CONFLICT MANAGEMENT

FINAL PROJECTS OF CLASS VI-A

SUBMITTED TO: PROF MANZOOR AWAN, COL(R) SUBMITTED BY: TOOBA USMANI DATE: 23rd DECEMBER 2012

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WE ARE THE STUDENTS OF CLASS VI-A

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Teachers Note
I am a firm believer in the potential of our young generation. They possess all the basic ingredients to become excellent professionals, provided they are show the right direction in time. This talent has to be harnessed by the academic institutions. Like all good universities, Bahria University strives to provide the right environment for producing business executives with ability to think out of the box. Taking full advantage of that and with a strong faith in the abilities and potential of our youth, the students of Bachelors of Business Administration 6th Semester Section A (during Fall 2012 semester) were encouraged to complete two projects. First one was an individual project, involving the writing of socio-cultural case studies based on their personal observations/knowledge or information gathered from someone else. The second project, based on team work, related to the study and presentation of some major conflict situations of national importance. They not only attempted these individual as well as group assignments with fair degree of success and produced some interesting and relevant project reports but also successfully conducted valuable discussions in the class as part of our overall learning drive. There is a need to appreciate the first attempts by these budding business professionals in tackling conflict situations with vigor notwithstanding the fact that there is considerable room for improvements in these. What is of special significance is the originality of effort/work, and that this could serve as a humble beginning towards attaining greater creativity in times to come. These reports could also be improved through further study and research by the students that follow. It is with this thought that these write ups are being compiled for appropriate placement. It will be unfair if the efforts put in by Tooba Usmani in completing this compilation assignment are not acknowledged. The final product amply speaks of her hard work and creative talent. I wish the contributing students as well as the compiler success. May Allah Almighty be their guide. Ameen.

Prof Manzoor Iqbal Awan, Col (R) Faculty Member and Senior Consultant * USQ (Australia), COMSATS & NUML * Bahria, Air & Preston Universities * University of Lahore * Dual Matrix Inc. & MDi Cell: +92 300 854 3122 Email: profmanzoorawan@yahoo.com & awan9ff@gmail.com Profile: www.linkedin.com/in/manzooriqbawan Islamabad 31st December 2012

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COMPILERS NOTE
There is always a sense of gratitude, that we wish to express to others for the help and the services they render during the different phases of our lives. I would also like to thank all those who have helped me directly or indirectly in preparing this report.

First of all I wish to express my profound gratitude and sincere thanks to my teacher, Prof Manzoor Iqbal Awan Col (R), was always there to help and guide me when I need help. Working under him is a very knowledgeable and enriching experience for me. This report would not have been possible without his favours. I am very thankful to him for his constant encouragement and valuable support. The responsibilty that he gave me shows his faith in me and that is a great achievement for me. I hope I meet upto his expectations.

Moreover no words can adequately express my overriding depth of gratefulness to my class fellows for providing their projects on time and helping me in all the way.

Above all I shall thank ALLAH Almighty whose endless blessings and mercy are always with us.

Tooba Usmani. (2012-2013)

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YES WE ROCK !!

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Table of Contents
Serial 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Content We the students of BBA VI A Teachers note Compilers note Yes we rock Group A Militancy Group B Ethnic Polarization in Pakistan Group C Kashmir Dispute Group D Pakistans Problems of National Integration Group E Volatility in Pakistans Tribal Areas Group F Indo-Pak Water Dispute Pages 2 3 4 5 7-33 34-50 51-69 70-97 98-132 133-148

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GROUP A
MILITANCY

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Militancy

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
WE
WOULD LIKE TO TAKE THIS OPPORTUNITY TO THANK OUR TEACHER WHO GAVE US THIS PROJECT SO WE WOULD LEARN AND

ENHANCE

OURSELVES.

WE

NOT ONLY LEARNED

HOW TO WORK TOGETHER BUT ALSO LEARNT ABOUT SOME FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT OUR BELOVED COUNTRY .

WE

DEDICATE THIS PROJECT TO OUR

SIR M ANZOOR AWAN. HE

HAS TAUGHT US TO BE

BETTER PEOPLE IN LIFE AND TAUGHT US ON HOW TO SPEND EACH DAY SPREADING HAPPINESS IN OTHERS LIFE ,

GREAT TEACHER WHO HAS NOT ONLY BEEN A TEACHER TO

US BUT A FATHERLY FIGURE AS WELL .

THANK YOU
CLASS.

FOR ALL YOUR SUPPORT AND FOR BEARING OUR MISCHIEVOUS ACTIONS IN

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Group Leader Evaluation

Responsible Person Rabia Tariq Task Assigned Collection of relevant information regarding militancy in Pakistan and relevant events. Analysis of data regarding what kind of militancy is challenging Pakistan Task Performed Remarks Performed all the On-time and organized tasks assigned. effort.

Abdulqadir Shabbir

Bint-e-zahra

Khurram Abbas

Search about the existing cases that could be relevant and come up with a resolution option or action plan. Assigned task was gather information regarding the efforts put-in by government and other regulatory authorities to root-out the problem and judge its effectiveness.

Performed task and suggested analysis of his own part, Compiled the slides as well. Made slides of her own part and also performed the task assigned that is recommendation. Made slides of his own part and also collected the data regarding the govt. efforts.

Good effort, analysis was done comprehensively.

Well researched, comprehensive and ontime.

Good quality work and authentic sources, work was submitted time.

I would evaluate and give a score of 9 out of 10 to all my team members because they were so cooperative, even we could not get consensus on a few things but still they respected each others choices and thats something I really appreciate. We had a meeting before we started working at the project then we held another meeting when all the data was gathered, I myself compiled and organized and double-checked everyones contribution. Through what I experienced with my team in last 2-3 months I would say we make a real good team and if ever someone asked me to pick members and come-up with a team I cant be more sure that I would pick these four members. Samreen Fatima (Team Leader) Page 10 of 149

1. Problem statement:

Militancy:
Over the last couple of decades, Pakistan has been suffering from the curse of militancy that continues to take a heavy toll in all respects of our national life. There is a need to arrest militancy and resultantly rid the country of this menace. Having identified parties to the conflict, prepare an all-inclusive case study for class discussion/presentation and possible online publication.

2. Literature review:
Before we start with its context in Pakistan, I would like to define what militancy actually means. Militancy means -a militant aggressiveness The term militant can describe those who aggressively and violently promote a political philosophy in the name of a movement (and sometimes have an extreme solution for their goal). The various movements that seek to apply militancy as a solution, or who use militancy to rationalize their solutions for issues in the modern world, seldom share common tactics. Traits shared by many militants include: 1. Employing force or violence directly, either in offence or in defense. 2. Justifying the use of force using the ideological rhetoric of their particular group. A militant view sometimes constitutes an extremist position. A person or group in a psychologically militant state expresses a physically aggressive posture while in support of an ideology or a cause.

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Introduction of Militancy in Pakistan:

The history of Islamic militancy goes back to the era of Mughal rule and even before that in 1206, various factors one after other led to the formation of many institutions working for and against Islam and people. The Jama'at-i-Islami was a nuisance for Zulfikar Ali Bhutto during his rule from late 1971 to mid 1977. Bhutto agreed to declare Islam as the state religion of Pakistan in the constitution of 1973 and Ahmedis as a minority under the pressure of religious parties. He also used several religion-related gimmicks to establish his Islamic credentials with the masses. However, after the charges of rigging in the elections of 1977, Bhutto could not withstand the onslaught in which the students belonging to Islami Jamiat-i-Talba, the student wing of Jama-ati-Islami, and madrassah students belonging to Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam were in the forefront. The middle class bazaar people of the urban areas, under considerable influence of Jama'at-i-Islami, also played a crucial role in the downfall of Bhutto. The finest hour for the Jama'at came when martial law was imposed on 5 July 1977.

The War against Evil Empire and Islamic Fundamentalists:

The Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan on 27 December 1979 offered unique opportunity to the United States to weaken its principal adversary and to General Zia to prolong his obscurantism rule. A resistance movement imbedded with Islamic fervor appeared to be the most effective counter-measure to bleed the Soviets. The Pakistan ISI and the American CIA masterminded the formation, logistics and action plan of the mujahideen outfits. They secured services of the Jama-at-i-Islami and Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam for inculcating the spirit of jihad and recruiting rank and file to fight what was primarily an American war. Foreign elements, including Egyptians, Palestinians and Saudis, were inducted in the mujahideen groups. The mujahideen movement thus became a meeting point for Islamic militants of Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Middle East. The United States, without any scruples, promoted and used Islamic militancy to defeat the Evil Empire. Generally the people from Pakistan and abroad professed and practiced the Puritan Schools of Islamic Shariah, where the Jehad is a practiced article of faith. Unfortunately, after the withdrawal of the Soviet forces from Afghanistan in 1989, the United States consigned that country to oblivion and the Mujahedeen or Islamic Page 12 of 149

Fundamentalist militants became a liability for Pakistan. With its almost entire western borders destabilized as Afghanistan was in turmoil and heavy burden of rogues, Pakistan had no option but to groom the Taliban (students) in its madrasas to create a force that could restore law and order in Afghanistan. Islam is a religion of peace but it is being projected as the principal source of international terrorism. The West must distinguish between militancy in the cause of national liberation and the use of force by states to extinguish the spark of freedom. With Muslims being persecuted, maimed and killed from Palestine to Kashmir to Philippines there can be no peace.

United States War against Terrorism:

In the after math of the most inhuman and barbaric acts of terrorism carried out in United States of America by the International Islamic Terrorist outfit, it seems, that country and the civilized world at large, were jolted and came to realize that the menace had grown out of proportion and was bent upon destroying the established order. The US led coalition, after some preparations and requisite deployments, commenced the War against Terror. Pakistan, as neighbor of Afghanistan and a supporter of the Regime in Afghanistan was in a quandary. It was not left with any options but to support the US led effort against taking out that rouge regime in Afghanistan. It may not be out of place to mention that, even before the September 11 impasse, the threat perception within the Defense Establishment of Pakistan was going through a rethinking and reevaluation owing the activities going on inside Afghanistan under the tutelage of Taliban Regime and the Al-Qaeda Movement and its activities inside Pakistan like elsewhere in the world. The act of the Taliban Regime of destroying the Historic Statues of Lord Buddha, despite best of efforts by Pakistan at persuading them to refrain from such uncivilized act, had not only frustrated Pakistan but also made Pakistan realize that its support for them was in fact emboldening that regime to an extent where the National Interest of Pakistan was being compromised at the altar of their so called Pan Islamic agenda. It was becoming all the more clear that Taliban and Al-Qaeda had expansionist designs and in that regard Pakistan was not an exception. In the after math of the most inhuman and barbaric acts of terrorism carried out in United States of America by the International Islamic Terrorist outfit, it seems, that country and the civilized Page 13 of 149

world at large, were jolted and came to realize that the menace had grown out of proportion and was bent upon destroying the established order. The US led coalition, after some preparations and requisite deployments, commenced the War against Terror. Pakistan, as neighbor of Afghanistan and a supporter of the Rogue Regime in Afghanistan was in a quandary. It was not left with any options but to support the US led effort against taking out that rouge regime in Afghanistan, albeit, owing not only being part of the Civilized Society but its own threat perceptions, emanating via the covert and overt activities of Taliban and Al-Qaeda nexus inside Afghanistan, globally and more so within Pakistan. If anything the event of September 11 only hastened the decision making process in the Pakistani Defense Establishment in as much as the defiant and rigid posture of the Taliban Regime on the issue of handing over UBL and his coterie to the Americans, despite persuasions by Pakistan, acted as a catalyst for Pakistan to arrive at a pragmatic decision. The rigidity, defiance and self-serving stance of the Taliban Regime had placed Pakistan at a crossroad. It had to choose between its own National Interest and its place in the comity of civilized world and Isolation, being branded as a state that was allegedly promoting militancy and terrorism. The conduct of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda has, if anything caused tremendous damage to the cause of the people of Kashmir. The ground realities dictated that the said elements were, with their expansionist designs, thoroughly indulging in talibanisation of Civil Society in Pakistan. Besides, promoting factionalism and sectarian violence, it was, to say the least, putting the unity of Pakistan at peril. The pace of Pakistan distancing itself from what was going on inside Afghanistan was hastened rather accelerated. It could also be said that may, owe conducive international environment, was fortified in taking that vital decision. This of necessity should translate into moral and material support for Pakistan to wit stand the fall out of annihilation of that regime from Afghanistan and so also imminent reaction from within Pakistan from the segment that is sympathetic or allied with the fundamentalist forces. The short-term objectives set out by the International coalition were attained in matter of months and the Rogue Regime along with its partner Al-Qaeda was dislodged from Afghanistan. An interim set was brought in its place, headed by Karazai. The factual position is that there has been significant damage caused to the International Terror Groups. There safe heaven has been neutralized. An environment has been created that has made the lift difficult for the militants and its leadership in side Afghanistan, Pakistan and their respective countries and elsewhere. However, it is equally true that all these significant Page 14 of 149

achievements could at best be termed as containment. It is equally true that 9/11 has rudely awakened the world to the threat of this millennium. The state of alert is there. The commitment is also there. It is also equally true that militarily the preparation is also there to meet any potential threat. The respite, if it could be termed as such, ought to have been simultaneously put to use to address the causes, which have taken the things to such an impasse that that brand of militancy and terrorism has become the greatest threat to civilized world.

With due deference one dares to say that in the long run the gains so far made would be wasted and the world may wind up with the same problem with more complexities and capabilities.

A Brief Summary of Provincial Differences:

In general, the NWFP and Punjab have experienced most intensively the ravages of violence from the Pakistani Taliban and allied militant groups (including foreign militants) while also being closest to the states military and police efforts to counter these militant groups. In contrast, both Sind and Baluchistan have experienced other kinds of violence in the past, but they have been relatively spared the predations of the Pakistani Taliban. Perhaps for these reasons, we see considerable differences across the provinces. This is true for Baluchistan even though the Afghan Taliban has long used Baluchistan territory as a sanctuary, without making Baluchistan itself a focus of operations. The North West Frontier Province (NWFP) is the province that has experienced the greatest amount of extremist violence (with Punjab a close second). Since 2004 militant groups have sought to set up micro-emirates in the province (as well as in the nearby Pashtun areas of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)). It includes the actual battlefield of the armys offensive and currently more than 2 million of their populations are displaced, according to various estimates. NWFP respondents were more likely than others to see local Taliban and Islamist militants as critical threats to Pakistan. They were more inclined to see the Pakistani Taliban as holding a nationwide takeover as an objective, and to see this as a real possibility. Though they expressed some confidence in the government and armys handling of this situation, they were less likely to express strong confidence.

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Punjab is the richest, most highly developed and most populous province in Pakistan. The Punjab is considered by the security elites to be the heartland of Pakistan and is home to numerous army corps, intelligence agencies, and industrial and other infrastructure. Abutting Indias province of the same name, Punjab remains for many purposes a strategic territory to be fiercely protected and is the cultural center for many of Pakistans elites, notably the army. While parts of Punjab have long witnessed sectarian violence (between Shiia and Sunnis), in recent years Punjab too has witnessed sanguinary attacks on police, military, intelligence and other state targets, including suicide attacks. Thus, Punjabalong with NWFP and the Federal Territory of Islamabadhas become a prized theatre of operations for the Pakistani Taliban. Punjab respondents were, like those in the NWFP, more likely to see local Taliban and Islamist militants as a critical threat, butunlike those in the war zone--they were also the most likely to express strong confidence in the government and armys handling of Swat. They also led the provinces in thinking it very unlikely that the Pakistani Taliban could ever take over the country. Baluchistan has seen almost no violence from the Pakistani Taliban. It has a long history of periodic Baluch insurgencies against the central government, aiming for autonomy or independence. These insurgencies have been organized around ethnic identity, plus grievances against perceived economic exploitation of the province. This is a political problem for Pakistan quite distinct from the better known issue of Islamist militancy. Although the Afghan Taliban has long made its home in Baluchistan, it has never sought to extend its writ in that province through violence; it has kept its focus on Afghanistan instead. Baluch respondents were somewhat less likely to see religious militants as a critical threat to Pakistan, and almost all thought the Pakistani Taliban has no national aspirations to power. They were less likely to either sympathize with the government in the Swat conflict, or to show confidence in government handling of the conflict. They were less concerned about al Qaeda--but also less likely to sympathize with its attacks on Americans. When presented the idea of the Pakistani government acting to close down Taliban or al Qaeda camps, they were less likely to be supportive. Sindh has also seen almost no violence from the Pakistani Taliban with a few notable exceptions. (For example, Baitullah Mehsood may have been responsible for the suicide attack upon Benazir Bhutto in Karachi in the fall of 2007). Sindh has experienced sporadic bouts of Page 16 of 149

ethnic violence among ethnic Sindhis, Muhajjirs, Baluch, Pashtuns and Punjabis as well as sectarian violence among Shi a and Sunni militias. Notably, individuals who migrated to Pakistan from areas in India either during partition or shortly thereafter (Muhajjirs) have long sought greater autonomy within the province to secure their interests. Muhajjir efforts to

appropriate the province have been fiercely resisted by Sindhi ethnics, as well as Pashtuns and Baluch, who also share the province and its burgeoning port city of Karachi. Moreover, Sindh has witnessed decades of sectarian violence as well as organized criminal activity and episodic bouts of severe state efforts, using police, military and paramilitary forces, to roust varied entrepreneurs of violence. Sindh respondents were the most likely to avoid expressing sympathies with either side in the Swat conflict. However, where Taliban or al Qaeda camps on Pakistani soil are concerned, Sindh respondents were the most likely to support the Pakistani government using force if necessary to close them down. .Causes of Militancy in Pakistan: We would focus our discussion on two main topics that is, what are the types of militancy that Pakistan is facing and what are the factors that can be traced as root-causes of militancy. These activities and attacks are spreading like the cancer in the whole world that may be the most developed nations and third world countries. Some people say discrimination done by super world powers toward to the third world countries is also one of the causes. The major causes of Terrorism in Pakistan are: Political Instability Economic Conditions Standard of Living Religious Extremism Religious intolerance politicization of religion

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Political Instability:
Pakistan is going toward political instability. The cruel killing of Mohtrama Benazir Bhutto Chairperson of Pakistan Peoples Party, in a shooting-cum-bomb blast incident at Liaqat Bagh Rawalpindi is a symbol of political instability. The killing of reason who was a potential candidate for presidency shows that politics are not stable and that politicians do not play fair. The political environment in Pakistan becomes more miserable after Zardaris government. Always the countrys politics has long been controlled by two main parties First Pakistan Peoples party(PPP) led by Asif Ali Zardari and Second Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz group(PML-N) led by Mian Nawaz Sharif. politics revolves among two main parties PPP and PML-n but both the parties have their own vested interests.

Economic Conditions:
All exchange rates are badly affected because of political instability and expectations about the new ruling party. Political instability can have a negative damaging impression on a nation economy. Internal, Regional and International political conditions and happenings can deeply effect on currency market. As per economic conditions fiscal year 2008, value of Pakistani rupee has depreciated. It has been indicated that Pakistan economic conditions have greatly suffered. Unattractive hit during October 2007 to October 2008 as there was 25 percent inflation and from internal reserve about 10 billion dollars had been taken off. Pakistan economic conditions are also considerable by participation of various areas to GDP, by different areas of national economy. In financial year 2008 agricultural sector contributed 20.4 percent, even though 26.6 percent came from industrial sector. Service sector present 53 percent to GDP in 2008. Adverse economic conditions are leading towards poverty, n today we have more people who are living under the poverty line as compared to yesterday. Since they are deprived of basic necessities so they involve in illegal and immoral activities like street crimes, they take money from people and do illegal activites for them. And its also one factor as to why our own people Page 18 of 149

are joining Taliban. They know that if they join hands with talibans then they would live in better conditions. Around 62 million people in Pakistan live below the poverty line.

Standards of living:
In Pakistan our middle class is evacuating and those who are rich are getting richer and poors are getting poorer. So there is huge difference in the standard of living of these 2 classes which leads encourages the lower class to go for unethical means to materialize their needs. The division of resources is not according to contribution.

Religious Extremism:
In Pakistan, the combination of Islam and State has been a matter of great controversy. The roots of this controversy could be traced to the various statements of the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, which he gave during the independence motility and at the time of the emergence of Pakistan. Now a days Pakistan is facing religious extremism and its horrible results. This factor is not only aroused its internal but also its external security. The extremists have become militants involved in terrorists attacks and large number of suicide attacks resulting in the killings of innocent people. Religious Extremism is a serious problem of Pakistan and its basic reason is terrorism. Normally speaking, it shows that Pakistanis want their country to be more Islamic, democratic and less corrupt. Support for religious extremism is low but non-resolvable. The most important way to fight against religious extremism is to showing the importance of respect for other religious customs and the benefits to society of growing a culture of freedom.

Religious Intolerance:
An unfortunate combination of vested interests, misplaced policies and discriminatory laws has drastically reduced the scope for a religiously tolerant state and society in Pakistan. Hate ideologies have damaged our valuable cultural and intellectual heritage. While challenging Page 19 of 149

institutionalized sectarianism is certainly not easy, strengthening the common cultural heritage of Pakistani people offers a less-confrontational way to reverse hate-based indoctrination.

Politicization of religion:
The politicization of religion is a major reason for sectarian aspirations taking root in Pakistan. The conflict between sectarian groups is not merely ideological; often it is impelled by the desire to obtain political power. The evident patronage of the clergy by various governments has steadily raised their public profile and influence, culminating in the current setup, in a meteoric rise of religious parties. But the responsibility for helping religious parties into political power does not lie with the Pakistani state alone. During the 1980s many influential players, including the US and some Middle Eastern governments, lent support for the militarization of religious identities for a proactive role in the Afghan jihad. The decision to use right-wing religious parties to pursue geo-strategic goals first in Afghanistan, and then in Kashmir, led to further politicization on the basis of religion.

State Policies and sectarian conflict:

The International Crisis Group (ICG) blames the sectarian conflict squarely on the state policies of Islamisation and the marginalization of secular democratic forces. Several governments in Pakistan are criticized for co-opting the religious right and continuing to rely on it to counter civilian opposition rather than empowering the people. The ICG holds the state responsible for patronizing particular religious leaders who used religion as a means to create political distraction. Their pulpits were never used to highlight peoples rights and development issues. Moreover, it is pointed out that law like the Hudood Ordinance created operational bias against women. The problems were compounded by enforcement of the Islamic law of evidence in 1984 that excluded womens testimony in cases of Hadd crimes and halved the value of their evidence in civil matters. Non-Muslims were not even allowed to give evidence. There have been numerous cases of people being victimized under these laws.

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3. Analysis:
Types of Militant groups: Islamist militant groups operating in and from Pakistani territory are of five broad types, Globally oriented militants, Afghanistan-oriented militants, India- and Kashmir-oriented militants, Sectarian militants, and domestically oriented, the independent Congressional Research Service said in its latest report to US lawmakers. 1) Globally oriented militants are especially al-Qaeda and its primarily Uzbek affiliates, operating out of the FATA and in the megacity of Karachi. 2) The Afghanistan-oriented militants, including the 'Quetta shura' of Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Omar, believed to operate from the Baluchistan provincial capital of Quetta, as well as Karachi; the organization run by Jalaluddin Haqqani and his son Sirajuddin, in the North Waziristan tribal agency; and the Hizb-I Islami party led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (HiG), operating further north from the Bajaur tribal agency and Dir district. 3) CRS said India- and Kashmir-oriented militants, especially the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Jaishe-Mohammed (JeM), and Harakat ul-Mujahadeen (HuM), are based in both the Punjab province and in Pakistan-held Kashmir. 4) The Sectarian militants, in particular the anti-Shia Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan and its offshoot, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, the latter closely associated with al-Qaeda, operating mainly in Punjab. 5) It said domestically oriented groups are largely Pashtun militants that in 2007 unified under the leadership of now-deceased Baitullah Mehsud as the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, with representatives from each of Pakistan's seven FATA agencies, later to incorporate the Tehreek-eNafaz-e- Shariat-e-Mohammadi led by Maulana Sufi Mohammed in the northwestern Malakand and Swat districts of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. By many accounts the North Waziristan tribal agency, home to the al-Qaeda - and Taliban-allied Haqqani network and the TTP forces of Hafiz Gul Bahadar, among others, is currently the most important haven for both Afghan- and Pakistan-oriented militants.

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Pakistani officials have continued to demur on urgent US requests that their military move into what many consider the "final" militant haven of North Waziristan, saying they need to consolidate the areas newly under their control. In other areas where Pakistani military offensives have taken place, the clearing phase of operations has been largely successful, but the holding phase has proven more difficult, and building is considered impossible to initiate so long as the civilian administration's capacity is severely limited. Moreover, Pakistan's military forces are new to counterinsurgency and demonstrate only limited capacity to undertake effective nonconventional warfare. The report said Pakistan's densely populated Punjab province is home to numerous Islamist militant groups with global and regional jihadist aspirations. Perhaps most notable among these is the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), a US-designated terrorist group with longstanding ties to the ISI. There appear to be growing differences over the threat posed by LeT, with the United States increasingly viewing the group as a serious threat to its own security.

Types of Organizations, their funding and activities:

Highly centralized and hierarchical organizations that are typically led by Amirs, who preside over Majlis-e-Shura and oversee the functions of the different departments and decentralized organizations, are those that are made up of cell-based structures. Increasingly, militant groups, especially those that have a presence in more than one area of operation, are adopting the latter organizational structure because it offers several advantages. A cell-based structure offers increased security, enables a more rapid response, and reduces the need for close geographic proximity.

