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Second Edition, 2013 Lee Bih Ni

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Chapter Contents Page ___________________________________________________________________________ Chapter 1 Independence and Administration Democracy in Burma 6 Introduction Name Early History Imperial Era (849-1885) Colonial Era (1886-1948) democratic Republic (1948-1962) Democracy For Burma New Scenes Democracy Military Rule (1962-2011): Ne Win Years Rule of the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) 1988-2011 Conclusion Chapter 2 Crisis in Burma 1962 Introduction Crisis Burma, roots and Solidarity Fast Monk-Monk With People Community Militarisation Financial Interests Against Human Rights Support regional Policy "constructive engagement" Cumulative Record The Sad Education and Health The Sacrificed Assist the Burmese This situation is intolerable. Conclusion Chapter 3 on Burmese Socialist Administration Background Features Ideology Impact Myanmar SINCE 1962 Political parties The General's Economic Myanmar A National Agriculture Distribution of Social Aggregate Products Educational Institutions Conclusion Chapter 4 Socio-Economic Development of Burma (Myanmar) Introduction British rule in Burma World War II From the Japanese surrender to the assassination of Aung San Crisis and the Rise 1988 1989-2006 2007 anti-government protests Cyclone Nargis Conclusion 14



Chapter 5 Constitutional Revolution in Thailand Introduction Background Thai Before 1932 Thai 1932 People's Party Organizer (The promoters) Four Army Tiger (Tiger Four Soldiers) June 24 Time After him The New Administration Heritage Conclusion Chapter 6 Military Government (1932-1973) in Thailand Introduction Internal Conflict Pursuit of Nationalism World War II Thailand After the War The Cold War and Development 1973 Democracy Movement Conclusion Chapter 7 Thailand: Between Autocracy and Democracy (1973-1990s) Introduction Among the autocracy and democracy, 1973-1992 Thailand In the 1990s Era Constitution of 1991 Constitution of 1997 The process of drafting of the Constitution Draft 1997 Main Features Conclusion Chapter 8 Socio-Economic Development of Thailand Social Development Thailand Period Thoburi And Bangkok Democracy Economic Development of Thailand First Five-Year Plan Thailand Conclusion Chapter 9 Independence and Democratic Era Philippines Introduction Independence of the Philippines and the Third Republic (1946-1975) judging Marcos Era and Military Law (1965-1986) Military Law Fourth Republic Fifth Republic (1986-present) Administration of Corazon C. Aquino (1986-1992)






Administration Fidel V. Ramos (1992-1998) Joseph Estrada administration (1998-2001) Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration (2001-2010) Administration Benigno Aquino III Conclusion 87

Chapter 10 of the Marcos era and Preservation of Democracy Introduction Early Life Personal Life Career Congress House of Representatives Senate The office of President The first term (1965-1969) Presidential Campaign Infrastructure Program The Vietnam War The second term (1969-1981) 1969 Presidential Elections Student Revolt Military Law and the New Society Prime Minister Third Term (1981-1986) Aquino Assassination Attempted Removal Economics After the Presidency Conclusion Chapter 11 Socio-Economic Development of the Philippines Introduction National Economic and Development Authority (National Economic and Development Authority-NEDO) History List of Directors-General of NEDO Legal Basis Board NEDO Secretariat NEDO Other Offices Joint Agency Conclusion Chapter 12 Southeast Asia Regional Relations Introduction Regional Cooperation Foundation for Asia Regional Cooperation Program REGIONAL RELATIONS DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTHEAST ASIA View new theoretical concepts Conclusion



Chapter 1 Independence and Democratic Administration in Burma Introduction Myanmar also known as Burma, is a country in South Asia and Southeast Asia. It is bordered by India, Bangladesh, China, Laos and Thailand. One-third of the total perimeter of 1,930 Burmese kilometers (1,200 miles) forms an uninterrupted coastline along the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea. At 676,578 km2 (261,227 sq mi), it is the 40th largest country in the world and the second largest country in Southeast Asia. Burma is also the 24th most populous in the world with more than 60.28 million people. Burma is home to some of the early civilizations of Southeast Asia including Pyu and Mon. In the 9th century, Burmans Nanzhao Kingdom, entered the upper Irrawaddy valley and, following the establishment of the Pagan Empire in 1050's, the Burmese language and culture slowly become dominant in this country. During this period, Theravada Buddhism gradually became the main religion in the country. Infidelity Empire fell because the Mongol invasions (1277-1301), and several warring states emerged. In the second half of the 16th century, the country was reunified by the Taungoo Dynasty for a brief period was the largest empire in the history of Southeast Asia. Early Konbaung dynasty of the 19th century, including the rule of modern Myanmar and Manipur and Assam. The country was occupied by the British after three Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1885). British rule brought social, economic, cultural and administrative once-feudal society. Since independence in 1948, the country has been in one of the longest-running war civil among various ethnic groups in the country are still not resolved. From 1962 to 2011, the country was under military rule. Military junta was dissolved in 2011 following a general election in 2010 and a civilian government installed. Myanmar is a country rich in resources. However, since the reform of 1962, the Burmese economy has become one of the least developed in the world. Burma's GDP stands at $ 42.953 billion and growing at an average rate of 1 2.9% per year -. The lowest rate of economic growth in the Great Mekong sub Among others, the EU, United States and Canada have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar Burma's health care system is one of the worst in the world: World Health Organization (WHO) put Myanmar on 190, the worst performing of all countries. United Nations and several other organizations have reported consistent and systematic human rights violations in the country, including child labor, human trafficking and a lack of freedom of speech. Name Republic of the Union of Myanmar / Burma:, Pyidaunzu Thanmda Myma Nainngandaw, pronounced [pjdz mda mjm nd]), is the official name of the country during the English. Prior to 1989 it was the Burmese Union. The country is now better known in English as "Myanmar". Both short name is derived from the Burmese Bamar ethnic majority. "Myanmar" is considered as a form of literature ethnic name, while "Burma" is derived from Bamar, colloquial form group name. Depending on the register used pronunciation would be "Bama" (pronounced [bm]), or "Myamah" (pronounced [mjm]). The name "Burma" has been used in English since the time of British colonial rule. In 1989, the military government officially changed the English translations of many colonial-era names of these changes is change the name "Myanmar". Renaming still a contested issue. opposition groups and countries Many continue to use "Burma" because they do not recognize the legitimacy of the ruling military government or authority to rename the country. Various non-Burman ethnic groups choose not to recognize the name

because the association of the term "Myanmar" by the majority ethnic groups, Bamar, compared to this country. "Myanmar" continued to be used in the English language by the government of many countries, including the United States, Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom. The United Nations (UN) to use "Myanmar", such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Germany, Norway, China, India and Japan. There are variations of "Burma" when translated into the local language. Brazil government uses "Mianmar", for example. Early History Archaeological evidence shows that homo erectus have lived in the region now known as Burma as early as 750,000 years ago, and homo sapiens about 11,000 BC, in the Stone Age culture called Anyathian, when plants and animals were first domesticated rock and digilapalat appear in Burma's Bronze Age around 1500 BCE when the people in the region have changed copper into bronze, planting rice, and domesticating chickens and pigs, they are among the first in the world to do so. Iron Age arrived about 500 BC when settlements iron work has appeared in the south of the Mandalay-day. Evidence also shows placement paddy large villages and small towns are dealing with their environment as far as China between 500 BC and 200 CE. Around the 2nd century BC, the first known city-states emerged in central Burma. Citystates were established as part of the southern migration of Tibeto-Burman by speaking Pyu, Burmese population whose earliest extant records, from present day Yunnan. Pyu culture is heavily influenced by trade with India, the import of Buddhism and other cultural concepts, architecture and politics, which will have a lasting influence on later Burmese culture and political organization. By the 9th century CE, a number of city-states that have sprouted across the land: states Pyu in central dry zone, Mon states along the southern coast and Arakanese states along the west coast. About feeling sad when Pyu states come under repeated attack from Nanzhao Kingdom between 750s and 830s. In the mid-to late 9th century, Mranma (Burmans / Bamar) Nanzhao founded a small settlement in Pagan (Bagan). It is one of several competing city-states until the end of the 10th century when it grew in power and glory. Imperial Era (849-1885) Pagan gradually expanding to absorb the surrounding states until the 1050's-1060's when Anawrahta founded the Pagan Empire, the first unification of Irrawaddy valley and edge. In the 12th century, and 13, and the Pagan Empire Khmer Empire two major power in mainland Southeast Asia. Burmese language and culture gradually became dominant in the Irrawaddy valley, exceeding the norm Pyu, Mon and Pali by the end of the 12th century. Theravada Buddhism slowly started spreading to the village despite Tantric practice, Mahayana, Brahmanic, and animist still much entrenched. Pagan rulers and the rich to build more than 10,000 Buddhist temples in Pagan capital zone only. Repeated Mongol invasions (1277-1301) overthrew the kingdom four centuries old in 1287. Temples in Mrauk UPagan collapse, followed by 250 years of political fragmentation that lasted until the 16th century. As Burmans four centuries earlier, Shan immigrants who arrived with the Mongol invasions that are left behind. Several Shan states compete come to dominate the eastern arc northwest across the Irrawaddy valley. Valley has also been hit by small states until the end of the 14th century when two relatively large power, and Hanthawaddy Kingdom Ava Kingdom, appears. In the west, the political split Arakan was under the influence of competing stronger neighbor to the Government's consolidated Mrauk U Arakan coast for the first time in 1437.

