ZS 136 (2009) C.

Manassa: Depiction of Paris 141

COLLEEN MANASSA
A Depiction of Paris in Luxor Temple and the eidolon of Helen
1

Hierzu Tafel XIXXXII
!o
9EqWeWW
Z2R2. w
Here flows the Nile with its fair nymphs!
Fed by melting of pale snow it drenches Egypts
fields
with moisture in place of rain sent from Zeus.
2

Helens Introductory Speech, Euripides, Helen,
lines 13

Phorkyas. Doch sagt man: du erschienst ein
doppelhaft Gebild,
In Ilios gesehen und in gypten auch. . . .
Helena. Ich als Idol, ihm dem Idol verband ich mich.
Es war ein Traum, so sagen ja die Worte selbst.
Ich schwinde hin und werde selbst mir ein Idol.
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Faust, Part II,
Act III

Until the last decades of the Nineteenth Cen-
tury, the first court of Luxor Temple (the Ra-
messide court) remained buried beneath centu-
ries of accumulated debris
3
. When the deposi-
tion of two millennia was cleared, an impressive


1
The inspiration for the present article was two-
fold. While reading Faust in a course taught by Prof.
Cyrus Hamlin at Yale University in 1999, I came across
the quoted passage and the explanatory footnote refer-
ring to Helens sojourn in Egypt and the myth of her
idol (J. W. Goet he, Faust, W. Arndt, trans., C. Hamlin,
ed., [New York, 1976], p. 224 n. 1). Prof. John Darnell
suggested that I pursue the topic through the graffito of
Paris in Luxor Temple, and I would like to thank him
for numerous helpful conversations and references on
this topic as well as his comments on a draft of this
article and assistance with the drawing of the graffito. A
preliminary version of this paper was presented to the
Greco-Roman Lunch at Yale University in March,
2002.
2
D. Kovacs, ed. and trans., Eur i pi des V: Helen,
Phonecian Women, Orestes = LCL 11 (Cambridge,
2002), pp. 1213.
3
G. Dar essy, Notice explicative des ruines du
Temple de Louxor (Cairo, 1893), pp. iii ix.
monument was revealed, as well as many more
modest inscriptions
4
. At the southeast corner of
the Ramesside court, on one of the corner
columns, a visitor during the Graeco-Roman
Period left a unique record of his visit, which
has received virtually no commentary
5
a graf-


4
While most of the decoration in the first court of
Luxor Temple dates to the reign of Ramesses II
(B. Por t er and R. Moss, Topographical Bibliography
of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and
Paintings, vol. II: Theban Temples, 2
nd
ed. [Oxford,
1994], pp. 306309), the back wall of the Ramesside
court, which includes the facade of the Colonnade Hall,
contains several large inscriptions added by Pinudjem I
alongside a substantial number of smaller graffiti,
including several Carian and Greek inscriptions see
The Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at
Luxor Temple, vol. 2: The Facade, Portals, Upper Reg-
ister Scenes, Columns, Marginalia, and Statuary in the
Colonnade Hall, OIP 116 (Chicago, 1998). For more on
the votive character of the front of the Colonnade
Hall, see below, p. 148.
5
The inscription is on the north face of the column
in the southeast corner of the Ramesside Court, directly
opposite a standing colossus of Ramesses II (this colos-
sus is no. 59 in Por t er and Moss, Topographical
Bibliography, vol. II, key plan 30; a description of this
colossus of Ramesses II, but without mention of the
graffito of Paris, appears in Dar essy, Temple de Lou-
xor, p. 39). The sole publication of the graffito is
W. Mur nane, Helene, gyptienne?, in Louqsor,
Temple du Ka Royal, Dossiers histoire et archologie
101 (January, 1986): 40; idem., The Penguin Guide to
Ancient Egypt (London, 1996), p. 305 includes a color-
ful description that merits quoting: The statues in the
south-east corner are especially well preserved, and one
Greek tourist so admired the lissom Queen Nefertari
who stands besides the kings leg that, on the column
adjoining, he carved a figure of a huntsman with its
name, Paris a delicate compliment above its head.
A photograph of the statue of Nefertari opposite the
column with the Paris inscription visible (although not
commented upon) appears in H. C. Schmi dt and
142 C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris ZS 136 (2009)
fito depicting a nude man with various attributes
standing on a pedestal, with a label in Greek
letters arched above his head: &
6
. The loca-
tion of the inscription about a meter above the
original flooring of the temple guarantees its
antiquity, since debris covered the inscription
until the clearance of the Ramesside Court in the
1880s (Tf. XIX)
7
. The inscription is carved over
the incised lines depicting the pointed leaves at
the base of the papyrus-capital column
8
, oppo-
site a sculpted figure of queen Nefertari, part of
a colossal statue of Ramesses II
9
(Tf. XX). The
inscription of Paris at Luxor Temple, which
juxtaposes an apparent depiction of the infa-
mous lover with a beautiful Egyptian statue,


