1 The night was July 19, AD 64.1 A fire began beneath the stands of Romes Circus Maximus.

The fire spread for more than a week, engulfing most of the city and burning more than half of it to the ground. Its capital in ruins, the powerful Roman Empire swayed on the verge of collapse as Nero struggled in desperation to save his empire and his own skin. The story about the Great Fire of Rome seems quite simple, but the complexities regarding conflicting stories, unreliable accounts, and drastic consequences make the truth more difficult to find. Although one of the best known of all historical events,2 surprisingly few books have been written about this drastic turning point in world history. Indeed, the consequences of this Great Fire to western civilization as we know it are nothing short of colossal, but the lack of discussions regarding the event is equally astounding. Is it possible that we have become content in our knowledge of this considerable tragedy? After all, we have all heard the tale of Nero setting fire to Rome and fiddling while the city burned to the ground around him. Rather, the story regarding the Great Fire is not as simple as we would imagine and we must examine all perspectives to fully understand what happened on that fateful July night. The following assertions will be categorized in three ways: first, the circumstances surrounding Rome prior to the fire; second, the controversies regarding the fire itself; and finally, the consequences that the Great Fire had to the Roman Empire, Nero, Christians, and the world as a whole. Once all perspectives have been examined, thenand only thencan we argue conclusively about the Great Fire.

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (c. AD 116), 15.41.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.: Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.

2 The circumstances surrounding the Roman empire prior to the fire are of critical importance to the subject matter. Both background on the empire itself as well as its emperor is necessary before we can evaluate the Great Fire or its impact. On New Years Day, AD 64, thousands of Romans of the Praetorian Cohorts were renewing the oath of allegiance that the citizen soldiers in the Roman Empire took on the first of January every year. 3 Prior to leading this ceremony, Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus 4 had gone to the Capitoline Mount. It was there thatbefore sunrisea large crowd of plebeians had gathered to declare their allegiance to him and offer prayers for his health and prosperity in the coming year.5 Nero went on to fulfill his capacity as pontifex maximus, chief priest at Rome, by conducting a special New Year sacrifice in the company of the augurs and priests of Romes various religious orders. Once the sacrifice was completed, the chief augur declared that the omens showed the likelihood for a good year for Rome and its emperor.6 All evidence pointed to the chief augurs assertion being correct. The Roman historian Tacitus argued that never had there been so profound a peace7 upon the Roman empire. Indeed, several factors pointed towards this being the case. A revolution in Britain that almost led to the province being overrun by the Celtic war queen Boudicca had been brutally put down three years

Publius Flavius Vegetius Renatus, The Military Institutions of the Romans (c. AD 390),

2. Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.
5 6 7 4

Id. Id. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (c. AD 116), 15.46.

3 before and Roman rule once again began to flourish in Britain.8 Two years later, on the other side of the hemisphere, the Parthian occupation of Armenia had been suppressed.9 In fact, this peace was so outstanding that Nero had taken a respite from all of his duties as emperor to embrace his imaginative side. Tacitus wrote that Nero from early boyhood turned his lively genius in other directions; he carved, painted, [and] sang.10 Neros creative side, however, was not just revealed in artworkNeros biographer Suetonius would write that Nero wrote verses with eagerness and without labour.11 Even Tacitus credited Neros poetryalbeit quite jealouslydescribing Nero occasionally composing verses which showed that he had the rudiments of learning.12 However, the primary means Nero used to express his artistic side was music, possessing a singing voice of which he was proud.13 Moreover, he had become an accomplished player of the lyre.14 Suetonius also reminds us that Music formed part of [Neros] childhood curriculum, and he early developed a taste for it.15 It is important to remember Neros pursuance of music, as it highlights his life struggle with both pride and image. More

8 9

Kevin K. Caroll, The Date of Boudicca's Revolt, Britannia 10 (1979), 197.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.
10 11 12 13

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 13.3. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars: Life of Nero (AD 121), 52. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 13.3.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.
14 15

Id. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars: Life of Nero (AD 121), 20.