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Militant Group

Type of Organization

Deobandi

HuJI/HuM/HuA

Highly centralized and hierarchical

JeM

Highly centralized and hierarchical

SSP

Highly centralized and hierarchical

LeJ

Decentralized and cell-based

TTP

Decentralized; loose network

Ahl-e-Hadith

LeT

Highly centralized and hierarchical

Modern Islamist

HM

Highly centralized and hierarchical

Barelvi

Sunni Tehrik

Centralized

Shia

SMP

Centralized

Afghan groups

Taliban

Decentralized; loose network

HQN

Decentralized; loose network

Al Qaeda

Decentralized, trans-national, cell-based

HiG

Highly centralized and hierarchical

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Militant Group

Sources of Funding

Deobandi

HuJI/HuM/HuA

Donations; sale of small arms to other militant groups

JeM

Trusts (Al-Rashid; Al-Akhtar); donations; sale of sacrificial animals

SSP

Donations; Saudi government

LeJ

Donations

TTP

Donations; extortion; smuggling; kidnapping

Ahl-e-Hadith

LeT

Donations; wealthy benefactors; Internet; front businesses

Modern Islamist

HM

JI foundations; donations

Barelvi

Sunni Tehrik

Trusts (Barkati Foundation)

Shia

SMP

Donations; Iranian government

Afghan groups

Taliban

HQN

Opium trade; extortion and donations

al Qaeda

Smuggling; kidnapping and extortion

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Militant group

Type conflict

of Primary area of operation

Deobandi

HuJI/HuM/HuA Jihad

Afghanistan, Kashmir

JeM SSP LeJ TTP Ahl-e-Hadith Modern Islamist Barelvi Shia LeT HM Sunni Tehrik SMP

Jihad Sectarianism Sectarianism Jihad Jihad Jihad

Kashmir, FATA, Pakistan Pakistan Pakistan, FATA Pakistan, FATA Kashmir Kashmir Pakistan Pakistan

Efforts by Government and Foreign bodies to reduce Militancy:

Pakistan has tried a mixture of carrots and sticks with militants operating in its territory. However, poorly coordinated military operations and badly implemented agreements have failed to make a major dent in militant operations, particularly in the tribal areas. Following the 9/11 attacks, Pakistan came under US pressure to reevaluate its ties to militant groups. In response, General Musharraf abandoned the Afghan Taliban and cooperated with the US in capturing al-Qaeda leaders who had sought refuge in Pakistan after the October 2001 American invasion of Afghanistan. This apparent U-turn did not fully rupture the militarys ties to violent Islamists, particularly with domestic militant groups such as the LeT, which have traditionally been supported by the Pakistan military and the ISI. In fact, the Pakistani military continued to make distinctions between terrorists (used for al-Qaeda members) and freedom fighters (groups like the Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) fighting in Indian administered Kashmir). Musharrafs government was also seen as failing to deal with the remnants of the Afghan Taliban, the Quetta based Mullah Omar Shura and the North Waziristan based Haqqani Network, which it considered vital to counter Indian influence in Afghanistan. However, the Page 25 of 149

December 2001 attack on the Indian parliament, allegedly carried out by Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), nearly sparked a war between India and Pakistan as India amassed its troops on Pakistans borders. Under intense pressure the Musharraf government banned the JeM, the LeT and other sectarian groups such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), shutting down their operations and freezing their assets. However, these groups were allowed to resurface under new names. In fact, Maulana Azam Tariq, the chief of the SSP was even allowed to contest the 2002 elections despite outstanding murder charges. Until his assassination by unknown assailants in October 2003, Tariq supported Musharraf in parliament. In June 2002, Musharraf deployed the army in Khyber and Kurram agencies with the aim of blocking al-Qaeda and other terrorists from escaping US attacks in Afghanistan. These efforts were largely unsuccessful and by 2004 terrorists had gained a foothold in the tribal areas, especially in North Waziristan and South Waziristan. Failure to drive out the militants militarily led the Musharraf regime to negotiate a series of peace deals with them. These included the Shakai agreement in South Waziristan (April 2004) and the North Waziristan accord (September 2006) whose aim was to stop militants from engaging in anti-state activities. However, suffering from weak enforcement the agreements failed to prevent the cross-border infiltration of militants into Afghanistan and vice versa. They also expanded the political space available for militants to operate in. Since assuming power in 2008, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)-led civilian government has voiced its resolve to clamp down on militant groups, particularly the TTP which interior minister Rehman Malik described as an extension of al-Qaeda. In 2009, in an effort to end violence the government of Asif Ali Zardari negotiated a peace settlement in the Swat Valley with the Swatbased Tehrik- e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM), an ally of the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban promising the withdrawal of troops from the region and also granting Islamist militants the authority to impose Sharia across the valley. In return the TNSM agreed to lay down arms and to ensure that the Pakistani Taliban in Swat would follow suit. Known as the Nizam -eAdl, the deal collapsed soon after with the militants refusing to disarm, stating that they were dissatisfied with the implementation of the accords and the imposition of Sharia. Amid growing incidents of violence by the militants, the army launched a military operation in April 2009, clearing much of the territory claimed by the Taliban but also displacing thousands of citizens. Page 26 of 149

Since 2009, it has also launched sporadic airstrikes in Orakzai agency and following a series of countrywide attacks a ground offensive against the TTP in South Waziristan. In July/August 2012, media reports pointed to the possibility of a joint U.S-Pakistan operation against the Haqqani Network and militant sanctuaries in North Waziristan although at the time of this writing the details of such an operation had yet to be disclosed. It remains to be seen whether Pakistan will fully cut its ties with its militant proxies which it believes are crucial to perpetuating its interests with regard to India and in Afghanistan, especially once US forces leave the region.

4. Recommendations:

STRENGTHENING LAW ENFORCEMENT

First of all we have to strengthen recruitment in the mosque, madrasa and militias. Law enforcement must be proactive, and focus not only on the banned groups and terror suspects, which are the perpetrators, organizers, financiers and sponsors of terrorism, but also on clerics, politicians, journalists and others who promote violence, sectarian hatred and jihad, in violation of the law and the constitution. The Musharraf governments Madrasa Reform Project (MRP), launched in 2002 by the education ministry and terminated in 2008, reached only 507 out of more than 8,000 registered seminaries, and was deemed a failure even by its coordinator. The religious ministry started a separate MRP in 2005, although it made significant concessions to the clergy, for example dropping the requirement for madrasa managers to disclose sources of income. Preaching in mosques and madrasas remains a principal source of recruitment, aimed mainly at teenage males who respond positively to evocations of jihad and martyrdom. The common factor uniting extremists we arrest is that they are madrasa graduates, said a police official. As various jihadi organizations compete for control, the mosque and madrasa sector continues to expand.

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As many as 70 new illegal mosques have appeared in Islamabad since the Red Mosque siege, including on state land, without any action from the Capital Development Authority, the local administration or the federal government. Provincial authorities should regularly undertake inquiries into the madrasa sector, and not merely in response to a terrorist incident. Oversight mechanisms of mosques and madrasas must be strengthened. Given its role in militancy, the madrasa sectors student body should also be subject to greater scrutiny not only foreign students, who have typically been identified, but Pakistanis as well. The authorities must prosecute demonstrably criminal activity such as hate speech; incitement to violence through inflammatory speeches and literature; encroachment of state and private land; and maintaining private militias, in violation of Article 256 of the constitution. BUILDING CAPACITY a) Prioritizing civilian law enforcement:

The Mumbai attacks have renewed pressures on Pakistans law enforcement sector. The government delegated responsibility for a preliminary investigation into the incident to a threemember committee of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), with the ultimate goal of bringing those involved to trial. While the challenges today are significantly greater as a senior bureaucrat in the Punjab government argued, we are a long way away from returning to the late nineties situation those earlier efforts, and the ongoing investigations into the Mumbai attack are evidence that civilian law enforcement agencies can indeed deliver, if properly authorized and equipped to meet their mandate. Notwithstanding their successes against the SSP and other militant groups in the late 1990s, civilian law enforcement agencies were still developing their capacity to investigate militant jihadi activity when the 11 September 2001 attacks occurred, after which the military-dominated Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate

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(ISI) assumed the lead role in counter-terrorism. Today, an ill-equipped, understaffed and widely corrupt police force must be reformed and strengthened if it is to successfully confront the jihadi threat. Currently, a Criminal Investigation Department (CID) in every province and the FIA in Islamabad oversee criminal investigations. The Intelligence Bureau (IB), the main civilian intelligence agency, also falls under the police. These agencies are not only dependent on the ISIs access to data, but also remain at the mercy of its strategic interests. This has often disrupted investigations. The police cannot access mobile phone records, the starting point of many investigations, without ISI clearance, which can take weeks. That information is extremely urgent, a former CID official said. The arrests of scores of SSP militants in the 1990s, later convicted, were based primarily on phone records, particularly calls made shortly often a matter of minutes after a major sectarian attack. According to a senior investigator, kidnapping for ransom, a major source of terrorist financing, is rampant today only because the police dont have access to [mobile phone] data.Kidnappers use mobile phones during negotiations [with the victims family members]. If we had proper access, we could trace them. The Punjab home department has requested the federal interior ministry for mobile phone data to be immediately available to the provincial government through the police but so far unsuccessfully. The argument is that this authority can be abused or misused, said a senior bureaucrat. So we are still handicapped. Greater coordination between the various law enforcement agencies is also essential. Interagency competition often undermines cooperation in terrorist investigations. Said one official with experience in anti-terrorism: The ISI wont give anything to the FIA; the FIA wont share anything with the CID. Such rivalry has even hindered the ongoing FIA-led investigation into the Marriott bombing, with other agencies like the IB blocked from contributing meaningfully. The lack of a formal hierarchy, with clearly defined roles, is partly to blame. Many law enforcement officials argue for a pyramid structure with a single, civilian-led agency at the top.

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b) Modernizing the agencies:

Granting more authority to the police and civilian intelligence must be accompanied by significantly greater government investment. Police still lack the capacity to gather credible forensic evidence. Prosecutions of jihadi militants largely rely on confessions, which do not have traction in the courts as defendants often reverse their confessions when facing a judge, claiming to have been coerced during interrogation. Witnesses are understandably too scared to testify in terrorist cases without a witness protection program. Police therefore rely on technical evidence, but lack the equipment necessary to collect it. As a result, many key figures have managed to secure releases. The Punjab government has approved a 1.7 billion rupee (almost $22 million) project to establish a large-scale forensic science lab with toxicology, DNA, fingerprinting, firearms analysis and other resources for better crime scene investigations. The project includes training Pakistani scientists in the U.S. and elsewhere. A comparable national program should also be considered by the federal government and supported by the international community. Since the Criminal Procedure Code is a federal issue, the National Assembly (lower house of parliament) should make amendments to include such provisions as a witness protection program, and address other information gaps that undermine investigations and prosecutions. The police can set up information centers, similar to complaints centers, where anonymous callers may provide information about terrorist activity, with an administrative or investigative team capable of acting on it. The government should also strengthen CPLCs established under Musharrafs Police Order of 2002 in other cities such as Lahore and Faisalabad, which have so far been unsuccessful due to lack of resources and autonomy. It should also enhance the role of Public Safety Commissions, which currently monitor police performance for basic fairness for example whether police have filed a First Information Report (FIR) against a person in detention as required by law to ensure that police are properly following up on evidence of militant activity. The international community should also shift its Page 30 of 149

focus from providing military aid to strengthening the capacity of civilian law enforcement to obtain tangible data and conduct conclusive investigations against jihadi groups. Very little of the equipment and resources the international community, particularly the U.S., provided to the Musharraf government, filtered down to the provinces. International engagement, particularly by the U.S. and the EU, should focus on: supporting the governments current efforts to enhance forensics capabilities through provision of equipment and expertise; intelligence sharing between international and domestic civilian agencies; supplying modern law enforcement equipment to police and ensuring it reaches the provincial level; training officers in how to build cases against terrorists and helping strengthen links between police and prosecutors. Donor-funded training programs should focus especially on younger officers. TACKLING THE TRIBAL AREAS

The unique law and order challenges in FATA and NWFP make reform there especially urgent. As elsewhere, reforms must establish civilian control over counter-terrorism. However, any such efforts will have scant chances of success unless the government carries through on its promises to repeal the Frontier Crimes Regulations; and bring FATA into the constitutional and federal framework by incorporating it into NWFP. Earlier policies to bring peace to the Pakhtun belt have failed exactly because they pursued solutions based on the militarys resort to indiscriminate force or appeasement, with FATA remaining out of the jurisdiction of the police and courts. Much greater civilian control over law and order in FATA and NWFP is needed. It might be unrealistic to expect the army to submit to civilian oversight in the short term, but counter-insurgency and counterterrorism efforts in FATA are unlikely to yield results without a durable political and administrative infrastructure. A proposal by the NWFP inspector-general for an elite police force of 7,500 to focus exclusively on fighting terrorism and militancy, with the appropriate training and equipment, could succeed if properly implemented. Such a force should, once fully equipped and trained, replace the military as the primary agency in confronting the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban and other extremist groups in FATA and NWFP. The PPP government has refused to negotiate with militants who do not disarm, insisting

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that it would enter into negotiations only with those who first surrendered their weapons. It should implement this policy not only in FATA, but also neighboring districts. Litigants who appeal to Taliban run courts in FATA, for example, are not embracing Islamisation, but rather rejecting a judicial and administrative infrastructure, based on tribal jirgas (councils of elders, with judicial roles), that has failed to dispense justice. By and large, the people of the tribal areas and settled districts are increasingly terrorized by the Pakistani Talibans intolerant governance and brutal justice, which includes punishments such as public beheadings that flout local customs. Forward looking legislation, based on granting political and civil rights and enshrining political competition by extending the Political Parties Act to FATA, is the only effective way to win public confidence and marginalize Islamists. The militarys assistance to tribal lashkars (militias), supported tacitly, at the very least, by the provincial and federal governments, is similarly unsustainable and counter-productive. These groups have had some successes against religious extremists, including imposing pressure on them to surrender arms. Secular forces in the tribal areas require political, not armed, mobilization. Supporting political reform in FATA, the U.S. and the EU should strongly urge the Pakistani military against appeasing the militants and against arming any insurgent group or militia. The U.S. itself should, in the absence of any reliable intelligence, carefully calibrate unilateral cross-border strikes to minimize the risk of civilian casualties. The indiscriminate use of force by the Pakistani military, including attacks by helicopter gunship and heavy artillery, in ongoing military operations against the extremists in FATA has caused enormous damage to an already fragile social infrastructure, which will have to be rebuilt. With militant threats likely to escalate in the near future, the government should instead adopt focused and rigorous methods, relying on and allocating more resources and authority to civilian law enforcement and intelligence agencies, and encouraging the military to focus on its primary responsibility of protecting the countrys borders. It must also respond to threats to civil society, and provide effective security to declared or likely militant targets, particularly male and female primary and secondary schools.

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Bibliography:

Kiran Firdous. (2010). Militancy in Pakistan. Available: http://www.issi.org.pk/publication-files/1299825170_97247252.pdf. Last accessed 27th Nov 2012

"Dealing with Militancy | Islamopedia Online." Dealing with Militancy | Islamopedia Online. N.P., n.d. Web. 01 Dec. 2012. <http://www.islamopediaonline.org/countryprofile/pakistan/transnational-influences-and-militancy/dealing-militancy>.

"Five Type of Militant Groups Operating from Pakistan: Report." The Economic Times. N.P., n.d. Web. 01 Dec. 2012. <http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2011-0531/news/29604122_1_bajaur-tribal-agency-militants>.

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GROUP B
ETHNIC POLARIZATION IN PAKISTAN"

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Name

Contribution Took input from each member, compiled

Remarks

the report and added illustrations. Wrote Ateeb Hamid Khan Recommendations and paraphrased 01-111112-044 Group Leader elements that might have been borrowed from other sources. Farhan took on the responsibility to write Farhan Ali Khan 01-111101-034 down the analysis for the report. - Fulfilled his responsibility well within available time. Volunteered to write on the Causes of Hammad Ghafoor 01-111101-039 ethnic polarization in Pakistan. -

Volunteered to write on the Causes of ethnic polarization in Pakistan and

provided illustrations. Asad volunteered to write the introduction Asad Iqbal 01-111101-021 to our report. - Wrote the history of ethnic polarization in Pakistan and the

introduction to the report. Amir Bakhtyar 01-211101-007 Proofread the report for errors.

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Introduction

Ethnic groups and conflicts often transcend country borders, indicating that notions of relative strength and resolve may also surpass such borders. The concept of ethnicity is not easy to define. Different scholars have used different methodologies and tools to define this phenomenon. Some scholars name ethnicity as minority, group, caste, or race. There are others who studied in terms of insiders and outsiders. Anthropologists describe ethnic as A group possessing some degree of coherence and solidarity composed of people who are aware of having common origin and interest.

So one can define that ethnicity is a group of individuals living side by side but not intermingling with each other. These people grouped together on the basis of territory, profession, languages, geography without conflicting with each other until and unless they are triggered to do so. Ethnicity itself is not harmful for the existence of any state. The intensity of different variables creates contradictory point of view and hostile environment within the territory of any state.

Ethnicity defined in relation to Pakistani Context

There is hardly any state in the world, which is not ethnically plural. Pakistan is no exception in this regard. Pakistan is a multilingual, multiethnic and multicultural country with more than 60 languages spoken in it, which evidently gives the country a unique ethnic diversity. This case study focuses on the concept of ethnicity and different variables such as religion, language, territory and caste, etc. that cause an ethnic divide between the people of Pakistan. These causes have the potential to give birth violent conflicts among different ethnic identities of Pakistan, as has been observed in the past.

The root cause of this divide is the apparent lack of equality in terms of adequate representation of ethnic identities. This process of national integration can only be remedied when each language and ethnic group is given equal rights according to the

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constitution, so as to facilitate the flourish of every specific cultural identity. Ethnic identities come into conflict when they face imbalance in the society.

History and Background

Pakistan is linguistically diverse; besides Urdu, the official language, Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Balochi as well as a number of other languages are also spoken here.

Since 1947, the society and state of Pakistan has been caught in the whirlpool of divergent cross cutting social-political fiber. The country is fraught with various problems of crucial and intricate nature but ethnicity has emerged as one of the most significant and delicate issue. The dilemma before Pakistan has been to create a national identity out of diverse regional and linguistic loyalties. Ideology was considered to be the suitable dough for the workable mold of Pakistan, but ideas were frustrated when the socio regional linguistic and racial realities began surfacing.

The Bengalis became agitated and voiced this agitation when Urdu was declared the national language of Pakistan. Their contention was that the language of majority should be accepted as national language. The students of Dhaka University held processions in favor of their language and the government instead of persuading them, opted to imprison the students who were labeled as protestors. This incident spread insecurity amongst the different ethnic identities that existed in the country.

To further complicate matters, the attitude of religious clergy towards the non-Muslims minorities called for the minorities to strengthen their cores and demand more rights for their existence.

After the separation of East Pakistan it was thought that Pakistan might emerge as unified entity in South Asia. Unfortunately, this could not materialize as the immensely diverse society of Pakistan remained unable to evolve under a viable and stable political

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system. Runaq Jahan aptly pointed out that Pakistan emerged as a state but failed to create nationalism.

Causes

There are different variables which have been playing a vital role in generating an increasing amount of ethnic conflict in the country. A few of these variables have surfaced in the form of religion, language, territory and most importantly, ethnic conflict on the basis of caste.

Adoption of Cultural values

Pakistan is a state which was formed as a result of partition of an already existing state on the basis of religious differences present between Muslims and Hindus of the Indian subcontinent, at a time when the ruling party was the British. When Pakistan emerged on the face of the globe, its people had different ethnic groups and cultural values. Page 38 of 149

Those who were already residing in the Punjab region of Pakistan were different from those who migrated from the Indian Punjab to Pakistan, and thus had different views, values and norms, as well as different Punjabi dialects.

As we live in the present, we see a lot of Ethnic diversity in Pakistan. One of the major reasons behind that is that although Pakistan was found in the name of Islam and is a Muslim state, we have an adopted cultural base which dates back to many centuries.

We do know that that we have Punjabis, Sindhis, Balochis, Mahajirs, Saraikis and Pathans but do we knows what being a true Pakistan is? Have we truly ever embraced our identity as a Pakistani or does the only instance of patriotism strike when there is an India versus Pakistan cricket match?

Leadership

Probably the largest problem and the most contributing factor to Pakistans ethnic polarization is its failed leadership. After the death of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Prime Minister Khan Liaquat Ali Khan, political leaders who assumed power were politically weak and could not develop strong democratic political system which was necessary for equal representation of all ethnic identities of Pakistan. Since then Pakistan has not seen true visionaries in the government setup. The leaders for the independence movement had achieved their aim in the later part of their lives and were not available to guide it through its formative years. Their successors were nobles, landlords and military men who lacked the true grit to unify the people of Pakistan as one entity. It is the imposed ideology of these selfish and corrupt leaders which now directs the masses into ethnic conflicts, the reason why we see the distressed situation of Karachi where a diverse community resides and conflicts arise between different ethnicities.

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Religion

Religious groups such as the Jamat-e-Islami and Jamiat-ul-ulema-e-Islam have always exploited Islamic ideology to manipulate people into conforming to their views. For a nation that was built in the name of Islam, its religious leaders have been largely unable to devise a cohesive policy for the well being of common people due to severe ideological differences among their ranks. Under the circumstances, the differences between Shia and Sunni aggravated. Whenever efforts have been made to bring them close to each other by the state or by religious activists, serious trouble has resulted in the form of violence of destruction of property.

For preserving their own specific personal interests, Pakistani rulers have repeatedly pushed different religious groups into war of sectarianism. Latent differences among different religious groups became explicit by the policies of General Zia-ul-Haq (who intended well), with his Islamization reforms. General Zias era was an era of politicoreligious indoctrination, which widened the gulf between Sunni and Shia groups.

In a society like Pakistan, which is heterogeneous in nature and homogeneous on the name of Islam, religion naturally has significant role in creating balance amongst different ethnic groups, unfortunately however religion has not yet proven to be a binding force.

Language

About 98% of languages spoken in Pakistan are Indo-Iranian, which is a branch of IndoEuropean family of languages. Most languages of Pakistan are written in the PersoArabic script, with significant vocabulary derived from Persian as well as Arabic words found in Persian. Pakistan is a multilingual state, where the Pathans, Sindhi, Balochi, Punjabi, Mohajir and Saraiki identities are expressed through Pashto, Sindhi, Balochi, Punjabi, Urdu and Saraiki Languages.

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Despite being a native language of a relatively small minority, Urdu is the national language and lingua franca of Pakistan, while English is the official language, used in the Constitution and widely used by corporate businesses, the educated urban elite, and most universities. Punjabi is spoken by over 60 million people, but has no official recognition in the country.

Language Punjabi Pashto Sindhi Saraiki Urdu Balochi Others Total

2008 Estimate 76,367,360 26,692,890 26,410,910 18,019,610 13,120,540 6,204,540 8,089,15 172,900,000 44.15% 15.42% 14.10% 10.53% 7.57% 3.57% 4.66% 100%

Major Areas Spoken Punjab Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Sindh South Punjab Karachi, Sindh Balochistan Pakistan

Smaller ethnic groups, such as Kashmiris, Hindkowans, Kalash, Burusho, Brahui, Khowar, Shina, Balti and Turwalis are mainly found in the northern parts of the country. The above census does not take into account and include the registered 1.7 million Afghan refugees from neighboring Afghanistan.

Ethnic clashes in the form of violence and opposition are most evident in Sindh where Sindhi, Mohajirs, Punjabis, Pathans, Baloch, and Gujrati people live in communities and are forced to interact with each other. These linguistic groups have been involved in tussles with each other on various occasions in the past. Language riots broke out in Sindh in 1972 as a result of resisting the dominance of Urdu. Sindhi nationalists became so active in the politics of Sindh that during Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttos Regime Sindh, the National Assembly passed a bill declaring Sindhi as the official language of Sindh.

After partition, the Balochis felt a sigh of relief after Balochistan got its own federal government. The Balochi people were hopeful that their language would get due status. Page 41 of 149

However in 1972, the Governor of Balochistan, who was none other than the wellknown Balochi nationalist Ghaus Baksh Bizenjo, declared Urdu as the official language. This did nothing but add fuel to the fire.

There is a similar scenario in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa where the majority speaks Pashto but the official language is Urdu. The southern Punjab wants to establish a province of its own due to the apparent perception that there is injustice, lack of development, and minimal access to power, goods and services.

Caste System

In rural areas of Pakistan, the biradary system is strong and deep rooted. The Arains of Toba Tek Singh, the Makhdoom of Hala and Chaudhris of Gujrat would vote for their own kin. There is a chain of main castes and sub-castes. For brief periods of time, different caste groups become dormant but soon emerge with a new name. Caste based conflicts usually can be observed during the elections. Caste system not only dominates rural politics but also the politics of urban areas. Page 42 of 149

Electoral process is one of the major variables that can contribute in determining the role of different class plus castes groups in politics. Prominent members of different ethnic groups are assassinated in order to sabotage the elections for an opposing entity.