J. Wi l l ei t ner, Nefertari, Gemahlin Ramses II., 2
nd
ed.
(Mainz am Rhein, 1997), p. 37, Abb. 45a, b.
6
The Paris inscription also stands out as one of the
few labeled depictions from the entire corpus of Grae-
co-Roman graffiti, the vast majority of which are texts
employing a -formula (on this formula, see
V. A. Foert meyer, Tourism in Graeco-Roman Egypt
[unpublished PhD Thesis, Princeton University, 1989],
pp. 1112; G. Ger aci , Ricerche sul Proskynema,
Aegyptus 51 [1971]: 3211). For non-textual rock art in
the post-pharaonic period, see D. Huyge, Art on the
Decline? Egyptian Rock Drawings from the Late and
Graeco-Roman Periods, Egyptian Religion, the Last
Thousand Years, OLA 85 (Leuven, 1998), vol. 2,
pp. 13771392. For other Greek graffiti at Luxor Tem-
ple, see p. 148 below.
7
The photograph on plate XIX, taken by Antoine
Beato in the 1880s, shows the south-east corner of the
Ramesside Court, with the colossus of Ramesses II and
column with graffito of Paris; the head of Paris is visible
in the photograph. The uncleared debris to either side
of the column reach above the level of the graffito, and
the watermark on the column itself indicates that the
recently cleared debris entirely covered the area of the
graffito (N. N. Per ez, Focus East, Early Photography
in the Near East (18391885) [New York, 1988],
pp. 12, 97). Compare the commentary in Epigraphic
Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple 2,
p. 60 on the antiquity of inscriptions below the seventh
course of stones on the columns in the Colonnade Hall.
8
J. P. Phi l l i ps, The Columns of Egypt (Manches-
ter, 2002), pp. 89; see also the discussion of papyrus-
capital columns in L. Bor char dt , Die Aegyptische
Pflanzensule (Berlin 1897), pp. 2543.
9
The colossus is original to Ramesses II and was
not one of the intercolumnar statues usurped from
Amenhotep III; for these colossi, see C. St r au-
Seeber , Zum Statuenprogramm Rameses II. im
Luxortempel, Tempel und Kult, A 46 (Wiesbaden,
1987), pp. 2442.
suggests that at least one Graeco-Roman tourist
visiting Egypt was aware of an alternate version
of the myth of Helen; this graffito may also pro-
vide further evidence for the original appearance
of the famous statue of Paris-Alexander attrib-
uted to the sculptor Euphranor. Far from being
alone as a late addition to the decoration of the
Ramesside court, the small depiction of Paris is
one of a number inscriptions of late pharaonic
through Graeco-Roman date clustered in the
east side of the south end of the first open court
of Luxor Temple. The graffito of Paris not only
illumines an alternate version of the Greek epic
tradition, but demonstrates how Graeco-Roman
graffiti may continue the earlier pharaonic prac-
tice of votive inscriptional surcharging
10
of
temple surfaces.
The inscription of Paris is deeply carved, and
although some features are indistinct, the overall
quality of the image is impressive (Tf. XXI
XXII). Paris head is ovoid with distinct facial
features the large eyes have separately indi-
cated irises, the nose is small, consisting of two
parallel lines connected with a curving line at the
bottom, and the mouth is a triangular indenta-
tion beneath the long, diagonal lines of a mus-
tache. The short hair and beard, which together
surround the head, were created by a series of
small pecks in the stone
11
. The proper left ear
appears as a slightly larger and deeper indenta-
tion, but the right ear is indistinguishable from
the hair and beard. Two parallel lines form Paris
long neck, which is set upon downward sloping
shoulders.
Paris right elbow is bent at his waist, while
his right hand grasps the upper portion of a
slightly recurved bow
12
. The bow-string meets


10
Borrowing the terminology of J. C. Dar nel l , The
Inscription of Queen Katimala at Semna, YES 7 (New
Haven, 2006), p. 4.
11
For bearded depictions of Paris, see N. Hi m-
mel mann, Reading Greek Art (Princeton, 1998),
pp. 7374, 8081. For other examples of bearded
images of Paris, compare three depiction of the judg-
ment of the goddesses on Attic vases (R. Hampe,
Alexandros, LIMC I:1, pp. 499 (nos. 79), 524;
LIMC I:2, pp. 376377).
12
On Paris as archer, see Hampe, LIMC I:1,
pp. 513514, and citations therein, including B. L.
Hi j mans, Archers in the Iliad, Festoen, Festschrift
ZS 136 (2009) C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris 143
the main portion of the bow at the point where
Paris grasps the bow. The upper portion of the
proper left arm is held close to Paris body,
while the lower portion of his arm extends away
from the body. The depiction of the left hand
delineates the four fingers and thumb extending
below a circular object, almost certainly an ap-
ple, held in the palm of Paris hand (for more on
the Judgment of Paris, see below). Above Paris
right shoulder is a cylindrical shape and two
additional lines that represent the Trojans
quiver containing at least two arrows. The fig-
ures only clothing consists of a cloak secured
around his neck, leaving his left shoulder and
arm covered, while his right arm remains bare.
Several V-shaped incisions within the cloak indi-
cate a pattern on the surface. The cloak does not
cover Paris lower torso or legs, and his genitalia
are clearly represented. The cloak in the graffito
may be the same as the he wears in other
contexts
13
; however, the incised decoration sug-
gests that the cloak instead alludes to the leopard
skin Paris wears when Menelaos sees him on the
battlements of Troy before their duel, which
ends with Aphrodite spiriting away the weaker
Paris into Helens bed
14
. The use of the leopard
skin cloak contrasts with the iconography of