4 importantly, it was this obsession that gave way to the common legend of Neros actions during the fire. Nero embraced his artistic side because of the peace the Empire was experiencing and itt is the context of this peace that made the Great Fire and its consequences infinitely more significant. It was this peace that enabled Nero to focus on both his artistic side and obsession with popularity. Indeed, over the course of his reign, Nero made many rulings and laws that helped the lower class. In fact, Neros rulings were so much focused on public opinion that it brought Suetonius to describe him as carried away by a craze for popularity.16 This notion of vital importance, because without this obsession, it is impossible to understand the actions of Nero during and after the fire. Upon examining Neros reign, it seems Suetoniuss description was not far from true. The amount of social and administrative reforms enacted by Nero seems to indicate this being the case. For example, Nero transferred tax collection authority to lower commissioners after tax collectors were accused of being too harsh to the poor.17 When further complaints arose that the poor were being overly taxed, Nero considered to order the repeal of all indirect taxes.18 Luckily, the Roman senate was able to convince him that this order would bankrupt the treasury, 19 and Nero compromised by cutting taxes from 4.5% to 2.5%.20 Nero

16 17 18 19 20

Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars: Life of Nero (AD 121), 53. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 13.28. Id., 13.50. Id., 13.50. Id., 13.51.

5 promised the Senate more autonomy and authority 21 and prohibited citizens from referencing him within enactments.22 Under Nero, according to Tacitus, [t]ribunes were also forbidden to usurp the authority of praetors and consuls and [r]estrictions were also put on the powers of the aediles and a limit fixed to the amount of bail or penalty which curule and plebeian aediles could respectively exact.23 Furthermore, Nero legally prohibited any magistrate or procurator from using public entertainment themselves, fearing that the venue would be used as a method to influence the populace.24 This fear that public officials would influence the populace haunted Nero, so much that there were many impeachments and removals of government officials along with arrests for extortion and corruption under his reign. Tacitus writes that Pedius Blaesus was [] expelled from the Senate on the accusation of [] bribery and corruption.25 Another case involved the ex-praetor Domitius Balbus, whose kinsman was involved in a will-fraud scheme.26 During his reign, Nero also hosted gladiatorial events 27 and built numerous theaters and gymnasiums.28

21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 13.4. Id., 13.25. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 13.28. Id., 13.31. Id., 14.18. Id., 14.40. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars: Life of Nero (AD 121), 12. Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 14.20.

6 Practices like these further support Suetoniuss claim that Nero was madly obsessed with popularity. Theres an ancient Hebrew Proverb that reads Pride goes before destruction and a haughty spirit before a fall.29 It is likely that had Nero heeded this warning, the political and socioeconomic fallout from the fire might not have been as significant as it turned out to be. Neros obsession with popularity seems to have direct correlation with the Roman response to the fire, and coincidentally led to Neros fall from grace. The morning of July 19, activity was intense in the Circus Maximus.30 The Ludi Victoriae Caesaris were scheduled to begin the same week, and thousands of workers were preparing the Circus Maximus for the upcoming events.31 At this point in history, Neros obsession with music grew to the point where he was consistently performing in singing and musical competitions. As the Circus Maximus was being prepared for the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris, Nero was in Antium,32 preparing himself for yet another singing competition. Night fell as Neros time to perform came. Then, with the lyre in hand, Nero was introduced by Cluvius Rufus and he sang his song of the destruction of Troy.33 As Nero played the lyre, a small fire began in a shop located at the north-eastern section

29 30

Solomon, Proverbs 16:18.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.
31 32 33

Id. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.39.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.

7 of the Circus Maximus, where it had adjoined the Palatine and Caelian hills.34 A small spark had gotten out of control, or a fire had been deliberately setno one knew with certainty. Although primary accounts which most likely came from Fabius Rusticus, Cluvius Rufus or Pliny the Elder, did not survive, Tacitus pointed out that authors of the day gave accounts for both causes.35 The small flame consumed the shops in the corner and then spread to nearby shops, which most likely sold flammable wares, such as lamp oil. 36 This, along with the strong wind, caused the fire to spread throughout the entire Circus Maximus, which rapidly went up in flames due to the dry timbers from which it was constructed.37 The fire spread to the city, described by Tacitus as being so rapid [] and so completely at its mercy the city, with those narrow winding passages and irregular streets[.]38 With the fire spreading swiftly and efforts to control it minimal, the people of Rome were left to fend for themselves in utter confusion. The Roman historian Cassius Dio recalled how fast the blaze progressed: men, while assisting their neighbors would learn that their own premises were afire and would be told that [their houses] were destroyed[.]39 Tacitus described the wailings of terror-stricken women, the feebleness of age, the helpless

34 35 36 37 38 39

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.38. Id. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.38. Id. Id. Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman History (AD 222), LXII.16.