From the beginning, Ava fought wars of consolidation (1385-1424), but never could quite reinstall the lost empire. Having held off Ava, Hanthawaddy entering the golden age, and Arakan going to be a power in its own right for 350 years. On the other hand, the ongoing war left Ava greatly weakened, and it slowly broke away from 1481 onwards. In 1527, the Federation of American Shan conquered Ava itself, and rule Upper Burma until 1555. As Pagan Empire, Ava, and Shan states Hanthawaddy all multiracial polity. Although warfare, cultural synchronization continues. This period is considered the golden age of Burmese culture. Burmese literature "has become more confident, popular, and stylistically different", and the second generation of the legal code as well as pan-Myanmar Burma the earliest chronicles appear. Hanthawaddy king subsequently introduced religious reform to spread throughout the country. Many beautiful temples Mrauk U were built in this period. Bayinnaung Empire in 1580 unification. Politics is back in the mid-16th century, because the small effort 1 Toungoo (Taungoo), former state servants Ava. Toungoo young, ambitious king Tabinshwehti Hanthawaddy beat stronger in the year 1541. Successor Bayinnaung go to conquer the wide swath of mainland Southeast Asia, including Shan states, Lan Na, Manipur, Chinese Shan states, Siam, Lan Xang and south Arakan. However, the greatest empire in the history of Southeast Asia decompose shortly after death Bayinnaung in 1581, completely collapsed by 1599. Siamese had seized Tenasserim and Lan Na, and Portuguese mercenaries established Portuguese rule in Syriam (Thanlyin). Dynasty regrouped and defeated the Portuguese in 1613 and Thailand in 1614. It restored the kingdom of smaller, more manageable, include Lower Burma, Upper Burma, Shan state, Lan Na and Tenasserim on. Restored Toungoo rulers have created a legal and political framework that has the basic features will continue into the 19th century. The crown completely replaced the hereditary chieftainships appointed by the governor entire Irrawaddy valley, and greatly reduce the rights of Shan descent head. Trade and secular administrative reforms to build a prosperous economy for more than 80 years. Since the 1720's, the government has been hit by repeated Manipuri raids into Upper Burma, and the grumblings rebellion in Lan Na. In 1740, the founder of the Lower Burma Mon Hanthawaddy recover. Hanthawaddy army sacked Ava in 1752, ending 266 years of Toungoo Dynasty. Image British pd 1825 shows a piece of metal Shwedagon Pagoda British occupation during the First Anglo-Burmese. After the fall of Ava, a resistance group Alaungpaya Konbaung Dynasty defeated Hanthawaddy recover, and by 1759, was reunited all of Burma (and Manipur), and driven the French and British run has provided weapons to Hanthawaddy. By 1770, the heirs have weakened many Alaungpaya Laos (1765), defeating Siam (1767), and beat four intrusions by China (1765-1769). With a busy Myanmar by Chinese threats, Siam recover territory until 1770, and went on to capture Lan Na by 1776. Burma and Siam went to war until 1855, but all resulted in a stalemate, the exchange of Tenasserim (Burma) and Lan Na (Siam). Faced with the rise of powerful China and Siam in the east, King Bodawpaya turned west, acquiring Arakan (1785), Manipur (1814) and Assam (1817). It is the second largest empire in Burmese history, but also one with a clear demarcation of the long illness of British India. Breadth of the empire did not last long. Myanmar lost Arakan, Manipur, Assam and Tenasserim to the British in the Anglo-Burmese War One (1824-1826). In 1852, the British easily seize Lower Burma in the Second Anglo-Burmese War. King Mindon tried to modernize the government, and in 1875 narrowly avoided annexation by the United Karenni submitter. The British, who are concerned with the integration of French Indo-China, annexed the remaining countries in the Third Anglo-Burmese in 1885.

Konbaung kings extended administrative reforms Toungoo to recover, and to the level of internal control and external expansion that has never happened before. For the first time in history, language and culture of Burma came to dominate the whole valley of the Irrawaddy. Evolution and growth of Burmese literature and theater continued, assisted by adult literacy rate is very high for the era of men (half of all men and 5% of women). However, the extent and pace of reform has been uneven and ultimately proved inadequate to stem the advance of the British. Colonial Era (1886-1948) With the fall of Mandalay, Burma came under British rule. During the colonial era, many Indians arrived as soldiers, civil servants, construction workers and traders and, along with the Anglo-Burmese community, dominated commercial and civil life in Burma. Rangoon became the capital of British Burma and an important port between Calcutta and Singapore. Burmese resentment was strong and was discharged in violent riots that paralyzed Yangon on occasion all the way until the 1930's. Part of the dissatisfaction that has been caused by not respecting Burmese culture and traditions such as the British refusal to remove their shoes when they entered pagodas. Buddhist monks became vanguards independence movement. U Wisara, activist monk, died in prison after a 166 day hunger strike to protest rules that prohibit him from wearing Buddhist robes while imprisoned. On 1 April 1937, Burma became a colony of Great Britain and Ba Maw the first Prime Minister and Minister of the Prime Minister of Burma are administered separately. Ba Maw was an outspoken advocate for Burmese self-rule and he opposed the participation of Great Britain, and by extension Burma, in World War II. He resigned from the Legislative Assembly and was arrested for sedition. In 1940, before Japan formally entered the Second World War, Aung San was established Burma Independence Army in Japan. Major battleground, Burma was devastated during World War II. By March 1942, a few months after they entered the war, the Japanese army had advanced on Rangoon and the British administration collapsed. Burmese Executive Administration headed by Ba Maw was established by the Japanese in August 1942. Beginning in late 1944, allied forces launched a series of offensives that led to the end of Japanese rule in July 1945. However, fierce battle with a lot of waste Myanmar relaxing by fighting. Although many Burmese fought initially for the Japanese, some Burmese, mostly from the ethnic minorities, also served in the British Burma Army. Burma Independence Army and the Arakan National Army fought with the Japanese from 1942 to 1944, but shifted allegiance to the Allied side in 1945. Following World War II, Aung San negotiated Panglong Agreement with ethnic leaders that guaranteed freedom of Burma as a unified state. In 1947, Aung San became Deputy Chairman of the Executive Council of Burma, the transitional government. But in July 1947, political rivals assassinated Aung San and several cabinet members. During World War II, Burma became the front line of action to deal with the military occupation of Japan in Southeast Asia. British rule defeated by military JAPAN. Over 300,000 Indian laborers and Anglo-Myanmar fled to the woods and TIBA in india. Japan launched the Myanmar military campaign to ensure that British out of Burma, but the British Indian Army Promoting Successful attack and get Encouraging Myanmar in July 1947. Many people of Myanmar with an army Fighting JAPAN. Many also served with the British Army Myanmar.

Democratic republic (1948-1962) On 4 January 1948, the country became an independent republic, named the Union of Burma, with Sao Shwe Thaik as the first President and U Nu as its first prime minister. Unlike most former British colonies and other overseas territories, it is not a member of the Commonwealth. A bicameral parliament was formed, consisting of the House of Representatives and the House of citizenship, and multi-party elections were held in 19511952, 1956 and 1960. Geographical area Burma encompasses today can be traced to the Panglong Agreement, which incorporates Burma proper, consisting of Lower Burma and Upper Burma, and the Frontier Areas, which was administered separately by the British. Last Sepekan world community's attention fixed on Burma (now Myanmar), a country of 53 million multi-ethnic population, located in Southeast Asia. Majority of the population in Myanmar is Burmese (around 68%), the rest is made up of ethnic minorities such as ethnic Shans, Karens, Rakhines, Chinese, Indian, Mons and small ethnic groups other. Democracy for Burma In this paper, rather than take the name of Burma to Myanmar. In 1989 Hall Military Authority to replace the name "Association of the Socialist Republic of Burma" to Myanmar. Deliberate name change by the Burmese military regime to show the international community that there is a new country called Myanmar, and deliberately menggusur history of democracy Burmese people. Several countries in European Union and the United States, until now still mention Myanmar as Burma, as a form of solidarity against the following people among the Burmese pro-democracy and criticism of authoritarian action Military Junta. Since 1962 when General Ne Win, performing military coup and seized power from Prime Minister U Nu political crisis stage hentinnya never happen in Burma. The last crisis occurred and pemicunnya back is that the military junta rule policy of fuel price increase of almost 500 persen.Akibatnya gas prices rose five-fold, gasoline and diesel prices rise 2-fold, bus tariffs also rose 2-fold higher than before. This policy has triggered waves of mass action ratuan thousands of students led by students, opposition political activists and municipalities the monks in Burma. The Buddhist monks who usually do a lot of prayers and meditation thus leading protest actions, pagoda, pagoda in Burma turned into a center of mass motion. The Buddhist monk turned into a front row that uncovered tyranny military regime that has lasted for 45 years. Match the monks is a symbol of the wisdom no longer live in everyday military junta memerintah.Ironisnya Burmese peace wave action thus faced with violence and various repressive actions and arrests made by the police and soldiers. Protest wave was evaluated as a new chapter in the history of resistance against the Burmese military junta has destroyed democracy. Is anticipated wave of protests, the largest since the 1988 pro-democracy demonstrations brutally suppressed by the military regime. Now the problem is not a question of fuel price hike alone unless already fixed on direct resistance against the ruling Military Junta hand. Root of the political crisis in Burma on the refusal of fact sourced military junta ruling General Than Shwe led to political reform efforts related to strengthening human rights and democracy in the country. Since the military junta in power in Burma in 1962, the signs of democratization never come. According to UN estimates, the number of prisoners in Burmese military junta reached more than 1,000 people.