A. N. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta (Groningen, 1975),
pp. 343352, who challenges the idea that archery was
less well-regarded than other types of combat in Ho-
meric warfare.
13
Compare among the many examples L. Ghal i -
Kahi l , Les enlvements et le retour dHlne dans les
textes et les documents figurs (Paris, 1955), vol. 2,
pl. 10, no. 3, pl. 13, no. 4, pl. 14, no. 2; pl. 34, nos. 1 and
2. In some cases, Paris cloak bears a decorative pattern
(cf. Hampe, LIMC I:1, p. 512 no. 69*, LIMC I:2,
p. 390). The V-shaped incisions in the Paris graffito are
also reminiscent of the designs on Parthian clothing,
which frequently forms a part of Paris iconography (see
below); for the decoration of Parthian garb, see M. F.
Vos, Scythian Archers in Attic Vase-Painting (Gronin-
gen, 1963), pp. 4347 and pls. 3, 4b, 9, 12a, 16a, 17a.
14
Homer , Iliad III.1620. For an Attic vase de-
picting Paris with a leopard pelt draped over his arm
shooting at Achilles, see Hampe, LIMC I:1, p. 518,
no. 92, vol. I: 2, p. 393; on that vase, interlocking half-
circles are used to represent the distinctive markings of
the leopards fur. Another vase depicts a simple, un-
decorated cloak draped over Paris arm as he shoots the
fatal arrow; see, ibid., vol. I:1, p. 518, no. 93, vol. I:2,
p. 394.
Paris in Greek vase paintings that often show
him in Parthian garb
15
.
Above the figure is the name&
16
, letters
of which are arranged in a slight arc; the letters
are not uniform in size, probably due to the
authors lack of familiarity with carving in stone,
but at the same time cursive forms are avoided
in favor of more formal letters
17
. The most
notable epigraphic features of this short inscrip-
tion are the small round serifs, lunate sigma
18
,
and form of the alpha, the last of which suggests
a date in the late second century through middle
of the third century CE
19
. The use of the name


15
Compare among the many examples, Hampe,
LIMC I: 1, pp. 500, no. 15, 506, no. 47, 525; I. Raab,
Zu den Darstellungen des Parisurteils in der griechi-
schen Kunst (Frankfurt, 1972), pp. 6162.
16
Although Paris is commonly attested as a personal
name in Egypt (F. Prei si gke, Namenbuch [Heidel-
berg, 1922], col. 280) and a name for slaves with Greek
masters (B. H. McLean, An Introduction to Greek
Epigraphy of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods from
Alexander the Great down to the Reign of Constantine
(332 B.C. A.D. 337) [Ann Arbor, 2002], pp. 102
103), the depiction of the nude male figure on a pedes-
tal, his detailed iconography, and placement opposite a
statue of a woman all argue for his identification with
the Trojan prince and not a private individual. The
context of the graffito also rules out an identification of
the inscription with the famous Egyptian actor Paris, a
contemporary of Diocletian (for a literary pun identify-
ing the actor with his legendary namesake, see M. J.
Edwar ds, A Quotation of Sappho in Juvenal Satire
6, Phoenix 45 [1991]: pp. 255257; I would like to
thank Mr. David Klotz for bringing this to my atten-
tion).
17
I would like to thank Prof. Bentley Layton for as-
sistance with the paleographic discussion.
18
The lunate sigma appears frequently in Greek in-
scriptions in Egypt from the reign of Augustus on-
wards; Ptolemaic examples are less common, but well-
attested (cf. an inscription dating to the reign of
Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II at Philae, in A. Ber nand,
Les inscriptions grecques de Philae [Paris, 1969], vol. 1,
pp. 148151, pl. 22, no. 15).
19
The extension of the right oblique stroke of the
alpha beyond the left oblique stroke is common in
Egyptian inscriptions dating between 150 and 250 CE;
for example, E. Brecci a, Iscrizioni, Greche e Latine,
Catalogue gnral des antiquits gyptiennes du Muse
dAlexandrie, Nos. 1568 (Cairo, 1911), pp. 5356,
nos. 72 (pl. 19, no. 50), 75, 76 (pl. 20, no. 53, pl. 21,
no. 54), from the reign of Marcus Aurelius; pp. 5657,
no. 78, from the reign of Commodus; pp. 8687,
no. 147, dated to ca. 250 CE; F. Kayser , Recueil
des inscriptions grecques et latines (non funraires)
144 C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris ZS 136 (2009)
Paris rather than Alexandros, the latter of which
is a more common designation in the Homeric
tradition, does not contribute to a finer dating of
the inscription
20
.
In addition to his distinct garb and label, one
of the most notable features of the figure of
Paris is the pedestal upon which he stands. The
figure of Paris is not entirely devoid of move-
ment his left leg is straight and his left foot is
turned to the left, but his right leg is bent and his
right foot is shown pointing downwards, as if
Paris is lifting his heel
21
. However, the presence
of the pedestal and the only slight asymmetrical
stance renders the graffito a plausible depiction
of an existing statue of Paris. In the fourth cen-
tury BCE, the sculptor and painter Euphranor
created a bronze statue of Paris that Pliny the


