I

Conflict resolution stands mid-way between conflict management and conflict

transformation in international politics. Mahatma Gandhi regards nonviolence as the
main approach to resolution of nearly every type of conflict among nations, races and
human beings. He observes in Harijan in 1938:

German persecution of the Jews seems to have no parallel in

history. The tyrants of old never went so mad as Hitler seems to
have gone. And he is doing it with religious zeal. For he is
propounding a new religion of exclusive and militant nationalism
in the name of which many inhumanity becomes an act of
humanity to be rewarded here and hereafter. The crime of an
obviously mad but intrepid youth is being visited upon his whole
race with unbelievable ferocity.

If there ever could be a justifiable war in the name of and for

humanity, a war against Germany, to prevent the wanton
persecution of a whole race, would be completely justified.

But I do not believe in any war. A discussion of the pros and

cons of such a war is therefore outside my horizon or province.

But if there can be no war against Germany, even for such a crime
as is being committed against the Jews, surely there can be no
alliance with Germany. How can there be alliance between a
nation which claims to stand for justice and democracy and one
which is the declared enemy of both? Or is England drifting
towards armed dictatorship and all it means?

Germany is showing to the world how efficiently violence can be

worked when it is not hampered by any hypocrisy or weakness
masquerading as humanitarianism. It is also showing how hideous,
terrible and terrifying it looks in its nakedness.

1
Can the Jews resist this organized and shameless persecution? Is
there a way to preserve their self-respect, and not to feel helpless,
neglected and forlorn? I submit there is no person who has faith in
a living God need feel helpless or forlorn. Jehovah of the Jews is a
God more personal than the God of the Christians, the Musalmans
or the Hindus, though, as a matter of fact in essence, He is
common to all …one without a second [one] and beyond
description. But as the Jews attribute personality to God and
believe that He rules every action of theirs, they ought not to feel
helpless.

If I were a Jew and were born in Germany and earned my

livelihood there, I would claim Germany as my home even as the
tallest gentile German may, and challenge him to shoot me or cast
me in the dungeon; I would refuse to be expelled or to submit to
discriminating treatment. And for doing this, I should not wait
for the [other] fellow[s] Jews to join [you] me in civil resistance
but would have confidence that in the end the rest are bound to
follow my example.

If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept the prescription here
offered, he or they cannot be worse off than now. And suffering
voluntarily undergone will bring them an inner strength and joy
which no number of resolutions of sympathy passed in the world
outside Germany can. Indeed, even if Britain, France and America
were to declare hostilities against Germany, they can bring no
inner joy, no inner strength. The calculated violence of Hitler may
even result in a general massacre of the Jews by way of his first
answer to the declaration of such hostilities.

But if the Jewish mind could be prepared for voluntary suffering,

even the massacre I have imagined could be turned into a day of
thanksgiving and joy that Jehovah had wrought deliverance of the
race even at the hands of the tyrant.

For to the god fearing, death has no terror. It is a joyful sleep to be

followed by a waking that would be all the more refreshing for the
long sleep.

It is hardly necessary for me to point out that it is easier for the

Jews than for the Czechs to follow my prescription.

And they have in the Indian satyagraha campaign in South Africa

an exact parallel. There the Indians occupied precisely the same
place that the Jews occupy in Germany. The persecution had also
a religious tinge. President Kruger used to say that the white

2
 Christians were the chosen of God and Indians were inferior
beings created to serve the whites. A fundamental clause in the
Transvaal constitution was that there should be no equality
between the whites and coloured races including Asiatics. There
too the Indians were consigned to ghettos described as locations.
The other disabilities were almost of the same type as those of the
Jews in Germany.

The Indians, a mere handful, resorted to satyagraha without any

backing from the world outside or the Indian Government. Indeed
the British officials tried to dissuade the satyagrahis (soldiers of
non-violence) from their contemplated step. World opinion and
the Indian Government came to their aid after eight years of
fighting. And that too was by way of diplomatic pressure not of a
threat of war.