Instead of discouraging this trend, some politicians extract political mileage out of it and as a consequence give further depth to the roots of ethnic hatred. Caste system plays as important a role in the politics of Pakistan as the political parties. Generally it can be stated that with the working of political parties, ethnic groups are assimilated in the main stream of the society. In Pakistan, political parties are vehicle of the castes to obtain power. Political parties issue party tickets to those candidates who belong to dominant caste or class. During national elections it can be observed that this stratification has been effectively hegemonic not only in rural areas but in urban centers too. People of a specific caste cast their vote to the candidate who is from their specific caste without analyzing the policies of the relative candidate. Thus, caste system is one of the major sources that gives birth to tension among different segments of society.

Territory

The constitution of 1973 had a federal and concurrent list leaving the residuary powers to provinces. Political stability, economic development, cultural harmony, peace and social stability can only be achieved by removing this sense of deprivation present among the provinces. This can only be achieved when there is economic freedom and equal distribution and equilibrium of economic assets and funds both at national and regional level.

National Finance commission is the constitutional organ for the allocation of state revenues among the federation and units. Smaller provinces were not happy regarding allocation of resources based on the percentage of population of each unit. Small

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provinces used to feel a sense of deprivation, when Punjab having large population achieved more resources than Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan.

Another major problem, which becomes a cause of conflict and ethnic polarization among different ethnic groups of Pakistan, is the domination of one province or one specific ethnic group at the power structure. Ruling elite always followed the policy of centralization of power instead of decentralization. Pakistan had to face disintegration process due to this policy. That is the reason we see provincial level conflict on the distribution of water and irrigations system as well.

Diversified Education

Education is one the most important pillars of a human life. Unfortunately we dont just have lack of education we also have a diversified education as well. The children who belong to elite background go to private schools that have totally different curriculum they may learn different languages have a lot broader perspective regarding society and live a lavish life style which is totally different from the masses of Pakistan.

On the other hand the remaining children mostly go the public schools which are governed by government system they have an entirely different curriculum and produce a student who has a totally different perspective regarding society. Children at the early stage age are like moving water and can be molded in whichever way the teachers prefer. If the early foundation of a child is different it will impact his/her whole personality and certainly he will bring different set of values to the society. Its similar to constructing a building if the foundations are different from other buildings the buildings shape will definitely change. The problem aggravates when the elite usually becomes a part of the government and forms policies for the masses which creates ethnic conflicts among the masses.

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Analysis

In these unstable times, this fact is now concrete that ethnic stability is shaping up to be a serious threat to the integrity of our country. Ethnic differences are ingrained in the minds of individuals from the moment they are born to the moment they die. A lot of people among us might deny it but it is the bitter truth that as soon as we see somebody, we try to presume their race or their origins. We form judgments on the basis of something as seemingly deceptive as skin color. Although these judgments seem to be harmless but they are the foundation or base of a barrier that forbids us to recognize someones moral character, intellect, potential and professional capabilities.

Our society tends to be extremely vigilant in forming stereotypes and making generalizations. The ethnic disputes and provincialism are leading problems that arise from these actions. We get to hear about the widespread unrest between the Sindhis, Pathans and Mohajirs in Karachi. Agro industrial settlers and Punjabi civil military are loathed in Balochistan. Balochi people feel that they have been treated unjustly and they have not been provided their fair share of political representation and economic development. These divisions are not only causing political instabilities but are affecting the country with severe economic downfalls. Economic disputes transforming into the category of ethnic prejudices are the sole reasons of the ongoing violence in Karachi which has become average news over the years.

At the time of migration, Punjab and Sindh welcomed a large number of migrants who settled in Hyderabad, Karachi and Sukkur. The term Mohajirs was imprinted on these migrants. From the early days, the Sindhi people were not able to accept the Mohajirs into their homeland whole heartedly. Most of the immigrants belonged to middle class urban families who were relatively well educated and were occupied various professions. The Sindhi natives on the other hand were less educated and were struggling to cope up with the feudal lord system. The feeling of resentment was not only present among the general masses but the feudal lords also disliked the Mohajirs Page 45 of 149

who were reaping the economic prospects of the lands that they deemed were their birth right. The 70s were plagued with a violent confrontation between the two communities because the Sindhis were not agreeing to the change of accepting Urdu as their national language. In the end, the argument could not be settled in the favor of either community and it fizzled out but it left behind the trail of a massive bloodshed.

Karachi developed the status of an economic hub in a limited time. Punjabi and Pashtuns also came and settled in the same locality and gave the Sindhis and Mohajirs some competition for their jobs. Altaf Hussain created Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) to safeguard the rights of the Muhajirs in 1986. Their involvement in culpable activities is a well-accepted fact. Different people are of different opinion as to whether the formulation of MQM has actually helped Karachi or not.

However it is an undeniable fact that the biggest ethnic prejudice lies in the establishment of Bangladesh; formerly East Pakistan. The literacy rate and population of East Pakistan was greater in comparison to West Pakistan. Owing to their larger numbers, they had a demand of giving Bengali the status of the official language of Pakistan which was ignored. Their representation in the government and the National Assembly was not satisfactory at all. Monetary and financial disputes followed. The Bengalis were of the opinion that the amount of foreign exchange earned from their produce was not at all, equal to what was being spent on them. They were not wrong to state their demands because they were being ignored by senior bureaucrats of West Pakistan. India took advantage of this situation and provided Bangladesh help to segregate them from Pakistan by providing them financial and military assistance.

I think it is about time we look beyond the obstacles of provincial and racial boundaries and understand the real philosophy behind the bond that binds us in the form of a single nation. Bloodshed, mass murder and increased tension are the only results of ethnic prejudices; nothing beneficial has ever some of these differences. The people of Pakistan should not only read the concept of Two Nation Theory, they should grasp it as well. They need to understand the true meaning of the establishment of this state. It Page 46 of 149

does not matter if we are Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtun or Urdu speaking. We have been united under a single flag and that makes us Pakistani, nothing more nothing less. We might think our ethnicity gives us an edge over other people but beyond the boundaries of this state, nobody cares if we belong to different ethnic groups. They say that the chain is only as strong as its weakest link. Let us show the world that the current turmoil in our country cannot dampen our spirit in hopes of a better future. We are dreamers, always have been and always will be.

Alternative Courses of action

United we stand, divided we fall Aesop.

Pakistan was built in the name of Islam. It was to be a home for the Muslim population of the Indian subcontinent, not for the Sindhis or Balochis or Pathans. Unfortunately for us, we seem to have forgotten that and instead we try to identify ourselves by our respective castes and not as Pakistanis. It really is a sad state of affairs, if the only time we take pride in being Pakistanis is when we have to put on green colors and put on a show for others to see on the day of Independence or when there is an International sporting fixture.

Ethnic conflicts in Pakistan, have destabilized the political system and undermined the foundations of the state. Violent clashes between different ethnic groups in cities such as Karachi have become so common that they have now been accepted as norms. It is not as if the decision makers dont try their level best to diffuse the situation, or to control the violence, but the strategies and policies currently in place fail to achieve the objectives.

The honest and simple folks of this country have had to pay a heavy price for placing their hopes in the hands of the greedy and the corrupt ruling class. It is time we use tools like media and technology to expose the corrupt and to spread awareness regarding the rights of the common man so as to empower him to elect the right kind of Page 47 of 149

leadership that is to be accountable for its action and answerable to the people of this nation.

Not enough emphasis can be placed on the importance of strengthening our institutions. It is of critical importance to note that Government institutions are put in place for the welfare of the state and to provide relief and support to the people. The people responsible for the administration of such institutions should be appointed on the basis of merit, not references.

It is of paramount importance to have an honest leadership which has a broader perspective of looking at things which will impart the ideology to bring people together instead of creating differences.

Pakistan is in dire need of proper educational reforms. There is a sickening trend here that only the wealthy minority of Pakistan is able to afford decent schooling and attend well known and recognized Universities. The general population has no option but to send their children to Urdu medium schools where, given the dreadful condition of facilities and unfair allocation of resources, the standards are less than satisfactory. We need to have a standardized and uniform curriculum across the board under the administration of the government to ensure it that our education system produces a citizen of Pakistan who thinks as a Pakistani.

We must find a remedy to the aforementioned problems if we are to hope to ever unite as a nation. After all, the road to prosperity is dependent on unison and cooperation. Pakistan is a young nation and as time heals all wounds, we believe this great nation will learn from its mistakes and rise to be the state it is destined to be; the state its founders envisioned it to be, In sha Allah.

They say be the change you wish to see in the world. If we as individuals, dont change the way we see each other, we cant hope for a united Pakistan. Therefore, we need to stop identifying ourselves and others around us by their ethnicity. Page 48 of 149

Language seems to be a major cause of the ethnic divide in our nation, so as individuals we need to make a conscious effort to speak in the common tongue, at least while in public, instead of conversing in our mother tongue, even with people from the same ethnic group. This will be a positive towards desegregating our society.

We need to immediately impose laws to disallow civilians from carrying fire arms in order to try and curb the violence.

We need to use media channels and newsgroups to try and bring the community together. This can be done by having news segments featuring all the different ethnic groups equally and allowing equal representation of all ethnic identities in talent shows and music programs such as Coke Studio.

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References

http://www.scribd.com/doc/99482312/Ethnic-Polarization-In-Pakistan http://www.friendskorner.com/forum/f137/debate-ethnic-hatred-pakistan-276923/ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_groups_in_Pakistan http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Pakistan#Ethnic_groups http://www.epw.in/book-reviews/ethnicity-and-nationalism-pakistan.html

Rounaq Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration, New York, Columbia University Press, 1972, p.4

Musa khan Jalalzai, Sectarianism and Politico- Religious Terrorism in Pakistan, Lahore, Tarteeb Publishers, 993, p.164 Tariq Rehman, Language and Politics in Pakistan, Karachi, Oxford University Press, 1996, p.112

Rasool Bakhsh Rais, State Society and democratic Change in Pakistan, Karachi, Oxford University Press, p.149

Ghulam. W Chaudhary, Pakistan Transition from Military to Civilian Rule, England, Scorpion Publishing Ltd, 1998, p.187

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GROUP C
KASHMIR DISPUTE

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Group Leader's Evaluation

Group:
C-Section A

Topic:
Kashmir Dispute

Group Leader:
Sameen

Group members:
Sardar Hasan Ali Khan Harris Qureshi Sana Ahmed Gul e Rana Quratulain Ashraf

Evaluation:
The work was divided equally among the group members. Every group members input was considered and formulated in the case study and each individual fully completed the assigned task.

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Kashmir Dispute: While partitioning India to meet the demand of a separate homeland for the Muslims in the form of Pakistan, the British violated the basic principle and allowed India to occupy the then state of Kashmir. The Jammu and Kashmir Dispute (referred to as the Kashmir Dispute) is the core issue between Pakistan and India that has bedeviled relations between the two countries since August 1947. It is also a known fact that the perceptions of India and Pakistan about what constitutes the dispute are totally different. Pakistan regards it as an unfinished agenda of the Partition of the sub-continent in 1947 and as an issue of granting the right of self-determination to the Kashmiris. India, on the other hand, regards it as its territorial issue. It asserts that Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and that Pakistan is occupying Indian Territory. The impasse has resulted with India occupying two thirds of the territory of Jammu and Kashmir, and Pakistan administering one-third, with an UN-recognized ceasefire line separating them. The conflict in Kashmir dates to the partition of India in 1947. The State of Jammu & Kashmir was at this time majority Muslim but with a Hindu ruler, and it was unclear whether it would accede to Pakistan or India. Its eventual accession to India became a matter of dispute between the two countries, with both India and Pakistan claiming ownership of Kashmir. Around one third of the territory has since been administered by Pakistan, with the remainder administered by India, including Kashmir Valley, which has a strong Muslim majority. The Kashmir conflict continues to be unresolved after more than six decades, fuelling the conventional and nuclear arms race between India and Pakistan and bleeding their economy. Both countries have gone to war on three occasions over Kashmir and the possibility of war between the two countries has become frightening given their nuclear weapon capability. Kashmir continues to be the bone of contention between India and Pakistan. Each side insists it is right and the other is wrong. India insists that the accession of Kashmir to India is final and complete and hence Kashmir is an integral part of India and that all would be well in Kashmir, but for Pakistan's cross-border terrorism. Pakistan on the other hand, insists that Kashmir is a disputed territory and that it is merely providing Page 53 of 149

moral and diplomatic support for an indigenous freedom struggle in Kashmir. A large number of Kashmiris do not believe that the 1947 accession is final; they insist that Kashmir is a disputed territory and demand self-determination. Indian public is bombarded with the official version of rhetoric on Kashmir, as Pakistanis are bombarded likewise with their version. History In August 1947, Kashmirs autocratic ruler, His Highness Maharaja Sir Hari Singh Indar Mahindar Bahadur Sir Hari Singh, was faced with a momentous decision. The imperial government in London had always allowed some major landholders on the subcontinent a degree of autonomy and technically Kashmir had never been part of British India. The maharajas antecedents had secured the right to govern some of their own affairs by recognizing the paramount of the British Crown. The compact between the British and the Maharajas family was symbolized by the payment of a tribute: each year Hari Singh had to provide the British government with a horse, twelve goats and six of Kashmirs famous shawls or pashminas. When the British left, the maharaja had three options: Kashmir could become independent or join either India or Pakistan. The rulers of over 550 Princely State rulers faced the same decision but in the case of Kashmir the issue was especially sensitive. Its large population and proximity to both China and Russia gave the state considerable strategic importance. The matter was further complicated by religion: Kashmir was one of a handful of Princely States in which the ruler did not practice the same religion as most of his people. While the maharaja was a Hindu, over three-quarters of his subjects were Muslims. The fact that Kashmir was not only predominantly Muslim but also congruous with Pakistan convinced Mohammed Ali Jinnah that the maharajas decision could go in his favor. Kashmir, he said at the time of partition, will fall into our lap like a ripe fruit. It was a naive misjudgment of Himalayan proportions. The maharaja had most of the shortcomings associated with Indias decadent aristocracy. He was a hedonist and a reactionary whose main interests were food, hunting and above all else horse racing. He showed lack of judgment in matters of Page 54 of 149

state. In July 1947, with the transfer of power just weeks away, he took the view that the British are never really going to leave India. British control over the Subcontinent India under the British was divided into two distinct entities, British Provinces and Princely States. Princely States under the Government of India Act 1935 were defined as including any territory, whether described as a state, an estate, a jagir or otherwise. They were under the suzerainty of His Majesty and not a part of the British India. The code of conduct governing the relations of the princely states with the British Government was, therefore, different from that which governed the relations between provinces and the British Government. In the case of the provinces, the authority of the British Government was direct. It was exercised through the British Parliament, the Secretary of State for India, Governor General in Council or Provincial Governors. In the case of the princely states, the authority was indirectly exercised by various treaties, engagements and sanads, supplemented by usage and sufferances. In 1945, Churchill's coalition government was voted out and Clement Attlee's Labor Party came to power in London. British Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced in the House of Commons, in February 1946, that a Parliamentary delegation would visit India with a view to meeting the national leaders and discuss various problems connected with self government in India. The Cabinet Mission, consisting of Lord Pethic Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps, and Mr. L. V. Alexander, all members of the British Government, arrived in India on 23rd March, 1946, and held conferences with four representatives, two each of the Congress and the Muslim League. But the conference failed to devise and agreed formula and the Mission announced their own proposal in the State Paper of May 16, 1946. Their plan rejected the Muslim League's demand for Pakistan and proposed a federal union of India including British India and Indian Princely States. It provided for the establishment of a Constitutional Assembly to frame the future Constitution of India, which was to be based on the principle that the center would control only three subjects, Foreign Affairs, Defense and Communications, all other subjects were to be administered by autonomous provinces and states.

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It was proclaimed by the Secretary of State for India that paramount was to lapse after India had achieved independence and that the future relationship of the states with the rest of India was to be decided by the parties themselves through consultations and negotiations. In the meantime, 200 delegates of All India State People's Conference from all over India, met to discuss the Cabinet Mission Plan, on 8-11 June,1946. During his speech in the meeting Pandit Jawahir Lal Nehru insisted on democratization of the states to bring them at par with the rest of India. He said," Rulers alone can't decide the fate of nearly 100 million people." The Cabinet Mission Plan was accepted by the princes, but they wanted to make some proposals during interim period. All these proposals were not at all concerned with people of the states. The situation however changed when the Muslim League, after joining the Interim Government, refused to join the Constitutional Assembly and continued to insist on its demand for Pakistan. It was felt all over the country and in England that events in India were leading towards a dangerous impasse. In order to face the situation more effectively, the British Government appointed Lord Viscount Mountbatten in place of Lord Wavell as Governor-General of India. Lord Mountbatten Lord Mountbatten, plunged himself in the negotiations with the leaders of different political parties and announced that long before June 1948, the Dominions of India and Pakistan would be established and that the question of Indian states would be dealt with in the light of the Cabinet Mission's memorandum of May 12,1946. To approve the British plan, a conference between Mountbatten and several Indian leaders was held on June 2, 1947. It was approved on June 3, 1947. The plan stated; "while paramountcy will lapse, according to His Majesty's Governments declaration of May 12, and May 16,1946, His Majesty's Government will not enter into military or any other agreement with the Indian states." Most of the states were under the impression that the lapse of paramountcy meant independent status for the states and they could either join the Constitution Assembly or remain independent. Seeing the attitude of the rulers in taking decision, Pandit Nehru Page 56 of 149

said on June 15,1947, in the All India Congress Committee: We will not recognise the independence of the states in India and any recognition of such independence by any foreign power will be considered as unfriendly act ". Mr. Jinnah contested the views of Pandit Nehru. On June 17,1947, he said," Constitutionally and legally the Indian states will be independent sovereign states on the termination of paramountcy and they will be free to decide for themselves and adopt any course they like; it is open to them to join the Hindustan Constitutional Assembly or decide to remain independent. In case they opt for independence they would enter into such agreements or relationships with Hindustan or Pakistan as they may choose." Throughout the negotiations on the Cabinet Mission proposals as well as the subsequent schemes of partition and transfer of power, the question of states and State People's right was kept in the foreground by the Congress and assurances were extracted from the British Government that on the lapse of paramountcy the princes would not become sovereign rulers... "Sovereignty must reside in the people and not in any individual. The State people's claim to represent for themselves is justified and will see to it that they are heard. And certainly their rulers cannot speak for them," said Nehru on June 8, 1947 before the delegates of State Peoples conference. Whereas the Congress supported the cause of the people of the states to determine their relations with the Dominions, Muslim League's attitude towards them was antipathetic. The League's policy of not estranging the princes had become apparent when Mr. Jinnah made the following observations as far back as 1940: The only important states which matter are not in the Eastern but in the North-Western one. They are Kashmir, Bahawalpur, Patiala etc. If these states willingly agree to come into the federation of the Muslim Homeland, we shall be glad to come to a reasonable and honorable settlement with them. We, however, have no desire to force them or coerce them in any way. Issue With the passing of Indian Independence Act 1947, all the states were released from their obligations to the Crown. They became free to align their future with either of two Page 57 of 149

Dominions. All the negotiations that had already been held on Cabinet Mission proposal of 1946 and the transfer of power and Independence Act of 1947, made it evident that if Indian states became separate independent entities, it would create a serious vacuum between the Central Government and the States; this would affect not only political relations but also economic and other relations between the two. Taking into consideration these problems, Heartley Showcross, the under secretary of States for India in a speech emphatically maintained that the British Government would not recognize any state as a separate international entity, and Prime Minister Atlee speaking on Independence Bill, hoped that no irrevocable decision to stay out prematurely will be taken. State Department was set up on 27 June,1947, to deal with matters concerning states. It was divided into two sections; one to be headed by a Congress leader and the other by a Muslim League leader. Sardar Patel and Abdur Rab Nishtar headed these sections. Sardar Patel issued agenda for the conference of rulers of princely states to be held on 25 July, 1947. It included (i) Accession of the states on defence, external affairs, and communications (ii) Standstill Agreement. It was enthusiastically welcomed by states. The same was repeated by Lord Mountbatten in his capacity as Crown Representative, when the special session of Chamber Princes was held on 25 July, 1947. He assured the princes that their accession on these subjects would involve no financial liability and that in other matters there would be no encroachment on their sovereignty. Finally he appealed to them to join any one of the two dominions before 15 August, l947. In order to expedite work, the Negotiating Committee of Chamber of Princes prepared the draft of Instrument of Accession and Standstill Agreement which were approved by the General Conference of the Chamber of Princes on August 1, 1947. Some of the rulers were inclined to execute Standstill Agreements but wait as the Instrument of Accession was concerned. It was, however, made clear to such rulers in the conference that the Government of India had decided to execute Standstill agreement with only those who had already signed the Instrument of Accession. Therefore the only bases which constituted the basis of relationship between the Indian states and the successor

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government in British India were the Instrument of Accession and the Standstill Agreement. Thus before 15th August, 1947, all the states except Hyderabad, Junagarh and Kashmir had acceded either to India or Pakistan. In Hyderabad the public opinion was divided; while the majority who were Hindus favored accession with Indian Union, a strong minority under the leadership of Kasim Rizvi wanted to remain independent as the Muslim state of Hyderabad, and was aggressively hostile to Indian Union. The Government of Hyderabad failed to check the frequent raids of Muslim Razakars and the militant communists of Telegana into the territory of Indian Union. These hostile designs were overcome by police action, before the Nizam consented to accede to the Indian Union. Junagarh had a Muslim ruling family and 85% Hindu majority population. It had stated it would go along with the policy of other 279 Kathiawar states, many encircling it, all of which acceded to India. It was not contiguous at any point with Pakistan, and its railways, posts and telegraph were an integral part of the Indian communication system. There was a coup de tat on August 10, 1947, by a group of Sindhi Muslims (proPakistan) under the leadership of Bhutto, took over the government and the Nawab became a virtual prisoner in his palace. On September 15, 1947, he eventually acceded to Pakistan. On November 9, 1947, India occupied the state at the invitation of the Prime Minister. On February 24, 1948, a plebiscite was held resulting in an overwhelming vote for accession to India. Finally, in January 1949, Junagarh was merged with Saurashtra, a union of princely states of Kathiawar. Jammu and Kashmir was the only state whose Maharaja delayed the accession of the state to India. Great Britain had maintained a presence in the region for over 200 years and controlled the area known as British India from 1858-1947; because of this, the Indian subcontinent became vital for Great Britains economic and foreign policy. Even when India and Pakistan gained their independence, Britain did not want to lose these economic and strategic military advantages. Though India and Pakistan were no longer colonies of Britain, the British continued to manipulate their affairs.

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In 1947, the Cold War was just beginning and fear of the Soviet Union spreading communist ideals around the world consumed the foreign policy of Great Britain. Because of this, military bases were needed in Asia to encircle and spy on the eastern regions of the Soviet Union. India and Pakistan are located south of the Soviet Union and close enough that any attack from the British Royal Air Force could reach any target in the USSR. Thus, the Cold War foreign policy of Great Britain depended on maintaining military bases in India and Pakistan even after they had lost political control. India and Pakistan also held vital economic importance to Great Britain, through both resources and trade relations with other nations. The Middle Easts oil was as an important commodity for Great Britain in 1947 as it still is today. Great Britain did not want to lose access to this oil because it was such a vital resource and one of the most important items in their economic policy. They believed if they allowed Pakistan to lose Kashmir, that the Muslims of the world would become furious with Great Britain. On the other hand, India could not lose territory either because Great Britain wanted to maintain their primary position in the Commonwealth as a trade partner; Pakistan was also in the Commonwealth. Britain determined that it was in its interest for the Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan to be unresolved, and that, from the outset, Great Britain intentionally prolonged the situation there to better serve its political and economic interests. Fighting and terrorism continues today in Kashmir because of British desires at the outset. The genesis of the Kashmir issue is that in August 1947, when partition of the sub-continent took place, Lord Mountbatten, the viceroy of undivided India, influenced Radcliff into awarding the predominantly Muslim district of Gurdaspur, situated in the East Punjab, to India. By this treacherous act, admitted by Lord Mountbatten himself on nation wide British television, the cruel Viceroy not only subjected a Muslim majority area to the cursed Hindu domination, it also sowed the seed from which could crop up the domination of India on another predominantly Muslim State Kashmir, because it is only through a narrow strap in the Gurdaspur district that India was linked with Kashmir. The canker in no time cropped up into the Kashmir Problem that has ever since proved to be a serious threat to the security of the South Asian region. Page 60 of 149

Water Dispute
Another reason for the dispute over Kashmir is water. Kashmir is the origin point for many rivers and tributaries of the Indus River basin. The river basin is divided between Pakistan, which has about 60 per cent of the catchment area, India with about 20 per cent, Afghanistan with 5 per cent and around 15 per cent in Tibet. The river tributaries are the Jhelum and Chenab rivers, which primarily flow into Pakistan while other branchesthe Ravi, Beas, and the Sutlejirrigates northern India. The Indus is a river system that sustains communities in both countries India and Pakistan. They both have extensively dammed the Indus River for irrigation of their crops and hydro-electricity systems. In arbitrating the conflict in 1947 Sir Cyril Radcliffe, decided to demarcate the territories as he was unable to give to one or the other the control over the river as it was a main economic resource forth both areas. . The Line of Control (LoC) was recognized as an international border establishing that India would have control over the upper riparian and Pakistan over the lower riparian of Indus and its tributaries. However they might seem separate issues, the Kashmir dispute and the dispute over the water control are somehow related and the fight over the water remains as one of the main problems when establishing good relationships between the two countries. In 1948, Eugene Black, then president of the World Bank, offered his services in order to solve the tension around the water control. In the early days of independence, the fact that India was able to shut off the Central Bari Doab Canals at the time of the sowing season, causing significant damage to Pakistan's crops. Nevertheless, military and political clashes over Kashmir in the early years of independence appear to be more about ideology and sovereignty, rather than sharing water resources. But the minister of Pakistan stated the opposite. The Indus Waters Treaty was signed by both countries in September 1960, giving exclusive rights over the three western rivers of the Indus river system (Jhelum, Chenab and Indus) to Pakistan, and over the three eastern rivers (Sutlej, Ravi and Beas) to India, as long as it does not reduce or delay the supply to Pakistan. India therefore Page 61 of 149

maintains that they are not willing to break the regulation established and they see no more problems with this issue.