dAlexandrie impriale, Bd 108 (Cairo, 1994), pp. 41
43, no. 12 (pl. 8), 4851, no. 14 (pl. 9), both from the
reign of Caracalla; pp. 7984, no. 21 (pl. 13), dated to
160 CE; for other inscriptions with this form of the
alpha dated to end of the second through the third
centuries CE, compare inter alia pp. 140143, no. 33;
145146, no. 36; 150153, no. 39, pp. 290293,
no. 99, pp. 296301, no. 101. Rock inscriptions of
possible Ptolemaic date may already exhibit the same
form of the alpha compare J. L. Four net , Les in-
scriptions greques dAbu K et de la route Quft-
Qusayr, BIFAO 95 (1995): 191 and fig. 45 (Inscription
20); pp. 201202 and fig. 64 (I.Ko.Ko 5). For the diffi-
culty of dating Hellenistic and Roman inscriptions on
the basis of paleography alone, compare the remarks
of McLean, An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy,
pp. 4245 (I would like to thank Prof. Bentley Layton
for this reference).
20
For the double name Alexandros/Paris, the latter
being a marked, divine name, see A. Sut er , Lan-
guage of Gods and Language of Men: the Case of Pa-
ris/Alexandros, Lexis 7/8 (1991): 1325. Both names
appear in labeled depictions of Alexandros/Paris; for
the Luxor graffito in particular, one should note the use
of Paris when the Trojan prince appears as an archer
(Hampe, in LIMC I:1, p. 524). Interestingly, a possible
historical parallel for Homers Alexandros may appear
in a late Bronze Age Hittite document as Alaksandu
(T. Bryce, The Kingdom of the Hittites, 2
nd
ed. [Ox-
ford, 2005], p. 359); for more on the Late Bronze Age
historical background of the Trojan War, see note 42
below.
21
A neo-Attic relief depicts Paris Alexander with a
similar placement of his feet, although the figure also
appears to be leaning some of his weight upon the lance
held in his left hand (Hampe, in LIMC I, p. 508,
no. 55).
Elder hailed for its success in capturing all three
of Paris most significant mythological roles:
judge of the goddesses, lover of Helen, and slay-
er of Achilles
22
. Pliny does not elaborate upon
his description nor explain how Euphranors
statue accomplished its praiseworthy task
23
.
The graffito of Paris at Luxor Temple, how-
ever, may provide further ancient evidence for
the original appearance of Euphranors work. If
the image was created during the late second or
third century, as the paleography of the inscrip-
tion indicates, the depiction of the beard and
separate indication of the irises may reflect a
mixture of contemporary Roman imperial por-
traiture
24
and accurate representations of the
artists recollection of the bronze statue of Eu-
phranor or later copies thereof. In either case,
the image in Luxor Temple succeeds in re-
presenting the three roles of Paris, which was
one of the most important features of Euphra-
nors work and may indicate at the very least the
iconography of his bronze statue of Paris. The
object in Paris proper left hand is most likely an
apple, which pars pro toto embodies the entire
mythical episode of the beauty contest be-


22
Pl i ny, Hist. Nat. 34.7778: Euphranoris Alexan-
der Paris est, in quo laudatur quo omnia simul intelle-
gantur, iudex dearum, amator Helenae et tamen Achillis
interfector. Euphranor made the Alexander Paris,
praised because he is shown at once as the judge of the
goddesses, the lover of Helen and yet the slayer of
Achilles. (trans. O. Pal agi a, Euphranor [Leiden,
1980], p. 33); for the reliability of Plinys passages on
Euphranors artistic work, see W. D. E. Coul son,
The Nature of Plinys Remarks on Euphranor, The
Classical Journal 67:4 (1972): 323326. For Book 34 of
Plinys Natural History, see J. Isager , Pliny on Art and
Society, The Elder Plinys Chapters on the History of
Art (Odense, 1991), pp. 80108 (I would like to thank
Prof. Milette Gaifman for this reference).
23
As Pal agi a, Euphranor, p. 33 notes, Pliny neither
indicates Paris potential attributes nor even mentions
the location of the statue; no extant statues appear to be
copies of Euphranors Paris, although scholars have
identified several statues as such (ibid., pp. 3334).
24
The nudity of the figure could also be either a re-
flection of a Greek statue of Paris or contemporary
Roman portraiture see C. H. Hal l et , The Roman
Nude, Heroic Portrait Statuary 200 BC AD 300 (Ox-
ford, 2005).
ZS 136 (2009) C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris 145
tween Aphrodite, Athena, and Hera
25
. As a result
of Paris judgment in favor of Aphrodite, the
Trojan prince is promised the most beautiful
woman on earth Helen and through her
abduction, Paris ignites the Trojan War. Thus
some of the same attributes that Paris would
adopt as the slayer of Achilles could indirectly
allude to the Trojans role as Helens lover. In
the Luxor graffito, Paris holds a bow, the
weapon with which he kills Achilles, and his
quiver is equipped with arrows; most likely, the
sculptor Euphranor also used a bow, or even
simply a quiver, as an allusion to Paris success-
ful attack on the Greek hero. The graffitos only
clothing a cloak with incised decoration may
reinforce the allusion to Paris participation in
the battle, since Paris wears a leopard skin prior
to his duel with Menelaus. The result of the
hand-to-hand combat is Aphrodites interven-
tion and the reunification of Paris and Helen, so
the leopard cloak could also signify Paris role as
the lover of Helen.
The Paris graffito in the Ramesside Court of
Luxor Temple contains a more direct and
three-dimensional indication of the Trojans
abduction of Helen. The image of Paris is placed
directly opposite a statue of Nefertari, part of
one of the intercolumnar statues of Ramesses II.
Nothing obscures Nefertaris lithe figure, and
her heavy wig only accentuates her breasts and
slender waist
26
; one can easily imagine the crea-
tor of the Paris graffito identifying the particu-
larly striking Ramesside queen with the woman