But the Jews of Germany can offer satyagraha under infinitely

better auspices than Indians of South Africa. The Jews are a
compact, homogeneous community in Germany. They are far more
gifted than the Indians of South Africa. And they have organized
world opinion behind them.

I am convinced that if someone with courage and vision can arise

among them to lead them in nonviolent action, the winter of their
despair can in the twinkling of an eye be turned into the summer of
hope.1

Nonviolence is, indeed, emerging as a religion in this age of technology because there is
no other way to protect homo sapiens from ultimate realities of modern conflicts. These
conflicts are from within and without both.2

Ours is an era replete with human comforts, luxuries and mass consumerist cultural
milieu. These trends are also germinating into fertile conflictual fields sowed with seeds
of perennial massive warfare, professional terrorism, nuclear blackmailing and global
super monitoring.

Effective democratic values and ideological conflicts are being sidelined for good. The in
thing is globalisation of the order of George Orwell’s 1984. But for apex human activity
and profession of politics, everything else is on its way to utmost professionalisation and
technical and managerial training for technological excellence.

Despite state-of-the-art professional fashioning of every human activity, two major areas,
namely, politics and nonviolence, still need global attention anent training and
disciplining. Otherwise cities are least likely to have rest from their evils of promiscuity,
social insecurities and recurring emotional breakdowns. This is required even for recent
econological adjustments and research.

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Nonviolence is a way of life while politics is an act of bringing order to human existence.
Former is present in our daily routine though it is seldom noticed for it comes to us
inherently and naturally. We tend to notice merely exceptions of violence, conflicts and
tensions. Our continued and primary attention to exceptions of perversion in politics also
applies to us similarly.

It is because of our tendency of noticing only the uncommon. Modern media is also
covering mainly those happenings as “news” which are exceptionally perverse, violent,
negative and superhuman. Abnormalcy thy name is news! It sells in the form of
advertisements and other media activities. Perversion is being read, seen, heard and even
consumed by most of us nearly all the while. Humanity is becoming ignorant of what is
normal.

II

Normal life style and politics is away from gross perversion and nearer to religion or
universal values of common ethics. While the modern and secular democratic trend is
leading this spaceship earth astray from fundamental values of daily human life. This is
being done in the name of keeping politics clean from personal religious faiths. That is
how politics – the main spirit behind all activity – moves into scientific realms of
objectivity and truth today!

Fanaticism is not religion. Religion is also not fanaticism, prejudice and bigotry. The
highest form of self-realisation needs similar religious type of discipline, training and
scientific outlook in every religion. Even spiritual self-realisation is not entirely different
from political statesmanship and professionalism.3 Religion must, therefore, be given its
due place as a source of fundamental common human values. These values need to be
systematically absorbed and applied in every sphere of modern life.

This is possible through a mathematical and scientific practical course of step-by-step

individuals transformation on a local, national, international and global plane. This has to
be tried and researched in a practical way. This is the road to Mahatma Gandhi’s
practical-idealism. Despite embracing quite a few ideas of “no-tax campaign” or non-
cooperation of David Thoreau, John Ruskin’s “individual’s good in good of all”,
“barber’s work is as valuable as that of a lawyer” and “eat thy bread by the sweat of thy
brow” and Leo Tolstoy’s “extreme nonviolence”, Gandhi added dynamic uniqueness to
all these propositions through his own experience and application. His practical route to
conflict-resolution and transformation, therefore, resides in a very unique Gandhian
action programme through:

i) Nonviolence
ii) Satyagraha
iii) Sarvodaya
iv) Education
v) Discipline

4
This is Gandhi’s vibrant pentagon. No terrorist can even try dismantling it once it is
applied in a proper practical perspective. Here, some relevant quotations of / for Gandhi
may be of interest for us:

My honour is the only thing worth preserving.4

Standing on the brink of social disaster in our western world, it

would be rather glorious thing if we could humble our pride
sufficiently to appropriate from the east what we need most
desperately in the west, a strong enough faith in the efficacy of
ethical forces to achieve social justice without wading through
blood to get.5