8 inexperience of childhood, the crowds who sought to save themselves or others40 as a commonplace throughout the inferno. After six days and seven nights, the destruction and dying had finally come to an end, with only four precincts escaping the flames.41 Cassius Dio described the destruction as having no parallel before or since in Roman history, exempting the Gallic invasion.42 Indeed, the fire in Rome would be a destruction not equalled in Europe until the London Fire in 1688. [C]ountless persons perished in the destruction and [t]here was no curse that the populace did not invoke upon Nero.43 According to Tacitus, upon hearing news of the fire, Nero rushed to Rome to organize a relief effort for the city, for which he paid with his own funds. Specifically, the emperor brought supplies and food from neighboring towns. 44 In the wake of the fire, Nero built a new complex known as the Domus Aurea45 and started a comprehensive urban development plan that included spacing-out new brick-built houses faced by porticos on wide roads. To encourage swift rebuilding, Nero introduced an incentive policy in which homeowners were paid when they completed construction of a certain number of houses within the time allotted.46 These actions on

40 41

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.38.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.
42 43 44 45 46

Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman History (AD 222), LXII.17. Id. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.39. Id., 15.42.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.

9 Neros part, although popular, had no effect47 because a rumor, like the fire, had rapidly spread throughout the city that the emperor appeared on a private stage and sang of the destruction of Troy as the city stood engulfed in flames.48 As no primary accounts survived from the Great Fire, it is uncertain who or what actually caused the fire. However, the primary accounts of the event are described as both contradictory and gross exaggerations,49 so it is unlikely that we could determine the cause of the fire had they survived. Instead, we must rely on the accounts of Tacitus, Cassius Dio, and Suetonius to discover the source of the fire. Suetonius and Cassius Dio concurred: Nero started the fire, either through his own doing or through hired help. The sum total of Suetoniuss claim comes from the fact that after the fire, Nero sang the Sack of Ilium.50 Suetonius offered no other evidence and considered this his proof that the emperor was behind the catastrophe. Cassius Dio was also convinced that Nero was behind the fire. He wrote that Nero set his heart on accomplishing what had doubtless always been his desire, namely to make an end of the whole city and realm during his lifetime.51 How was Nero able to accomplish such a dastardly act? Cassius Dio responds: [Nero] secretly sent out men who pretended to be drunk or engaged in other kinds of mischief, and caused them at first to set fire to one or two or even

47 48 49 50 51

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.39. Id. 15.44. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.38. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, The Twelve Caesars: Life of Nero (AD 121), 39. Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman History (AD 222), LXII.16.

10 several buildings in different parts of the city[.]52 He offered absolutely no source for such an accusation against Nero, yet still contradicted Tacitus, his primary source.53 Much to the chagrin of Cassius Dio and Suetonius proponents, most modern historians tend to agree with Tacitus and believe that Nero probably did not cause the fire. Some speculate that the fire had been intentionally started by Nero to create room for his Domus Aurea. However, we can reasonably reject this argument for three reasons. First and foremost, the fire started nearly a kilometer away from the site where this palace would later be built, on the other side of the Palatine Hill.54 Secondly, the fire destroyed portions of the Domus Transitoria, Neros own palace. We can assume that it is very unlikely that Nero wanted to destroy this palace because he used some of the marble decoration and integrated it into the Domus Aurea.55 In fact, the modern historian Stephen Dando-Collins makes the contention that Nero was, without doubt, deeply depressed by the disaster and the loss of his newly expanded palace in particular[.]56 Finally, the fire started in the days immediately following a full moon, which is a time one could presume would not have been chosen by arsonists who wanted to remain

52 53

Lucius Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Roman History (AD 222), LXII.16.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book. Miriam T. Griffin, Nero: The End of a Dynasty (New York, NY; Psychology Press, 2000), 132.
55 56 54

Id.

Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.