In 1990 Burma had actually hold federal elections. National Military Law and Order Restoration Council (the Military State Law and Order Restoration Council, SLORC) elections multipartai.Saat allow the NLD (National Democratic Party), led by Aung San Suu Kyi won the election with the ultimate voice of the members of parliament. NLD voice acquire 80% of the total voters. Ironically the election results are not recognized by the military junta and Suu Kyi has been detained by the military junta along with a number of opposition figures and human rights activists others. Tragedy 888 (8 August 1988) and cancellation of democratic elections the NLD won a civic group pillars matinnya democracy in Burma. Since then the question of democratization became a recurring question result in a political crisis in the country is. The rule of the military junta controlling and prohibiting the mass media have often criticized government policy. Suu Kyi was later acquired in 1991 nobel peace on doing perlawananan political spirit in fighting for human rights and democracy Until this sat still diangga Suu Kyi by the Burmese people as inspirator and a symbol of the democracy movement against the military junta chairmen. On the other hand due to the rule of the military junta poverty situation still pervades Burmese. Burmese in practice is a country rich in oil and gas, but the majority of its people live in poverty. Under the military junta unemployment reached 20 million in 2005. This tentunnya fueled by inflation which continues to swell and drag to the Burmese people in the poverty gap. Some observers felt that the prevailing regime in Burma military junta also a result of political and economic support from China, Russia and India have always defended the military junta regime action. China and Russia use the right of veto to cancel the UN Security Council resolution that is intended to encourage democracy in Burma in early 2007 on the grounds that the situation in Burma is entirely domestic problem. But if examined carefully it appears China has considerable interest to gain control over natural resources in Burma. New chapter of Democracy Burma is a country rich in irony and paradox, when the whole earth civilization moves toward democratization, Burma otherwise shun democracy rules and regulations. The big question in Burma today is a violation of human rights committed dankehidupan democratic military junta. Since the Burmese military authorities practice can not enjoy freedom. Nineteen years of battling Burmese military authority to use force and undemocratic ways in seizing and maintaining political power in Burma. The question of Burma should not be seen as an internal problem, but should have taken the world's problems internasional.Bahwa struggle for democracy is a prerequisite tree democracy movement in Burma to open up political space for a more just and survival in the economic sphere. Democracy road map had hoped would be a peaceful solution in Burma appears further away from reality. The world community is now waiting for the attitude of the international community about the situation in Burma the growing collapse. In this context, there are three important points that should be the focus of international political will: 1) acceleration of democratization in Burma, 2) the release of political prisoners as human rights enforcement measures including

pressure to release Aung San Suu Kyi, and 3) request responsibility junta rule military on arbitrary political action over the years. The Government of Indonesia is also appropriate as a member of ASEAN and NonPermanent Members of the UN Security Council (DK-UN) to participate actively in the process of reconciliation in Burma by supporting international pressure made board (UN), as well as encourage ASEAN that being tougher on junta rule military government in Burma. Burmese people today yearn tentunnya political freedom and democracy. Tentunnya democratic Burma is no longer just a dream. It's time to leave Burma totalitarian system and start the steps toward democratization. Military rule (1962-2011): Ne Win Years On 2 March 1962, the army led by General Ne Win took control of Burma through a coup d'etat and the government has been under control, directly or indirectly by the military since then. Between 1962 and 1974, Burma was ruled by a revolutionary council headed by the general, and almost all aspects of society (business, media, production) nationalized or brought under government control under the Burmese way to Socialism which combines Soviet-style nationalization and central planning with state implementation superstition. A new constitution of the Socialist Republic of Union of Burma was adopted in 1974, until 1988, the country was ruled as a one-party system, with the general and other military officers resigning and ruling through the Burma Socialist Programme Party (Burma Socialist Programme Party ). During this period, Burma became one of the poorest countries in the world. There were sporadic protests against the military rule in Ne Win and this is almost always violently suppressed. On 7 July 1962, the government broke up demonstrations at Rangoon University, killing 15 students. In 1974, the military violently suppress anti-government protests at the funeral of U Thant. Student protests in 1975, 1976 and 1977 were quickly suppressed by overwhelming force. Rule of the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) 1988-2011 Protesters gathered in the center of Rangoon in 1988, unrest over the poor economic governance and political oppression by the government led to widespread pro-democracy demonstrations throughout the country known as the 8888 Rebellion. Security forces killed thousands of demonstrators, and General Saw Maung staged coup d'etat and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In 1989, SLORC declared martial law after widespread protests. Military government finalized plans for People's Assembly elections on 31 May 1989. SLORC changed the official English name of the country from the "Socialist Republic of the Union of Myanmar" to the "Union of Myanmar" in 1989. In May 1990, the government held free elections for the first time in nearly 30 years and the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, won 392 out of a total 489 seats (ie, 80% of the seats). However, the military junta refused to hand over power and continue to rule the country as SLORC until 1997, and then as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) until the dissolution in March 2011. On 23 June 1997, Burma was admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). On 27 March 2006, the military junta, which had moved the national capital from Yangon to a site near Pyinmana in November 2005, officially named the new capital Naypyidaw, meaning "city of the kings".

Conclusion Early Konbaung dynasty of the 19th century, including the rule of modern Myanmar and Manipur and Assam. The country was occupied by the British after three Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1885). British rule brought social, economic, cultural and administrative oncefeudal society. Since independence in 1948, the country has been in one of the longestrunning war civil among various ethnic groups in the country are still not resolved. Bibliography

Burma. Retrieved 2012 May 4 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burma

Houtman, Gustaaf (1999). Mental culture in Burmese crisis politics. ILCAA Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series No. 33. Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. Myanmar. Retrieved 2012 May 4 from http://ms.wikipedia.org/wiki/Myanmar Myint-U, Thant (2001). The Making of Modern Burma. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ISBN 0-521-79914-7. Oki Hajiansyah. (2012 May). Demokrasi Untuk Burma. Retrieved 2012 May 5 from http://pelayanrakyat.blogspot.com/2008/03/demokrasi-untuk-burma.html

The Burma Road from the Union of Burma to Myanmar, Mya Maung, Asian Survey, Vol. 30,
No. 6, June 1990, p 602

Chapter 2 1962 Crisis in Burma Introduction Burma crisis, roots and Solidarity Fast The demonstration is something that is rare in Burma. Under the yoke of the military junta, which is one of the most repressive in the world, the people do not forget the violence of oppression to democracy demonstrations in 1988 that ended with the deaths of at least 3,000 protesters and thousands of arrests. Yet, despite the country's strict lockdown by militia forces, Burmese citizens, who live in extreme poverty in the medieval economy, the absence of democracy and injustice every day, again against the junta. The demonstration was the most significant in twenty years. Street parade started following the fuel price increase by two-thirds, double the price of diesel and five-fold increase in the price of compressed natural gas in mid-August in Rangoon. Burmese people are shocked by this brutal rise and sudden, condemned to spend their number almost half of their salaries to pay for public transport costs (which increased due to higher fuel prices) or to go to work on foot (if possible). The junta has been expecting this protest movements and has told militia to intimidate the demonstrators. Even so, peaceful street marches in general initiated by students, takes place every day in many Burmese cities. Until recently, the army and riot police did not appear in public. The first demonstrations were suppressed by the thugs of the Association of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and the paramilitary groups "Swan Arrives Shin" ("all powerful"), an organization supported by the government. There are also reports that the regime has used thugs and criminals are released from prison for this purpose. In the early weeks, hundreds of peaceful protesters mobilize against severe economic conditions have been arrested by the police and the heavy sentence was pronounced. Journalists were not allowed to cover the event and a member of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main one of which is a leader Aung San Suu Kyi, has been closely monitored, tracked and captured the nation's leading political activists, many of them belonging to the NLD, was arrested from the end of August , such as Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi. Others take flight like Su Su Nway, a labor rights activist Phyu Phyu Thin and, members who help people with AIDS. By monks People In early September, the protests have been taking a new course with the participation of Buddhist monks in the city of Pakokku in Magwe district. About 500 monks who carry a sticker "the monks of the people" to take part in a march demanding repeal of rising prices and the release of imprisoned protesters. Death of one of their violent repression that followed has brought anger among the monks who seized several official representatives who have come to give the reason for the persecution they suffered. That was a turning point in the mobilization, it moved to its political demands. Following this confrontation, massive demonstrations of advanced anywhere in the main cities of the country, the first monks show only to protect the people, and with their support. The monks, generally very young, and organized in the "alliance of all Burmese monks" added three main demands: an apology from the government for the violence they experience in Pakokku, economic reform and the release of all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Pro-democracy activists and the people are very dependent on the commitment of Buddhist monks and support them because they are very well respected and have some time to play a progressive role in politics. They moved early against the British and their key role in