It is a blasphemy to say that nonviolence can only be practiced by

individuals and never by nations which are composed of
individuals.6

Gandhi’s nonviolence is a dynamic concept inasmuch as its theory and practice went on
growing and evolving as long as he lived. That is why his ideas are often considered to be
mutually contradictory. What Gandhi says here is that he and his perceptions are always
developing across diverse experiences. For him, in Hind Swaraj, whenever there appears
a contradiction in his writings and even otherwise, the later context or view must be given
precedence over the earlier ones.7

Continuity and change are the two systemic features of nonviolence. It grows with human
tryst with challenges, trials and conflicts. This Gandhian nonviolence is a positive
concept for it is the nonviolence of the brave that is being aspired for. Nonviolence of a
coward has no room in the Gandhian order of things. Gandhi prefers violence of the
brave instead of nonviolence of a coward.8

This concept or precept of nonviolence is put into practice through individual and
corporate satyagraha. That goes for endless quest for truth alive and not static. Humility
and requestful attitude is the cornerstone of this strategy for peace and harmony. There
are several stages and levels of satyagraha. A number of prerequisites are also there. A
satyagrahi is known as a nonviolent soldier. He has to be trained as such.

This training includes education and discipline. Only a select lot of determined
individuals with unflinching faith in the power of nonviolence can be a part of such a
nonviolent army of satyagrahis. Nonviolence cannot succeed without this faith and
universal belief in the efficacy of nonviolence or ahimsa.

What are these discipline, training and education in the Gandhian mould? These are
fundamental principles of Patanjali’s Yogapradeep known as Pancha Yama. Ahimsa,
Satya, Asteya, Brahamcharya and Aparigrah are Pancha Yamas.

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Ahimsa is compassion for all living beings. Satya is truthfulness. Asteya means not to
steal. Brahamcharya is control of senses. Brahamcharya is used mostly in the sense of
abstinence, particularly in relationship to sexual activity. Brahamcharya does not
necessarily imply celibacy. Rather, it means responsible behavior with respect to our goal
of moving toward the truth. Aparigraha is not even to aspire to acquire and hoard wealth
and mundane things of this world such as comforts etcetera. Aparigraha means to possess
only what is necessary, and not to take advantage of a situation or act greedy. Aparigraha
also implies letting go of our attachments to things and persons.

There is a process of soldier like training of satyagrahis for attaining the ultimate goal of
Sarvodaya or good of all. This is not a Bethamite principle of “the greatest happiness of
the greatest number”.

Gandhian nonviolence has to be practiced. Reading alone would not do. Even otherwise,
from a scientific perspective, a real researcher is one who goes into the field and tests the
practicability of an idea already proven in a particular situation.

III
Long established methods of conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict
transformation are mostly arising from a present day context of a sheer helplessness in
view of numerous national, regional, international and global conflicts and challenges to
peace and “prosperity”. The Gandhian nonviolence, on the other hand, is such an area of
managing, resolving and transforming diverse types of conflicts that it starts not from
helplessness but from courage of conviction and essential belief in the caressing power of
nonviolence.

Nonviolence cannot be discussed on and on. It needs i) courageous negotiators, ii)

soldiers without weapons iii) unflinching faith in ahimsa iv) self-confidence with
patience and perseverance and v) certainly not the bullish audaciousness.

Such nonviolence is replete with great potential to deal with a number of modern day
dangerous conflictual human concerns. Nonviolence empowered with the tools of
satyagraha has succeeded, among others, in gaining political independence both for India
and Pakistan form our dear British counterparts upon whom “Sun never set”! Indeed, the
initial hitch is that of taking a meaningful initiative and lead. The essence of the matter
here is what Gandhi said immediately after his Dandi March on 05 April 1930:

6
The usual conflict resolution is a well established process of resolving a dispute or a
conflict by providing each side's needs, and adequately addressing their interests so that
they are satisfied with the outcome. Conflict resolution aims to end conflicts before they
start or lead to physical fighting. Resolution methods can include conciliation, mediation,
arbitration or litigation.

