This article was downloaded by:

On: 18 February 2009

Access details: Access Details: Free Access
Publisher Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House,
37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Perspectives
Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t794297831

ENGLISH-EDO MEDICAL TRANSLATION

Omoregbe Esohe Mercy a
a
University of Benin, Nigeria

Online Publication Date: 13 April 2006

To cite this Article Mercy, Omoregbe Esohe(2006)'ENGLISH-EDO MEDICAL TRANSLATION',Perspectives,13:4,268 — 277

To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09076760608668997
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09076760608668997

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf

This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or
systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or
distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.

The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents
will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses
should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss,
actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly
or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
 268

ENGLISH–ẸDO MEDICAL TRANSLATION

Ọmọrẹgbẹ Ẹsọhẹ Mercy, University of Benin, Nigeria.
esoheomoregbe@yahoo.com
Abstract
Every time languages are in contact, there are areas of ‘untranslatability’, linguistic or seman-
tic areas that do not match in the languages. These vary all the time between specific languages,
but translators meet with them whatever their field. The present article discusses instances of
such ‘untranslatability’ as they challenge medical translators and interpreters in Edo-speaking
regions (Benin) in Nigeria. They can be divided into broad categories such as linguistic and
cultural ones, and translators can tackle them in various ways, the most obvious one being by
providing explanatory commentary, based on some in-depth knowledge of the specific disease and
its symptoms. On the linguistic side, language professionals can rely on a number of loanwords
from English, but on the cultural side they have to be aware of taboos and other sociological factors
in Edo society. It is only by keeping in mind and by identifying the multiple factors in problem
areas and a�empting to find ways of overcoming them that translators and interpreters can fulfil
their task and help improve communication between doctors and their patients. In the process
they not only further the general state of health and the medical establishment in a country, but
they also enhance local medical terminology. These are all aspects that should be applicable and
consequently of paradigmatic interest to language professionals in the health services in many
emerging nations in today’s globalised society.

Key-words: Language pair: Ẹdo-English; medical translation; medical interpreting; cul-

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

tural problems; linguistic problems; world knowledge.

Introduction
The present article focuses on the translation of medical text between Eng-
lish, varieties of English, and Ẹ̣do, which is the main language spoken in Benin
City, the capital of Ẹdo State in Nigeria.
In a Translation Studies context, it is taken for granted that to do an adequate
translation, translators must understand not only the texts in hand, but also the
physical world and culture in which they are produced originally. This implies
that translators should be familiar with the everyday life in the source location
and that their activity is not merely a manipulation of linguistic data. Trans-
lators handling medical texts do not have to be trained as doctors or nurses,
but it is imperative that they understand all the associated implications – the
linguistic, medical, social, and cultural contexts in which they work. This they
can do by having sufficient world knowledge, first to assume the role of the
communicator of the source text (writer, speaker, etc.), and, subsequently, that
of the listener og reader in the target language: translation is a means for com-
munication.
In a medical context, communication is central to both professionals and pa-
tients. General practitioners, for example, have to infer what the patients are
trying to say and they must grasp the hints that patients may drop about ail-
ments that worry them. General practitioners must also explain to patients what
is wrong: good doctors believe that being able to discern hidden meaning in
what their patients say is one of their skills.
There are numerous problems when doctors and patients speak different lan-
guages or even different varieties of the same language (which is frequently
the case when Ẹdo–speaking doctors a�end to Ẹdo–speaking patients in the
Ẹdo community). Tanner (1976) rightly points out that, in addition to emotional
0907-676X/05/04/268-10 $20.00 © 2005 Ọmọrẹgbẹ Ẹsọhẹ Mercy
Perspectives: Studies in Translatology Vol. 13, No. 4, 2005
 Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation. 269