students during the rebellion of 1988 remained in all the memory. For the military junta, the intervention of the monks in Pakokku particularly at risk and may be represented "slip-ups" on the number of local thugs. Have not political or moral legitimacy in the eyes of the people that they have become slaves and oppressed for 45 years, the military government has been trying to establish legitimacy through the promotion and protection of the Buddhist tradition. In 1979, the Supreme Council of monks (Sangha Maha Nayaka) and councils at all levels (village, borough, district) was established with the aim of controlling the monks and monasteries. Each traditional ceremonies, monastery or temple construction approved by the local representative of the Sangha Maha Nayaka. The monks who refused to participate in the event are strictly controlled. Meanwhile, the military offers a variety of offerings to monks and monasteries that receive their power. In a country deeply marked by Buddhist faith, the army also occupied by a need for "merit" to avoid some impact on the future of their current atrocities. It is easy to understand the impact of the boycott of the offer from the military and their families organized by the monks in the junta, who dared to call itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and why it is multiplied warning to the monks are on the sidelines politics. Militarisation of society Military control is not limited to religious pilgrims. Since the coup d'etat by General Ne Win in 1962, the Tatmadaw (Burmese military) have dominated almost every aspect of the political, economic and social change. Since then, no social mobility or opportunities take place outside the military. Military control, at local or national level, redistribution of wealth and land. At the economic level, the Burmese military control of the two most powerful companies, Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH) and Myanmar Economic Cooperation (MMC). UMEH declared objective is to meet the needs of military personnel and their families "and" to be the main support military logistics. "MEC's goal is to" transfer the funds allocated to the defense of the public sector to the private sector. "It is authorized to do business in almost every area that it wants. All foreign investment in Burma will be approved by the Myanmar Investment Commission (MIC), controlled directly by the junta, which allows them to channel profits from the investment of the companies controlled by the military. Amount etc. companies which invest or have invested massively in Burma have some nerve to say that they are not practicing politics. Burmese who do not see a penny of money, which enrich the opposite junta and remain in power. In September 1993, to consolidate power over society, the military regime created the USDA, which is presented as a civil society organization, but has a direct relationship with the general chief Than Shwe, who became head of the junta in 1992 and is the most powerful person in the country. The Association now claims 22.8 million members, or nearly half the population of this country. In fact, presented as a compulsory membership for students and seniors, many of them have registered as a member without knowing. On the other hand, refused to join the association, one is exposed to harassment and opportunities in the field of professional education or closed. In the association, student members are encouraged to monitor the activities of their classmates. To become a member of the USDA provide access to English and computing courses and extra-curricular activities and sports. In 1996, the regime change takes effect association of student members of the NLD. Since the USDA members were often in the vanguard of repression. It is primarily those who attacked Aung San Suu Kyi in 2003 and trying to kill her.

Financial Interests Against Human Rights Unlike in 1988, the current crisis in Burma has a high profile in the international media. Knowledge that has allowed the situation in Burma where direct and highly repressive nature of the regime that is widely distributed. Courage protesters face the threat that they bear (beatings, torture, imprisonment, death, etc.) are no longer shown. That is why one would expect a stronger condemnation from the international community, the more firmly support the forces of democracy in this country and on all actions that really put pressure on the junta. The reaction was unfortunately not at the level of human rights and democracy have little weight faced with a financial interest. Outside the United States, no other country or organization announced stringent provisions to make the military to rethink its position. On September 6, the European Parliament condemned the violation of human rights and accused the Burmese junta to be a threat to Southeast Asia ... but added at the same time, through the voice of the commissioner Vivian Reding, "Separation will only make the people pay a bigger price ... We do not believe that additional sanctions measures will encourage the government in the desired direction or will alleviate the suffering of the people." Despite having the same position in Burma, creating "a public legal government, which respects human rights", the members of the European Union (EU) agreed on the lowest common denominator. If some states such as Britain, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, Ireland and Denmark in favor of a more robust policy towards Myanmar, France, Germany, Austria, Spain and Poland until now oppose it. Their position is explained primarily by economic interests that they have been developed in the country. Despite constant appeals for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, French diplomacy, for example, still attached to the defense of the French financial investment in the country. It has supported the company Total, one of the most important investors in Burma, accused of using forced labor. Direct the operations of enterprises in the Yadana gas field, leading the Burmese government between 200 and 450 million U.S. dollars per year, or about 7% of the budget estimates Burma. Current measures of the European commission, including restrictions on the sale of weapons and defense equipment, the prohibition to help any non-humanitarian and a ban on investment in certain public enterprises. Strategic sectors that bring in money to the junta and support to stay in power, such as wood, gems, minerals, gas and oil are not affected by a variety of measures to ban the least effective say no, it's hypocritical. One can not imagine an effective sanctions policy without a total ban on investment in the country, or at least a ban on investment in areas vital to the junta. From a political point of view, the European Union has not shown more determination. In recent years, the European commission has cut subsidies to projects aimed at the development of human rights and democracy. According to Info-Birmanie association, the European Union (EU) only supported "soften" the draft resolution on Burma at the UN Security Council in early 2007. Regional support In Asia, the Burmese democrats have little chance to get better. Neighboring countries, especially India and China, which is a huge consumer of raw materials that Myanmar has abundance, has decided to close their eyes to the systematic violation of human rights and child. It is true that in India and in China labor and child labor exploitation is also fierce. Burma geography is great importance to India that aims to implement the "east" policy to China and see the possibility of getting the opening of the Indian Ocean and the Straits of Malacca to inhibition of Middle East oil supply route.

China and Burma have always been good neighbors. First country outside of the "Communist" bloc to recognize the People's Republic of China in 1949, Myanmar is also to sign the first agreement of friendship and non-aggression with its neighbors in 1961, while the leader was the first to express their sympathy to the Beijing government repression in Tiananmen Square in 1989. In 1991, Chinese leaders are the first to sell weapons, aircraft, frigates and other military equipment Burmese junta. China has also invested heavily in Burma infrastructure (ports in the Indian Ocean, roads, etc.). It is a big importer of timber and minerals from Myanmar. Since early 2007, support from China to Myanmar was far deeper in order to strengthen the economic and financial relations, which aims to ensure the development of Yunnan province of China bordering Myanmar. At the political level, the Chinese see the Trojan horse Myanmar in ASEAN, which they consider to be too influenced by the United States. Beijing, with a lot of caution, recently has added voice to international pressure against oppression, but it preserves the policy of "non-interference in domestic affairs" Burma. China has quickly want to Burma "begins the process of democracy appropriate to the country" and restore "internal stability as soon as possible". Well-being of the people of Burma have little place in it. Beijing is very nervous because the current instability could threaten China's huge investment in Burma and threaten the stability of the boundary region between the two countries, which led to significant population movements more than one million Chinese have moved to Burma recently. India to wait until 26 September, the first day in which the Burmese junta has sent troops and killed a number of monks and civilians, "express concern" in the suppression of the mobilization. Questioned on the close relationship between the Burmese junta and the U.S. and British ambassadors of India during a visit to Thailand, the Indian Foreign Minister said that "the main principle of foreign policy is not to interfere in the domestic affairs of any country, It is essentially a work of the people in the country to decide what government they want. " Burmese people, bloodily repressed when they demanded democracy and the government will appreciate the changes. Support policies between Jawaharlal Nehru and Aung San, the Burmese independence hero is out much. In the context of great tension and the risk of violent repression, on September 23, India sent oil minister, Murli Deora, Myanmar. India wants to see the extent to which it can exploit energy deposits found in Burma and to try to change the outcome Burma sell to China and not India gas that two Indian companies exploit together with Burmese enterprises in coastal deposits off the A1 and A3 in the Indian Ocean. India determined at all costs to strengthen ties with Myanmar to restrict China. New Delhi is planning several projects from the construction of the pipeline between Burma and India to the coastal development permit port in the bay of Bengal in North America (only 2% of the land attached to the sub-continent) have access to trade routes and to develop policies of India ("Look East Policy" ) towards the ASEAN countries. That Myanmar is considered as a pariah state by the international community will not stop India from getting a military cooperation agreement with the junta. Thus, according to Human Rights Watch, India has offered light combat helicopters, state of the art equipment for fighter aircraft and naval surveillance aircraft in exchange for the policy on Indian insurgents who use Myanmar as a rear base for their independence movement. Japan, Thailand and South Korea have not stay still. Since the 1950s, Japan has been the first source "development assistance" for Myanmar. From February 17, 1989, Tokyo recognized the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council), and resume assistance, suspended before the coup d'Etat for reasons of political instability. In the current crisis, even calling "sanctions" from the junta, Japan has indicated that it will not participate in any trade sanctions against Burma and that even if the images are showing a Japanese