Sometimes disputes and conflicts may simply be avoided without actually resolving
them. At times, it may even be desirable that the concerned parties may disagree.
However, one thing is clear. It is that a conflict is a state of opposition between two
parties.

There are different types of conflicts. This list can never be fully exhaustive. Broadly
speaking, about eleven types of conflicts are recognized: i) intra-personal conflict, ii)
interpersonal conflict, iii) group conflict, iv) organizational conflict, v) community
conflict, vi) intra-state conflict, vii) inter-state conflict, viii) international conflict, ix)
global conflicts, x) regional conflicts, xi) “communal” or conflicts between different
religions, xii) racial conflicts.

For resolving these conflicts, several diplomatic tracks are also already there. As regards
quite a few apparent and friendly conflicts between United States (US) and India, Track 6
diplomacy is also proving to be highly fruitful for evolving short-term and long-term
relationship of mutuality and growing commitment and faith.9

All these methods of conflict resolution are also highly dynamic. These are being applied
widely for several years now. The present day conflict resolution methods are, however,
not really so nonviolent for they arise from an intense interest based orientation of
cooperation and ever more cooperation out of a mutual assured fear among nations and
individuals alike.

Nonviolence of the Gandhian order, on the other hand, does not suffer from such a, as it
were, cliché. Therefore, what is the harm if this approach is also developed alongside
other prevalent ways of conflict resolution? Nonviolence is also highly free from any
religious bias in nature inasmuch as it is presently coming from a secular mind of Gandhi
who is regarded as an undisputed leader not only the downtrodden but also of the saner
minds in the world.

The need is to make experiments with an open mind and objective scientific outlook.
Gandhi had this faith in social and political experimentation. A positively practical
attitude to evolution of ever new avenues and vistas of knowledge must never be put
aside.

There are quite a few masterly works by Gandhi and his commentators anent his views
on conflict resolution, discipline, life style, political, military and economic
decentralisation, stateless society, development, peace and a federation of nations leading
to security, i.e., social, military, political, legal, economic and ecological etcetera. A two
volumes study by M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War; Gopinath Dhawan’s

7
The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and
Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian
Thought and Techniques in the Modern World; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest of Violence:
The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory of
Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of
Jayaprakash Narayan and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on
Ethics and Politics are a few noted and well known works throwing ample light on
Gandhi’s concept of conflict, security and peace.10

These studies, among others, point understandably to a Gandhian security and peace
strategy comprising three concentric and systemic spheres or circles leading to a securer
world.

Human relations are not hierarchical, horizontal, vertical and pyramidal. They are
spherical and ocean like. It is perennial process. Each thought and act interacts from
within and without. This is an endless mutually interwoven melting of one into another.
Moving to and from one to another. Inner energies must be provided creative outlet not
only for all purposes but also for defence policy, security network and foreign policy etc.

What Gandhi suggests here is an inherent formula for foreign relations among nations
and communities:

Gandhi’s Conflict Reduction Security Buffer

These spheres, in an international perspective, represent:

A country’s immediate neighbours as immediate sphere.

8

Other poor, less developed, underdeveloped, developing and smaller countries
like India are in the mid sphere.

Bigger, more developed, developed, militarily and otherwise very powerful

great powers or superpower countries constituting the outer sphere.

As Gandhi says, in this global conflict reduction security buffer design, there will be:

…ever widening, never ascending circles. Life will not be a

pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom. But it will
be an oceanic circle whose centre will be the individual
always ready to perish for the village, the later for the circle
of villages, till the last … becomes one life composed of
individuals, never aggressive in their arrogance but ever
humble, sharing the majesty of the oceanic circle of which
they are integral parts. Therefore, the outermost
circumference will not wield the power to crush the inner
circle but will give strength to all within and derive its own
strength from it… No one… [will] be the first and none the
last.11

Utmost priority, apparently, is to be given to good understanding and relations with

immediate neighbours like Pakistan and others. A holistic security climate has to be
expanded from the inner most circle of neighbours and beyond. That is how three broad
conflict reduction security buffer spheres may be created through very friendly relations
based on utter mutual faith and nonviolence.