Indian view
The Indian viewpoint is succinctly summarized by Ministry of External affairs, Government of India.

India holds that the Instrument of Accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to the Union of India, signed by Maharaja Hari Singh (erstwhile ruler of the State) on 25 October 1947 & executed on 27 October 1947 between the ruler of Kashmir and the Governor General of India was a legal act, was completely valid in terms of the Government of India Act (1935), Indian Independence Act (1947) and international law and was total and irrevocable. There is no evidence of any deceit practiced by India on Kashmir. The Government of India had no right to question the right of the Maharaja to sign the Instrument of Accession, as he alone had the right and power to take a decision for his state. To have asked the ruler to establish his right to sign the Instrument of Accession would have meant that the Government of India was going to meddle with the internal policies of the state. Law does not permit any such intervention in the affairs of another state.

The Constituent assembly of Jammu and Kashmir had unanimously ratified the Maharaja's Instrument of Accession to India and had adopted a constitution for the state that called for a perpetual merger of Jammu and Kashmir with the Union of India. India claims that the Constituent assembly was a representative one, and that its views were those of the Kashmiri people at the time.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1172 tacitly accepts India's stand regarding all outstanding issues between India and Pakistan and urges the need to resolve the dispute through mutual dialogue and does not call for a plebiscite.

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United Nations Security Council Resolution 47 cannot be implemented since Pakistan failed to withdraw its forces from Kashmir, which was the first step in implementing the resolution. India is also of the view that Resolution 47 is obsolete, since the geography and demographics of the region have been permanently altered. The resolution was passed by United Nations Security Council under Chapter VI of the United Nations Charter. It is therefore nonbinding and has no mandatory enforceability, as opposed to the resolutions passed under Chapter VII

India does not accept the two-nation theory that forms the basis of Pakistan and considers that Kashmir, despite being a Muslim-majority state, is in many ways an "integral part" of secular India.

The state of Jammu and Kashmir was provided significant autonomy in Article 370 of the Constitution of India

All differences between India and Pakistan, including Kashmir, need to be settled through bilateral negotiations as agreed to by the two countries when they signed the Simla Agreement on 2 July 1972.

Insurgency and terrorism in Kashmir is deliberately being fueled by Pakistan to create instability in the region. The Government of India has repeatedly accused Pakistan of waging a proxy war in Kashmir by providing weapons and financial assistance to terrorist groups in the region.

Pakistan is trying to raise anti-India sentiment among the people of Kashmir by spreading false propaganda against India. According to the state government of Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistani radio and television channels deliberately spread "hate and venom" against India to alter Kashmiri opinion.

India has asked the United Nations not to leave unchallenged or unaddressed the claims of moral, political, and diplomatic support for terrorism, which were clearly in contravention of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373. This

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India points out reports by human rights organizations condemning Pakistan for the lack of civil liberties in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. According to India, most regions of Pakistani Kashmir, especially Northern Areas, continue to suffer from lack of political recognition, economic development, and basic fundamental rights.

Pakistani view
Pakistan's claims to the disputed region are based on the rejection of Indian claims to Kashmir, namely the Instrument of Accession. Pakistan insists that the Maharaja was not a popular leader, and was regarded as a tyrant by most Kashmiris. Pakistan maintains that the Maharaja used brute force to suppress the population. Pakistan accuses India of hypocrisy, as it refused to recognize the accession of Junagadh to Pakistan and Hyderabad's independence, on the grounds that those two states had Hindu majorities (in fact, India had occupied and forcibly integrated those two territories). Since he had fled Kashmir due to Pakistani invasion, Pakistan asserts that the Maharaja held no authority in determining Kashmir's future. Pakistan argues that even if the Maharaja had any authority in determining the plight of Kashmir, he signed the Instrument of Accession under duress, thus invalidating the legitimacy of his actions. Pakistan claims that Indian forces were in Kashmir before the Instrument of Accession was signed with India, and that therefore Indian troops were in Kashmir in violation of the Standstill Agreement, which was designed to maintain the status quo in Kashmir (although India was not signatory to the Agreement, which was signed between Pakistan and the Hindu ruler of Jammu and Kashmir) From 1990 to 1999, some organizations reported that the Indian Armed Forces, its paramilitary groups, and counter-insurgent militias were responsible for the deaths of 4,501 Kashmiri civilians. Also from 1990 to 1999, there were records of 4,242 women between the ages of 770 being raped. Similar allegations were also made by some human rights organizations. Pakistan holds that:

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The popular Kashmiri insurgency demonstrates that the Kashmiri people no longer wish to remain within India. Pakistan suggests that this means that Kashmir either wants to be with Pakistan or independent.

According to the two-nation theory, which is one of the theories that is cited for the partition that created India and Pakistan, Kashmir should have been with Pakistan, because it has a Muslim majority.

India has shown disregard to the resolutions of the UN Security Council and the United Nations Commission in India and Pakistan by failing to hold a plebiscite to determine the future allegiance of the state.

The Kashmiri people have now been forced by circumstances to uphold their right of self-determination through militancy. Pakistan claims to give the Kashmiri insurgents moral, ethical and military support.

Recent protests in Indian-administered Kashmir attracted a large number of people to massive rallies that took place to oppose Indian control of the state.

Pakistan points to the violence that accompanies elections in Indian Kashmir and the anti Indian sentiments expressed by some people in the state.

Pakistan has noted the widespread use of extrajudicial killings in Indianadministered Kashmir carried out by Indian security forces while claiming they were caught up in encounters with militants. These encounters are commonplace in Indian-administered Kashmir. The encounters go largely uninvestigated by the authorities, and the perpetrators are spared criminal prosecution.

Pakistan points towards reports from the United Nations which condemns India for its human rights violations against Kashmiri people. Human rights organizations have strongly condemned Indian troops for widespread rape and murder of innocent civilians while accusing these civilians of being militants.

The Chenab formula was a compromise proposed in the 1960s, in which the Kashmir valley and other Muslim-dominated areas north of the Chenab Page 65 of 149

River would go to Pakistan, and Jammu and other Hindu-dominated regions would go to India.

ANAYLSIS The following factors played a vital role in the violation of the basic principles of partition 1. Personal gains of the British 2. Geographical location of Kashmir 3. Political gain for India 4. Lord Mountbatten 5. Favoritism towards India 6. Indias strength over Pakistan 7. Weaken the foundation of Pakistan 8. Kashmir ruled by a non Muslim We have used Fish-Bone diagram as a tool to study the cause of the conflict. We listed down the factors and then gave them priority.1 being the most important
factor and 5 being the least. Each of these individual factors played a very vital role in the Kashmir conflict and still affects the daily lives of every Kashmiri. Even after a decade of fighting and political talks, Kashmir is still disputed. At the initial stages of the conflict, the Britishers viewed and still view Kashmir of great importance to them. Lord Mountbatten and other British leaders manipulated the Hindus and Muslims in ways to gain their own superiority and control over the subcontinent. Since they had been ruling the subcontinent for a while already, they were not ready to give up. They sabotaged the whole treaty of creating two different nations, so that they could remain dominant in the subcontinent. They went against their words and promises, but the about to be Indians and Pakistans had something else in mind. Although the British failed in keeping a control over the subcontinent, they successfully sowed the seeds of chaos for the future to come. Lord

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Mountbatten, the viceroy of British India, played a very evil and mischievous role in the partition of the subcontinent and the Kashmir Issue. Kashmir was located in a very fertile and beautiful landscape. Neither Pakistan nor India wanted to let go of the strategic strength of Kashmir. This was just the beginning of a long term rebellion. 63 years and the issue have still not been resolved. Neither of the two countries have tried to actually resolve the issue or even have looked towards a combined resolution with mutual gains. Negotiations have been in place but all to no avail because either side are not ready to compromise. Even in the 90s era, both countries were not ready to compromise on this issue. Pre-partition, India had all the major economic and military strength. After partition, the Britishers and Hindus played out their master plan. Not only did they brutally massacre the Muslims but also kept all the major assets to themselves, thus giving the new independent Pakistan a very weak foundation. But to define the stakeholders as simply the Pakistanis, the Indians, and the Kashmiris would naturally be too simplistic and belie the complexity of the conflict. The promised plebiscite to the Kashmiris is long overdue; there isnt even a permanent provision for the state in the Indian constitution as mentioned earlier. However, the state of Jammu and Kashmir consists of three distinct territories with three diverse religious populations. The Kashmir conflict makes them all important stakeholders especially as most of the people living there have lived their lives under constant threat of violence. The future of Kashmir will determine not only the future of the Kashmiris, but also the people of Ladakh, Jammu, and other parts of J&K. An important question that needs to be asked is what an independent Kashmir would mean for the rest of the state. Diplomatic efforts at resolving the conflict have thus far only attempted to address the superficial territorial claims to Kashmir. However, to change the status quo a conflict transformation strategy has to address the causes and features of the rift between the stakeholder groups. This is central to understanding the Kashmir conflict because no individual or group will be willing to negotiate their concept of their self. Diplomatic and political mediation to the Page 67 of 149

conflict has been based on a negotiation or compromise policy. While it is accepted that the three main groups of stakeholders have different interests that they want realised in a transformation strategy, these interests can at least be negotiated. However, none of the stakeholders will ever compromise on a point if they believe it is central to the way in which they think of their existence or their self-concept of who they are. The common belief that India will not be India without Kashmir is referring to exactly this concept. Somehow, Kashmir has become a key part of the Indian identity which in and of itself is an extremely vague and possibly non-existent idea. However, when social policy, film, art, and sport are framed in this manner, the people begin to assume this identity. The same can be argued for Pakistan. All in all, the general opinion between a normal Pakistani and an Indian is the same: Resolve the Kashmir issue in peaceful manner in which mutual gains for all the stakeholders is equally balanced.

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References
www.kashmirlibrary.org

KashmirWatch - Latest News & In-depth Coverage on Kashmir Conflict www.kashmirwatch.com

Kashmir: The Clash of Identities | Beyond Intractability www.beyondintractability

Books Discourse on Kashmir Conflict . Article 12991 www.thehindu.com

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GROUP D
PAKISTANS PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL INTEGRATION

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Leaders Evaluation
Serial Member Names Contribution Remarks

Shumaila Hussain

Forces working against National Integration, Editing Religious Intolerance and Printing Analysis and discussion Conclusion and compiling Action plan/ Recommendations

Good/ Helpful

M.Shoaib

Good/Co-operative

Waleed Afzal

Good/ Innovative

Spogmay

Good/Helpful

Hira Ahmed

Good/ Enthusiastic

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INTRODUCTION OF THE CASE

National integration is combining or bringing together all the people in the country as a whole. It also implies doing away with all the trifling weeps that keep people divided into various groups or sections. It is this sentiment that makes us proud of our nation, and binds all people in one common bond no matter what caste, religion or language and social custom may be. It is a strong force that creates unbreakable ties among the people, and identifies them as a part of a single whole. National integration is a positive aspect. It reduces socio-cultural and economic differences or inequalities and strengthens national unity and solidarity, which is not imposed by any authority. People share ideas, values and emotional bonds. It is feeling of unity within diversity. National identity is supreme. Cultural unity, constitution, territorial continuity, common economic problems, art, literature, national festivals, national flag, national anthem and national emblem etc promote National Integration. National integration is the awareness of a common identity amongst the citizens of a country. It means that though we belong to different castes, religions and regions and speak different languages we recognize the fact that we are all one. This kind of integration is very important in the building of a strong and prosperous nation. In 1995 alone, more than 1700 persons, including more than 200 law enforcement personnel, were killed in its major city, Karachi. A militant ethnic party in Sindh is in violent confrontation with the Government and other ethnic groups. Ethnic polarization in the province of Sindh is almost complete, and in Baluchistan it has shattered the traditional fraternity between ethnic groups. Violence and insecurity related to ethnic conflicts have seriously disrupted economic activities in urban Sindh where there has been evidence of flight of capital to other regions and shyness on the part of foreign capital to invest, besides billions of rupees lost each year due to recurrent strikes. There is a crisis of national integration in Pakistan since its birth. It is the victim of poor national integration. Lack of integration in Pakistan is fundamental problem and it has been subjected to comment by intellectuals in the country. This has been hitting the head lines of the newspaper. Due to lack of national integration in the country, Pakistan has been pushed to a vicious circle. It has made Pakistan a sorry state of affairs, and a pivot of terrorist's activities. That has deepened Page 72 of 149

the state of instability and vulnerability to a total breakdown of state apparatus. This was not the case at first. This nation was the consequence of unity and integrity and its basis Islam. The Quaid-e-Azam the father of nation gave the motto to All Indian Muslim League running on in the terms of faith, unity and discipline it has been rather unfortunate that after the death of Quaid-e-Azam, the country was left desolate. The national integration was thrown out of the national dictionary. At this rate, income inequalities, social injustice, political clouts and other evils raised their heads. All of that made national integration fragile. Moreover the present condition of the country is not better as well as it should be. It can be considered as a slip floating on the waves and being tossed directionless. There is lack of consensus on vital national issues in Pakistan. Therefore, provinces hatred does not show the sign of diminution. Sindh, Khyber Pukhtoonkhawa and Baluchistan accuse Punjab to be the exploiter for certain reasons, people at federating units have misgivings due to certain issues. Sindh, Khyber Pakhtoonkhawa and Balouchistan do not show an iota of agreement to the construction of Kalabagh Dam. The provinces have dissension between them on NFC award. They have different view points to the division of resources from divisible bridge. There are also certain ifs and buts and hurdles which stand firmly in way of national integration in country. This being so certain respective steps must be taken to bring about national integration in Pakistan. Education ought to be provided to whether every rich and poor education will supply both with knowledge that how to play an effective part to make national integration possible in the country. Socio-economic justice must be provided to every elite and non elite alike. This will stand to narrow down the wedge between haves and have notes and foster common bond of national integration in Pakistan.

MAJOR ISSUES IN ETHNIC CONFLICT/ DIAGNOSIS:

Much has been written about the history, facts, and legitimacy of ethnic grievances and ethnic competition in Pakistan. Here, we will only summarize the major elements of ethnic problems in Pakistan.

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1. Allocation of resources: This is perhaps the most important arena for struggle between provinces and between ethnic groups. The resources for which the contending parties struggle, include financial resources for development and recurrent expenditures, share of irrigation water, Government jobs (the quota system), opportunities for professional and higher education (location of institutions and admission policies, allotment of agricultural lands in Sindh and Baluchistan to military officers and civil bureaucrats. There is in Pakistan economic system which generates income inequalities. It makes the rich the richer and the poor the poorer. It strengthens the rich, the elites, who come of the privileged class. While, it rather weakens the poor who just earn their physical existence.

Inter-province migration:
There is great resentment in Sindh and some in Balochistan against the in-migration from Punjab and NWFP and immigration from other countries. In 1981, the census calculated a net migrationto-total population ratio of 9.6 percent for Sindh. Migration of such magnitude tends to put pressure on their limited resources and change the demographic balance.

2. Demographic Changes:
Uneven development of job opportunities has resulted not only in massive rural to urban migration within provinces, but large-scale inter-province migration, mainly from Punjab and NWFP, to Sindh. Continued existence of more than one million Afghan refugees has impacted the ethnic balance in Balochistan and affected the ethnic composition of other provinces. Settlement in Karachi of several thousand Biharis from Bangladesh and the presence of an estimated two million illegal immigrants from neighboring countries have added to the economic, political, and demographic complexity of Karachi. As a result of these population movements, the proportion of both Sindhi and Urdu-speaking ethnic groups has continued to decline and that of Punjabis, Pushtoons, Siraikis, and others has increased in Sindh. In Balochistan, the ratio of Pushtoons to Balochs has increased. The NWFP has become even more Pushtoonised. The settlement of Pakistani Pushtoons and Afghan refugees, as well as illegal immigrants, in Punjab has had small effect on its ethnic composition, because of the large size of Page 74 of 149

Punjabs population. While urbanization has increased in the country as a whole, its magnitude has been especially high in Sindh which, in the 1981 Population Census, was 43 percent urban. The proportion of urban population in Sindh may now be close to 50 percent. The urbanization of Sindh carries with it an ethnic dimension in that most of this growth, especially in Karachi, is among the non indigenous groups, whereas the indigenous Sindhi and Baloch populations together comprise a little more than one-tenth of the population. This trend exacerbates the already existing urban-rural divide between Sindhis and Mohajirs. Although it is true that most (95 percent) of the Urdu-speaking people in Sindh are urban, it would be an over-simplification to categorize all Sindhis as rural. According to the 1981 Population Census, while 49.7 percent of the urban households in Sindh spoke Urdu, 18.3 percent spoke Sindhi and 3 percent spoke Balochi. For Sindh as a whole, 15 percent of all Sindhi-speaking households were urban.

3. Cultural Developments:
Several cultural trends have been underway that affect ethnic formation, ethnic relations, and national integration. The most interesting of these from the point of view of ethnic studies and national integration is the role of the Urdu language. Although Urdu is the mother tongue of only seven percent of Pakistans population, Historical circumstances have placed it in the position of being officially designated as the national language of Pakistan. The two major factors in favor of Urdu were the emergence of Urdu as a secondary symbol of Muslim identity in preindependence India, and its adoption as the primary language of literacy and literary expression, against their own vernaculars, by all the ethnic groups of Pakistan, except Sindhis and, in limited areas, Pushtoons. Although protests continue to be voiced against the preeminence of Urdu, it has clearly established itself as Pakistans principal language of education, mass communication, politics, business, and inter-province coordination. An increasing number of Pakistanis whose mother tongue is not Urdu are learning to speak and understand it. In the 1961 Census, twice as many persons were reported to be speaking Urdu as persons whose mother tongue was Urdu. The Pushtoons may use Urdu in schools and for all kinds of written communication, but seldom do they adopt it as the language of the household. Similarly, the educated Balochs in Balochistan and urban Sindh have adopted Urdu without assimilating to it. The Punjabis have maintained their duality about language. They continue to consider Urdu as their own formal language, and many of the urban, educated individuals among them proudly proclaim Urdu to be their mother Page 75 of 149

tongue and report it as such to the census enumerators. On the contrary, Punjabi ethnic identity remains strong even in the urban areas, where a movement for the official status for Punjabi and its use as a written language is gaining ground. While Sindhis have the longest and strongest tradition among the indigenous peoples of Pakistan to use their own language, and have been most resilient against the imposition of Urdu, they have not been altogether immune to the process of assimilation to Urdu. As a result of the overall influence of Urdu discussed earlier, as well as the compulsory teaching of Urdu to Sindhis, the non-availability of Sindhi medium schools in Karachi, and the domination of Urdu in the work place and the market in the major cities of Sindh, many Sindhi families have begun to speak Urdu at home and, when settled abroad, teach their children Urdu as a mark of their Pakistani identity. Further, when Sindhis and Urdu-speaking inter-marry, in most cases Urdu becomes the language of the household, regardless of who the husband or wife is. These developments are quite ironic in view of the demand of many Sindhi nationalists that the Urdu-speaking people speak Sindhi and assimilate into Sindhi culture. An opposite trend has also been noted in that, in reaction to the growing Mohajir political assertion in Sindh, even the cosmopolitan Sindhi families of Karachi, who had all but forgotten about their Sindhi roots, have begun to reassert their Sindhi identity, even though they may be speaking English or Urdu at home. The trend of popular adoption of urdu is giving rise to a paradoxical situation in which the term Urdu-speaking, which is used by many as more accurate and honorific than the term Mohajir for a specific ethnic group, may itself become misleading. Indeed, the Census of 1981 precisely tried to create this situation by asking a question about the language usually spoken in the household rather than about the mother tongue of the individual. This question, while biasing the response in favor of Urdu, underlines an interesting paradox: who is Urdu-speaking? The integrating effects of Urdu have been correlated with the transmission through schools, literature, and the media certain social values and norms of behavior, modeled after the culture of middle class immigrants from Uttar Pradesh (India) or some
unspecified group, which are deemed to be more civilized and desirable. Readers of Urdu novels and viewers of television dramas from all ethnic groups are subjected to a subliminal appeal to change their old ways in favor of these new mannerisms and attitudes. Thus, along with the development of a common language, a leveling of social values and norms of behavior is also shaping across ethnic boundaries in Pakistan.

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4. Ethnicity, class and the state:

The state is both a resource in itself and a distributor of resources. In a multi-ethnic state, it is of importance to assess how these resources and state power itself are shared by the different ethnic groups, and how state power might be used to the advantage of one or more ethnic groups and to the detriment of one or more of the other ethnic groups. Such an analysis, at first, requires an understanding of the nature of the state, the relationship of various classes to it, and the intersection between class and ethnicity. The Pakistani state can be seen as a neocolonial state, linked as an appendage to the global capitalist economy and politically subservient to the United States. Within this abridged sovereignty the state, while perpetuating the existing relations of production and distribution, enjoys relative autonomy. The military and bureaucracy not only command the instruments of state power, but pursue their own interests almost independently of the dominant capitalist and landlord classes. The state, therefore, is neither above and detached from the society nor is it mechanistically subservient to the dominant classes. The different ethnic groups in Pakistan do not have an identical class composition. Nor do they have an equal, or even proportional, representation in the higher echelons of military and bureaucracy. Therefore, the various elements of Pakistans ruling class have a disproportionate representation of the various ethnic groups in society. This situation represents a case, not of cross cutting cleavages, but of overlapping of class and ethnicity to a large extent. Demographically, the Punjabis comprise the largest single ethnic group (48.2 percent) in Pakistans population, followed by Pushtoons (13.1 percent), Sindhis (11.8 percent), Siraikis (9.8 percent), Urdu-speaking (7.6 percent), BalochBrauhis (4.2 percent), and Hindko-speaking (2.4 percent).No statistics by ethnic group are available for the civil service and military ranks. However, it is an accepted fact that the officers and the rank and file of the armed forces are mainly Punjabi and Pushtoon, the former generally believed to be nearly 70 percent and the latter 25 percent to 30 percent. Urdu-speaking individuals continue to be in the higher ranks of the military, such as the former Army Chief of Staff, General Mirza Aslam Beg, but their representation is probably less than their population. There are no senior Sindhi or Baloch officers in the armed forces. Similarly, in the senior civil bureaucracy, the Punjabis and Pushtoons have a disproportionately high representation; the Urdu speaking, a one-time dominant fraction,

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have slipped but still maintain a proportionately large presence; the Sindhis, despite some recent appointments to high positions, are still under-represented; and the Balochs, also under-represented, are too small a group to have any influence even if given a proportional share. The ethnic composition of the dominant classes is also asymmetrical. The capitalist class of Pakistan consists mainly of Punjabis and members of the small business communities who have migrated from Gujrat and Bombay and who have now begun to identify themselves as Mohajir. The Pushtoons are well represented in all strata of the capitalist class, having established businesses in all four provinces, and substantially controlling inter-province and intra-province transportation. The lucrative gun and heroin business is also mainly controlled by Pushtoons. Traditionally, there have been only a few big Urdu-speaking capitalist, but an Urdu-speaking bourgeoisie is well-entrenched, owning medium and small businesses. Although two Sindhi business families are among the richest in Pakistan, and a few have the potential of transforming themselves, with the help of the plunder of the state resources, into capitalists, there is no Sindhi bourgeoisie to speak of. Similarly, there is no Baloch capitalist class. The landlord class, which continues to be of analytical and political interest, also has an uneven presence among different ethnic groups. In absolute numbers and economic, social, and political power, first come the landlords of lower and western Punjab, most of whom are Siraiki-speaking, but closely integrated with the Punjabi ruling class. The current President of Pakistan, Farooq Leghari, is a good example. Next come the landlords of Sindh, who in the absence of a Sindhi bourgeoisie and a strong middle class, enjoy the position of being economically, socially, and politically the most powerful class of the Sindhi society. Feudal-type relations of production still persist in parts of NWFP, and there are many powerful Pushtoon landlords. However, the more prominent of them also have business investments and a presence in the armed forces and bureaucracy. Probably, the Pushtoon ruling class is the most well-rounded ruling class. Many of the traditional Baloch Sardars (tribal/clan chiefs), by usurping communal lands and privileges, have turned themselves into landlord; but most sardars are of modest means who depend upon Governments largesse for their well-being. Although the more prominent Sardars of Balochistan have established alliances with the Punjabi landlords of Balochi racial stock (the Legharis and Mazaris), the national influence of Baloch chieftains is quite limited. Finally, the relative strength of the educated middle class, which provides most of Page 78 of 149

the personnel for white-collar professions and the pool for recruitment into civil service and military, also varies greatly among the different ethnic groups. The absolute and relative size of this class is very much a function of the differentials in the population size and the extent of higher education in the different ethnic groups. The Punjabis, both because of their population size and relatively extensive higher education, have the largest educated middle class in absolute numbers. However, the Urdu-speaking community, because of its historical background, urban residence, and traditional reliance on education for social mobility, has an educated middle class which is larger than that of any other ethnic group relative to other classes within the ethnic group, and also the largest in Pakistan in terms of the groups population proportion. This is indicated, among other things, by the fact that while Punjab, comprising 56 percent of Pakistans population, produces 14,000 college graduates per year, Sindh, with 22.6 percent of the population, produces about 12,000 graduates, a majority of whom are Urdu-speaking. The middle class among Pushtoons and Sindhis is much less
developed than among Punjabis and Urdu-speaking people, but is expanding rapidly. The Baloch middle class is still rudimentary, but gaining influence within its own ethnic group.