25
Raab, Zu den Darstellungen des Parisurteils,
pp. 4960. For a seventh century BCE depiction of
Paris holding an apple before three goddesses, see
A. Sever yns, Pomme de discorde et jugement des
desses, Phoibos 5 (19501951): 160, citing R. M.
Dawki ns, The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta
(London, 1929), p. 223 and pl. 127. On the Judgment
of Paris in general, see H. Dami sch, Le jugement de
Pris (Paris: Flammarion, 1992), pp. 8198; T. Gant z,
Early Greek Myth, A Guide to Literary and Artistic
Sources (Baltimore, 1993), pp. 567571; T. C. W.
St i nt on, Collected Papers on Greek Tragedy (Oxford,
1990), pp. 1775.
26
On statuary of Nefertari, including this example
from Luxor Temple, see J. Wi l l ei t ner, Wie sah Ne-
fertari aus? Die Knigin in rundplastischen Darstel-
lungen, in Nefertari, Gemahlin Ramses II., 2
nd
ed.,
pp. 3746.
who launched a thousand ships. The Graeco-
Roman visitor placed Paris opposite a physical
embodiment of beauty, which could represent
both Aphrodite whom Paris chose as the most
beautiful goddess, as well as his reward, the
most beautiful mortal woman, Helen. Lacking
further details concerning Euphranors Paris,
one must keep open the possibility that the
sculptor achieved his multiple allusions through
the placement of the statue within a three-
dimensional context
27
, like the more modest
Egyptian graffito. While Nefertaris physical
perfection could certainly be considered divine,
the specific Egyptian context of the Paris graf-
fito suggests that the carver considered the
queen to represent Paris lover Helen. For al-
though Homers Iliad tells of Helens shameful
journey to Troy, an alternate version of the
events prior to the Trojan War formulates a
uniquely important role for Egypt as Helens
ultimate destination
28
.
In the Homeric tradition, Egypt already ap-
pears as one of the places where Helen and Me-
nelaus land after being blown off-course during
their return to Sparta. According to the Odyssey,
Helen acquires potent magico-medical knowl-


27
Cf. Pal agi a, Euphranor, p. 33: One wonders if
Euphranors bronze was not part of a Judgement or
some other group, but there is no indication of this in
Pliny.
28
For the mythology of Helen see inter alia
B. Hughes, Helen of Troy (New York, 2005);
N. Aust i n, Helen of Troy and Her Shameless Phan-
tom (Ithaca, 1994); L. L. Cl ader , Helen, The Evolu-
tion from Divine to Heroic in Greek Epic Tradition
(Leiden, 1976); R. E. Meagher , Helen, Myth, Legend,
and the Culture of Misogyny (New York, 1995);
L. Kahi l , Helene, LIMC IV, pp. 498563. For the
worship of Helen as a goddess see inter alia E. Vandi -
ver , Heroes in Herodotus, The interaction of Myth and
History (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), pp. 102107;
Cl ader , Helen, pp. 6380; O. Skut sch, Helen: Her
Name and Nature, Journal of Hellenic Studies 102
(1987): 188193; C. Calame, trans., D. Col l i ns and
J. Or i on, Choruses of Young Women in Ancient
Greece, Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social
Functions (Lanham, 1997), pp. 191202. Helen even
appears in later gnostic theology, where she is identified
with the Ennoia, the fallen thought of god, in criticism
of Gnostic theology in St. Irenaeuss Against Here-
sies (H. J onas, The Gnostic Religion [Boston, 1963],
p. 107).
146 C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris ZS 136 (2009)
edge at the court of the pharaoh Proteus during
her seven years in Egypt
29
; thus even in Homer,
one of Helens significant traits derives from a
sojourn within the Nile Valley. An alternate
tradition, however, elevates Egypt to the very
pivot of dissent with Homers version of the
tale. The myth of Helen in Egypt has its origins
in a recantation, or palinode, ascribed to the sixth
century poet Stesichorus
30
, which introduces the
concept of Helens eidolon, the phantom image of
Helen that journeyed to Troy, while the woman
herself remained far from the battlefield
31
. Stesi-
chorus ode challenged the fundamental premise
of Homers Trojan War, and later writers would
join the literary fray by either rationalizing or
augmenting Helens eidolon in both cases plac-
ing Egypt in center stage.
During his tour of Memphis, Herodotus vis-
ited a shrine dedicated to the Foreign Aphro-