In the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence and love, i.e., truth, this
pattern must still be strengthened despite continuing armaments race and “overkill”
capacities of WMDs or nuclear, biological and chemical (NBCs) weapons. These
weapons cannot provide us security inasmuch as they are there for mutual massive
destruction and spreading terror. These weapons do not defend us. They are meant to kill
during wars and terrorise during peacetime. About thirty countries already possess these
WMDs. Anti-tank nuclear bullets are also in use. Nearly 100, 000 nuclear bombs are also
there among these states. United States and Russia alone share more than half of this
arsenal.12

Only less than an iota of present-day stockpiles of armaments was there in Gandhi’s time.
Practical-idealism of Gandhi emerges even more clearly when he says in this context:

It [nonviolence] is of universal applicability. Nevertheless,

perfect nonviolence, like Absolute Truth, must forever
remain beyond our reach.13

Perfect nonviolence is impossible so long as we exist

physically, for we would want some space at least to

9
 occupy. Perfect nonviolence whilst you are inhabiting the
body is only a theory like Euclid’s point or straight line, but
we have to endeavour every moment of our lives.14

This impossibility of “perfect nonviolence” does not prevent an initiative in this

direction. As long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and political
belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent
National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines of
nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system
can work alongside existing defence forces in every country.

IV
What more is needed today concerns not so much the conflict resolution outlook for
Gandhi. It is the conflict reduction, conflict prevention, nonviolent perception and action,
and Gandhian nonviolent foreign and defence policy orientation among nations is
required more than anything else. An action programme on a global scale can also be
developed:

Gandhian Conflict Reduction Comprehensive Security Action Plan

1. Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and other related forces may be there in
the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence.

2. Conflict Reduction Comprehensive Security will be the most fruitful

phenomenon when citizens and nations of the world do not have to
bother about it as their top most priority.

3. Security without weapons is necessary as an ultimate aim. It is inherent

in human nature. An increasing sense of insecurity goes with weapons.
Real security is when one does not even have to think of armaments.
That means a very positive and healthy security environ.

4. Concentric spheres of conflict reduction and security must be grasped

properly for creating a comprehensive security environ globally step by
step.

5. Development, Environment protection, Employment for all, Balanced

population, Eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow, Universal
disarmament, Unilateral disarmament, doing away with nuclear and
other weapons of mass destruction.

6. Security must not become a fetish of an age or era.

7. Nonviolence is possible only in a gallant and brave world of citizens.

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 8. Cowards cannot be nonviolent.

9. Violence is preferred vis-à-vis nonviolence of a coward.

10. Highly decentralised pattern of economy will be less prone to

instantaneous and long-term conflicts.

11. Highly decentralised political setup helps wider participation alongwith

lesser abuse of political power.

12. Nonviolent Brigades must also be developed and trained in panch

yama.

13. All armed forces and Nonviolent Brigades must be given training in
panch yama discipline.

14. Comprehensive Conflict Reduction policy must be visionary based on

experiences of history, present-day situation and prospective
possibilities and every potential visualisation.

15. The most powerful country in the world must be an important aspect of
a defence policy formulation.

16. Collaborations with foreign mercenaries must be avoided to the greatest

possible extent.

17. Exports from foreign countries must be made only in such areas where
there is no other alternative in the interest of citizens of a country.

18. Mechanisation and modern technology is to be adopted in areas where

it is necessary for national self-reliance and not otherwise.