FORCES WORKING FOR NATIONAL INTEGRATION

There are many forces that come in the way ofour National integration. Often people have very strong feelings about their own religion and language and oppose those of others. Such feelings lead to clashes between different sects. Such occurrences damage our unity and prove to be a hindrance to our progress. To begin with, after the demise of Quaid-e-Azam, there has hardly come any leader who would bring the ship of the country on sound lines. Every leader would come here to promote his vested interests. That result in exploitation of national resources for the personal interests at the cost of national interest. Thus, National integration remains weakened.

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1. Military Interventions:
They had been posing a great threat to national integration in the country. During the military regime the smaller provinces were deprived from their due rights and privileges and different kinds of ailments rose on the surface. Top of all, the EAST PAKISTAN had seceded from this Pakistan during the military government. Therefore, the concept of military regime became worse in the nation.

2. Political Instability:
Political instability has widened the gulf between the ruler and the ruled in Pakistan. In a political system with a proliferation of political parties, and most parties having only regional pockets of support, the electoral process and the quest for power have required the building of alliances across not only ideological lines but across regional and ethnic lines both within and Page 80 of 149

among provinces. This political deal-making has engendered interesting examples of ethnic and regional interdependence and mutual trust among parties. Among the most interesting of these blocs is the one led by the Punjabi former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharifs Muslim League which has brought into its fold all the major Sindhi politicians opposed to Prime Minister Benazir Bhuttos PPP, and built alliances with both of the rest while Pushtoon nationalist parties, the Awami National Party of Wali Khan and the Pukhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Pakistan National Party, the mercurial Baloch leader Akbar Bugtis Jamhoori Watan Party, and the militant Mohajir nationalist MQM. Bhuttos PPP, despite its waning popularity, still remains not only as the countrys largest party, but a national party with the broadest regional and ethnic representation. The religious parties enjoy limited popular support and continue to squabble over sectarian and doctrinal issues, but they direct their appeals across regional and ethnic boundaries. The ethnic nationalist or separatist formations among Sindhi and Baloch ethnic communities seem to lack legitimacy and popular support within their own communities. Despite intense ethnic conflict and fears of separatism in urban Sindh, the overall trend among politicians in Pakistan seems to be toward greater tolerance, interdependence, and political integration. The traditional politicians seem to have acquired the ability to share power and make money, and have little reason and time for intensifying ethnic and regional disputes, at least for now. However, several time bombs, including the proposed Kalabagh dam and the demand for creating a Mohajir province, remain that can rip apart the alliances of convenience, and throw the country into the flames of internecine warfare.

3. Communalism:
This is one the factors that poses a great danger to our unity. The formation of the State of Pakistan in 1947 led to terrible communal riots. A very large number of people lost their lives and their homes and had to undergo a lot of suffering to resettle. The British had encouraged communalism because a division between Hindus and Muslims made it easier for them to control our country. Unfortunately, even with the passage of time these communal feelings have not ended. More than sixty years after independence communal feelings still exist and riots flare-up Page 81 of 149

even now in different parts of the Sindh where some tribes of Hindus live. It is the result of narrow-mindedness, prejudice, and lack of knowledge of other religions.
This is also because of the exploitation of such feelings by some politicians to further their interests. If we give more importance to our religion rather than our country we cannot contribute to its progress and development. We have to develop tolerance and understanding for other religions and not let such feelings destroy our unity.

4. Linguistic differences:
It also creates problems and demands for the protection and promotion of the languages and cultures of ethnic groups against the domination of Urdu and neglect of regional cultural heritage are a constant feature in the struggle of ethnic groups for their identity assertion. Cultural symbols serve as instruments of forging group cohesion and legitimating group demands. This is something important in a country such as ours. Ones mother tongue is dear each and every one. It is also essential to impart education in the mother tongue for quick and easy learning for the convenience of the people of a State it is also necessary to carry on official work in it. This also helps a language to develop and grow. Urdu, Punjabi, Pashto, Sindhi, Siraiki, Balochi, Hindko and English are mostly used languages in our country. However, sometimes people display hostility towards the language of other people. This again harms the cause of our national unity. As responsible citizens we must give due respect to other languages and cultures and realize that they add to the greatness of our country.

5. Casteism or Caste-ism:
This is another factor that also poses a great threat to our unity. People of one caste support each other and oppose the progress and development of people belonging to other castes. Appointments in jobs, admissions in educational institutions are often on the basis of caste considerations. People also avoid social interaction with other castes. Politicians often exploit such feelings at the time of elections. This leads to feelings of resentment and hostility that threaten the integrity of our country.

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RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN PAKISTAN

The two main types of threats which endanger the stability and integrity of any state are internal and external threats. Internal threats in a country are far more fatal and serious. Pakistan is also menaced by such internal threats in shape of religious intolerance and extremism, soon after its independence in 1947 Pakistan faced many problems. The first calamity that struck this country was the demise of its founder Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the vacuum which was created after Jinnahs death could not be filled; it caused many problems for the new born state particularly about the future of Pakistan. Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a state where people from all religion, cast or creed will be treated equally, and their religious beliefs will have nothing to do with the business of the state, which he cited in his illustrious presidential address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947. However, not all the people were thinking similar to Jinnah, as they had their own aims. A majority in this category was the religious fanatic class, who at first opposed Pakistan movement but later after the creation of Pakistan they became part of it, but that was not all, the newly born state of Pakistan seemed like a good opportunity to these religious opportunists class to Page 83 of 149

propagate and bolster their own agenda under the umbrella of religion because bulk of the masses of this country were unaware of the consequences of blind following these clerics, and these people of Pakistan were a bulls-eye of religious blackmailing. With the passage of time Jinnahs idea of a Muslim state was overshadowed by the pattern of the state propagated by clergyman. The onset of cold war and Soviet invasion of Afghanistan gave a threshold to Mullahism in Pakistan. That time military dictator General Zia ul Haq assured his full support to the extremist religious organizations inside Pakistan for the purpose of Jihad against Soviets in Afghanistan. During his tenure the recruitment of Jihadis from all over the Pakistan and their training through the platform of these religious organizations (in collaboration with CIA) gained peak, thus strengthening extremism roots in our society. However, after Zia the failure of other civilian governments to control these radical religious groups led to an atrocious situation. As an aftermath of past governments unconditional support to these religious organizations today Pakistan is suffering from religious extremism and intolerance more than ever, the sectarian violence in this country is at its peak, killings of sectarian leaders for the purpose of gaining more influence over the other sect is a common practice these days. Pakistan has seen an unprecedented rise in religious intolerance since last five years, from the assassination of Governor Punjab alleged of blasphemy to the present day case of a 13 year old Christian school going girl, who was accused of blasphemy only because she misspelled the Urdu word Naat which looked like the word Lanat after being misspelled in her class test. The girl was expelled from the school by the principal on the complaint of her teacher, who should have known that a 13 year old young kid can make such types of mistakes unintentionally. Moreover, her prosecution was demanded by local Mullas and they waged protests to file a case against the young girl accusing her of blasphemy. These events draw the horrible picture of our society which shows that how acutely the Mullaism and religious intolerance has settled itself in to Jinnahs Pakistan. Islam is a religion of peace and love it preaches the respect and welfare of Humanity, rather than killings and prosecution of nonMuslims just because of the reason that they live in a Muslim state and they differ from us in their beliefs, so there any unintentional action is portrayed as blasphemy, which is considered as solid evidence to kill them.

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The recent brutal killings of people from Shiite sect in Quetta are another horrifying example of religious intolerance. The rising negative role of religious extremists is acting as a pandemic in our society; these people have narrow minds, radical beliefs and sectarian agendas which are only in their own favor and are largely harmful to our society. The growing activism of such organizations are alarming which can be seen quite often in variety of fields particularly in educational institutions where religious and so called student organizations are actively working. In the public sector universities they have strong hold from where a large number of recruitments take place. Students who are supposed to study are playing in hands of these organizations by wasting their time, money and carriers after being trapped by these people as a member of some religious student organization. They are indoctrinated and then used for the implementation of their organizational agenda either through protests, strikes or even by use of violence all in the name of Islam.

Pakistan is a country where quality education is rare; people are used to of blind following and there is a great dearth of awareness among people about misuse of religion. It is the need of the hour that as an individual and as well as a society we shall raise awareness among people against such propagandas and for the welfare of our country by using all possible means, we need to claim back the Jinnahs Pakistan which endorses tolerance, peace, love and equality rather than a country plagued by intolerance, hatred, sectarianism and fanatic mentality indoctrinated by those Page 85 of 149

who have already hijacked the ideal state of Pakistan and camouflaged themselves as religious shepherd.

ANALYSIS & EFFECTS

To conclude, water dispute has all along existed between the provinces. It has given a great bite and played a deuce with national integration. The provinces` pound objection on the construction of KALABAGH DAM has detracted the confidence to unity of the country. Moreover, the allegation of Sindh on Punjab for not abiding 1991 water accord has merely added a hurdle in the way of national integration. Similarly, dispute of NFC AWARD between inter provinces has given fuel to the fire. The wings have different viewpoints of their own to the resources from divisible pool. They have developed the sense that they are being deprived from due share of NFC AWARD. This has also brought about a great impede in the way of national solidarity and unity. Last but not the least; socio-economic injustice has created regionalism in the country. The regionalism has separated our organs and distributed the united masses and the classes into meager small holdings. It has developed fractions, groups, and sects working their vested interests.

Economic disparity has weakened the organs of national integration in the country. A menace, plaguing the basic existence of the country, leads to the destruction of nation's social fabrics, has given birth to certain ifs and buts that destabilize national integration. The smaller provinces have developed the sense that they are being deprived from national resources. This has been creating age-old animosities amongst the provinces; social injustice is a panacea of disintegration in the nation.

Besides, there is an environment of promotion of self interests, group interests, faction's interests, sect's interests instead of national interests, such as personal development personal accumulation of wealth and recognition. Some talk of sindhis, balochis, pakhtoons and Punjabis instead of Pakistani. Page 86 of 149

CONCLUSION:
It has been shown in the above analysis that while ethnic polarization in Sindh and Balochistan has intensified recently, because of the past and present internal and international migrations, the trend seems to be towards greater ethnic heterogeneity in different parts of Pakistan. Given this fact, and the growing economic and political interdependence, and increasing cultural homogenization, it has become imperative and even possible to seek solutions to regional and ethnic problems in a multi-ethnic framework. For example, redrawing of provincial boundaries, which might have been possible in the early years of Pakistan, is no longer a problem-solving option. Similarly, the idea of constitutional recognition of Pakistan as a multi-national or multiethnic state with clearly identified groups and group rights, which has been articulated as a political demand, and which may sound like a rational approach to dissipate ethnic tensions, may not necessarily produce the desired results. Assumption of fixed definitional boundaries or fixed number of ethnic groups may pose serious problems in the future even if a consensus on categories and number could be achieved at present. On the other hand, the present segmented approach may provide a more realistic basis for addressing ethnic problems, provided, (a) All the major elements of the ethnic problem are recognized and addressed broadly by constitutional provisions and concretely through public policies, (b) Mechanisms for implementing and monitoring the relevant legal provisions are put in place, and (c) Effective judicial process is made available to enforce compliance. Internal migration and urbanization are world-wide phenomena, determined by population growth and uneven development. Although the process of urbanization, particularly in Sindh and Balochistan, is taking place to the demographic and economic detriment of the local population, it would be a fallacy to view the urbanization phenomenon as an ethnic menace. However, in order to mitigate the divisive effects of urbanization, non-coercive preventive and remedial actions would be needed. Policies directed towards slowing down the flow of inter-province migration would require both slowing down of population growth rate and focusing on job-creating projects in the source areas of migration (NWFP and Punjab). However, rural-urban migration within provinces is unavoidable. Rural job creation programs and expansion of urban housing and civic amenities Page 87 of 149

would be the key ingredients of policies directed towards addressing this problem. International migrationmostly illegalcontributes to population growth rate, urbanization, ethnic diversification, competition for resources, social unrest, and political tensions. The ratio of immigrants to the total population in 1981 was 4.8 percent for Pakistan, 5.8 percent for Punjab, and 6.2 percent for Sindh. By all indications, the volume of illegal migration and refugee influx has increased. The immigrants, in their struggle to survive, get caught up in the vortex of ethnic politics. Public awareness can force the hand of the Government to curb illegal immigration. However, it can also aid and abet illegal immigration from the neighboring countries if the motive is to increase the numbers of their own ethnic group. Undoubtedly, the ethnic asymmetries within Pakistans elite and the substantial overlapping of class and ethnicity pose the greatest challenge to removing ethnic disparities and promoting harmony and national integration. Given the ethnic specificity of the armed forces and the spending of the largest portion of the budget on defense, a more equitable distribution of resources among ethnic communities is unthinkable without drastically altering the ethnic composition of the military and/or reducing the military budget. The civil bureaucracy has been more amenable to ethnic diversification, and given sufficient political pressure, the bureaucracy can be made to be more inclusive. However, Government rules and the attitude of the government of the time have a considerable bearing on who gets recruited and promoted in the bureaucracy. The few gains made by Sindhis recently can be easily reversed by the Government which might succeed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, not only because many of these appointments are thought to be motivated by favoritism, but the successor Government might be based on the support of the MQM which will most certainly demand an increased share for Mohajirs, calculated percentage in the population: 50 percent of Sindhs population, which comes out to be 11.3 percent of Pakistans population. Beside the subjective attitudes of the Government in power, there are serious structural facts concerning ethnicity and class which tend to complicate otherwise simple issues of ethnic parity. The Urdu-speaking communitys urban, middle class character, and its current lower middle class leadership, present some unique problematic. First, ethnic movements are usually based on grievances of the disadvantaged groups concerning ethnic disparities. By all objective indicators, the Urdu-speaking community is anything but a disadvantaged ethnic group, and it had always Page 88 of 149

been considered by the general public as well as political analysts as a relatively privileged group, along with Punjabis. However, since the mid-1980s, a militant nationalist movement has galvanized the Urdu-speaking population which sees itself as the most deprived and oppressed group in Pakistan. This chasm between reality and perception has intrigued many an analyst. One could find parallels between this movement and those of the Sikhs, Croats, Afrikaners, and other groups, and attribute it to the relative deprivation theory. However we are not engaged in analyzing the causes of any specific movement, but to point a problematic of ethnicity-class nexus that a specific ethnic movement in Pakistan poses. What the MQM dilemma underlines is the inadequacy of looking at class as a whole and ethnic group as a whole. The Urduspeaking people, as a whole, can certainly not be viewed as a group at the bottom rungs of the ladder of privileges. Nor can the middle classeven the lower middle classbe viewed as a deprived class in comparison with the multitudes of impoverished and destitute peasants, workers, and other poor. The Urdu-speaking lower middle class, having struggled hard to get higher education, found the avenues for jobs and advancement blocked. It followed the model of the deprived or dominated groups (Bengali, Sindhi) to blame ethnic discrimination for is plight rather than following the model of the dominant (Punjabi) group of blaming the system or class oppression. It manipulated the cultural symbols of its group to mobilize the rest of the classes of its ethnic group in a militant nationalist movement. The job situation of the Mohajir lower middle class, like the by-passing of Sindhi peasants for land allotment and Sindhi workers for jobs in the new industries in Sindh, underlines the fact that there is more to the ethnic problem than just elite competition, even if the educated middle class proper is included in that elite. Second, in popular view a middle class leadership, in contrast to the oppressive and exploitative feudal or capitalist leadership, is generally held to be more legitimate. With the implication that all of the MQMs demands can only be legitimate and any share given to Sindhis is nothing more than an illegitimate feudal expropriation. The coding of ethnic hatred behind leftist rhetoric by a right-wing organization is an interesting development engendered by the conflict between two ethnic communities led by markedly different classes. The political supremacy of the landlord classa function of its traditional economic and social powerand the relative weakness of the middle class among Sindhis, forces the latter class not only into Page 89 of 149

dependence on the former, but subjects it to a burden of constantly proving to the people of Pakistan the legitimacy of its rights. Third, one of the most important sources of tension between provinces is the share of irrigation water and the differential impact of constructing new dams. Although the Urdu-speaking members of Sindh Assembly, so far, have tended to vote along with Sindhi members in defence of the provinces rights, the water problem is not perceived by the Urdu-speaking people as a life and death problem the way it is seen by the people directly dependent on agriculture. Although this may just be an expected indifference of the urban population, in Sindhs specific context, ethnic motives are readily attached to such attitudes. In Balochistan, the conflict between Balochs and Pushtoons, after a long history of political cooperation, burst out recently in the form of armed clashes. Whatever else may have been the specific reasons for these incidents, it is not difficult to see how the differentials in the class structure between Balochs and Pushtoons may have put the latter in an advantageous position to avail itself of the professional opportunities and the spoils of the state. While the Balochs still have extensive remnants of nomadic life and a strong clan organization, the Pushtoons have a weaker tribal control and a relatively large educated middle class. The overlapping of class and ethnicity, by preventing the formation of crosscutting cleavages, not only makes inter-ethnic collaboration more difficult, it promotes class collaboration within the groups which perceive themselves to be threatened from outside. As a result of the rising ethnic consciousness, the real challengeas opposed to the empty ethnic codified diatribesto the oppressive feudal-type system in the Countryside has weakened substantially. While national integration is a desirable goal, the primary emphasis on integration in the past has led to oppressive policies about ethnic diversity and disparities. On the other hand, if the primary emphasis is placed on promoting equity and harmony among different ethnic groups, national unity, security, and integrity would be the logical outcomes. Suppression of ethnic rights in the name of security, unity, or integrity of the country will have the opposite effect.

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A nation can assume that the addition of the words under God to its pledge of allegiance gives evidence that its citizens actually believe in God whereas all it really proves is that they believe in believing in God -Hudson Smith

ACTION PLAN (RECOMMENDATIONS)

National integration means the unity of the nation. It has been rightly said "United we stand but divided we fall". The most serious problem being faced by India in present circumstances is how to develop an atmosphere of national consciousness among so varied a people. There has been a lack of national consciousness. There is a need to make efforts for creating emotional integration or a sense of unity. The need of the hour is national integration. It should be taught at the very beginning, in all schools and colleges all over the country that India is one and only one. The difference between various cultures is just superficial and basically it is only one. What is needed is superior interpretations, synthesis of the power of the mind that can give rise to a vision of the whole and oneness. The school and college teaching material should be suitably revised wherein importance and need of oneness should be emphasized. From one end of the country to the other end, regular long Page 91 of 149

distance tours must be conducted so as to foster emotional integration among the young students of our country. Steps must be taken to see that, there are no sectional appeals so that disunity among the people does not increase manifold. A National Integrity System assessment should be established which examines both the formal framework of each pillar of national integrity and the actual institutional practice. The analysis highlights discrepancies between the formal provisions and reality on the ground, making it clear where there is room for improvement. The analysis is undertaken via a consultative approach, involving the key anti-corruption agents in government, civil society, the business community and other sectors. Conclusions are drawn together in a comprehensive national report to build momentum, political will and civic pressure for relevant reform initiatives.

Ultimately, strengthening the National Integrity System promotes better governance across all aspects of a society and contributes to a more just society overall. The National Integrity System evaluates key pillars in a countrys governance system, both in terms of their internal corruption risks and their contribution to fighting corruption in society at large. When all the pillars in a National Integrity System are functioning well, corruption remains in check. If some or all of the pillars wobble, these weaknesses can allow corruption to thrive and damage a society. The pillars analyzed in a National Integrity System assessment typically include:

Legislative branch of government Executive branch of government Judiciary Public sector Law enforcement Electoral management body Ombudsman Audit institution Anti-corruption agencies Political parties Media Civil society Business

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Further we can compare National Integration of other developed nations like Malaysia, USA, Germany with our country and see what these nations actually do to bring unity and peace in the state. The concept of unity in diversity is always insisted by the leaders. 1. The language barriers should be reduced; this can be done by publishing the literary and poetic work done in all languages to one common language (Urdu & English) that are understood by every Pakistani. There should be one standard of education i.e. English Medium. The main courses should be taught in English and selection of the regional languages should be at the will of the students.

2. Political instability has widened the gulf between the ruler and the ruled in Pakistan. It has confused the picture of Pakistan and made it retrogressive in all spheres. Political instability has challenged the national unity in the country. The rifts between the leaders of the political parties are seeping down to the workers of the parties. Worker of one party abuses the worker of other party. They kill and harm the each other, thus putting the peace of Pakistan at stake. We see politicians having hostile arguments even leading to physical abuse in talk shows. It is our responsibility to vote for the capable and honest person to govern us. The elected representatives should be given counseling on tolerating and listening to the views of opposing parties. Any Individual who violates the code of conduct should be penalized. Despite intense ethnic conflict and fears of separatism in urban Sindh, the overall trend among politicians in Pakistan should be toward greater tolerance, interdependence, and political integration. The traditional politicians seem to have acquired the ability to share power and make money, and have little reason and time for intensifying ethnic and regional disputes.

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Secondly following are some measures that can be taken in order to have Political & National stability & Integration in Pakistan: To create physical asset by educating the masses, proper allocating the land, credit, Zakat and Usher ensuring cost effective provisions of basic needs. Improved efficiency in the public and corporate sectors to provide rule of Law. Independence of Judiciary will strengthen democracy, restore trust between Center and Provinces, and facilitate quick dispensation of justice. Depoliticizing of public departments to avoid unjust political pressures. Peace inside and outside the borders will provide sufficient resources, skills and opportunities to focus on the national prosperity. Media will its magical power can unite the warring factions by minimizing the differences through open debates. Stable democratic system to work for welfare state: Patriot intellectuals writing to bring harmony. Accountability at all levels. Autonomy to the Provinces. Awakening of Islamic ideology. It becomes the social responsibility of the educated middle class and the civil society to protect. All politicians must be on board as Pakistan steers itself towards genuine democracy and away from terrorism and violence that has begun to take roots in society. There is an urgent need for better networking and coordination among various sections of society such as lawyers, journalists, human rights activist and students. Unless the Pakistani state craft is conducted within constitutional parameters, Pakistan will remain vulnerable to external threats. To create a moderate system of values that accommodates different points of view, not just religious but also ethnic linguistic and regional. Page 94 of 149

It must develop strategy for economic growth, poverty alleviation, and reduction of interpersonal and interregional income disparities. It must allow the development of institutions that would work independently of those who control politics.

The government should provide more opportunities of employment, so that nations basic needs are fulfilled. This is way they will stand united for their country. Subsidiaries should be given to low scale business men and farmers so that they establish their businesses. Industrialists and elites should be taxed. The collection of tax should be efficient, and the tax revenue should be spent for the welfare of poor class. The cottage industry should be promoted. The basic

objective of economic development system in Pakistan should be the improvements in the living standards of the common man and for that just economic growth would not be sufficient. The growth and income distribution jointly determine improvements in the living standards of the common man. There are at least four major ways through which public expenditures may influence the income distribution patterns: 1. Employment creation.

2. Building basic infrastructure needed by poor farmers, micro entrepreneurs, and labour intensive manufacturers.

3. Provision of primary education, basic health care, safe water and sanitation ie. Uniform standard of education. 4. Giving loans and subsidies. 5. Cash and food transfers to reduce the vulnerability of the marginalized segments of the society. At the first, good governance should be restored in order to drive away all the clouds of misunderstandings between the provinces and to make them go through the process and the prosperity. National integration has become the challenge for the very existence of Pakistan in the modern times so that it is the good governance that can gather together the masses and the classes on one platform of unity and integrity.

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Parliament should be supplied with limitless freedom for its decisions on the confidence of its own. The foundations of a country rest on justice and merit. Justice must be done and seen to be done. Therefore, judiciary should be strengthened to remove clouds of social injustice as a great factor behind the poor national integration. The judiciary and the Election Commission are the two most important institutional devices that need to be free of political influence. But institutions such as the SECP and the State Bank also need to be set free.

Education must be circulated from the top most corner to the bottom most corner of the country in order to educate the people about the country and their due rights. Education is the only panacea to change and development. Education should, therefore, have for all as it is the mother of amendment in positive direction.

The media of the country has all along been playing its major role in destabilizing national integration. It should aware the multitudes about national integration. Finally, unity in peace and war is so imperative. Bereft of national integration in the modern era our existence in the world is far cry and the enemy forces can separate our organs. In unity lies solution to every little and large problem being in the country, therefore, united we stand against all negative powers of the world that be. As Japanese maxim goes, United we stand and Divided we fall.

Our National Symbols like the National Flag, the National Anthem, and the National Emblem also help to remind us that we are all identity. For this reason we stress on the importance of showing proper respect to these symbols. These act as strong unifying forces both in times of celebration and adversity. Other forces like the communication system and the mass media help in the exposure to all the cultures of different regions of Pakistan. Thus, bringing the whole country together as one nation. National festivals also act as an important unifying force. Independence Day, 23 March, 6th September, Birthdays of Quaid-e Azam and Allama Iqbal that are celebrated by all Pakistanis in all parts of the country, regardless of language, religion or culture. They remind us of our common nationality. Religious festivals like Eid-ul-Azha, Eid-ulfitar, Eid milad-un-Nabi and others also create unity in our nation. We have to create a national awakening among the people of our country. The government should make all efforts to meet the situation strictly. Those who are found involved in anti-national and anti-social activities should Page 96 of 149

be dealt with a heavy hand. We should try our best to maintain communal harmony in our society and unite Pakistan into one nation.

