, Methods, Team
andInclusiveness.
Whilethecurrentintegratedwatermanagementpracticesareoftenstrongonpracticalintegrationmethods,they
atthesametimeseempartlytoneglectthebroaderphilosophicalandcontextualaspectsrelatedtointegration.
Yet,integrationisnotjustamechanicalprocedure,butverymuchapersonalandpoliticalissueaswell.What
reallymattersarethereforenotonlythetechnicalmethodsforintegration,butalsothewaysthemanagement
andresearchteamsinspecifcmanagementcontextscommunicate,collaborateandinteractwiththeirvarious
stakeholdersaswellasanissuethatisfrequentlyforgotteninternallywithintheirteams.
Marko Keskinen
Aalto University

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Water & Development Publications - Aalto University

jendal 2000). However, because a number of recent studies

jendal 2000; Bakker 1999), we concentrate in

jendal 2000; Bakker 1999).

the structure of Chinese society and politics a strong central adminis-

historical factors turbulent relationships with the neighbouring coun-

strong economic development, pressure to develop further and the

lack of adequate benets what China would really achieve through

jendal, J. (2000), Sharing the Good: Modes of Managing Water Resources in

jendal and A. Turton (2006), Trans-

jendal, J. and Turton, A. 2006. Trans-

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