29
Aust i n, Helen of Troy, pp. 7577; Cl ader ,
Helen, pp. 3233; C. A. Far aone, Ancient Greek
Love Magic (Cambridge, 1999), p. 37. The pharaoh
Proteus appears prominently in Herodotus version of
the Helen myth (see note 33 below). For Helens medi-
cal training in Egypt and additional Egyptian themes in
Homers Odyssey, see A. von Li even, Fiktionales
und historisches gypten. Das gyptenbild der Odys-
see aus gyptologischer Perspektive, in Geschichte
und Fiktion in der homerischen Odyssee, Zetemata 125
(Munich 2006), pp. 6175; R. Dr ew Gr i f f i t h, Sail-
ing to Elysium: Menelaus Afterlife (Odyssey 4.561
569) and Egyptian Religion, Phoenix 55 (2001): 213
243.
30
For the sources relating to Stesichorus Palinode,
see Aust i n, Helen of Troy, pp. 94117 (including
earlier bibliography cited on p. 94 n. 9); K. Bassi ,
Helen and the Discourse of Denial in Stesichorus
Palinode, Arethusa 26 (1993): 5175; C. M. Bowr a,
The Two Palinodes of Stesichorus, The Classical
Review n.s. 13 (1963): 245252; Ghal i - Kahi l , Les
enlvements et le retour dHlne, pp. 285301. The
possible attribution of the alternate version of Trojan
War to Hesiod will not be addressed here for the
debate, see Aust i n, Helen of Troy, pp. 104110;
G. Schade, Stesichorus, Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 2359,
3876, 2619, 2803 (Leiden, 2003), p. 3 and n. 8. Later
commentators claimed that Stesichorus located the real
Helen within Egypt, but this could have been a confla-
tion of the original palinode and later authors, such as
Herodotus and Euripides (see Aust i n, Helen of Troy,
p. 97 n. 14, particularly Bowr a, The Classical Review
n.s. 13 [1963]: 250251).
31
Based on Plato, Republic 9.586 C, since the Pali-
node itself is not extant.
dite
32
, whom the Greek traveler immediately
identified as Helen of Sparta, Proteus honored
foreign guest in the Odyssey
33
. Herodotus claims
that inquiries about this unusual cult prompted
the priests to relate a detailed narrative about
Helen that differs radically from Homers Iliad
34
.
Without needing recourse to a phantom image,
Herodotus account reconciled the occurrence
of the Trojan War with the revisionist version
that removes the casus belli Helen herself
from the scene
35
. Herodotus also provides an
Egyptian pedigree for his alternate version of
the Trojan War: Egyptian priests within an
Egyptian temple recount the story of Helens


32
The foreign Aphrodite was a manifestation of
Astarte, whom the Phoenicians worshipped at Mem-
phis see D. J. Cr awf or d, Ptolemy, Ptah and Apis in
Hellenistic Memphis, Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis
(Lovanii, 1980), pp. 1617; A. B. Ll oyd, Herodotus
on Egyptian Buildings, A Test Case, The Greek World
(London, 1995), p. 285; P. Kapl an, Cross-cultural
Contacts among Mercenary Communities in Saite and
Persian Egypt, Mediterranean Historical Review 18:1
(2003): 89. For the worship of Helen as a goddess in
Egypt, see C. E. Vi sser, Gtter und Kulte im
ptolemischen Alexandrien (Amsterdam, 1938), pp.
1920.
33
On the pharaoh Proteus, see A. B. Ll oyd, He-
rodotus Book II, Commentary 99182 (Leiden, 1988),
vol. 3, pp. 43-44.
34
Histories, Book II, 113120; on the Helen myth
in Herodotus, see Ll oyd, Herodotus Book II, Com-
mentary 99182, pp. 4652; Aust i n, Helen of Troy,
pp. 118136; for use of myth in Herodotus and its
relation to Helen, see P. Car t l edge and E. Gr een-
wood, Herodotus as a Critic: Truth, Fiction, Polar-
ity, Brills Companion to Herodotus (Leiden, 2002),
pp. 354356; P. Vasuni a, The Gift of the Nile, Hel-
lenizing Egypt from Aeschylus to Alexander (Berkeley,
2001), pp. 121126; Vandi ver , Heroes in Herodotus,
pp. 124130; J. W. Nevi l l e, Herodotus on the Tro-
jan War, Greece and Rome 24 (1977): 312. Interest-
ingly, Herodotus explicitly claims that Homer was also
aware of this alternate version of the tale see L. Ed-
munds, Myth in Homer, A New Companion to
Homer (Leiden, 1997), pp. 422423.
35
For the process of rationalization in the Helen
myth, compare Aust i n, Helen of Troy, p. 132: In
Homer the Spartan goddess had become a fallen
woman. Stesichorus ostensibly remedied this error and
restored to her divine stature by substituting a phantom
Helen at Troy. But when the phantom disclosed its
flimsy construction, yet another Helen was needed
Helen in Egypt.
ZS 136 (2009) C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris 147
years in the Nile Valley
36
. Euripides drama
Helen further popularized the alternate ver-
sion of the Trojan War by emphasizing Helens
physical presence within the Nile Valley and the
creation of an eidolon that Paris carries off to
Troy
37
.
The depiction of Paris at Luxor Temple sug-
gests a popular awareness of the alternate ver-
sion of the Helen myth not otherwise promi-
nently attested in the epigraphic or archaeologi-
cal record
38
. The modest inscription from Luxor