RESPECT!

REFRENCING
Laghari (2010). Poor National Integration In Pakistan. Available:

http://www.cssforum.com.pk. Last accessed 26th Nov 2012. Feroz Ahmed. (1996). Pakistan: Ethnic Fragmentation or National Integration?. Available: http://www.pide.org.pk. Last accessed 23rd Nov 2012. CSS forum Pakistan. 8thNovember, 2010 Commentary on Pakistan at the 60th anniversary of the founding of the state-Absence of national Integration By Sultan Ahmed- DAWN 15th October 2007.

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GROUP E
VOLATILITY IN PAK TRIBAL AREAS

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Volatility in tribal area of Pakistan!

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LEADERS EVALUATION
Names M arsalan khan Work assigned Introduction and backdrop Work perform Introduction and backdrop Slides and editing of project Soviet invasion and its impact deals and agreements

Taniya munir

Soviet invasion and its impact Post 9/11 and deals and agreements Conclusion and action plan

Darakshan wajid

Aman ullah khan

Conclusion and action plan

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1. INTRODUCTION OF THE TRIBAL AREAS OF PAKISTAN

The Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) is strategically located between the PakistanAfghanistan border and the settled areas of KPK (Khyber pakhtunkhwa). FATA, both historically and traditionally had a unique administrative and political status from the British times since 1849. However, in 1893, a demarcation was raised with Afghanistan called Durand Line. They controlled the area through a combination of effective Political Agents and tribal elders, while leaving the people with their traditions and internal independence. Pakistan inherited this system and more or less continues with it even today. Since the independence of Pakistan, FATA has not been accorded the same priority in terms of the development process being undertaken in other parts of the country. The development initiatives and allocations in FATA followed a compartmentalized approach, concentrated around sectoral facilities and benefiting few influential and politically active sections. This ad hoc approach deprived large segments of the population from social uplift, and economic empowerment.

Tribal and Ethnic Diversity

The people of Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) as well as the adjacent eastern regions of Afghanistan, are overwhelmingly Pashtun with a total population of around 38-40 million.. Geographically, FATA runs north to south, forming a 1,200-kilometer wedge between Afghanistan and the settled areas of the NWFP. The Durand Line divided Pashtun tribes between British India and Afghanistan in 1893 and since then this delineation has been viewed with great contempt and resentment by Pashtuns. After Pakistan's emergence in 1947, this line became a major source of a tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Pashtuns take immense pride in their independence and the fact that they have never been conquered in their 3000 years' history (except, briefly by Genghis Khan and Tamerlane). As to the number of Pashtun tribes, there are approximately 60 but the figure rises above 400 if all subclans are counted. The largest and most influential tribes are the Afridi, Achakzais, Bangash, Durrani, Khattak, Mehsuds, Mohammadzai, Mohmand, Orakzai, Shinwari, Yusufzai and Waziri. Page 101 of 149

Pashtunwali, the pre-Islamic Pashtun tribal code, demands hospitality, generosity when someone asks for pardon or protection and an absolute obligation to avenge any slights. Honor and chivalry are considered the hallmarks of this tradition. Compared to this deeply-rooted ethos and ethnic pride, the "idea of Pakistan" has proved to be a secondary factor in shaping the identity and character of these tribes, although in 1947 the NWFP and the tribal agencies decided to join Pakistan rather than India. Although part of Pakistan, the FATA region functions as a semi-autonomous area. Since the British Raj days, the region acted as a buffer zone between the British and Russian empires and operated on its own terms, although various tribes cooperated with the British off and on in return for financial incentives. This traditional pattern of governance continued even after they came under Pakistani suzerainty in 1947. On political and social issues, it is the jirga (assembly of tribal elders) that define laws, regulations and policies. Pakistani courts and law enforcement have almost no jurisdiction over the area. Unelected jirga leaders from the region, however, were invited to become full members of the successive elected National Assemblies of Pakistan until 1997 to represent FATA. Due to their allegiance to the Pakistani establishment, they would always vote in favor of the ruling party on critical issues, but in reality the state's writ is only on paper. According to the 1998 national census, close to 3.2 million people (the current estimate is 3.5 million) live in FATA, which covers an area of 27,220 square kilometers. Official statistics notwithstanding, the literacy rate is hardly in double figures. Basic amenities are scarce and, courtesy of the Afghan war of the 1980s, the latest weaponry is in abundant supply. Political agents represent the federal government and dispense regular stipends to local leaders (called maliks). Electricity is free and no taxes are collected. Only seven percent of the land area is cultivable and most income is generated by smuggling "custom-free" goods from Afghanistan into Pakistan, car theft rackets, drug trafficking from Afghanistan and the illegal sale of locallymade weapons. Carrying arms is a customary practice. Religious conservatism clearly holds sway and militant guests of the yore from Arab and Central Asian states have largely become part and parcel of the society through marriages. For administrative purposes, FATA is divided into seven agenciesKhyber, Kurram, Orakzai, Mohmand, Bajaur, North Waziristan and South Page 102 of 149

Waziristanalthough there are six additional small pockets of tribal areas known as Frontier Regions (FR). These are transition areas between FATA and the adjoining settled districts of the NWFP. They are jointly administered by the NWFP and the tribal agencies (for example, FR Tank, FR Lakki, FR Peshawar) and have a combined population of about 275,000.

Profiles of FATA's Seven Tribal Agencies

1. Khyber Agency: It derives its name from the world famous Khyber Pass which provides the most vital and important link between Pakistan and Afghanistan. With a population of around 500,000, it is inhabited by two important tribesAfridis and Shinwaris. Afridis are widely known as courageous, although British historians remember them as a rebellious and treacherous tribe. While short tempered, Afridis are known as good fighters who are pragmatic in picking their battles and making alliances. They respect Sufis (mystics) and their shrines, which intellectually aligns them with Barelvi Sunnis, the antidote of conservative and pro-Taliban Deobandi groups. The Afridi tribe has also produced great men of literature. Shinwaris, the second largest tribe of this agency, are also influential, but its members mostly inhabit the Ningrahar province of Afghanistan. They are largely involved in business activities. In recent years, Khyber Agency has been a trouble spot known for hosting illegal radio stations supporting religious extremism and encouraging pro-Taliban activities (Dawn, December 2, 2004; Dawn, December 19, 2005). 2. Kurram Agency: Comparatively more accessible than other agencies, it has a population of about 450,000 and is home to two tribesTuri and Bangash. A land of gardens and orchards, this agency has often been called pro-Northern Alliance because the Bangash tribe predominantly belongs to the Shiite sect of Islam, which is anti-Taliban in its orientation. Turi tribe (Turkic origin), known for its strong and hardy horsemen, also belongs to the Shiite sect and has been at loggerheads with pro-Taliban, Deobandi elements in the neighboring area. Some non-Shiite extremists in the area, however, were supportive of the Taliban, although with little effectiveness.

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3. Bajaur Agency: Smallest of all, this agency is largely inaccessible due to its hilly terrain. With a population of about 600,000, it borders Afghanistan's Kunar province, which is a hotbed of Taliban forces. Its prominent tribes are Tarkani and Utman Khel. The alliance of religious political partiesnamely the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA)has great influence in this area since two MMA politicians from this agency are represented in the National Assembly and one in the Senate. There have been some unconfirmed recent media reports about the possibility of Osama bin Laden hiding in the area. An aerial attack, reportedly executed by the CIA and targeting Ayman al-Zawahiri, took place in a village in Bajaur Agency on January 13, killing 18 people. Al-Zawahiri was not found among the dead and the incident led to severe outrage in the area. It is also relevant that Abu Faraj al-Libbi, a senior member of al-Qaeda who was involved in an assassination attempt on President Pervez Musharraf, told interrogators after his arrest in May 2005 that he had lived in Bajaur for some time (Dawn, January 15). 4. Mohmand Agency: The agency takes its name from the Mohmand tribe who resides there and numbers about 350,000. Mohmands are a very powerful and influential tribe and are known as natural guerrilla fighters. One of the important themes among Mohmands is the description and details of the wars in which they have fought. Indeed, they are widely known to have given more trouble to the British than any other tribe. Another distinguishing mark is the importance that they give to their clerics and divine leadersthey fought most of their wars under the leadership of their mullahs. They are also known for practicing certain primitive customs. In reference to the political scenario, Mohmand tribal leaders challenged the idea of joint combing of the area by Pakistani and U.S. forces in 2003, and later the NWFP government (led by the MMA) came forward to support the stance of the Mohmand tribe (Asia Times, July 15, 2003). Despite that, Pakistani army units conducted various search operations in the area and tribal leaders decided not to opt for a head on collision with them. It is pertinent to mention, however, that al-Zawahiri is reportedly married to a woman from the Mohmand tribe who lives with her father in the border area between Bajaur and Mohmand agencies (Dawn, January 15). 5. Orakzai Agency: This small agency has a population of about 240,000 and is primarily inhabited by the Orakzai tribe from which it derives its name. The other important tribe in this area is Daulatzai. Unlike most of the agencies, Shiites and Sunnis both live side by side in Orakzai, although seldom in peace. Regular sectarian clashes have diminished the effectiveness and influence of the Orakzai tribe. This is the only agency that does not have a common border Page 104 of 149

with Afghanistan. The present governor of the NWFP and former corps commander in the region, Lieutenant General (Retired) Ali Mohammad Jan Orakzai, belongs to this tribe. Some senior bureaucrats in the civil service of Pakistan also hail from this tribe giving them influence in the power corridors of Pakistan. Despite having a comparatively high literacy rate, the agency was the first one to ban NGO's from operating in the area, declaring them anti-Islamic. The possession of televisions has also been declared a crime here under the influence of the local Taliban. 6. North Waziristan: The second largest agency in terms of area, it hosts about 375,000 people, mostly belonging to the Wazir and Dawar tribes. The Waziristan region was a chronic headache for the British; even after the creation of Pakistan, Waziris continue to draw regular attention to Pakistan for their support of Pakhtoonistan/Pashtunistan (the joining of all Pashtun areas to create a new state) and hence maintained good relations with Afghanistan. Since the 1970s, however, Waziris joined the ranks of the Pakistani armed forces in considerable numbers as compared to members of other tribes. The transport business in the region is their monopoly. It is the kidnapping-for-ransom business, however, that they are most notorious for. As ironic as it may sound, Waziris are also fond of music and dancing, and despite the Taliban's influence they continue to cherish these hobbies. The Pakistani army's military operations in this agency started in 2002 and have led to a full-fledged military confrontation with Waziris. Many militant tribal leaders have become legendary figures in the process. Turning in their comrades to government authorities, as demanded by the army, meant a treacherous course of action for them. Interestingly, since the recent peace accord between Pakistan and the tribal elders of the agency, the Taliban have opened up offices in three important cities to "control law and order" (Daily Times, September 28) 7. South Waziristan: The largest agency in size, it is home to around 425,000 tribesmen from Mehsud and Wazir tribes. Both tribes are proud to have a formidable reputation as warriors and are known for their frequent blood feuds. Mehsuds, the majority tribe, according to historian Sir Olaf Caroe would never consider submitting to a foreign power that has entered their land. They are reputed to be good marksmen and are known for their trustworthiness. They are also the most independent of all the tribes and have the highest literacy rate among them. While they have produced many senior civil and military officers, the overall political leadership of South Waziristan is dominated by conservative mullahs. The two National Assembly members from Page 105 of 149

this agency are clergymen affiliated with the MMA. Militants from Central Asia, especially those associated with the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, were also based in this area. In 2004, they created a stir when they launched rockets at Peshawar city, targeting official buildings including military ones. Nek Mohammad, a notorious militant leader (although a hero to the region), was a Waziri from this agency. A brief look at Malakand agency, which was converted into a district of the NWFP in 1970, is also pertinent here. The High Court of the NWFP extended its jurisdiction to this area in 1974. It has a population of around 550,000 and is inhabited by the Utman Khel clan (mostly peasants) and Yusufzais (Ranizais clan). Yusufzai are perhaps the largest, oldest, and most sophisticated of the Pashtuns. They are known to be hard-working agriculturalists, aristocratic in bearing and traditionally individual land holders. The area remained a seat of Gandhara art culture and is known for rare scenic places and tourist resorts.

Jirga and Malki systems are strong and powerful local institutions for the reconciliation and resolution of local disputes and even to punish those who violate the local rules and customs. If the dispute is of bigger nature between the tribes then the PA, MNA and Senators, Maliks and elders, sometimes from neighboring FRs/agencies also participate in the jirga to resolve the disputes. Maliks and elders are nominated both by the accused and the grieved. The people have to accept the decision made by the jirga. The jirga results are presented to the PA for information and record. If any one of the party is not happy or satisfied with the decision made by the jirga then the grieved party can go to the appellate court and then the Home Department, who decides the case under the FCR. Sometimes the jirga uses local power, which they have by tradition such as, Muchalga (fine), to eject a person or even a family from their area as a punishment or impose heavy fine and destroy/put their houses and property to fire. The whole tribe makes a lashkar (group together) for the implementation of the decision taken by the jirga. Due to these strong local traditional rules the reported crime rate in FATA is low. However, with the passage of time the element of corruption has also entered this traditional dispute resolution system. It is reported that the poor and vulnerable cannot afford to have a jirga. There are a lot of requirements of jirga like hospitality and many other things, which the poor cannot afford. Thus Jirga is now becoming very expensive to convene. There is a grievance among the people that most of the time the ultimate decision is in favor of the rich and the influential. Page 106 of 149

A Malik has his own status in his tribe. The PA gives him some amount as Mojib (allowance) periodically to run his local hospitality expenses. The local people respect Maliks possessing good quality, quantity of weapons and the number of male members to use these weapons when needed.

Traditionally the household head has a strong hold and decision-making power for the whole family. The wives are traditionally submissive to their husbands and the likelihood of divorce or separation in the tribal society is negligible. If there is dislike and conflict between wife and husband, he will marry another girl if he is rich and also keep his old wife as well.

The tribesmen when they are in their local area generally wear their traditional clothes with a large turban and rifle on shoulder. The women-folk generally use printed cloth and observe strict purdah from outsiders. Their working and festival dresses are all the same with the exception that they wear new dress on festivals like Eid and marriage or visiting relatives outside the village. In the winter season the males use a woolen blanket, while the female dress remains the same. Tribal women are very found of wearing ornaments and jewelery of all type made of gold and silver. A lot of money is spent on the local ceremonies, particularly on marriage, death, birth and other ceremonies/festivals like celebration of Eid and performing Haj.

People of FATA are fond of games and sports, which are essential for healthy living and positive growth of youth. Unfortunately, in FATA with the exception of few places the availability of sports grounds and related facilities are almost nil. There are no sports clubs to facilitate and arrange tribal sport tournaments. However, there are a variety of local games and sports played commonly all over both indoor and outdoor. These include hunting, gun shooting, wrestling, swimming and local child games, dog/cock/bird fights and many other games.

Backdrop and major reasons of disruption in Peace

Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) had been peaceful before 9/11. The ongoing insurgency is not a local phenomenon; rather things have spilled over into Pakistan from across its Western borders where American and Allied Forces have drastically failed in Page 107 of 149

achieving any of their stated targets. NATO and America have been launching military operations without intimating Pakistani authorities and this has resulted in foreign militants being pushed into Pakistani areas. Agreements with militants that could ensure peace in the area were sabotaged with airstrikes and propaganda - resulting in expansion of the militancy. Youth of the area are fast joining the militants and one of the reasons can be that FATA is underdeveloped, with scarce social services and virtually no job opportunities despite the territory having vast potential for development, particularly in the mineral sector. For immediate and long-term peace and development in the region, dialogue should precede military action. National strategy about the "War on Terror" itself needs a review and the development potential of FATA needs to be exploited. Ed.

FATA, despite having some administrative and political problems has been one of the most peaceful areas of Pakistan since 1947. The areas remained, generally, stable even when the war against Soviet Union in Afghanistan was in progress and later during the infighting among various Afghan groups. These were the days when about one-fourth of total five million Afghan refugees were living together with the local inhabitants. Even in the initial years after the US attack on Afghanistan in 2001, this tribal belt remained calm. However, with increased resistance in Afghanistan, the tribal areas have been gradually transformed into a kind of war zone.

Today, FATA is being called a cause and centre of militancy by many, not only in Pakistan but in the entire region. While the Afghan government and the international community is blaming Pakistan for providing a safe haven to militants in its tribal belt, the government of Pakistan believes that the growing number of suicide attacks and other violent incidents have their roots in this area. Meanwhile, the people of FATA feel that they are being subjected to killings and forcible displacements not only by the US and NATO forces but by the Pakistani army and the militant groups as well. While the international community and global media are describing FATA as the cause of instability in the region, most people in the country and even outside believe otherwise, that is, it is basically the consequence of presence of foreign forces in Afghanistan.

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The fundamental question is that whether FATA is a cause of instability in the region or is it a victim of what is happening around it? Of the many questions being raised about the situation in FATA and the strategy to move ahead, this question needs to be addressed before taking any other measure by all those who have any stakes in this area and who are genuinely interested in bringing peace to the region. The answer to this question, each entirely different from the other, should define the strategy for handling the situation.

Also, it would then be easier to answer a host of questions like, is deterrence, meaning a military action, the best option or should it accompany diplomacy or precede it or should it never be an option keeping in view the history of the area and the fact that a military action cannot be successful in bringing a sustainable change unless it has enough support of the people. Consequently, is it possible to take the people along without convincing them that the action is in their interest? Also related are the questions regarding the presence of foreign elements and about issues of economic infrastructure and development in the area. While foreign forces can afford to simply ignore the root cause leading to such questions, should the Pakistan government also ignore them by allowing violations of its territory and killings of its own citizens? So, to devise a pragmatic strategy to move forward, it is crucial to understand the real situation in FATA and come up with a clear answer that are we addressing a cause or a consequence? Federally Administrated Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan is the focus of world attention once again. Though extremely poor and backward, these areas have always played a pivotal role in the history of the region, presenting a wide, valid and valuable treasure of landscape, archeology and cultural legacy amongst the jigs of towering peaks, valleys and planes. There dwells a society distinguished for its hospitality, bravery, culture and traditions.

FATA has remained in international focus, particularly since the turbulent Cold War years. Owing to its geostrategic location, the region became a playground for the rival forces competing to extend their spheres of influence. On departure of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, FATA lost its importance temporarily only to re-emerge on the global scene after 9/11. Tribesmen, who have guarded their independent status for centuries, were however quick to realize the extreme sensitivity of the situation arising out of the 9/11 when the government of Pakistan decided to deploy troops along the western border. The tribesmen rose to the occasion and in an impressive Page 109 of 149

display of patriotism not only gave a rousing welcome to the troops but joined them physically to guard the border. Some areas which had been inaccessible in the past were thus opened up for the first time in history without a single shot being fired.

Today, the situation in FATA is extremely volatile having dangerous repercussions not only for the area but also for the country, for the region and for the entire world. So, it becomes important to understand the situation and then look for a way forward. There are hardly any easy solutions to this very complex problem as a number of visible as well as invisible factors are involved. The current situation in FATA, indeed, cannot be seen in isolation. One has to see it in the backdrop of US attack on Afghanistan in 2001 and the following state of affairs.

2. 1979-2001 ERA in Afghanistan and how it disrupted peace in the Tribal areas of Pakistan
This period can further be divided into three parts: the period of Soviet occupation (1979-1989), the period of mujahedeen rule in Afghanistan (1992-1996), the period of Taliban rule (19962001 During the period of direct Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-89), the Tribal Areas of Pakistan were the most immediately affected areas due to close geographical proximity and common frontier with Afghanistan. With Pakistan becoming the frontline state in the war of resistance against the occupying forces, Tribal Areas bore the brunt of clashes between the Afghan resistance groups and the Soviet forces. There was a big influx of refugees into these areas; and all the tribal agencies were dotted with tented settlements of refugees. The Tribal Areas became the training and staging ground of Afghan mujahedeen, who also used the areas for the purpose of providing medical aid to the wounded Afghan fighters. Since war of resistance (jihad) was the top priority, everything was subservient to its objectives. The administration, local resources, including water, pastures, forestry and land were geared towards serving the objectives of jihad. During this period, the economy of the Tribal Areas, which was already underdeveloped, suffered enormously. There was great pressure on the local resources due to sudden and huge increase in the population as a result of the influx of millions of Afghan refugees.

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Since the whole area had become a war zone and Pakistan had opened its borders to allow Afghan refugees to enter the country and take refuge in the frontier regions, there was no check on the border and anybody could enter Pakistan from the Afghan side. Similarly, the mujahedeen groups would cross the Pak-afghan border at will. The Durand Line had practically ceased to exist with thee free movement of people, fighters, arms and ammunition across the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. The whole area became heavily armed with heavy weapons supplied by the United States to the Afghan mujahedeen to fight against the Soviet forces. Under the impact of the ongoing jihad, the local administration, which already exercised nominal control over the tribal population, was rendered totally ineffective. The result was that every kind of illegal activity, like smuggling, drug trafficking and gun running was thriving in the tribal areas. The cultivation of poppy increased and the Tribal Areas became the biggest source of heroin supply in the world. Due to war conditions, very little attention could be paid to development works. The economic conditions were in a bad shape, social and physical infrastructure was destroyed and environment degraded. jihad, drugs and gun running became the main source of livelihood for the local people. During this period, the Government of Pakistan neither could undertake any significant development works in the Tribal Areas nor control the activities of mujahedeen and their local supporters from converting the whole area into their fiefs. The withdrawal of the Soviet forces from Afghanistan in 1989 under the Geneva Accords signed in 1988 plunged the country into the worst kind of anarchy and lawlessness. There was a bloody war between the Soviet installed Afghan regime in Kabul and the Afghan mujahedeen groups, who mostly controlled the countryside. Although Geneva Accords had provided for a ceasefire, return of the refugees to their homeland and cessation of outside interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, conflict continued to take its heavy toll in terms of material destruction and human casualties. The mujahedeen groups subjected the capital city of Kabul to heavy artillery and rocket bombardment, resulting in the demolition of all the major buildings in Kabul. Since there was total lack of security and peace, there was no question of the return of Afghan refugees to their country. The Tribal Areas, therefore, continued to be the home of millions of Afghan refugees; and with them the commanders and the fighters belonging to various groups of Afghan mujahedeen based in Pakistan. With the common enemy i.e. the Soviet Union gone, the mujahedeen groups were fighting among themselves. The Tribal Areas were directly affected by Page 111 of 149

this infighting among the Afghan mujahedeen, leading to further deterioration in the security and law and order situation in the region. In 1992, the Soviet installed regime of Dr. Najibollah collapsed under pressure from the mujahedeen groups and a mujahedeen government headed by Sibghaitullah Mujadiddi was installed in Kabul. But Afghanistan continued to suffer from war and destruction as a result of civil war among various Afghan factions suffering much more under mujahedeen control than under the Soviet occupation. There were more casualties and large-scale destruction in the city of Kabul. Since these mujahedeen groups were heavily armed, courtesy American CIA, they were capable of inflicting worst kind of destruction on the cities and on the civilian population. The continuing war among the Afghan factions caused further displacement of the civilian population and the number of refugees in Pakistan further increased. The Tribal Areas continued to be the abode of these Afghan refugees. The economic and social conditions in these areas further deteriorated. Since whole attention of the Government of Pakistan was focused on Afghanistan, they did nothing to make the writ of the government effective in these areas. The Tribal Areas were the centre of activities of various Afghan mujahedeen groups and the whole area was under their control. The local administration was helpless, because the mujahedeen groups were heavily armed and enjoyed the support of higher authorities in Islamabad. As a result not only illegal activities like heroin smuggling, and gun-running thrived in the Tribal Areas, the region also witnessed the rise of extremist religious movements like Sufi Mohammads Tehrik-e-Nifaze-Shariat-e-Mohammadi (TNSM). This led to further complicating an already complex social, political and security situation in the Tribal Areas. This was the result of a policy of total neglect deliberately pursued by the successive governments of Pakistan to appease the Afghan mujahedeen groups, who were deeply entrenched in these areas. In 1996, Kabul fell to the student militia known as the Taliban, who suddenly appeared on the political horizon of Afghanistan and quickly wrested control of almost the entire country from the discredited mujahedeen group. The Taliban represented an extreme and harsh version of Sunni Islam, which they forcibly imposed on all sects of the Muslims in Afghanistan. Under the strict discipline of the Taliban, peace and security was established in the country, but Taliban rule in Afghanistan presented another serious problem for Pakistan. The Taliban had very close links with some of the religious political parties of Pakistan, like Jamiat-ul-Islam (Fazal) JUI(F) and Jamiat-ul-Islam (Sani) JUI(S). These political parties had their support base in the Tribal Page 112 of 149

Areas. Thus through their links with some of the political parties of Pakistan, the Taliban were able to extend their political and religious influence in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan. Under Taliban rule in Afghanistan, the writ of the Government of Pakistan became further ineffective as the people from the Tribal Areas joined the Taliban in fight against the Northern Alliance. As there was no regulation of the movement of men and materiel across the international border between Pakistan and Afghanistan a large number of people from different regions of Pakistan crossed over to Afghanistan to join what they claimed was jihad against the forces of the Northern Alliance led by Ahmad Shah Masud. The government of Pakistan did nothing to check them. It was only towards the end of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan that the Government of Pakistan realized the dangerous implications of allowing unhindered and unregulated movement of people across the Durand Line and took certain steps to check the entry of the people without valid documents. But this was resisted by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, who wanted to move freely across the Durand Line in order to maintain their links with their companions in Pakistan

3. FATA before 9/11

FATA was perfectly at peace with itself and its neighbors prior to 9/11. Information about and understanding of FATA was scant, in Pakistan and abroad. Nearly 5,000 sq kilometers of area was totally inaccessible with no writ of the government. There was no militancy and no suicide attackers, although there had been presence of some foreigners due to various reasons. Besides them there were also Afghan refugees but they were shifted to settled areas in the year 2004. Taliban were present but no one had ever heard of militant Taliban till March 2004.