journalist who was killed by Burmese soldiers during the demonstration. Japan explains commercial investment as official development assistance (ODA) that it would not reconsider. ACA was the means used by the Japanese to influence in the region at the same time respecting the constitutional ban on sending military forces abroad. Thailand is the third largest investor in Burma and the first destination for Burmese natural gas has led junta $ 1000,000,000 (1000 million) for the year 2005-06, the total has doubled the following year received most of the price increases. Thailand will not hesitate to plunder resources with abetment Burmese junta. In 2005, the Thai state electricity company Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) signed a memorandum of understanding with the junta paved the way for construction of the dam several Salween river, which borders Thailand and Burma, Thailand to supply industry with electricity and water. If it is built, the dam, outside enrich junta members, will create ecological and human disaster. The first dam, Dam Hatgyi, Karen State are expected in the zone where the army violently evicted villagers and destroying their households. In 2006, the Burmese army attacked with mortar Karen villagers to expel them from the region. They only exception adults and children to work at the dam site. Many women and girls were raped by soldiers. Most of the territory controlled by the rebel Karen will be flooded by the dam. Business is good for the Burmese military. Another dam envisaged in Shan State, after the highest dam in Asia. It is designed in zones where civilians displaced Shan also ruthless in the hundreds of thousands since 1996. While cutting teak is now banned in Thailand, the quantity of imports of the country later this rare wood from Burma. Teak represent the second largest source of official junta with 427 million dollars in 2004-2005. Exploitation, legal and illegal under the law, leading to the loss of primary forest in the rhythm that this ecosystem can ultimately be destroyed by 2020. Finally, South Korea is a perfect example of the hypocrisy and double talk that many countries use in relation to Burma. Korea, the population is very sensitive to the question of human rights, has banned the sale of weapons to Burma. Despite the threat of sanctions that it has incurred, the firm Daewoo International has exported military equipment and technology and build a weapons factory in Burmese territory. President at the time, Lee Tae-Yong has just been indicted for this. Instead, Daewoo International, which owns 60% of the three natural gas fields in Burma, just found a new deposit 219.2 billion cubic meters of exploitable gas, the largest deposit ever discovered by a Korean company and is equal to 7 years of gas consumption for the whole South Korea. Korean Government quickly let it be known that he would like to see the gas arriving in the country. Finally, many states do not trade directly with Myanmar, but sell all sorts of weapons and equipment that use for the end of the military junta, in countries such as Switzerland, Singapore or Pakistan, who then resell them to the Burmese military junta. Policy of "constructive engagement" Burmese dictatorship essentially owes its existence to the huge financial investment that states such as India, China, and France made in the country. Attempts to bring pressure on the political level hanging fire. Policy Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) [29] towards Myanmar is an excellent example of this. Myanmar became a member of ASEAN in 1997. The members of the association, and especially Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore, will defend their position that faces international criticism to the effect that a country that violates human rights should not remain isolated and in a position to further abuse. According to the Malaysian prime minister at the time, Mahathir Mohammed "if Myanmar is

out, he is free to behave as a rogue or pariah, while if he is, he will be subject to certain norms" ASEAN has called "constructive engagement policy" should to lead the junta in the way of democratic reform. In the 10 years belongs to ASEAN, the junta has shown no desire for democratic reform. Policy of repression against political opponents and ethnic minorities have more depth since 2000 seems to have the guarantee of moral membership. Continuous flood of Burmese refugees to India and Thailand in particular, drug traffic, the development of the AIDS virus and more recently about a threat of bird flu control over the region. Despite that, some ASEAN member countries continue to develop trade relations with the Burmese government seems there is nothing wrong and are not willing to sacrifice them. The Sad Cumulative Record The military junta in Burma has never had any objectives other than personal enrichment and maintenance in power. No policy in favor of economic development and the improvement of living standards of the people have been executed since the overthrow of democratically elected U Nu in March 1962. Different military junta of systematically developed rackets against every kind and pillage of our natural resources. Decades of reforms under the banner of "Burmese way to socialism" led like an economic collapse and the collapse of institutions such as education and health. Myanmar's underdeveloped economy that emerged among the countries of the poorest and least developed in the world ". (Source Organisation of the United Nations). The only institution that still exists in this country is the military and the clergy. Myanmar holds some sad record: * It holds the absolute record for forced enrollment of children in the military. According to the association Combined Stop Child Soldier Use will be 20% child soldiers, including some teenagers as 11 (the figure for the year 2004) for the military, estimated at 380,000 to 400,000 members. * Tens of thousands of civilians forced to register for projects such as roads, bridges, airports. This work is free and compulsory. If a person can not do it, they pay a fine or be sent one (male, female or children) to do the work in their place. This "modern form of slavery" as the International Labour Organization has characterized it has worked with companies such as Total and Unocal (since acquired by Chevron) Yadana site, despite the denial of Bernard Kouchner paid 25,000 euros in 2003 by the office of the consultant to the amount of lime other charges. * Burma Army is up in human rights abuses. In the fight against insurgent minority (Karen and Shan in particular), it makes use of summary executions, rape of women and children, torture, forced removals, and pillage. It torch villages, burnt livestock and food sources of the villagers, killing health workers who try to help them. * In 2006, the Burmese classified 164 out of 169 countries in terms of press freedom (Reporters Sans Frontieres source). * Myanmar is the world's second largest producer of opium and amphetamines seems first like to thank the police and army abetted. Drug channeled abroad through India, China, Thailand and Bangladesh, creating a groundbreaking. Because of the widespread use of the drug is injected, the border between China and Burma has one of the highest prevalence rates of HIV in Asia. On the Indian side, the absence of an adequate response on the part of India and Myanmar as well as the lack of cooperation between the two countries has led to

disastrous humanitarian situation. Nearly 730 villages of Mizoram state affected by drug use. 60% of the Singpho tribe in Arunachal Pradesh state of India is dependent and there are less than 50,000 non-addicts in the Indian state of Manipur. Conditions hardly any more inspiration along the Burmese-Thai border. United Wa State Army (UWSA) has been obtained, in exchange for a cease-fire agreement in 1989, guarantees that the military turn a blind eye to the production and distribution of drugs that it carries. Originally settled in Shan State along the borders of China, Wa has been authorized to establish themselves in the states bordering the Thai border where they had extended the "trade" them. From 2001, Thaksin Shinawatra, the Thai prime minister, bringing a political change in the chaotic historic relations between the two countries, implementing the policy of "economic agreements beneficial to both parties". Even though it has launched a "war on drugs" that has led to more than 2,000 extra judicial murder in Thailand, Thaksin's Thai air force activity restricted so as not to hinder border activities Wa drug traffickers. Education and Health The Sacrificed One of the most dramatic aspects of the balance sheet related to the dictatorship of education and health. The main formal schooling is free but does not dispose of the financial means to work. Books, exercise books, pencils and school maintenance costs are charged to parents. In a country where the majority live on one dollar a day, the threshold of absolute poverty according to the World Bank, the result is that the educational level of the population is very low. "For the years 1998 and 1999, the state is focusing less than 7% to 49% of education spending on the military". According to UNICEF statistics of the data on Myanmar subject to a warning because the source basically come from the government-79% Burmese children who complete the entire cycle of primary school teaching. This rate includes the registration, must be understood that less than half of the pupils achieved last year of primary school teaching, which confirmed a report by Unicef. Still according to these sources, only slightly more than one-third of secondary pupils to have access to the courses. From the revolt of 1988 until 2000, universities have been closed more than they are open. It is one of the means used by the military junta tried contain opposition among students. According to a joint report researchers from Berkeley and Johns Hopkins universities, the policy of "public health" Burmese junta health problems at the national, regional and global. Health spending is among the lowest in the world. Only 3% of the national budget allocated to health spending. The annual budget for the prevention and treatment of HIV is 22,000 dollars per year for a population of around 50 million. As a result, life expectancy is no higher than 61 and the infant mortality rate is 76 (source Unesco, 2004). In comparison, Indonesia in 2004 have a life expectancy and infant mortality rates 67 to 30%. Health system has been unable to respond to a serious health problem in the country. Malaria, HIV / AIDS and Tuberculosis is widespread. In 2005, 34% of tuberculosis cases in the country is immune to all forms of treatment, the figure twice as high in countries like Thailand. Almost 90% of the population lives in malaria-infected zone (half of the deaths from malaria in Asia localized in Burma). The report revealed that almost 70% of the drugs anti-malarial counterfeits sold in Burma or the one dosed, which increases the risk of resistance to disease, a problem that also exists for tuberculosis. Since the rebellion of 1988, hundreds of thousands of Burmese have been displaced or have become refugees in bordering countries, especially Thailand, Bangladesh and India. In these countries, the Burmese were not granted refugee status. More than 2 million Burmese living clandestinely in Thailand, compared to 140,000 who have official refugee status. This has contributed to the emergence or resurgence of diseases such as tuberculosis, dengue or syphilis in the bordering countries. The absence of recognition of refugee status requires millions of Burmese migrant workers living in clandestinity, prostitute themselves or receive hazardous

and understated. Access to care is denied to them, and their great mobility, as clandestinity, limits the ability of NGOs to bring them help. That contribute to the spread of infections such as AIDS virus. This has taken such proportions that the Thai health minister was forced to admit that it threatens the Thai public health system [41]. This situation has worsened since 2005, with the hardening of the regime's policy towards NGOs and charitable associations, limiting their ability to work in the country and led to the production of certain associations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Mdecins Sans Frontire Assist the Burmese Because it has been in power, the Burmese junta has only the most basic rights of oppressed people of Burma. A person can not be credited with any to innovate or reestablish a civilian government. Convention recently convoked country with the aim of drafting a new constitution just a political farce that will allow the junta to consolidate his power is still behind a semblance of the participation process. Army has carefully control the entire process, selected 99% of the delegates, rejecting opponents, banned questions, suggestions, remarks from delegates. Then forbidden to communicate with the media. The result is written "constitution" by the generals for the generals [42] without hope of any change or improvement in the situation. Suffering of the Burmese people has only worsened and the UN and the government appeals to "simplicity" other scandals. No doubt a few hundred members of the public and the monks were killed in the repression and violent last week and thousands of people have been arrested. But instead in 1988, millions of people around the world have witnessed the massacre civilians peacefully demonstrate to demand the most basic: the right to live tidy, freedom ... Burmese junta government support is a clear time morally condemned. China, India, Russia, but also members of ASEAN, South Korea, Japan can no longer hide their hypocrisy. ASEAN, for example, has expressed "revulsion" at the junta's violence, but did not give any concrete signs indicate that it will take the least. At least, all of these countries can no longer profitable trade rectifier with the junta and pillage their natural resources in the country behind the scenes. The United Nations (UN), the European Union and the United States also immediately respond to repression of protesters. Appeal to the "barrier" and "use peaceful means to restore stability" remains a hypocrite. Who can believe that one of the most vicious dictatorships in the world, the head Than Shwe is crazy paranoid, will be intimidated by any word shy? European and U.S. Large companies such as Total and Chevron have been established in Burma for many years, too many years. Trade and their activities directly enrich the junta. People sentenced to forced labor fear, and misery. This situation is intolerable. China can play an important role in the Burmese military force for change. But not alone in being able to unblock the situation because many have a tendency to say, allow them to avoid their own responsibility. * In all countries, the pressure must be imposed on trade and investment ban on military finances. Of course, if a company withdraws, another ready to take its place ... Maybe, but the production company like Total can have a real impact for several months to junta