and other extraneous factors, the ease of communication in a doctor-patient dis-

course depends on how well and clearly the parties express themselves: clarity
of speech is a necessary requirement for proper diagnosis and treatment.
This is where translation and interpreting come into the picture. Catford de-
fines translation as: “The replacement of textual material in one language, [the
source language,] by equivalent textual material in another language, [the tar-
get language].” (1965: 20)
Although this definition is dated in many contexts, it still has some bearing on
textual material in the medical field, regardless of the language pair involved. As
hinted, translators are a kind of creator the moment they bridge language gaps
and render a source text in the target language: they create the specific form of
the target-language message and in order to do so, they must be competent in
both languages (Uwajeh 1994). The specific nature of medical communication
that merits focus in regards to Catford’s statement is the terminology used in the
health sector, which o�en requires specific renditions, lexical equivalents, etc.
This means that interpreters and translators may meet with terms and phrases
in the source language that rule out, as it were, a total transfer of information
from the source to the target language. This could also be termed untranslat-
ability, where pa�erns or meanings differ between languages, as pointed out in
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Dollerup’s observation:
[t]he process of transfer is … limited in terms of time and space: it is mostly individual;
straddling two languages at the same time, this is where we find the phenomenon of
untranslatability; it is not part of neither static, nor dynamic texts in the source or tar-
get language, but something which turns up exclusively when two language systems
meet in the transfer of a text. Untranslatability is part of the process, of the assessment
of the process of transfer. (Dollerup (1988: 145) as quoted by Mohanty (1996: 164))

The present study endeavours to identify concepts that appear to be untrans-

latable in English–Ẹdo medical se�ings, in order to consider the problems and
strategies for overcoming them.
For exemplification we may consider the following dialogue:
Conversation 1 (in English).

Doctor: “How are you and what is wrong with you?”

Patient: “Fine. My ear dey pain me.”
Doctor: “Which of them, le� or right ear?”
Patient: “Le�, sometimes it makes noise.”
Doctor: “Are you feeling pain now?”
Patient: “Yes.”
Doctor: “Go and use these drugs… you are suffering from tinnitus, noise from the
inner ear which is likely to be from drug effect or so …”1

In this conversation, the notion of ‘pain’ to the patient is “noise” - she hears
noises in her ear, which the medical practitioner calls ‘tinnitus.’ The linguistic
middleman handling a text like this is expected to know the usage and to render
the meaning as closely as possible in his translation.
There is an immediate and specific reason for the study described here: in
order to improve the health care system in the Ẹdo community, in Nigeria, there
is a need to examine the communication strategies used for passing informa-
tion between patients and doctors and vice versa. The study may lead to be�er
health care and enhance communication and interaction between patients and
 270 2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

medical staff.
In a larger context, some of the strategies uncovered may well be of inter-
est for medical translation beyond an Ẹdo-English context and apply to other
language pairs as well: thus Feinauer and Lu�ig (2005) also examined and un-
covered major problems in medical translation in South Africa with groups and
se�ings that are – to some extent – comparable to the ones included in the study
described here.

Methodology
The data collection
The data were collected at the General Out-Patient Department of the Central
Hospital in Benin City as well as at some private hospitals in Ẹdo South of Ẹdo
State, Nigeria. The data were elicited by means of interviews with doctors and
patients and by observing doctors’ interviews and consultations.
This data were supplemented with information from books, magazines, and
newspaper articles as well as television and radio programmes on health is-
sues.

General features of untranslatability

Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Catford (1965) identifies two levels of untranslatability: linguistic and cultural

untranslatability. Linguistic untranslatability occurs when the target language
has no lexical or syntactic equivalent for a source-language item. Conversely,
cultural untranslatability occurs when the there are no situational features in
the target language that correspond to those of the source language text. Cat-
ford cites the example of a language community that does not have a male deity
and suggests that such a community would not be able to distinguish between
God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost.
In such a case, no communication or translation is possible. When the two
languages of Ẹdo and English are in contact in this study, untranslatability is
more complex than what Catford proposes. In the first place, many medical
terms in English do not have lexical equivalents in Ẹdo. This goes for such terms
as Acquired Immune Deficiency syndrome (AIDS) and sexually transmi�ed
diseases (STD). There are also some ailments in Ẹdo that resist translation, e.g.,
“emiamwe eghian”.

Linguistic untranslatability
Linguistic untranslatability, the absence of lexical equivalents, is in part due
to differences in the structures of the source and target languages.
In terms of syntax, English and Ẹdo have the same basic subject-verb-object
word order as can be seen in the following example:
(Source language: English): John killed the goat.
(Target language: Ẹdo): Egiọni gbe nene ẹwe.