Unfortunately very little attention was paid to the development activities of these tribal areas. In 1999 and even till 2001, the total budget for FATA used to be no more than 800 to 900 million rupees for 3.5 million people and over 27,000 sq kilometers of area. Gradually, it was increased and today it stands at roughly 7.5 billion rupees, close to 100 million US dollars. It is, indeed, a very small amount considering the area, population, and the potential for development. FATA was neglected and unfortunately no serious attempt was made by any government to bring the tribal areas into the national mainstream. Page 113 of 149

Post 9/11 Army Operations;

In the first week of December 2001, the Allied Forces launched an operation in Tora Bora which lies just opposite to Kurram agency. These are the low hills of Koh-e-Sufaid (White Mountain) on the Afghanistan side, very close to the Pakistan border. Pakistan and its military command were not informed by the US/NATO about this operation and they came to know about it through media.

In the face of this Tora Bora operation, some fleeing militants might have crossed over to the tribal areas in search of refuge as there was no presence of law enforcing agencies and government officials in these "No-go areas". There was realization of this possible movement on the Pakistan side and as Pakistan did not want it to happen, the decision was taken to deploy Pak army in the area. As a result of this decision, there were more than 240 people who came across and were caught without a shot being fired. This happened with the assistance and support of the tribesmen, showing how patriotic and cooperative these people were who have now gone hostile.

Pakistan army was also taken very peacefully into Khyber agency and "No-go areas" such as Tirah, east of Kurram agency, and Shawal in North Waziristan (part of it is also in South Waziristan). The Fakir of Ipi[3] lived in the same area as Ipi village is located in Shawal.

The Allied Forces in Afghanistan then launched an operation known as Anaconda near North and South Waziristan somewhere in March-April 2002. Pakistan authorities were again not informed. Then in May 2002, Gen Tommy R. Frank, Commander of US Central Command (CENTCOM) came to the GHQ to have discussions with Pakistan's military command. He told that some Al-Qaeda people have gone into the tribal areas of Waziristan and they have been provided protection and safe haven by the tribesmen. The words used were: "puddles have been provided where these crocks are living. So, we have got to dry up the puddles and we have to take out these crocks and eliminate them."

Pakistan complained that it was not informed earlier and told the Americans that Pakistani troops had been deployed on the eastern border with India after the so called attack on Indian Page 114 of 149

parliament and resultant tension. Nevertheless, Pakistan took a risk and withdrew a brigade, comprising of about 8-10 thousand soldiers, from the eastern border and cleared the Shawal area with cooperation of the tribesmen.

Next was Mohmand Agency. Almost one-fourth of Mohmand agency area was inaccessible; Pakistan got reports from Allied Forces that a lot of Al-Qaeda people are hiding there. Pakistan said that it will block the border and launch an operation in its territory to find Al-Qaeda people. Pakistan army says it was not an operation and just a walkover as the tribesmen were very cooperative. They marched with the army. The army did come under slight fire near Lala Pass by some miscreants believed to be from the Afghan side. Jirga people and the tribal elders also came under fire along with army. By August 2003, all the erstwhile inaccessible areas were under army's control. Pak troops were deployed on the border, on the zero line.

Pakistan's military operations continued after that and are still continuing in Bajour and Mohmand while some limited operation is taking place in Khyber Agency. Also, there is operation in Swat - in its settled area. Exact figures of casualties of all these operations are not available but the estimates are that Pakistani forces have killed approximately over 2500 people believed to have links with Al-Qaeda elements, including the local militants. Over 1,800 of Pakistan's own troops have been killed and over 3,000 have been wounded. Regarding the foreigners present and killed in FATA, different nationalities are mentioned. However, it is needless to point towards their countries of origin as those operating as non-state actors should not be allowed to tarnish the image of their respective countries. Foreigners apprehended were over 600 including 240 apprehended in December 2001.

4. Post 9/11 situation in Afghanistan and its impact on the Tribal Areas of Pakistan
Pakistan has suffered greatly because of the military interventions against Afghanistan. When the Soviet Union invaded and occupied Afghanistan in 1979, Pakistan was the frontline state and rendered a lot of sacrifices. Massive influxes of refugees - about six million - were witnessed and at least 2.6 million are still here; weapons and drug culture the introduced in the society. When Page 115 of 149

the Soviet Union withdrew, Afghanistan and Pakistan were left high and dry. This was a major and fatal mistake. Afghanistan was left in shambles and a civil war ensued from which the country never recovered. The Taliban resurgence was a direct consequence of abandoning Afghanistan. Osama bin Laden was blamed by US for 9/11 attacks and the then Afghan government - Taliban - was approached to hand over Osama bin Laden to the United States. They refused on their own principles, right or wrong. Afghanistan was invaded and objectives of the invasion were to kill or capture Osama bin Laden, destroy and weaken Al-Qaeda so it does not pose a threat to world security, destroy and weaken Taliban, bring democracy in Afghanistan leading to reconstruction, rehabilitation and socioeconomic development. Interestingly, the strategy used for this was predominantly military.

If we look at the present day Afghanistan situation in the light of these objectives, the picture that emerges is really pathetic. Taliban have been decrowned but the US has failed to eliminate them and the resistance has been rising. It was estimated that hardcore Taliban would not be more than a few hundred. But could a few hundred Taliban do what they are doing to forces of 39 countries operating in Afghanistan - an estimated 70,000 troops of the most modern armies of the world? The point is that because of these military operations and resultant collateral damage, the peaceful people have also been alienated and have started fighting alongside the Taliban. This Taliban movement has now snowballed into a form of a nationalist liberation war.

Before 9/11 there was no problem in the tribal areas of Pakistan. Whatever is happening in the tribal areas today is a gradual spillover effect of Afghanistan invasion and ensuing events. Militancy and violence have gradually found roots in our tribal areas and are spreading towards settled areas. In fact, they have already spread to some of the settled and previously peaceful areas. At this moment there are around 100,000 Pakistani troops on the western border and they are engaged in fierce battles in Bajour, Mohmand, Swat and parts of Khyber. Thousands of people have perished in suicide attacks all across the country. Economy of Pakistan has literally been destroyed; the country has to go around with a begging bowl to revive its economy. Pakistan's image has been badly tarnished. It is perceived to be a state which sponsors terrorism,

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a notion which is not true. In terms of damage, causalities and psychological setback, no country fighting terror has suffered as much as Pakistan. Yet, it is being perceived as a threat itself.

More than 2.5 million refugees are still in Pakistan despite the fact that coalition forces have been in Afghanistan for the last eleven years. The world community has failed to help us even in this regard. Conversely, there are elements that, like always, are trying to exploit this unstable situation. One can find linkages between instability in Afghanistan and resultant troubles in FATA and the deteriorating situation in Balochistan.

There are anti-US and anti-West sentiments in the country. In short, the War on Terror is being seen by the common man as an American war and the Pakistan government is seen to be fighting this American war. The credibility of our own government is a question mark in the minds of the people.

4. Deals and agreements will the Tribesmen

Pakistan during last few years tried to bring the militants onboard by holding talks with them; on some occasions, agreements were reached. The agreements, however, were never allowed to succeed. It is quite evident that Americans did not want such agreements. The famous Shakai agreement of April 2004 with militant leader Nek Mohammad was the first such deal. It was made after there were bloody clashes in Wana starting on the 16th of March, 2004. Nek Muhammad was killed in a US missile strike within one week of signing the agreement; fighting erupted within hours after his death and continued till the end of 2004.

In the case of Bajour, Pakistani authorities decided to get an undertaking from the tribesmen, not a formal agreement. As per the undertaking, tribesmen were to refrain from certain acts and concede that government will reserve the right to act against them if they did not conform to the undertaking. The then governor had got the undertaking approved from the powers that be. It was decided for the tribesmen to come and sign the undertaking on October 30, 2006 at 9 a.m. Somehow this news leaked out and at 5 a.m. on October 30, the Madrassah involved in negotiations was bombed. Bajour has never recovered since.

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There were some agreements as well with those taking up arms in South Waziristan - Makki and Laddah areas. The present government in NWFP also signed some deals with the militants. However, all such deals have been strongly opposed and sabotaged one way or the other. The argument is that the truce resulting from the agreements gives the militants time to regroup and reorganize. However, it is deliberately ignored that military operation has been resulting in the spread of militancy from one tribal area to another and also to settled areas. People have been provoked to disregard agreements and get back to fighting.

The reaction to such sabotaged deals and military operations is fatal, for instance in Dargai, 42 innocent recruits were killed by a suicide bomber. Militancy is fast spreading. Nobody could have ever imagined that there will be any operation in Mohmand as it was peaceful until recently; Khyber is also simmering. There have been attacks on trucks carrying NATO supplies. Considering the supply line from Karachi to Khyber and from Karachi to Chaman, the question is how many forces would you need and can deploy to protect these convoys? It is a very dangerous trend, indeed.

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Conflict
Disturbing situation in tribal area

ISI & CIA

Poor Governance

Soviet invasion in Afghanistan

Poverty and lack of Education Urge to have better life for their Families Deprived isolated feelings & Independent Part of country NO expectation from Government /lack Of trust Weaponaization Culture / militancy and violence Refugees immigration Excessive loss of Lives

Post 9/11 attack and US aggression over Afghanistan

Deployment of Pak Army troops Fleeing of Al Qaeda & Taliban in FATA Providing save heaven for militants activities Continues movement across the boarder Easy supply of weapons Drone Attacks

Hub of Militants

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5. CONFLICT:
Disturbing situation in tribal areas.

5.2 CAUSES AND EFFECTS

Soviet Invasion in Afghanistan

ISI and CIA involvement. Birth to Taliban. Weaponization culture/ Militancy and violence. Refugees immigration. Excessive Loss of lives

Poor Governance

Deprived and Neglected feeling. No expectation from Government/lack of trust. Feeling isolated and independent. Poverty/lack of Education/Unemployment.

9/11 Attacks and US aggression against Afghanistan

Deployment of Pakistan Army troops in Tribal areas on Pakistan. Fleeing of Talibans and Al-Qaidas militants in tribal areas. CIA and Raw.

Hub of Militants

Providing safe heavens to Militant activities. Continuous movement of Militants in Tribal areas. Easy supply of weapons. Drone attacks.

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6. ANALYSIS:
The process of political change in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan has been very slow. In the last about six decades, only a few political changes have taken place in the region. The most important, of course, being the extension of adult franchise in 1996 and the holding of direct elections to the 12 seats of lower house of the Parliament (National Assembly). This has no doubt brought a significant change in the socio-political life of the tribal people as for the first time the people, including the women, were given the right to directly elect their representatives. This has led to the undermining of the influence of traditional political leadership (Maliks) in the region. The extension of adult franchise to women has also created a new feeling of empowerment among the weak and underprivileged sections of the society.

But the people of FATA are still denied some of the fundamental and basic political and legal rights, which are available to citizens of Pakistan in other areas under the Constitution. The political parties are banned in the region. The administrative, political and judicial structure of the areas is based on FCR, which is a legacy of British colonial rule. This is an arbitrary law under which absolute power is vested in the Political Agent. Till 1997 there was no appeal against the punishment awarded under FCR. But the superior courts are still barred from exercising their jurisdiction in the Tribal Areas. There are three main reasons for the lack of progress in the area of political development in FATA.

First, the social system based on tribal loyalties and absolute power of tribal heads (Maliks) over the members of the tribe has remained intact over the centuries. The British perpetuated this system to serve their colonial interests granting special status and cash awards to the Maliks in exchange for duties and responsibilities for maintaining peace and security in the areas. The British had established a chain of military posts in the Tribal Areas to ensure the defence as well as the compliance of the tribal people; and whenever, the tribal people acted in violation of their commitments with the British authorities, military action was taken against them.

Second, the successive governments of Pakistan, instead of establishing direct contact with the people at gross root level, continued to follow the British policy of dealing through the local tribal chiefs i.e., Maliks in the Tribal Areas. After 1947, the Tribal Areas became part of Page 121 of 149

Pakistan. There was hope that the establishment of Pakistan would usher in a new era of progress and change in the lives of the tribal people. But these hopes did not come true as the new state continued to follow the policy of the British and took no step to change the status quo. The primary reason was Pakistans strained relations with Afghanistan. In view of Afghanistans hostile propaganda on the issue of Pashtunistan, the successive governments of Pakistan did not introduce any political change for fear of alienating the powerful and influential Maliks in the Tribal Areas. After the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1979, the support to Afghan resistance against the Soviet occupation became the priority of Pakistan. The tribal Areas continued to suffer from neglect.

Third, due to an attitude of neglect and a deliberate policy of maintaining status quo, the Tribal Areas remained as the most underdeveloped in terms of socio-economic indicators. Although new roads, schools, both for boys and girls, hospitals, and dispensaries were constructed during the last about six decades, the area remained grossly underdeveloped in comparison to the settled districts of the province. Due to lack of progress in the socio-economic fields, the process of political change in the Tribal Areas remained arrested.

But recent events, like fall of Taliban in Afghanistan and the entry of Pakistan army to flush out the alleged foreign militants from South Wazirstan have acted as catalysts for socio-political change in the Tribal Areas. 70,000 Pakistan army troops have been deployed in areas close to border with Afghanistan to apprehend the foreign militants allied with former Taliban and Al Qaeda organizations. This is for the first time in the last 65 years that regular troops of Pakistan army have entered the Tribal Areas of Pakistan. The army action has been followed by a massive program for the socio-economic uplift of the Tribal Areas through the building of physical and social infrastructure, like roads, water reservoirs, hospitals, schools and telecommunication centers in all the agencies and regions of FATA. The development works in the area is certain to bring changes in the socio-political environment of the region.

The federal government has also introduced the tribal version of Devolution Plan in FATA, establishing Agency Councils consisting of elected representatives of the tribal people. At the same time the demand for allowing the political parties to function in FATA is also being raised Page 122 of 149

with rising voice by the Human Rights activists and civil society organizations. After 9/11 the Tribal Areas of Pakistan are witnessing rapid social, economic and political change.

The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Afghan civil war and continued instability in Afghanistan have taken their toll with refugees and fighters seeking asylum in the area, sometimes outnumbering the locals. After 9/11, many Al-Qaeda and Taliban elements slipped into Waziristan and took refuge. This was after the US air strikes had taken place in Tora Bora region of eastern Afghanistan in December 2001.The people of neighboring Swat, Dir, Bajaur, Mardan went over to fight with the Taliban

All tribal agencies have cultural, ethnic and historical links with Afghanistan and are ethnically and ideologically close to Taliban and Pashtuns. South Waziristan, with nearly 300 kms of border with Afghanistan, became the hub of Al-Qaeda and Taliban elements. In fact, most of the Al-Qaeda suspects, nearly 500 were captured from this region and handed over to the US authorities.

Besides the quantifiable indicators, the region, is grossly underdeveloped, and had to undergo pressures as the refugees influx led to over-population, over-grazing of land, law and order problems and drift towards militancy and terrorism. Historically, drugs and weapons have always been a staple part of the region.

Needless to say, the tribal regions have not remained static over the last fifty years but have seen the vicissitudes of time. Although their development was arrested, they have seen the fruits of parallel development of settled areas of their Pashtun brethren and have known the value of progress and development. This time, they have volunteered to cooperate with law enforcing agencies to root out terrorists from their area, barring of course, some diehard elements that have taken the path of defiance.

Roads, piped water, schools and dispensaries are the crying needs of the tribal people and should they be improved it would make a palpable change in their lives. As they cannot afford to remain

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hermetically sealed from the outside world, the innate urge for reform and uplift their conditions will put pressures on their representatives and ipso facto the Pakistani state.

The recent operations have resulted in the death of soldiers and militants and capture of nearly hundreds of suspected militants. However, the high value targets have eluded the military operation. The militants were supposedly ensconced in South Waziristan, but with the start of operations they seem to have slipped out and escaped across the borderlands towards Afghanistan. The government assessment of high value targets raised undue hopes about the capture of senior Al-Qaeda /Taliban leadership, but this was erroneously based on the fierce resistance posed by some diehard elements.

Al-Qaeda network, although mauled, has split into autonomous cells that are globally dispersed and could strike at different targets at random as they did in Madrid, Spain in March. For Pakistan, the government cannot afford to let the 600 or so foreign militants remain in the region; hence they have been repeatedly warned to either register or leave the area.

The US-Pakistan nexus remains an unequal relationship. Whereas a superpower, given its evanescent global interests can easily get away, it is the smaller partner that always suffers. Pakistans experience has not been very good with the US; this time, it is apprehended that as soon as the US interests diverge, it may call quits. However, most observers think that the war against terrorism is for a long haul, and the US will be forced to remain stationed in the region for the foreseeable future. Nevertheless the presence of superpower breathing down the neck of a small next-door country is an uncomfortable geopolitical existence.

The army has to differentiate between a purely anti-insurgency operation and a politically backed operation in the tribal territory. If it is former, it could create alienation against the armed forces. More carrots than sticks are needed in isolating the militants from the tribal people who are by and large peace-abiding people.

The government should make the tribal elders responsible for keeping a check on suspects and dilute the status of tribal territories by giving more powers to the local police. Too Page 124 of 149

much energy and money is wasted in catching minor culprits while the big fish manage to escape across the borders. Under the British rule, the Political Agent through his deputy Tehsildar and APO (Assistant Political Officer) served a notice on the tribe in whose jurisdiction the crime took place. A deadline was set; failing which punitive action was taken, including aerial bombardment, artillery fire and use of military forces. The money accruing from penalties was a boon to Governor House and staff.

It is indeed paradoxical that more than half of Pakistan (most of Balochistan, the Tribal and Northern Areas) should be areas where the national writ continues to be non-existent, and the economy hardly legally linked to the rest of the country. The tribal regions have an open smuggled trade with Afghanistan and are dens of crime, refugees and smugglers. Lately, urban crime and the virus of sectarianism in Pakistan is also linked to these regions. Hence they cannot afford to remain as a tribal museum. A sustainable strategy to develop and integrate them into the mainstream is an imperative need.

The opening of FATA by Pakistani army and building of roads, schools and hospitals seems a good augury for the region trapped in isolation and under the stranglehold of Maliks, Khans and Sardars. Also, it is hoped that the region with developed infrastructure could open up not only to the rest of Pakistan in its east, but also to the outside world in the west, especially Central Asia through Afghanistan with annual trade which may fetch almost one billion dollars.

CONCLUSION AND ACTION PLAN

OPTIONS The revival of Old Rivaj (Traditions) : Explanation: In order to revive the Socio-political situation in the tribal areas we need to work in accordance of Riwaj of the tribal areas. According to this system, Tribal elders known as Maliks used to sit together and find solutions to disputes among tribal factions and families in a democratic way through Jirga Sytsem. These people used to represent their tribes in Jirgas( the tribal assembly) and also before the Political agent, in case of any anti-state activity as described per the Frontier Page 125 of 149

Crimes Regulation(FCR). He was supported by government financially in the form of grant of permits and other facilities. After the rise of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan(TTP) and other such outfits, these anti-state elements particularly targeted the Maliks, creating a feeling of terror in the tribal society. In wake of such situation the efficiency of Maliki system tremendously decreased and as per today, they are afraid to work due of life threats in those areas where these elements are still active . This has created a complete vacuum between the Political Agent and the tribal people leading to the breakdown of years old political system of tribal areas. How: In wake of 9/11, TTP and other such outfits completely dismantled the tribal political system or the Riwaj. As of today in order to revive the Riwaj we must strengthen the Maliki system in the area by creating the security situation sound for the working of Maliks through talks and use of force wherever required according to the situation. Grants and payments to Maliks should be started once again along with improving the clauses of FCR for their role in the tribal society. Although the Maliki system was corrupted in the past by the political agents for their personal motives but still it was much easier to bring development plans, finds and jobs for the people of those areas in the presence of maliks. One thing should be kept in mind that now while we

recreate the system of Maliks and promulgate the riwaj we need to be fair with ourselves and with the tribal people in giving maliki to the tribal elders in proper proportion on merit so that no injustice is done to those people in future because future of those people depends upon our policies.

Benefits: With little cost, less effort and least loss lives of our own people, lawlessness and chaos will be reduced. The unnecessary deployment deployment of Army and their expenditure will also be saved. Influence of Malik on the society will increase. The writ of the state will once again created in that area. Government will be able to bring development to that area on fast track basis. Antistate elements will not get recruits from the tribal areas bringing the security situations to a normal level bringing the tribal area into national circle.

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Malik system represent local government, as he is the representative of each tribe and live in tribal area hence his say is more effective and accepted than those representatives who are sitting in Islamabad national assembly and senate.

Drawbacks: There are no apparent drawbacks of reviving of Rivaj except TTP and other outfits will try to retaliate to writ of government till the time such outfits are completely dismantled. If Maliki was distributed among tribes on basis of favoritism then this will create even a worse situation than current and dismemberment of tribal areas can also be a possibility.

Peace talks with tribe men:

Explanation: Dialogue needs to be encouraged. Tribesmen should be taken on board as their support is required. Talks should also be held with the militants in a meaningful manner. In this connection, Pakistan needs to take independent decisions and resist pressure from outside.

How: Good quality peace talks should be made with the tribal people, agreements must be made and both the parties- government and tribal people must stand by their agreement no matter what so ever happen . By doing so the confidence between them and government could be developed with time and consequently the peace can be established in the tribal area in the long run bringing economic uplift to the area. History of tribes men tell that they are strong enemies and strong friends and they stand by their words. The choice is ours whether we want to be their enemy or friend. When the Malik system is developed as mentioned earlier they can play vital role in maintaining the peace.

Few other steps: The old jirgah system should be used to make any decision for the tribal people by the government with the consent of Malik and local people. As far as the situation in tribal areas is Page 127 of 149

concerned, the grand Jirga needs to be reviewed and reorganized for peace and security. While holding the Jirga, it needs to be recognized that any strategy for a stable solution and long-term peace in the country as well as in the region will have to recognize the Taliban as an important stakeholder. Naik Mohammad incidents should not be repeated. It has already created a big lack of trust. The statements which prick the tribe men should be avoided by the government because these statements totally stop the way of peace talk and only acts as adding fuel to fire. Military operations should be launched against specific targets but only on the way of credible intelligence sources in order to avoid collateral damage and alienating the people. To regain the trust of tribal people governments has to show their clear sincerity by taking steps for their welfare and not by words. Resentment against drone attacks should not be verbal but government has to take step by dismissing the permission of drone attack granted to by Pakistan government to USA and transfer of drone technology to Pakistani Military as it will not damage our sovereignty in such case. Air strikes cannot be favored as it kills many civilians along with the militants and the collateral damage is too high. Targeted operations by army must be the last choice if the threat can't be neutralized through talks. These drone attacks as of today is the biggest reason why TTP are getting recruits because people have resentment against the NATO forces and considering Pakistani military an ally of theirs. We need to redefine terrorism in clear terms. Pakistan need to make a clear policy about the military actions against the militants. We should keep one thing in mind that the cause of fight between people of Afghanistan and NATO forces is completely different as compared to that between Pakistan security forces and and TTP, the fight between afghans and NATO to be fair is more like freedom movement while in tribal areas of Pakistan, it is more like challenging the writ of the state. We need to step down from the global war on terror because USA has numerically lost the war in Afghanistan, she has pulled its forces out of Iraq and is trying to escape from Afghanistan as well. We need to make long term policy about our relations with tribal people in Pakistan bringing them to national stream and should carry out talks with different clans of Afghans whether Pashtuns, Hazara etc because peace in tribal areas of Pakistan is associated with a peaceful Afghanistan. Page 128 of 149

These steps can lead us to gain the trust of tribal people and only then peace talk could be established.

Benefits:

Suicide attacks will stop in revenge. Poor security situation in Pakistan will improve. Re-establishing the old system of government in tribal area. Feeling of unity and bringing tribal people to mainstream. Feeling of patriotism among the tribal people for Pakistan. The miscreants, enemies and innocent people could be separated easily. Government will gain support in eliminating the Taliban militants by the local people of that area and the process of Talibanization will stop. Development will come to the area and people will become more economically vibrant. The overall peace in the country will bring foreign investment back to the country improving our economy and bringing development.

Drawbacks: US financial aid will most probably stop The economic assistance from World Bank and IMF in the present economic crunch will stop or decreased which might create further economic problems in the beginning. A lot of international sanctions will be implemented on Pakistan.

Remedy: We must be aware of the pros and cons of our decisions because coming years will be tough for South Asia and particularly Pakistan and Afghanistan. We need to work hard to make us economically sound to withstand the hard times. Strengthen our ties with communist block and Arab world and Iran, and must not solely depend upon America.