without affecting the people who do not benefit from the cash flow. Besides, what moral justification can be made for doing business with this dictatorship? * At what point in barring the European Union (EU) should be expanded, especially through a ban on investments in the most profitable sectors of the junta: sparse forest, mineral, oil and gas.Also all trade with Burma should be banned. * Without delay, have organized a boycott of companies like Total present in Burma. * At the international level, the United Nations (UN) is no longer just be asking for "peaceful dialogue between the two sides". They clearly condemn the junta exactions and do everything to ensure that rapidly established civilian government. This government must take emergency measures are necessary for human social, and re-establish democracy allow genuine constituent assembly elections quickly integrate all components of Burmese society. * Only authorized assistance to humanitarian aid does not fall under the control of or association controlled junta. * China has a real influence on the Burmese junta. As the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games approach, it is very concerned about its reputation and did not really want to be associated with the most brutal dictatorships. It is possible to bring pressure on the Chinese government to organize the campaign made it clear that the philosophy of the Olympic Games is in no way compatible with the suppression of democracy in China or Burma [43]. Conclusion Since the military coup in 1962 which ended the reign of democracy in Burma, Burmese people have been subjected to extensive human rights. Subsequent coup d'etat by General Saw Maung following the rebellion in 1988, which was renamed Myanmar as Burma, saw an increase in the abuse of the Burmese people, especially against political dissidents and ethnic minorities. Human rights violations intensified attention to the brink of RtoP; human rights abuses by the military junta include: extensive use of forced labor, forced recruitment of tens of thousands of child soldiers, sexual violence is more widespread, seguridad murder, torture and displacement of over 1 million people Burmese . Election victory in 1990 by the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, exacerbated harsh repression of political opposition military junta. Regime's intolerance toward deviant political opinion in the abuse of prisoners and torture of political opponents including the most famous case of Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and leader of the NLD, the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi, for the most part the last two decades - and crackdowns. The deadly demonstrations and restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly. Ethnic minority groups, such as the Karen and Rohingya people, face persecution and are subject to forced labor and displacement; rape has been used as a systematic weapon of ethnic minority women. In twelve years, more than 3,000 ethnic minority villages have been destroyed or displaced, many burned and destroyed. Neglect of the military junta, the people and by the refusal to cooperate with the humanitarian aid after Cyclone Nargis in 2008 and a violent crackdown on the Saffron Revolution in 2007, the first peaceful demonstrations by Buddhist monks and civilians, has propelled the often overlook the humanitarian crisis in Burma international attention. Responsibility to Protect has demanded a call to action by UN officials and prominent human rights activists in response to the mistreatment of the Burmese military junta population.

Recent trial of Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for allegedly violating by allowing American intruder to relax in the lakeside house refocused on errant junta political repression, prompting international criticism and anger. Bibliography Aung Zaw. Burmas Democracy Challenge Flickers Out., The Irrawaddy Online. September 3, 2007. Danielle Sabai. (2007 October). Burma: The Burmese crisis, its roots and the urgency of solidarity. IV Online magazine : IV393. Retrieved 2012 May 5 from http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article1328 Engaging Burma: The ASEAN Experience. Mario Aguja. April 6, 2006. The Crisis in Burma. (2012 May). Retrieved 2012 May 4 from http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/crises/crisis-in-burma The Gathering Storm. Infections, Diseases and Human Rights in Burma. Universities of Berkeley and Johns Hopkins July 2007. http://www.hrcberkeley.org/download/BurmaReport2007.pdf

Chapter 3 Burma Travel Towards Socialism Burma travel towards socialism also known as the Burma Road to socialism) refers to the ideology of the Socialist government in Burma, from the year 1962 1988, when the 1962 coup d'etat was led by Ne Win and U Nu yangtentera to remove from power. More specifically, the Burmese Way to Socialism is an economic treatise, written in April 1962 by the Revolutionary Council, shortly after the coup, as a blueprint for economic development, reduce foreign influence in Burma, and increase the role of the military. Burmese road to socialism has been widely described by scholars as xenophobic, superstitious and 1 "rigid failure," turning one of the most advanced country in Asia to one of the world's poorest. However, it may have served to increase stability in the country and keep Burma from entangled in the Cold War struggle that affected other Southeast Asian countries. Burmese road to socialism, so far, poverty is increasing in abundance, isolation, and these are described as "catastrophic". Then Ne Win, try for the currency in denominations divisible by 9, one number he thought Park Haji Sir Muda Omar Ali Saifuddien in Bandar Seri Begawan, eliminating the savings of millions of Burmese. This resulted in the elimination of the rise of the 8888 pro-democracy was crushed by brutal military, Rehabilitation Council established the State Law and Order in 1988. Socialist coup led by Ne Win and the Revolutionary Council in 1962 was done under the excuse of the economic crisis, religion and politics in this country, especially on the issue of federalism and the rights of the Burmese state from seceding from the Union. Background Under U Nu and the government led by the alliance AFPFL, Burma has implemented socialist economic and social policies, which resulted in a slowdown in economic growth during the 1950s. [7] On October 28, 1958, Ne Win was staging a coup, under the auspices of U Nu, Ne Win who asked to serve as interim prime minister, to restore order in the country, after the split into two factions AFPFL and U Nu barely survived the no-confidence motion against the government in parliament. Ne Win restored order during the period known as Ne Win caretaker government '. Elections were held in February 1960 and Ne Win handed back power to win U Nu on 4 April 1960. By 1958, Burma has been largely began to restore the economy, but has begun to fall apart as a result of political fragmentation in AFPFL into two factions, one led by Thakins Nu and Tin, the other by Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein. And this despite the unexpected success of U Nu 'Arms for Democracy' offer taken up by U Seinda in the Arakan, the Pa-O, some Mon and Shan groups, but more likely by PVO who gave up their weapons. Circumstances, however, become very unstable in the Union Parliament, with U Nu surviving a no confidence vote only with the support of the opposition United National Front (NUF), believed to have a "crypto-communist" among them. Army hardliners now see 'threat' CPB come to an agreement with U Nu through the NUF, and finally U Nu 'invited' Army Chief of Staff General Ne Win took over the country. Communist sympathizers' Over 400 arrested, of which 153 were deported to the Coco Island in the Andaman Sea. Among them was NUF leader Aung Than, brother Aung San. Newspapers like Botahtaung, Kyemon and Rangoon daily also been closed. Ne Win caretaker government that successfully established the situation and open the way for new general elections in 1960 that returned U Nu Union Party, with a large majority. Situation does not remain stable for long periods, when the Shan Federal Movement, started

by Nyaung Shwe Shwe Sao Saopha Thaik (President 1948-52 first independent Burma) and aspire to a federal 'loose', seen as a separatist movement demanding respect the separation of government in 10 years provided for by the Constitution of 1947. Ne Win had successfully removed the Shan Saophas their feudal power in exchange for comfortable pensions for life in 1959. Ideological Characteristics Burmese Road to Socialism has been described as a Marxist, anti-Western, neutralist and socialist in nature, is also characterized by the dependence of many military emphasis, the rural population, and Burmese nationalism (or, more specifically, Kenji). In January 1963, the Burmese Way to Socialism was to explain public policy political one called the human health and environmental correlations, was published, as a philosophical and political basis for the Burmese approach to society and socialism, influenced by Buddhist, Humanist and outlook Marxist. Foundations Burma road to socialism, as set out in 1963, are as follows: In the state of their programs as well as in the implementation of the Revolution Council will review and assess the reality of concrete and specific nature of their objectives to Myanmar. On the basis of the actual findings of the study and evaluation, it will develop its own ways and means of progress. In the activities of the Revolutionary Council will strive to improve themselves by way of self-criticism. Have learned from the history of contemporary crime deviation right or left Council with vigilance will prevent any such abuses. In any situation and the difficulty Revolutionary Council may find itself it will seek to progress over time, situation, environment and changing circumstances, keeping in the middle of the fundamental interests of the nation Revolutionary Council will diligently seek all ways and means in which it can develop and carry out programs such as real and practical value for the well-being of the country In doing so, it will critically observe, study and use the opportunity provided by the progressive ideas, theories and experience at home, or out of the country without discrimination between one country and another original. Policy sought to reorient the economy to socialist economic Burma, the Burmese military to develop, and to build a national identity among many different ethnic minorities and the majority of the Burmese people. Impact Burmese Way to Socialism effects are manifold, affecting the economy, the level of education and standard of living of the people of Burma. Foreign aid organizations, such as American-based Ford Foundation and the Asia Foundation, and the World Bank, was no longer allowed to operate in the country. Only allowed is assistance from the governments policy. Also, the teaching of English has been updated and introduced to secondary schools, whereas before it had started in kindergarten. The government also implemented a wide visa restrictions for Burmese citizens, especially to Western countries. Instead, the government-sponsored trip by the students, scientists and technicians to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe to receive training, to counter the Western influence in the country. Similarly, visas for foreigners are limited to 24 hours.