In these examples, the structural pa�erns correspond on the word-for-word

order. But, there are fundamental differences as is shown in the following ex-
amples:
 Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation. 271
(Source language: English): The short woman died yesterday
(Target language: Ẹdo): *nene netẹkpu okhuo wu nodẹ
(Target language: Ẹdo): nene okhuo netẹkpu wu nodẹ

The point is that adjectives are positioned differently in relation to noun

phrases in English and in Ẹdo. In English, adjectives precede the nouns they
qualify, while they follow immediately a�er the nouns in Ẹdo, as is shown by
the adjective ‘netẹkpu’ in the last line. Apart from such differences in structures,
there are instances in which Ẹdo has no lexical equivalents at all for English
terms. Such instances abound in medical texts. In some cases, there are equiva-
lent terms that are somewhat limited in use. Consider the conversation below.
Conversation 2.

Doctor: “… the test is negative. It shows you have not seen your period for the past
two months.”
Patient: “Yes, sir. Does that mean that I am pregnant?”
Doctor: “No. Loss of blood could be caused by stress, sickness, menstruation etc.
Watch for your period for another month while taking your drugs.”
Patient: “Yes, sir.”
Doctor: “Do an ultrasound if you have money and come back a�er one month.”
Patient: “You mean I should go and check my belly?”
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Doctor: “Yes.”

In this conversation, “loss of blood”, for cultural reasons, is associated only

with ‘pregnancy’ to the woman patient. But the doctor states it could be the out-
come of stress, sickness, and other diseases. Even the term “ultrasound” means
to ‘check my belly’ for the patient, that is, to check for pregnancy, though this is
not the likely cause. Ultrasound can be used to check the abdomen for a variety
of health problems. In this context, it is the task of the interpreter to consider
what the key medical problems are, identify the key terms, and translate them
into Ẹdo with the appropriate medical meaning:

English Ẹdo
Loss of blood fian ehe
Ultrasound ghee ẹko

Conversation 3.

Doctor: “How are you?”

Patient: “Fine.”
Doctor: “Did I not see you yesterday?”
Patient: “No, last month. My drugs dọn finish.”
Doctor: “Your blood pressure is 140/85 which is good. It has come down. Continue
with these drugs and [I’ll] see you in two weeks’ time.”
Patient: “Doctor you mean I have plenty of blood or hypertension?”
Doctor: “No, that is not what I mean by ‘blood pressure’. I mean that your blood
flow is normal. Go home and continue with your drugs.”

The patient in this conversation believes that “blood pressure” is either (1) to
have too much blood, or, (2) to have hypertension.
O�en patients’ knowledge of biology is so poor that they do not fully un-
derstand the nature of their health problems. When this is so, doctors and pa-
tients are communicating at different levels, but the situation can be improved
by providing a clearer explanation of the problems or terms used. The linguis-
tic untranslatability in these cases connects with the way the crucial terms are
 272 2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

misconstrued by patients. The problem can be solved not merely by proposing

word-for-word equivalents of source-language terms but by providing explana-
tions relevant in the situation.
Another category of medical terms that pose linguistic untranslatability prob-
lems concerns terminology such as the following:
English
HIV and AIDS
SARS
STD
Ultrasound
Lassa fever
Coronary diabetes
Appendicitis
Parkinson disease.

In these cases, translators (interpreters, etc.) must understand the terms be-
fore deciding how to translate them into Ẹdo, since none of these terms have
exact lexical equivalents in Ẹdo. Studies of the history and symptoms of these
diseases sometimes provide near equivalent terms and expressions, explana-
tions, or even descriptions. The manifestations can then determine the form of
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

the appropriate renditions. Even ‘descriptive naturalisation’ may be used to

overcome translation problems. For example, HIV and AIDS are o�en trans-
lated as ‘Uugiagbe’ (i.e., unkillable, incurable) in Ẹdo. ‘Uugiagbe’ is based on the
fact that it is a killer–disease for which there is no cure, witness:
E e e o Aids dey for town o
E no get i cure o o ………..!

This jingle – and many others – indicates that AIDS is a deadly disease that
is contracted mainly through sexual contact with infected partners. Though de-
scriptive naturalisation is an effective means of circumventing untranslatability,
the scientific knowledge hidden in such source-language terms as AIDS is not
reflected in the target language term of ‘Uugiagbe’. There is therefore a problem
in so far as translators are supposed to convey the same information from one
language to another. An appropriate translation of AIDS from English to Ẹdo
therefore, in principle, should be the sum total of the meanings of the individual
terms.
At the same time, it should be noted that the rendition of AIDS as ‘Uugiagbe’
does not distort the meaning, as ‘Uugiagbe’ still conveys that AIDS is incurable
and deadly.
Cancer is another deadly disease, but it does not have the same history and
manifestation as AIDS. Among speakers of Ẹdo, cancer is understood to be a
kind of internal sore that eats deep into the body. An equivalent translation of
cancer, taking into account this notion, is ‘ẹtẹ ọghe uwuegbe’ [sore inside the
body]. However, in view of the fact that there are different types of cancers,
such as breast cancer and cancer of the uterus, translators must associate the
part of the body affected by the disease in the Ẹdo translation.
Furthermore, in linguistic mediation, cancerous sores must be distinguished
from ordinary sores, such as stomach ulcers, which translate as ‘ẹtẹ ẹko’ [sore
of stomach]. In such renditions, the information conveyed between the two lan-
guages will o�en be determined by the type of available text on sores. But this
 Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation. 273