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Action Plan:
Bring Socio-Political, Economic and Educational revolution in the area

Explanation: Bringing normalcy to FATA is going to be a long and patience with no quick fix solutions because current situation is fruit of years old mistakes. Like the rest of the country, the tribal areas have suffered too from the states acts of omission and commission since the times when British ruled. In wake of current situation we need to bring them into national stream as soon as possible for that purpose we need to strengthen the Maliki system, improve FCR and laterally bring these people under constitution of Pakistan and making it separate province of Pakistan with name of Qabailistan as demanded by its local people in the long run. Creating basic infrastructure for the area like hospitals, schools, colleges, roads etc linking them with the remaining country and creation of small scale industries initially and heavy industries later on.

How: EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: All these steps towards the bright future of tribal areas are mutually linked. First of all we need to strengthen our tribal political system so that the gap between the tribal people and the government eventually vanishes. Along with that we need to bring educational development to those areas on fast track basis by improving the infrastructure of currently functional schools along with provision of modern aids, furniture and good financial support for the institution and its teachers. We also need to construct Cadet Colleges and similar high schools as they can prepare a batch of young and talented students for induction into Armed forces, Police and universities. Technical training institutions and eventually fully fledged universities will also be required for the area. Along with this we need to create quotas for the students of tribal areas to get inducted in quality institutions across Pakistan till the time the students of tribal areas come up to the national standard. Merit should be the top priority. Educating the girls should also be one of our priorities. The Institution of Madrassah has to be maintained and the clergy has to trained the correct teaching of Islam. The Madrassas should be registered under Vifaq-ul-Madaris (the governing

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body of Madrassas across Pakistan) and the prescribed syllabus must be taught their along with surveillance by the authorities that no madrassa turns into a training camp for militants. Sports is also part of education, provision of facilities for sports must also be done and the policy of Fighting terrorism via sports should also be used.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: As stated above all the step towards prosperous tribal areas and prosperous Pakistan are mutually coordinated ones we need to bring about economic development in the area leaving nobody to be jobless, because jobless turns to be a recruit for TTP. Much of the land in the tribal areas is cultivatable but due to lack of water resources has become barren. We need to provide the people with water solutions in form of tube-wells and dams for agriculture and electricity. Dry fruits, fresh fruits are main products of the area , we need processing plants for these fruits so that they can be stored for long time and exported abroad as well as down country bringing monetary benefits to the tribal people. Small scale industries like carpet weaving, weapon making, sports goods and other household items with improved techniques and technology should be created making the people economically vibrant. Heavy industries such as marble cities, juice making need to be created in the long term as well. Road network need to be developed on fast track linking Tribal area with remaining country removing the old stigma of being called Illaqa-e-Ghair(the forbidden area). SOCIO-POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT: Last but not the least we need to bring socio-political development to the area. Empowering the tribal people, removing the vacuum between government and the people through Riwaj and laterally bringing them under Constitution of Pakistan by making some provisions for them in the constitution. The representatives of the area in National Assembly and Senate need to be active in sending their voices to the high ups sitting at Peshawar and Islamabad. These representatives must frequently visit their respective tribal agencies and just not sit in Islamabad.

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Bibliography
http://fata.gov.pk/ http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/09/every-person-is-afraid-of-thedrones-the-strikes-effect-on-life-in-pakistan/262814/ http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2011%5C09%5C12%5Cstory_12-92011_pg7_29 http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people2/Ahmed/ahmed-con5.html http://aacounterterror.wordpress.com/2012/10/15/peace-deals-singed-by-pakistan-withterrorists-in-fata/ http://www.scoop.it/t/pakistan-weekly/p/3098422793/kp-governor-urges-tribesmen-to-bevigilant-of-terrorists-claims-fata-in-mainstream

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GROUP F
INDO-PAK WATER DISPUTE

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GROUP MEMBERS AND EVALUATION

OZEL FARRUKH ( LEADER) HASAN JAVED HASSAAN ASLAM SHAHBAZ SHABIR MALIK MUZAMMIL MUMTAZ TAIMOOR SABIR 9/10 9/10 7.5/10 7/10 7/10

EACH MEMBER OF THE GROUP WAS ASSIGNED SPECIFIC TASKS . F IRST WE ALL DECIDED ON THE DIFFERENT ASPECTS OF THE CASE STUDY AND WHAT WAS THE RELEVANT DATA WHICH NEEDED TO BE GATHERED . EACH MEMBER WAS ASSIGNED A HEADING AND ASKED TO GATHER THE DATA AND SEND IT TO THE TEAM LEADER . WORK THEY HAD PUT .

ONCE ALL THE DATA WAS

GATHERED, I PERSONALLY PUT

TOGETHER THE DATA AND EVALUATED EACH INDIVIDUAL ACCORDING TO THE QUALITY OF THE

THE

MARKS WRITTEN IN FRONT OF EACH MEMBERS NAME IS THE

ASSESSMENT OF THEIR WORK AND THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE PROJECT. WAS SATISFIED WITH THE PERFORMANCE OF EACH INDIVIDUAL .

AS

TEAM LEAD , I

A LTHOUGH A FEW CONCERNS DID ARISE BUT WE ALL HELPED EACH OTHER OUT AND MANAGED TO RESOLVE THEM. I WOULD LIKE TO THANK MY GROUP MEMBERS FOR THE EXCELLENT WORK THEY HAVE DONE. OZEL FARRUKH (TEAM LEAD)

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
WE WOULD LIKE TO TAKE THIS OPPORTUNITY TO THANK OUR TEACHER WHO GAVE US THIS PROJECT SO WE WOULD LEARN AND ENHANCE OURSELVES . W E NOT ONLY LEARNED HOW TO
WORK TOGETHER BUT ALSO LEARNT ABOUT SOME FACTS AND FIGURES ABOUT OUR BELOVED COUNTRY.

WE DEDICATE THIS PROJECT TO OUR SIR MANZOOR IQBAL AWAN. HE HAS TAUGHT US TO BE
BETTER PEOPLE IN LIFE AND TAUGHT US ON HOW TO SPEND EACH DAY SPREADING HAPPINESS IN OTHERS LIFE . A GREAT TEACHER WHO HAS NOT ONLY BEEN A TEACHER TO US BUT A FATHERLY FIGURE AS WELL .

THANK YOU FOR ALL YOUR SUPPORT AND FOR BEARING OUR MISCHIEVOUS ACTIONS IN CLASS.

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BACKGROUND
The partition of British India in 1947 proved to be a tragic experience. One of the most savaging effects was the unjust partition of the two foremost provinces the Punjab and Bengal. In the divided provinces natural watercourses have been randomly partitioned between the two nations and they had to address the difficult water-sharing problem. Many observers believe the way the British left India in 1947 raised questions as to whether the British wanted India and Pakistan after the partition to be in peace. In 1947, the chief engineers of Pakistan and India met and agreed to a "Standstill Agreement," which froze water allocations at two points on the river until March 31, 1948, allowing discharges from headworks in India to continue to pour into Pakistan. On April 1, 1948, the day that the "Standstill Agreement" expired, in the absence of a new agreement, India discontinued the delivery of water to the Dipalpur Canal and the main branches of the Upper Bari Daab Canal. The waters of the Indus basin begin in the Himalayan mountains in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. They flow from the hills through the arid states of Punjab and Sindh, converging in Pakistan and emptying into the Arabian Sea south of Karachi. Where once there was only a narrow strip of irrigated land along these rivers, developments over the last century have created a large network of canals and storage facilities that provide water for more than 26 million acres (110,000 km2) - the largest irrigated area of any one river system in the world. The partition of British India created a conflict over the plentiful waters of the Indus basin. The newly formed states were at odds over how to share and manage what was essentially a cohesive and unitary network of irrigation. Furthermore, the geography of partition was such that the Source Rivers of the Indus basin were in India. Pakistan felt its livelihood threatened by the prospect of Indian control over the tributaries that fed water into the Pakistani portion of the basin. Where India certainly had its own ambitions for the profitable development of the basin, Pakistan felt acutely threatened by a conflict over the main source of water for its cultivable land. During the first years of partition the waters of the Indus were apportioned by the InterDominion Accord of May 4, 1948. This accord required India to release sufficient waters to the Pakistani regions of the basin in return for annual payments from the government of Pakistan. The accord was meant to meet immediate requirements and was followed by negotiations for a Page 136 of 149

more permanent solution. Both sides, however, were noy willing to compromise their respective positions and negotiations reached a stalemate. From the Indian point of view, there was nothing that Pakistan could do to prevent India from any of the schemes to divert the flow of water in the rivers. Pakistans position was dismal and India could do whatever it wanted. Pakistan wanted to take the matter to the International Court of Justice but India refused, arguing that the conflict required a bilateral resolution. The Indus River provides the key water resources for the economy of Pakistan especially the Breadbasket of Punjab province, which accounts for most of the nation's agricultural production, and Sindh. The Five rivers after which Punjab is named are the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas and the Sutlej. The river also supports many heavy industries and provides the main supply of potable water in Pakistan.

Indus Water Treaty:

In 1947, with the creation of Pakistan, the province of Punjab was also divided into east and west Punjab. The headwork of the canals of the Sutlej and Ravi remained in India as the share of India whilst their drained areas became part of Pakistan. In 1948 India threatened to stop the water supply from these headworks. That would have endangered the prosperity of the Indus plain. The water dispute was eventually resolved through the mediation of the World Bank. In September 1960, an agreement was signed that is known as the Indus water treaty. Under this treaty Pakistan received exclusive rights to the water of the three western rivers (Indus, Jhelum and Chenab) and India to that of the eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas and Sutlej). During the transitional period till 1973, India agreed to supply water to Pakistan. In the case of the Canal water dispute, the UN played a significant role when the President of the World Bank made a recommendation that it should provide financial and technical support to resolve the disagreement. This proposal formed the basis of the Indus Water Treaty signed in September 1959.

During the transitional period Pakistan was expected to construct two storage dams, one gated siphon and eight link canals. The following dams, barrages and link canals have been completed: Page 137 of 149

Dams: 1) Mangla Dam 2) Tarbela Dam Barrages: 1) Chashma Barrage 2) Rasul Barrage 3) Marala Barrage 4) Qadirabad Barrage Link Canals: 1) Marala-Ravi 2) Bombanwala-Ravi-Badian-Dipalpur 3) Rasul-Qadirabad 4) Balloki-Sulaimanki 1 5) Balloki-Sulaimanki 2 6) Chashma-Jhelum 7) Trimmu-Sidhnai 8) Taunsa-Panjnad 9) Sidhnai-Mallsi-Bahawai Mangla Dam: The Mangla dam is located on the River Jhelum. It is one of the longest (3100metres at the crest) earth-filled dams in the world. It is a multipurpose project designed to control and conserve the flood-waters of the Jhelum for irrigation and to generate hydro-electric power. The Manglalake, besides serving as the reservoir of the dam, has also been developed as a fishing centre and a tourist resort.

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Tarbela dam: The Tarbela Dam is built on the Indus at Bara village of Tarbela. It is about thirty km from the town of Attock. When the Indus leaves the Himalayan foothills and enters the Potwar Plains the water is stored in the reservoir of the dam. It is 143 meters high, it has a reservoir area of 243 square km, a storage capacity of 119 billion cubic meters of water and it has nine huge to control the outflow of water. The Tarbela dam is the worlds largest earth filled dam and the second project that was constructed under the Indus water treaty. Near the Tarbela dam there are two big spillways from the reservoir which are impressive features. As with many dams, siltation in the reservoir is emerging as a major problem. Small and Large Dams: A large dam is defined by the dam industry as higher than 15 meters (taller than a four storage building). We have only two large dams i.e. Tarbela and Mangla. The rest of the projects are either considered medium size projects or small dams. Recently the government is working on the feasibility study of constructing small dams in the country. In order to solve the water problem of the country small dams organization has identified around 150 sites for construction of small dams in the country and is working on their feasibility.

WHAT WAS THE PROBLEM?

Indus is a strategically vital resource for Pakistan's economy and society because Pakistan relies on agriculture and 80 percent outcome come from Indus River. After Independence, problems between the two countries arose over the distribution of water. Indias construction of dams on the river in violation of the Indus Waters treaty, reducing water flow into Pakistan has caused Pakistan to take the issue to the international courts for arbitration. This has further strained relations between the two countries .Indus rivers flow into Pakistan territory from across India. The division of Punjab thus created major problems for irrigation in Pakistan. On April 1, 1948, India stopped the supply of water to Pakistan from every canal flowing from India to Pakistan. Page 139 of 149

Pakistan protested and India finally agreed on an interim agreement on May 4, 1948, but this agreement was not the permanent solution due to this Pakistan approached the world bank to help. After the negotiation between the two countries, an agreement was signed in 1960 during Ayub Khans government. The name of the agreement was Indus Water Treaty. On the basis of this Pakistan gained exclusive rights for the three western rivers, namely Indus, Jehlum and Chenab. And India retained rights to the three eastern rivers, namely Ravi, Beas and Sutluj. The treaty also guaranteed ten years of uninterrupted water supply. Even before the partition of India and Pakistan, the Indus posed problems between the states of British India. The problem became international only after partition, though, and the attendant increased hostility and lack of supra-legal authority only exacerbated the issue. Pakistani territory, which had relied on Indus water for centuries, now found the water sources originating in another country, one with whom geopolitical relations were increasing in hostility. While these conflicting claims were not resolved, an agreement was signed, later referred to as the Delhi Agreement, in which India assured Pakistan that India would not withdraw water delivery without allowing time for Pakistan to develop alternate sources. Pakistan later expressed its displeasure with the agreement in a note dated 16 June 1949, calling for the "equitable apportionment of all common waters," and suggesting turning jurisdiction of the case over to the World Court. India suggested rather that a commission of judges from each side try to resolve their differences before turning the problem over to a third party. This stalemate lasted through 1950. Indus is a strategically vital resource for Pakistan's economy and society because Pakistan relies on agriculture and 80 percent outcome come from Indus River. After Independence, problems between the two countries arose over the distribution of water. Indias construction of dams on the river in violation of the Indus Waters treaty, reducing water flow into Pakistan has caused Pakistan to take the issue to the international courts for arbitration. This has further strained relations between the two countries .Indus rivers flow into Pakistan territory from across India. The division of Punjab thus created major problems for irrigation in Pakistan. On April 1, 1948, India stopped the supply of water to Pakistan from every canal flowing from India to Pakistan. Pakistan protested and India finally agreed on an interim agreement on May 4, 1948, but this agreement was not the permanent solution due to this Pakistan approached the World Bank to Page 140 of 149

help.. On the basis of this Pakistan gained exclusive rights for the three western rivers, namely Indus, Jhelum and Chenab. And India retained rights to the three eastern rivers, namely Ravi, Beas and Sutlej. The treaty also guaranteed ten years of uninterrupted water supply.

The Canal Water dispute:

The canal water dispute had its origins in the partition of Punjab. West Pakistan is a fertile country but has a hot and dry climate. Rain is not plentiful so the agriculture of the country heavily relies upon irrigation from a series of canals which draw water from three main rivers in the areas, the river Indus, Jhelum and Chenab The partition of the sub-continent cut across many rivers and canals problem for Pakistan was that the flow of water through the canals and rivers was controlled at a series of headworks, most which lay in that part of Punjab which is now a part of India. The Indian government promised not to interfere with the supply of water to Pakistan. However India Pakistan were soon in dispute over the canals, especially the water from the Bari-Doab canal. India claimed that as the headworks were in its country it had complete rights to do what as its economy depended upon it. The Pakistan government called the matter to be settled through the International court of Justice, but India refused. In May 1948 a temporary agreement was reached, India agreed to allow water from east Punjab to flow into West Punjab, but only if Pakistan agreed to find other alternative water supplies. The water problem was one that the new country had to address urgently.

The Baglihar Dam - Violation of the Indus Water Treaty:

India began the construction of the Baglihar dam on River Chenab in 2000. Technical experts say that the design of the dam violates the terms of the Indus Water Treaty in 1960, as it will increase Indias storage capacity, which can cause acute shortage of irrigation water in Pakistan. According to international law, no state is allowed to change the natural conditions of its own territory to the disadvantage of the natural resources of the neighboring state. No state is allowed to stop or divert the flow of a river, which runs from its own territory to a neighboring state. Therefore, construction of Baglihar hydropower Project seems to be a violation of the international law as well. Page 141 of 149

Pakistan and India had agreed on the Indus Water treaty in 1960 to attain the most satisfactory utilization of the waters of the Indus System of Rivers and both the countries have followed it for years. Eventually the issue has been referred to the World Bank for the final decision. According to the World Banks final verdict in 2007, India has asked to reduce the capacity and height of the dam structure to minimize water losses to Pakistan. However, it did not stop India from building the Baglihar dam and India managed to complete it in 2008. According to news reports, the closure of the River Chenab is inflicting irreversible damage to Pakistans agriculture and economy.

Consequences of Chenab closure:

Crops on more than 2.5 million acres of land had been badly affected in Punjab because of the water shortage resulting from the closure of Chenab River by India. This situation had caused Pakistan Rs 40 billion loss and pushed farmers into a severe financial losses and crisis. The water shortage issue came to the fore when India closed Chenab and started filling Baglihar Dam for power generation and irrigation. Agriculture experts say Chenab water stoppage caused around Rs 37 billion loss to the Pakistani economy. Chenab is the lifeline for agriculture in downstream areas and its flow fell to the lowest level in September-October, peak time for the rice crop. Water availability also remained a concern during wheat sowing or Rabi season. Farmers living along Chenab say agricultural lands will go barren if the prevailing water shortage persists. They say the target set for wheat produce cannot be met in these circumstances. More than two dozen fish farms along the Chenab river have dried up because of the river closure.

ATTEMPTS AT CONFLICT MANAGEMENT

In 1951, Indian Prime Minister Nehru, whose interest in integrated river management along the lines of the Tennessee Valley Authority had been piqued, invited David Lilienthal, former chairman of the TVA, to visit India. Lilienthal also visited Pakistan and, on his return to the US, wrote an article outlining his impressions and recommendations which included a proposal for greater storage facilities and cooperative management. Lilienthal also suggests that international Page 142 of 149

financing be arranged, perhaps by the World Bank, to fund the workings and findings of an "Indus Engineering Corporation," to include representatives from both states, as well as from the World Bank. David Black, president of the World Bank contacted the prime ministers of Pakistan and India, inviting both countries to accept the Bank's good offices. In a subsequent letter, Black outlined "essential principles" that might be followed for conflict resolution. Both sides accepted Black's initiative. After three weeks of discussions, an outline was agreed to, whose points included Determination of total water supplies, divided by catchment and use; Determination of the water requirements of cultivable irrigable areas in each country; Calculation of data and surveys necessary, as requested by either side; Preparation of cost estimates and a construction schedule of new engineering work which might be included in a comprehensive plan. In 1958, Pakistan proposed a plan including two major storage facilities: one each on the Jhelum and the Indus; three smaller dams on both tributaries; and expanded link canals. India, objecting both to the extent and the cost of the Pakistani proposal, approximately $1.12 billion, proposed an alternative plan which was smaller in scale, but which Pakistan rejected because it necessitated continued reliance on Indian water deliveries. With these conditions, both sides agreed to a fixed payment settlement, and to a ten-year transition period during which India would continue to provide Pakistans historic flows to continue.

OUTCOME
In Pakistan, the project raises fears that India, its archrival and the upriver nation, would have the power to manipulate the water flowing to its agriculture industry a quarter of its economy and employer of half its population. Page 143 of 149

The dispute threatens to upset delicate negotiations to renew peace talks, on hold since Pakistani militants killed at least 163 people in attacks in Mumbai, India, in November 2008. The United States has been particularly keen to ease tensions so that Pakistan can divert troops and materiel from its border with India to its frontier with Afghanistan to fight Taliban insurgents. With their populations rapidly expanding, water is critical to both nations. Pakistan contains the worlds largest contiguous irrigation system, water experts say. The rivers that traverse Punjab, Pakistans most populous province and the heart of its agriculture industry are the countrys lifeline, and the dispute over their use goes to the heart of its fears about its larger, stronger neighbor. The Kishenganga project is a crucial part of Indias plans to close that gap. The Indian project has been on the drawing board for decades, and it falls under a 50-year-old treaty that divides the Indus River and its tributaries between both countries. The treaty worked well in the past, mostly because the Indians werent building anything, said John Briscoe, an expert on South Asias water issues at Harvard University. This is a completely different ballgame. Now theres a whole battery of these hydro projects. While the Kishenganga dam is allowed under the treaty, the dispute is over how it should be built and the timely release of water. Pakistan contends that having the drainage at the very base of the dam will allow India to manipulate the water flow when it wants, for example, during a crucial period of a planting season. It makes Pakistan very vulnerable, said a lawyer who has worked on past water cases for Pakistan. You cant just tell us, Hey, you should trust us. We dont. Thats why we have a treaty. A genuine water shortage in Pakistan, and the countrys inability to store large quantities of water, has only made matters worse, exposing it to any small variation in rainfall or river flow. Pakistan is about to slip into a category of country the United Nations defines as water scarce. They are confronting a very serious water issue, said a senior American official in Islamabad. Theres a high amount of anxiety, and its not misplaced.

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The water dispute would not be nearly as acute, experts said, if India and Pakistan talked and shared data on water. Instead, the distrust and antagonism is such that bureaucrats have hoarded information, and are secretly gunning to finish projects on either side of the line of control in order to be the first to have an established fact on the ground.

FINDINGS
Shifting political boundaries can turn intra-national disputes into international conflicts, exacerbating tensions over existing issues. Shifting borders and partition exacerbated what was, initially, an intra-national Indian issue. After partition, political tensions, particularly over Kashmir territory, contributed to tensions of this newly international conflict. Power inequities may delay the pace of negotiations. Power inequities may have delayed pace of negotiations. India had both a superior riparian position, as well as a relatively stronger central government, than Pakistan. The combination may have acted as disincentive to reach agreement. Positive, active, and continuous involvement of a third party is vital in helping to overcome conflict.

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ALTERNATIVES / RECOMMENDATIONS
N Alternatives O Acceptanc Reason e

To create a change and let No them realize their mistake by blocking the supply of goods and services to which India are by

As we know by blocking the imports it is obvious that we miss the benefits which are really important in current situation where we cannot afford such disputes and this would be a real childish act from our side to harm the peace of Subcontinent which is the basic necessity of this time.

importing Pakistan.

We should have to build new Yes dams as soon as possible to some create a storage of water, so extent that in case whenever there is a shortage of water due to the blockage of water by our neighboring country i.e.

to This suggestion is very much possible because we have natural resources for dams but only factor which dont let it to be happen is that the negative political influence, which are giving us lame excuse of racism that is not a real problem, they actually backed by the villagers who has no knowledge thats why they are misguided by politicians about the basic need of Kala Bagh Dam.

India, we have sufficient amount of reserved water in a time of need. 3 Third party involvement i.e. No USA or United Nations to resolve this dispute.

They actually have a power to solve this dispute but in a sake of biasness they are not showing their true involvement in this dispute because of the emerging reputation and influence in whole world and no one wants to be against them.

Water resources of the Indus Yes basin should be managed cooperatively. Both countries

It is better for everyone to work with peace and co-ordination. In this dispute it should be assured that the control over the water cannot be

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should

appoint

senior

shifted on one side. The proper distribution of water can be held by this mutual co-ordination program. Mutual work will promote peace and build trade relations. India is in a take off stage to be a developed country and it cannot afford any economical decline because of war caused by this Indus water dispute. According to the recent poverty report,60% of the total population of Pakistan is surviving below poverty line. And according to the economical report Pakistan is ranked third most poor country in the world. Both countries need a functional solution for this dispute without any Political interference.

engineer to work on a plan for development of the Indus basin. 5 Problem of the basin should Yes be solved on a functional and not on a political plane, without relation to past

negotiations and claims.

ANALYSIS
The partition of British India in 1947 proved to be a tragic experience. One of the most savaging effects was the unjust partition of the two foremost provinces the Punjab and Bengal. In the divided provinces natural watercourses have been randomly partitioned between the two nations and they had to address the difficult water-sharing problem. India is in a take off stage to be a developed country and it cannot afford any economical decline because of war caused by this Indus water dispute. According to the recent poverty report, 60% of the total population of Pakistan is surviving below poverty line. And according to the economical report Pakistan is ranked third most poor country in the world. The water dispute would not be nearly as acute if India and Pakistan talked and shared data on water. Instead, the distrust and antagonism is such that bureaucrats have hoarded information, and are secretly gunning to finish projects on either side of the line of control in order to be the first to have an established fact on the ground. Page 147 of 149

A co-operative management work is better for future relations and for peace within Asia. Because war is not a solution and would not help either country so both countries should forget the past and try to build new sub-continent by negotiating a peaceful solution for this dispute. They should co-operate with each other to distribute water within both countries through a proper management from both sides, positive attitude is needed for the proper management of distribution of water. This Indus River dispute is actually not a big Issue for both but due to the past wars they are acting weird. To solve this issue they have to forget the past. For better management and improvement they should hire senior engineers from both sides as every person of both countries want to solve this dispute in a proper manner on the basis of functional plan. Forgive your enemies for the betterment of your future.

5. Bibliography
Louis, R. S. (n.d.). indo-pak conflict. newyork times vol5.8 . Rashid, H. u. (n.d.). Possible Indo-Pak tension on Indus water sharing? The Daily Star Web Edition Vol- 4 Num 80 . Wolf, A. T. Case Study of Transboundary Dispute Resolution: the Indus Water Treaty. Alam, U. (2002). Questioning the water wars rational: a case study of the Indus Waters Treaty. The Geographical Journal, 168 (4), pp. 354-64.

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YES WE ROCK !!

**THANKYOU**
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