Furthermore, freedom of expression is limited by widespread. Prohibited foreign language publications, such as newspapers printed "false news propaganda." Press Scrutiny Board (now the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division), which filters all the publications to the present day (including newspapers, journals, advertisements and cartoons), was established by the Council of the Revolution through the Registration 'and Publishers Printers in August 1962. Revolutionary Council established the Burma News Association (BNA) to serve as a news distribution service in the country, thus effectively replace the work of foreign news agencies. In September 1963, Vanguard and The Guardian, two Burmese newspaper, was nationalized. In December 1965, the privately owned newspaper publication was banned by the government. The impact on the Burmese economy is vast. Industrial nationalization law, approved by the Revolutionary Council in 1963, nationalized all major industries, including import-export trade, rice, banking, mining, teak and rubber) on June 1, 1963. Overall, about 15,000 private firms were nationalized. In addition, operators are prohibited from setting up new factories with private capital. This is particularly affecting India and British Burma, which represented disproportionately in these industries. Oil industry, which has been dominated by American companies and British as General Exploration Company and East Asiatic Myanmar Oil, had to end operations. In its place is a state-owned company Myanmar Oil, a monopoly in oil extraction and production. In August 1963, the nationalization of basic industries, including department stores, warehouse and wholesale stores, followed. Price control board has also been introduced. Industrial nationalization law directly affecting foreigners in Burma, particularly India and China Burma Burma, both of which were influential in the economic sector as entrepreneurs and entrepreneur. By the middle of 1963, 2,500 foreign weeks have left Myanmar. By September 1964, approximately 100,000 Indian nationals have left the country. The black market is not officially become one major feature of the economy, representing about 80% of the country's economy in the Socialist period. In addition, the income gap be one major socio-economic issues. During the late 1960s, the Burmese foreign exchange reserves ($ 50 million by 1971, compared with $ 214 million in 1964) is declining, while inflation rose. Rice exports also fell, from 1.84 million tonnes in 1961-62 to 350,000 tonnes in 1967-68, as a result of both the socialist policies and the inability of rice production to meet population growth. During the First Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) Congress in 1971, the economic reforms have been made, light failure economic policies pursued over the years of the 1960s. Burmese Government is asked to rejoin the World Bank, joined the Asian Development Bank and ask for more foreign aid and assistance. The Twenty-Year Plan, the first economic plan which is divided into 5 hike implementation, has been introduced, in order to develop the country's natural resources, including agriculture, forestry, oil and natural gas, through the development of the state. These reforms bring living standards back to pre-World War II levels and stimulate economic growth. However, in 1988, the external debt has risen to $ 4.9 billion dollars, about three-quarters of the country's GDP. Myanmar SINCE 1962 Of the aftermath of March 2, 1962, the Revolutionary Council composed patriotic and revolutionary-minded officials and headed by Ne Win rose to power. On April 30.1962, Revolutionary Council issued a political declaration Burmese Way of Socialism, which pushed the capitalist path of development. Transformation stage anti-imperialist, antifeudal, and anticapitalist serious in the history of Burma began. As early as 1962 Revolutionary Council

adopted measures restricting the activity of imperialist propaganda center in Burma. Between 1963 and 1966, there was a complete nationalization of the oil industry, banking, foreign trade, energy, and communication, most manufacturing and mining industries, construction, and domestic trade have been nationalized. In the second half of the 1960s, the share of gross domestic product in excess of 50 per cent (excluding agriculture, 60-63 percent), in the manufacturing industry about 60 percent, and in trading 70-80 per cent. Scale steep income tax was introduced in 1963. All this leads to the exclusion of the Western monopoly capital (particularly English) from Burma, India and weaken the position of the Chinese bourgeoisie in Burma, and stronger sanctions against the Burmese national bourgeoisie. Between 1962 and 1965 important laws against landlords and usury were adopted, they protect the rights of farmers to land and property and land rent. Among these measures is the law that eliminates ground rent (1965). Reforms were carried out in higher education (1964), introduced free medical services, and other such measures have been taken. Strive to ensure domestic political situation common to run a program, Revolutionary Council rebels begin peace talks with Burmese organizations in 1963. Negotiations are essentially not successful (an agreement was reached only with the part of the rebel Karen). On 28 March 1964, the Council adopted the Revolutionary laws on the protection of national unity. By law, all political parties and organizations (as well as trade unions) except Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSP), which was founded by the Revolutionary Council in 1962, has been dissolved. In 1966-1967, under the leadership of the Revolution Council and Burma Socialist Programme Party, attempts were made to form a council (including office workers) and popular farmers 'popular organizations of workers' councils new mass-working people. In the area of foreign policy, the government Revolutionary Council confirmed positive course of peace and neutrality (the declaration of the March 2, 1962). The Government continued, on the same basis, to develop relations with the capitalist countries and to establish relations with the socialist countries. Burma-China relationship, which has been successfully developed in advance, declined in the second half of the 1960s. In 1967, Chinese chauvinists pose Chinese immigrants to engage in anti-Burmese in Rangoon and other cities. Strive to achieve national unification, in December 1968 Consultative Organ Revolutionary Council set up to question the unity in Burma Union states. It includes political figures different orientation (including U Nu). However, this organ (which operated until May 1969) does not work in general because of the work proposed deep differences in opinion of its members and the majority of right-wing anti-government positions. Opposition figures right wing who fled from Burma (U Nu and others) established political center abroad (in Thailand)-the so-called Parliamentary Democracy Party, which start subversive activities against the regime and the Revolutionary Council strives to unite with the power- the power of right-wing rebels in Burma. At the end of 1969, the right-wing opposition raises a number of anti-government student actions in Rangoon and other cities. In the fourth seminar Burma Socialist Programme Party, which was held in November 1969, a task set is the development of a new constitution for Burma; questions to develop cooperation in the country on a large scale has caused. On 28 May 1970, the Council adopted the Revolutionary laws on cooperatives which provide for the establishment of cooperative networks in various cities and villages of Burma. In all, the creation of more than 24,000 cooperatives (over 10 million members) was planned, 10,000 (5 million people) is to be consumer cooperatives, 13,000 (5 million people) cooperative agricultural producers

(initially this is for the supply and sale cooperatives), 1.000 manufacturers' (15,000 people) and more than 300 credit (80,000 people) cooperatives. Political parties Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSP) was established in July 1962. On status (1962), it is the party of working people and was to be "the real leader of revolution." Exploiting elements which are not included to the party. It has 1,125 members, 300,000 candidates, and more sympathetic 730000 (1970). BSP fourth Seminar (1969) raises the task to change the party from the officers become a mass party of the working people on the principles of democratic centralism. United National Liberation Front (NULF) blocks underground parties and organizations. It was founded in 1959 and unified the Communist Party of Burma, which was founded in 1939 (under the ground since 1948), and a number of national minority organizations. In the late 1960's there were internal split in NULF. Parliamentary Democracy Party was founded in 1969 by U Nu, the right-wing opposition leader, after his emigration. Social organizations. Burmese social organizations including the Council Workers Peasants Council, All Burma Buddhist Monks Association, Burmese War Veterans Association (founded in 1949), and Burma Association for Friendship and Cultural Relations With U SSR (founded in 1952). Broad Economic Myanmar situation is A National Agriculture Agriculture is a way of life for more than four-fifths of the population. Rice production is low and traditional branch of agriculture. Factory and plant industry development is limited. Important to maintain a lot of craft production in industrial production. Industrial equipment needs of the country is largely met by imports. Next, depending on the sale of Burmese rice, metal-na nonfer, and hardwood (mainly teak) in the world market. Since its declaration of independence (1948), Burma has gone through several stages of socio-economic transformation that aims to overcome the remnants of feudal backwardness and semifeudal colonists, dependence on foreign capital, and economic orientation towards the production of agricultural goods and raw materials. State invests in the main branch of the economy. Hold a dominant state sector in industry, foreign trade, finance and credit systems, and communication; commodity sector and small-scale private sector is dominant in the agricultural sector. Share of agriculture in total value of the aggregate social product (16100000000 kyats in 1967-1968) is about 20 percent (including fishing); the industry is about 40 percent (including forestry, power, and construction). Agriculture Agriculture is the foundation of our economy. By the time independence was declared, more than half-an area can be used Lower Burma (Myanmar southern Irrawaddy delta delta-Sittang and) primary agricultural region of the country is in the hands of landlords and usurers. About three-fourths of the farmers farm in Lower Burma and more than two-thirds of people in Upper Burma (the central part of Burma, including lowland and mountain basin surrounding block) does not exceed 2 hectares (ha) in size. The absolute number of poor farmers owner. Due to the transformation of agriculture conducted by the Council of the Revolution, about one-third of the land can be used have been transferred to the use of landless farmers and land short. Government provides an opportunity for farmers to use agricultural machinery through the machine hire stations. It further expansion of supply and sales cooperatives and cooperative organization of production. Assimilation 2 million hectares in the Irrawaddy basin, Mu, and the river Sittang planned to expand the area of land. With technical and economic assistance USSR, irrigation Chemawltau been put into service (1967) in the most arid areas of Burma. In 1969, there were 88 machine and