is only an indication of further linguistic untranslatability, since Ẹdos do not

distinguish between parts of the body in the same fashion as Westerners do. So
interpreters and translators have to convey a multi-faceted description allowing
for all these aspects of the disease and the parts of the body affected in order to
fulfill its objective.

Cultural untranslatability
Cultural untranslatability occurs when the target language has no relevant
matches to contextual features in source-language texts. The Sapir–Whorf hy-
pothesis of linguistic relativity (1956) states that thoughts are relative to lan-
guages. Uwajeh interprets this to mean that thought pa�erns or meaning struc-
tures of language differ from language community to language community
(2002: 65). There are culture-specific words, objects, ideas, and even expressions
in every culture and these pose serious problems in linguistic mediation. Cul-
ture in the broad sense includes not only the arts and music, but also religious
beliefs and worship, as well as the language of a people. There are potential
translation problems at all levels, including proverbs, idioms, riddles, and in-
cantations, which are highly figurative in nature.
In the medical field, there are ailments in Ẹdo, the names of which pose prob-
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

lems. These ailments occur in different categories and they pose peculiar prob-
lems of cultural untranslatability. They relate to ailments that are considered as
taboo in Ẹdo and in the translation of the diseased body parts.

Ailments considered taboo in Edo

This category comprises names of ailments that exist in Ẹdo communities
and have lexical equivalents in English, but whose mention either orally or in
writing is forbidden and taboo in Ẹdo culture. The use of the terms is to be
avoided because it is commonly believed that if they are mentioned, this will
cause epidemics in the land.
These ailments include:
English Ẹdo taboo word or translation Euphemistic Alternative
Small pox esalọ erhọn nọkhua
rash big
[Big rash]
Leprosy oti emwi rre egbekẹn
thing be body wall
[something on the wall]
Elephantiasis eve ọkpọlọ
Biggy
[something big]
Epilepsy ọwa emiamwẹ udemwẹ
[falling sickness]

The taboo translations are near-equivalents of the English terms for these dis-
eases, but being taboo, they cannot be used by translators. The only option is to
use the euphemisms for the ailments as stipulated by Ẹdo culture.
Translators face a dilemma as to what to do since the euphemistic alterna-
tives are metaphoric and may not have any clear relationship with the diseas-
es. Translators must be mindful of the cultural demands about such ailments.
Translators may adhere to the euphemistic usage but will then have to add
explanatory notes. This may overcome the problem of untranslatability, espe-
 274 2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4

cially for terms that are highly figurative. But the problem must be solved in
the linguistic mediation, since doctors cannot be expected to have the time to
tell patients in great detail what the problem is and what should be done. The
linguistic middlemen must be aware that there is great therapeutic value and
consequently it is important for patients to be well-informed about their specific
problems.

Translation of diseased body parts

Other health cases that may pose problems of cultural untranslatability in
Ẹdo include names of diseased body parts. In this part of the world, it is consid-
ered unethical and indecent to mention the names of some body parts outright
and bluntly because they are considered sacred and inviolate. They include:
English Ẹdo translation Euphemistic alternative
Vagina uhe emwin [thing]
Penis ekia emwi [thing]
Scrotum iviekuẹ ivin [coconut]
Breast ewẹn ekọkọ
Pubic hair eto uhe irunmwun [grass]

A patient who has a health problem involving any of these body parts finds
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

it difficult to communicate what is wrong to a doctor. For example, a woman

cannot say outright ‘uhe mwẹ tọlọ mwẹ’ [my vagina itches], but only insinuate
that this is the case by using appropriate euphemisms, such as ‘emwi mwẹ tọlọ
mwẹ’ [my thing itches] or ‘emwi rrọ mwẹ uwegbe’ [something is inside my
body].
A translator handling a text concerning such diseases cannot render the ‘vul-
gar’ equivalent and must therefore resort to euphemisms, but, of course, may
add some commentary or notes for listeners and readers.
The point to note is that the translation must convey the same information
as the source language text. Provided there is some shared knowledge between
the sender and the ultimate addressee, the problem of untranslatability recedes
and translation is successful.