36
No ancient Egyptian accounts of Helens story
survive, but a first century CE demotic parallel for the
story that precedes hers in the Histories the Pheros
Story suggests that Hellenistic Egyptians might have
translated some of Herodotus material into demotic or
that both Herodotus and the demotic text are based on
a lost earlier Egyptian original; for the demotic version
of the blinding of pharaoh, see K. Ryhol t , The
Petese Stories II (Copenhagen, 2006), pp. 13, 3146.
The larger issue of Egyptian origins for the specific
Helen myth will not be addressed here, although
based on the newly published demotic texts, the rejec-
tion of all Egyptian influence on Herodotus Helen (cf.
D. Fehl i ng, Herodotus and his Sources, Citation,
Invention, and Narrative Art [Liverpool, 1989], pp. 59
65) should be reconsidered (see also the arguments
of von Li even, in Geschichte und Fiktion in der
homerischen Odyssee, pp. 7072). Textual and picto-
rial evidence also suggests that educated Hellenized
Egyptians were aware of Homeric epic see P. Der -
chai n, Miettes, RdE 26 (1974): 1519 (possible
Homeric allusions in the Conflict of Horus and Seth at
Edfu Temple); H. J. Thi ssen, Homerischer Einfluss
im Inaros-Petubastis-Zyklus?, SAK 27 (1999): 369
387. The Trojan Horse appears in an additional Egyp-
tian context, as part of a cycle of frescos from Tuna el-
Gebel see S. Gabra and . Dri ot on, Peintures
fresques et scnes peintes Hermoupolis-ouest (Touna
el-Gebel) (Cairo, 1954), pl. 16.
37
See inter alia D. J. Conacher , Euripidean
Drama: Myth, Theme, and Structure (Toronto, 1970),
pp. 286302; Aust i n, Helen of Troy, pp. 137203;
Vasuni a, The Gift of the Nile, pp. 5864.
38
Another possible depiction of the arrival of Paris
and Helen in Egypt appears in a wall painting within the
Aula Isiaca on the Palantine Hill in Rome (see inter alia
K. Schef ol d, Helena im Schutz der Isis, Studies
Presented to David Moore Robinson on his Seventieth
Birthday [St. Louis, 1953], vol. 2, pp. 10961097;
I. Iacopi , La decorazione pittorica dellAula Isiaca
[Rome, 1997], pp. 1723; Kahi l , LIMC IV, pp. 533
534). The only other representation of Helen in Egypt
appears to be an illustration in a Byzantine manuscript
that may depict Helen in Egypt after the Trojan War
(Kahi l , LIMC IV, p. 553, no. 375 and pp. 562563).
temple not only provides unique evidence for
the myth of Helen in Egypt within the Nile
Valley itself, but represents a further example of
thoughtful interaction between Graeco-Roman
tourists and the ancient Egyptian sites they vis-
ited.
The tourism industry flourished in Graeco-
Roman Egypt, complete with travel books and
local guides for the most famous and popular
monuments
39
. The distribution of tourist graffiti
among ancient Egyptian monuments on the
west bank of Thebes suggests that tour guides
were on hand to interpret hieroglyphic texts for
foreign visitors
40
. If the visitor who carved the
inscription of Paris possessed a guidebook or
employed a local priest, he might have known
that the colossal statue with its smaller female
companion belonged to a pharaoh Ramesses,
who contributed his name to Herodotus Rhamp-
sinitus
41
, the successor of Proteus, Helens royal
protector
42
.


39
Foer t meyer , Tourism in Graeco-Roman Egypt,
pp. 82, 166-170, passim; C. Adams, Travel Narrows
the Mind: Cultural Tourism in Graeco-Roman Egypt,
Travel, Geography and Culture in Ancient Greece,
Egypt and the Near East (Oxford, 2007), pp. 161184.
The following discussion will also use the broad defini-
tion of tourism set forth in Foer t meyer , Tourism
in Graeco-Roman Egypt, p. 17 n. 3. For Greek settle-
ments in Egypt in the Saite Period and pre-Hellenistic
tourism, see G. Vi t t mann, gypten und die Fremden
im ersten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend (Mainz am Rhein,
2003), pp. 194235.
40
For example, the only link between the colossus
of Memnon, a monumental statue of Amunhotep III,
and the tomb of Memnon, the tomb of Ramesses VI
(KV 9) is the shared prenomen of the two pharaohs
(Nb-m`.t-R); see further Foert meyer, Tourism in
Graeco-Roman Egypt, p. 27; A. Gar di ner , The
Egyptian Memnon, JEA 47 (1961): 97; R. S. Bi anchi ,
Memnonskolosse, L IV, cols. 2324.
41
Histories II, 121123; Ll oyd, Herodotus Book
II, Commentary 99182, pp. 5260.
42
The ultimate coincidence created by the location
of the inscription of Paris within Luxor Temple is the
correlation between the late Nineteenth and early
Twentieth Dynasties in Egypt and the historical events
that formed the template for Homers Trojan War (for
the historical basis of the Trojan War, see now Br yce,
The Kingdom of the Hittites, 2
nd
ed., pp. 357371).
The Achaians of Homeric tradition are probably to be
identified with the Ahhiyawa of Late Bronze Age Hit-
tite records (for the Mycenaean-Ahhiyawa equation, see
ibid., pp. 5760), one of the many groups of Sea Peo-
148 C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris ZS 136 (2009)
Several other Greek graffiti appear on the
back south sides of the front pylons of Luxor
Temple, around the triple bark shrine of
Ramesses II, and along the front of the Colon-
nade Hall
43
; these inscriptions are primarily
names, titles, and the common -
formula. Earlier pharaonic graffiti in Luxor
Temple also cluster around the facade of the
Colonnade Hall, and the eastern portion of this
wall seems to have been particularly appropriate
for votive surcharging
44
. Such votive activity at
Luxor Temple could also interact with the exist-
ing decoration of the temple, much like the
juxtaposition of the Paris graffito with the statue