19. Open borders with immediate neighbours must be preferred.

20. Free people to people contact must be given priority.

Several thousand people are being massacred daily in the world today. This is quite a war
like situation on a larger plane. This is no small matter when it relates to precious human
lives of so many global citizens. Every human life is as precious as the life of all other
individuals. It is not only weapons, wars and terrorists but also diplomatic instruments of
peace are also singing the ‘cacophony’ of violence. That is why T. Schelling says:

The power to hurt is nothing new in warfare, but… modern

technology… enhances the importance of war and threats

11
 of war as techniques of influence, not of destruction; of
coercion and deterrence, not of conquest and defence; of
bargaining and intimation… War no longer looks like just a
contest of strength. War and the brink of war are more a
contest of nerve and risk taking, of pain and endurance…
The threat of war has always been somewhat underneath
international diplomacy... Military strategy can no longer
be thought of ... as the science of military victory. It is now
equally, if not more, the art of coercion, of intimidation and
deterrence... Military strategy ... has become the diplomacy
of violence.15

This “diplomacy of violence” is not the only concern of conflict reduction in this age of
globalisation and emerging “global village”. Other major dimensions are there in varied
areas of rising human needs and expectations such as:

(i) threats to political stability of different regimes, (ii) operational aspects of democracy,
(iii) widespread terrorism for avowed self-determination, (iv) ethnic crises, (v) economic
exploitation and determinism, (vi) political and economic violence, (vii) expanding
frontiers of security and threat perception of modern states, (viii) widespread economic
deprivations, (ix) dangerous fallout of modern technology, (x) population
imbalances, (xi) widening gamut of corruption in higher echelons of economic and
political power, and (xii) poverty, (xiii) unemployment and (xvi) proliferation of
armaments etcetera.

Conflict resolution must be given a sustained release booster of nonviolence through a

systemic understanding of conflict reduction, foreign policy, defence policy and
econological aspects. Otherwise, Platonic dwellers of the cave will not be able to come
out unto the open skies.

12
1
Harijan, 26 November 1938 (emphasis added).
2
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Declaration and
Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace, UNESCO's Office of Public Information, Paris, 2000.
3
It is because both have to pave the way for self-government.
4
Ronald J. Terchek, Gandhi: Struggling for Autonomy, Vistaar, New Delhi, 1998, n. 3, p. 214.
5
Reinhold Niebuhr, “What Chance has Gandhi ?”, Christian Century, 1931, p. 1276.
6
For Pacifists, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1949, p. 89.
7
Hind Swaraj, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1948, preliminary pages just before “Contents”.
8
Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan, 1948, pp. 303, 451; See also Young India,
12.08.1926, p. 201.
9
There are currently nine tracks of diplomacy recognised more widely: i) government to government, ii)
unofficial policy oriented non-governmental exchanges, iii) businessman to businessman, iv) citizen to
citizen exchange programmes of all kinds, v) media to media based efforts and exchanges, vi) religion, vii)
activism, viii) research, ix) training, and education.
10
M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – I, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad,
Third Edition, 1948; M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume – II, Navajivan Publishing
House, Ahmedabad, First Edition, 1949; Gopinath Dhawan’s The Political Philosophy of Mahatma
Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957; H. J. N. Horsburg’s Nonviolence and
Aggression: A Study of Gandhi’s Moral Equivalent of War, OUP, London, 1968; S. C. Gangal’s Gandhian
Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion Publications, 1988; Joan Bondurant’s Conquest
of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, 1958; Johan Galtung’s “A Gandhian Theory
of Conflict”, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash
Narayan, OUP, New Delhi, 1985 and Gene Sharp’s Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics
and Politics, Boston, 1979.
11 Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House,

1958, Volume – II, pp. 580 – 581.

12 E.J. Hogendoorn, A Chemical Weapons Atlas, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists,

September/October 1997 Vol. 53, No. 5.

13 Harijan, 05 September 1936, p. 236.
14 Harijan, 21 July 1940, p. 211.
15 T. Schelling, “The Diplomacy of Violence”, in R. Art and R. Jervis (Eds), International

Politics, fourth edition, Harper Collins, New York, 1996, pp. 168 – 182.

13