Coping with untranslatability

In the above, we discussed untranslatability in English–Ẹdo translation of
medical terms. Therefore, it is appropriate to outline strategies that can be used
by Ẹdo translators – and others working in similar linguistic and socio-cultural
environments - to overcome translation problems.
Needless to say, translators must be familiar with English medical practice
and terminology without necessarily having a formal medical background. But
translators should also have a thorough knowledge of Ẹdo language and cul-
ture, preferably as bilinguals or near-bilinguals. They must know the contexts
in which medical terms are used and be able to distinguish them from everyday
terms. Translators therefore must render medical terms in such a way that the
medical flavour and impact is felt in the target language. Sometimes they will
not only have to render the terms between English and Ẹdo, but also between
Ẹdo and Deep Ẹdo. In the la�er case, patients and doctors will get some in-depth
knowledge of the culture as well as terminology development. For instance, it
will help them to know and distinguish between common and deep Ẹdo terms
 Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation. 275

associated with ailments. Consider the following example:

English Common Ẹdo Deep Ẹdo
Leprosy emwi rre egbe ekẹn ekatakpi or oti
Blindness arhuaro afuozu

There are many medical terms still unknown to Ẹdo speakers. Translation
efforts conducted with knowledge and respect for the two cultures involved
will be immensely helpful to both the patient and the medical personnel. It will
also enrich the vocabulary of Ẹdo medical language and make doctor–patient
interactions in Nigeria and in other countries where this problem is addressed
in public funded research more successful.
In order to improve communication, translators can study the history, signs,
and symptoms of the different diseases so as to make them easily identifiable to
patients. Let us take the case of rheumatoid arthritis, a chronic generalised inflam-
matory disorder, which involves the synovial joints and tendon sheaths and
may eventually lead to permanent joint damage and deformities. Ẹdo transla-
tors can relate this information to the situation on hand and translate appropri-
ately. A translation can therefore take the following form:
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

English Ẹdo
Rheumatoid arthritis obalọ ọghe ukoko
[joint pain]

In their renditions, translators must take into account that arthritic pain can
affect the ankles, spine, wrists, fingers, and toe joints, as well as the neck.
Diabetes offers another example of the need for a knowledge of symptoms.
These include excessive production of urine, called ‘polyuria’ in medicinal ter-
minology, extreme thirst (polydipsia), and weakness. Translators can identify
and describe the symptoms, the amounts of urine, and translate the disease as:
emiamwẹ ahiọ ahiọ [emiamwahiahiọ]
sickness urine urine
[i.e. Passing of excessive urine sickness]

In this case, the translation strategy used is reduplication. This morphologi-

cal process is used to indicate excessiveness by many Ẹdo patients when they
communicate with doctors. Interpreters working out of Ẹdo into English face a
variety of such terms as shown in the conversations below:
Conversation 4.

Doctor: “Mama how u dey?”

Patient: “ẹko wa khiamwẹ ‘khẹkhẹkhe’.”
Interpreter: “Her stomach is paining her very well.” She has terrible pains in her
stomach]

Conversation 5.
Doctor: “Mama what is wrong?”
Patient: “I waa hẹwẹ fuẹn – fuẹn.”
Interpreter: “She is always breathing fast.” [i.e., She is always panting]

Conversation 6
Patient’s mother: “Good morning, sir.”
Doc: “Good morning, what is the problem?”
Patient’s mother: “The baby’s chest dey nak ‘kpi kpi kpi’.”
 276 2005. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology. Volume 13: 4
Conversation 8
Doctor: “Oga what is the problem?”
Patient: “My heart dey do me ‘gbi gbi gbi’.”