ples who invade Egypt during the fifth regnal
year of the pharaoh Merneptah, ca. 1208 BCE (C. Ma-
nassa, The Great Karnak Inscription of Merneptah:
Grand Strategy in the Thirteenth Century B.C., YES 5
[New Haven, 2003], pp. 7782), and the eighth regnal
year of pharaoh Ramesses III, ca. 1176 BCE (see inter
alia R. Dr ews, Medinet Habu: Oxcarts, Ships, and
Migration Theories, JNES 59 [2000]: 161190;
J. Osi ng, Notizen zu den Seevlkern, Es werde
niedergelegt als Schriftstck, BSAK 9 [Hamburg, 2003],
pp. 315321); the Sea People invasions were part of
the widespread collapse of the major civilizations of the
eastern Mediterranean during the twelfth century BCE,
which probably included the destruction of Troy
(R. Dr ews, The End of the Bronze Age: changes in
warfare and the catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. [Princeton,
1993]; E. H. Cl i ne and D. O Connor, The Mystery
of the Sea Peoples, in D. O Connor and
S. Qui r ke, eds., Mysterious Lands [London, 2003],
pp. 107138).
43
M. El - Saghi r , et al., Le Camp Romain de Louq-
sor (Paris, 1986), pp. 101ff.; Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs
and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple 2, pls. 206 (GR. 20,
27, 28), 207, (GR. 3238), 209, 213. Several Carian
inscriptions were also carved in this area of the temple
ibid., pl. 205 (GR 12), pl. 206 (GR 19, 2126); for
Carian-Egyptian interactions, see Vi t t mann, gypten
und die Fremden, pp. 155179.
44
Bel l , JNES 44 (1985): 270271; idem., The New
Kingdom Divine Temple: the Example of Luxor,
Temples of Ancient Egypt (Ithaca, 1997), pp. 163172;
see also A. Peden, The graffiti of pharaonic Egypt:
scope and roles of informal writings (Boston, 2001),
pp. 272274. The facade of Semna Temple provides a
nice parallel for votive surcharging of a single temple
wall over hundreds of years, beginning in the Eight-
eenth Dynasty and continuing through the Third In-
termediate Period with the tableau of Queen Katimala
(Darnell, Katimala, pp. 34).
of Nefertari. For example, a Graeco-Roman
visitor added a well-carved image of the god
Khonsu, annotated with two columns of hiero-
glyphic text before a much larger image of the
goddess Mut, part of the original Ramesside
decoration of the facade of the Colonnade
Hall
45
. Graeco-Roman tourists could similarly
enhance the significance of their graffiti by
situating them on or near earlier carved decora-
tion; a -formula addressed to the
&(sic)&ruler of the
world was appropriately carved over the twin
feathers of the crown of Amun
46
, whose hiero-
glyphic epithets often include nb p.t lord of
heaven
47
.
The rarity of annotated figural graffiti from
the Graeco-Roman Period makes the inscription
of Paris a significant addition to the corpus of
post-pharaonic graffiti. The inscriptions author
not only engaged in a dialogue with an ancient
Egyptian monument, but also a commentary on
the Homeric epic tradition. One cannot know
what specific text the tourist had in mind when
he or she carved the image of Paris, but the
Greek historical and literary evidence for Helen
in Egypt certainly played some role in the
images creation. Our ancient artist may even
have attempted to reproduce Euphranors
famous statue of Paris as he carved an image to
complement the beautiful Helen. The Paris
inscription encapsulates the complex interaction
and purposeful intersection of classical literary
imaginings of Egypt and the experienced reality
of Graeco-Roman tourists; for those Greeks and
Romans who made the journey, the Nile Valley
and its ancient monuments could bring parts of
their own great epics to life.







45
Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions at
Luxor Temple 2, pl. 202 (GR. 3) and pp. 5455.
46
Ibid., pl. 207 (GR 34) and pp. 5758.
47
For the equivalence of Egyptian p.t and Greek
, see Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscriptions
at Luxor Temple 2, p. 58.
ZS 136 (2009) C. Manassa: Depiction of Paris 149
Summary
In the Ramesside court of Luxor Temple is a
small depiction of a statue of Paris, placed inten-
tionally opposite a statue of Nefertari, part of a
colossus of Ramesses II. The image of Paris repre-
sents the only non-literary evidence for the Greek
tradition of Helen being in Egypt during the Trojan
War and suggests that Graeco-Roman tourists were
aware of this alternate version of events. A con-
sideration of this graffito within an art historical
context suggests that it might relate to Euphranors
lost statue of Paris.
Keywords
Klassische Literatur Homer Rmer in gypten
Griechen in gypten Graeco-gyptische Misch-
kultur Luxor-Tempel
TAFEL XIX
Southeast corner of the Ramesside Court of Luxor Temple shortly after clearance; white arrow shows the
location of the graffito of Paris (photograph of Antoine Beato, 1880s) (zu Manassa, Depiction of Paris).
TAFEL XX
View of the statue of Nefertari, part of the colossus of Ramesses II in the southeast corner of the Ramesside
Court, which is directly opposite the graffito of Paris, marked with a white box (photograph by the author)
(zu Manassa, Depiction of Paris).
TAFEL XXI
The graffito of Paris in the southeast corner of the Ramesside Court of Luxor Temple
(photograph by the author) (zu Manassa, Depiction of Paris).
TAFEL XXII
Drawing of the graffito of Paris (zu Manassa, Depiction of Paris).