11 hidden.57 Despite this overwhelming agreement in favor of Tacituss side of the story, some historians remain committed to the notion that Nero himself was the mastermind behind the Great Fire of Rome. For example, Edward Champlin utilizes evidence from an eyewitness who, when on trial for his life, accused Nero of arson, as well as several other coincidental events connected with the oft-burned Temple of Vesta.58 This, Champlin argues, is evidence that Nero most certainly caused the fire. In response, historian David Buck contends that although Nero did exploit the Fire for his own purposes, there is no compelling reason to think that [] Nero deliberately set it.59 He further contends that the evidence provided by Champlin and other historians in agreement seems to be circumstantial at best.60 Fortunately for Nero, a substantial amount of evidence formerly nonexistent will have to surface in order to garner a conviction. Next, we must examine the practical consequences that the Great Fire. The first major implication of the fire was on Neros personality. Despite the fact that we can reasonably conclude that Nero was not the mastermind of the Great Fire, the people of Rome thought otherwise. Nero, disappointed that his benevolent acts had been dismissed by the Roman people in favor of conspiracy theories, was frustrated beyond comparison. For someone who cared so much about his popularity, Nero was unable to contain the rumors that undermined his credibility. Unlike the year before, the emperor was not seen by the public on New Years Day Miriam T. Griffin, Nero: The End of a Dynasty (New York, NY: Psychology Press, 2000), 132.
58 59 57

Edward Champlin, Nero (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), E-book. David F. Buck, Book Review: Nero, Canadian Journal of History 40, no. 1 (2005), Id.

79.
!
60

12 AD 65 or any other occasion in the winter months.61 Instead, Neros time was spent fully on the Domus Aurea. Nero utilized the architects Severus and Celer, who had the genius and the audacity to attempt by art even what nature had refused, and to fool away an emperor's resources.62 Neros new obsession further alienated himself from the populace, and it became clear that he had to do something to diffuse the blame. After all, public opinion and popularity were his first priorities. In order to remove the blame from himself, Nero fastened the guilt [] on a class hated for their abominations, called Christians by the populace.63 Christians, already held in a low opinion by the populace due to the Roman pagan society, found that the blame for the fire had been placed squarely on them. There were a few Christians who confessed to arson, but it became recognized that Christians were forced to admit to the crime by means of torture. 64 This officially began the period when the Christian Church was actively persecuted. At some point soon after it became a crime to bear the name Christian and the suppression of the Christian Church became Roman policy. Tacitus goes into graphic detail to describe the forms of persecution the followers of Christus received: Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly illumination, when daylight had expired.65 This persecution on behalf of the Stephen Dando-Collins, The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City (Cambridge, Mass.; Da Capo Press, 2010), E-book.
62 63 64 65 61

Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.42. Id., 15.44. Id. Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annals (AD 116), 15.44.

13 Roman empire would last for nearly three centuries and illustrates the second implication that the Great Fire had: the persecution of the Church. The Christian writer Tertullian was the first to call Nero the first persecutor of Christians, saying [e]xamine your records. There you will find that Nero was the first that persecuted this doctrine, particularly then when after subduing all the east, he exercised his cruelty against all at Rome.66 More specifically, Church bishop and historian Eusebius recorded in Ecclesiastical History that the Apostles Peter and Paul both met their respective ends during the reign of Nero.67 In the end, despite the state-sponsored persecution of the church, Christianity was still able to thrive in its evangelism and message. Neros public image was never fully restored to where it had peaked prior to the Great Fire, and right or wrong, his legacy became one of cowardice and selfishness. Neros pride contributed drastically to the swift fall he experienced, and it is a lesson not just for Nero, but for all leaders who seek to make policy to merely please their constituents, instead of ruling them.

Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus, lost text quoted by Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, II.25.4.
67

66

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, II.25.5.

14

Bibliography
Buck, David F. Book Review: Nero, Canadian Journal of History 40, no. 1 (2005), 77-79. Caroll, Kevin K. The Date of Boudicca's Revolt, Britannia 10 (1979), 197-202. Champlin, Edward. Nero. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005. Cocceianus, Lucius Cassius Dio. Roman History. AD 222. Dando-Collins, Stephen. The Great Fire of Rome: The Fall of the Emperor Nero and His City. Cambridge, Mass.: Da Capo Press, 2010. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. AD 314. Griffin, Miriam T. Nero: The End of a Dynasty. New York, NY; Psychology Press, 2000. Renatus, Publius Flavius Vegetius. The Military Institutions of the Romans. AD 390. Solomon, Proverbs, 16. Tacitus, Publius Cornelius. Annals. AD 116. Tertullianus, Quintus Septimius Florens. Lost text quoted by Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History. AD 314. Tranquillus, Gaius Suetonius. The Twelve Caesars: Life of Nero. AD 121.