In these exchanges, ideophonic concepts are seen to feature prominently in

the patients’ speech and they help doctors to have a good idea of the problem.
We observe that most of expressions in quotation marks describe the patient’s
breathing in relation to the heart. Translators must consider all aspects involved
to convey the meaning adequately in the absence of a one–to–one correspon-
dence and show their creative ability.
This also is true in terms of modifications when medical mediators are faced
with medical terminology that is ultimately based on English loanwords, such
as:
English Ẹdo
Cancer ekansa
Diabetes ediabẹtis
Cholera ekọlẹrra
Malaria emalaria
Migraine emaigrane
Stroke estroki
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Appendicitis apẹndis
Typhoid fever etaifodi
Ulcer osa

With the introduction of such loanwords, the Ẹdo lexicon is expanded to en-
able the Ẹdo language users to cope be�er with communication in medical set-
tings. The principles behind them are naturalisation and derivation. The Eng-
lish medical concepts are ‘Ẹdonised’ in the sense that the terms are pronounced
as Ẹdo words. The loanwords are modified so that they follow Ẹdo syllable
structure for nouns (all Ẹdo nouns begin and end with vowels).
Other strategies open to translators conveying the adequate meaning be-
tween languages include coinage, appositions, paraphrasing, as well as descrip-
tions or explanations of health problem. Each of these is a form of loan from
source-language texts and cultures. Translators may be accused of fabricating
texts, but we observe that such fabrications provide a way around problems of
untranslatability when they convey the appropriate information.
Translators in medical se�ings have to be competent and creative to render
the meanings of words adequately. This goes a long way towards improving the
communicative competence of doctors and patients and making their interac-
tions more productive and less problematic and awkward.

Conclusion
In this article, we examined the translation of English medical terms into Ẹdo
and vice versa in terms of linguistic, social, and cultural contexts. We discussed
how translation is an a�empt to convey the unity of meaning from the source
to the target texts. The article emphasises that translators of medical texts are
obliged to do so in order to serve the interests of their clients, doctors as well
as patients, as best they can. The problems were discussed in terms of social
and cultural implications and obstacles, and we presented some strategies that
make for successful communication. These were based on the interpreters and
translators’ intimate knowledge of the cultures involved, on the diseases, their
 Ọmọrẹgbẹ. English–Ẹdo Medical Translation. 277

symptoms and histories, on the adequate use of description, explanation, modi-

fication, and paraphrasing. In addition, we noted such strategies as nativisation,
coinage, and the like.
The study behind the present article is one of many that are being conducted
all over the world. We focus on the need to develop Nigerian languages in the
area of medical terminologies. Ventures and efforts such as this are meant to en-
hance communication and reduce illiteracy and ignorance in the area of medi-
cine in many emerging nations. Translation Studies are central to such efforts
by language experts to develop indigenous languages, of which Ẹdo is one, not
only in the medical field but in many areas in today’s globalised world.

Notes
1. The conversations were recorded mostly at the General Out-Patient Department of the
Central Hospital in Benin City.

Works cited
Dollerup, C. 1988. An ontological approach to translation and untranslatability. In: Se-
mantik, Kognition und Äkvivalenz. Jäger, G. & Albrecht Neubert (eds.). Leipzig: Verlag
Enzyklopädie. 138-147.
Feinauer, Ilse & Louise Lu�ig. 2005. Functionalism is not Always the Remedy. Perspec-
tives: Studies in Translatology 13. 123-131.
Downloaded At: 23:38 18 February 2009

Hickey, L. 1998. (ed.). The Pragmatics of Translation. Clevedon: Multilingual Ma�ers.

Mclhaney, J. & S. Nethery. 1998. 1001 health–care questions women ask. Grand Rapids: Bak-
er Books.
Mohanty, N. 1996. Untranslatability and the Translator’s Task. Perspectives: Studies in
Translatology. 4. 163-172.
Omamor, A. P. 2003. Of linguistics, knowledge and service to the nation. [Inaugural lecture
delivered at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, 11 December]
Read, A. E. et al. (eds.).1984. Modern Medicine. A Textbook for Students, Practitioners and
Examiners. London: Pitman.
Tanner, B. A. 1976. (ed.). Language and Communication in General Practice. London: Hodder
& Stoughton.
Thirumalai, M. S. 2004. Problems of Medical Transcription in India. Language in India. 4
# 9.
Uwajeh, M. K. C.1996. Literal Meaning in Performative Translatology. Perspectives: Stud-
ies in Translatology. 4. 189–202.
Uwajeh, M. K. C. 2001. The Task of the Translator Revisited in Performative Translatol-
ogy. Babel: International Journal of Translation 47.
Uwajeh, M. K. C. 2002. A Course in Performative Linguistics. Ibadan: Spectrum Books.