tractor stations with a total of more than 6,800 tractors; 3500 were employed in agriculture. In 1968-69, 138,000 tons of chemical fertilizers (mostly imported) were used. Agriculture is the main branch of agriculture. In the year 1968-1969, the area of cultivated land is 8.7 million hectares, of which 800,000 hectares are under frequent sowing and 800,000 hectares were irrigated land (same figure for 1947-48 was 6.0 million hectares, 400,000 hectares, and 500,000 ha). Part of the pattern of rice cultivation is about 60 percent and 5 percent of the cultivated area occupied by sorghum, wheat, and corn, 15 percent of the plants that produce oil (peanut, sesame); 8 percent by leguminous plants; 3 percent by orchard crops (citrus fruits, bananas, pineapple, mango), garden truck, and rubber plants, tea, sugarcane, and tobacco, and about 2 percent of the area sown to cotton. Various agricultural crops accumulate two to three times a year. More than 80 percent of total rice cultivation is concentrated in lower Burma, especially in the Irrawaddy delta. In the dry Burma, Upper Burma, sorghum, corn, beans, sesame, peanuts, and cotton are raised. In the Shan state, wheat, sweet potatoes, citrus fruits, and tea cultivation. Rubber-plant work is widespread in coastal Taninthayi and in the Irrawaddy delta region. For areas and major agricultural crops. Only about a quarter of the value of agricultural products (including fishing) originated from livestock to raise. In 1968-69, there were 7.2 million cattle (compared to 4.5 million in 19471948), 1.5 million buffaloes (0.7 million in 1947-1948), and 1.7 million pigs (0.4 million in 1947-1948), there more than 10 million birds. Approximately one-half of cattle and buffalo are used as working animals (in farming and lumbering, along with elephants). Fisheries. Fish caught in inland water bodies (Cy-prinidae family, family Siluridae, hilsa, etc.) and at sea (hilsa, bonito, mackerel, etc.). The annual catch of about 300,000 to 400,000 tons, more than one-half of marine fish. Main fishing centers are Rangoon, Mergui, Tavoy, in Sittwe (Akyab), and Moulmein. Aggregate Social Product Distribution Industry data on the distribution of the aggregate social product (in 1965-66 prices) shows the relationship of the main branch of industry: in 1967-68, forestry amounted to 402 million kyats (over 314 million kyats for 1961-1962); mining extractive industry, 148 million kyats (102 million kyats in 1961-1962); electricity, 87 million kyats (68 million kyats in 1961-1962), and manufacturing industry, 4,730 million kyats (3,676 million kyats in 1961-1962). During 1967-1968 more than 900,000 people were employed in the industry, about 770,000 of them in the manufacturing industry. State sector accounted for 142,400 people who work in the industry. In 1968-69, there were 1.300 industrial enterprises in the state sector and 16,100 private companies, including 27 companies that operate under government supervision. Forest holds a liberal in the economy. Approximately 1 percent of the population who are economically active work in the field of forestry and allied branches. Economic exploitation of the forest are carried out on a quarter of the forest area of the country, especially in the upper reaches of the Irrawaddy River, in various Yakhaing (Arakan), in the mountains of Pegu, and in western and southern Shan Upland. Myanmar is one of the important producers and suppliers of hard wood, especially teak, for the world market. About 1.4 million cubic meters of round wood, which is about 0.3 million cubic meters of teak, logs each year; Other log types including pyinkado, padauk, and bamboo. Sawmills and wood concentrated in either the centers of river-mouth port and Rangoon, Moulmein, in Sittwe (Akyab)-or on the banks of the river along the route for timber floating-Myitkyina, Bhamo,

Katha, and Mandalay (Irrawaddy River) and Pyinmana, Toun-goo, Nyaunglebin, and Pegu (Sittang River). Only paper and pulp mills (using bamboo) Saw.

Table 1. Area and yield of main agricultural crops (hectares) Area (hectares) 194852

Area (hectares) 1969






1 Yearly average 2 According to the Report of the Revolutionary Council to the People on Budget Appropriations of the Revolutionary Government for 196970 (in Burmese), 1969 Source: Production Yearbook 1967 (Food and Agriculture Organization)

The mining industry is represented mainly by the extraction of oil and certain non-ferrous metals. Old oil deposits located in central Burma along the middle course of the Irrawaddy (Chauk, Yenangyaung, Lanywa, etc.) have gradually lost their importance. In 1967-68 more than half of oil production comes from deposits recently discovered in Myanaung and Pye, the lower course of the Irrawaddy. It is there, too, that the deposit Shwepyita 3 was established for the operation. Oil refining industry is represented by two plants (total capacity of 600,000 tonnes), in Syriam (near Rangoon), where oil is delivered in tanker barges and the river, and in Chauk. A small amount of natural gas (near Thayet-vein), coal (Kalewa, Lashio, Namtu), and shale bitumen extracted. The region's largest zinc-lead-Namtu Bawdwin industry (national Shan state); most products of lead, zinc, silver, and copper and nickel comes from mines Bawdwin. Lead and silver is melted in Namtu complex; zinc concentration also produced here. Zinc ore is also mined in the region of Lough Keng and lead ore in the region Bawzaing. Malay Peninsula (edge Taninthayi) is the main area for tin and tungsten industry: the peninsula that Heinda, Kanbauk, Hermyingyi, and other mines located in northern Tavoy, and Yamon, Tagu, Yadanabon, and Kharaturi mine is located in the south. Tavoy is melting the metal center. Tungsten tin extraction in the region is growing Mawchi technical assistance USSR. Industrial deposits of copper, iron, nickel, chromium, arsenic, manganic, titanium, thorium, and uranium ore, has been prospected, and deposits of gold, barite, and graphite. Burmese jade (Tawmo region), rubies, and sapphires (region Strike and in other places) has long been known. Total electrical power plant capacity is 253,000 kilowatts (Kwt) in 1968-69, including 96,500 Kwt in hydroelectric power plants; most important plants are hydroelectric power plants on the river Balu Chaung Lawpita (84,000 Kwt) and two thermal plants in Rangoon (Kwt 40000 and 20000). Food outlets contributed 62.5 percent of the total value of products manufacturing industry in 1967-68; include rice processing industry, which accounts for about 40 per cent. Ricepolishing industry consists of a network of small, middle enterprises, and large (main centers are Rangoon, Bassein, Pegu, Hinthada (Henzada), and Moulmein). Other branches of the food industry, including the manufacture of oil (oil from peanut, sesame, cotton seed, oil, and rice bran), sugar industry (especially in Zeyawaddy, Pyinmana, Namti, and bilin), fish products (fish paste, dried fish) , tobacco (cigars, cigarettes), tea processing, and manufacturing. Textile industry is the second most important branches of manufacturing. It includes state factories (Rangoon, Insein, Meiktila) and private enterprise networks. Production, particularly of cotton (cotton thread imported many), burlap, and nylon fabrics. Leading enterprises including a steel rolling mill (about 20,000 tons of steel and 17,000 tons of rolled steel); yard; shop for assembly of trucks and cars, buses and equipment; tractor

assembly plant; cement plant pharmaceutical factory and a soap factory. Plants to produce mineral fertilizers (in Sales and Kyunkyaun), caustic soda, cement (Myanaung), textiles (Rangoon, Sagaing), and a sawmill factory (Rangoon) is among those under construction (1970). See Table 2.
Table 2. Production of major industrial products 1938 (tons)

1948 (tons)

1960 (tons)

1968691 (tons)

On the basis of the Report of the Revolutionary Council to the People on Budget Appropriations of the Revolutionary Government for 196970 (in Burmese), 1969
2 3 4

Million kwts Millions 1949

Source: Statistical Yearbook UN, 194950, 1968 Electric 1 power

Handicraft production (umbrellas, cigars, clothes, shoes, soap, dishes) and various other trade (Amarapura and Shwedaung is the center) has a big role in the industry. Transportation. There are 4,070 km railway line (1969) in Burma. The main line runs from Rangoon to Myitkyina. There are more than 8,000 km navigable route; major transportation artery is the Irrawaddy River. There navigable canal between Rangoon and Pegu and Twante and between Sittang. About 11,000 km 25,600 km of automobile has a hard surface. There are approximately 52,600 motor vehicles in the country. Major ports is Rangoon (over 85 per cent of the country's foreign trade), Bassein, Moulmein, and Sittwe. Mingaladon, capital airport, is the main junction for international airlines. External economic relations Since independence, the management of foreign trade has gone almost entirely to the government, providing an important branch in the economic development of Burma. Burma's foreign trade expansion, particularly the establishment of relations with the USSR relations and the socialist countries other (0.6 per cent of the total commodity circulation Burma in 1954, 6.2 percent in 1967-68) has helped reduce economic dependence on capitalist country Burma. Overall, agricultural raw materials and the nature of the Burmese exports essentially unchanged, however, there are certain modifications in the relationship between traditional export article. Therefore, if the rice and rice products in exports was 46.2 per cent in 1937-1941, their share in 1967-68 was 45.6 per cent share respectively of teak is 5.9 per cent and 30 per cent, 0.7 per cent oil cake and 4.8 per cent, 1.6 per cent legumes and 8.8 percent, nonferrous metals (ores and concentrates) 11.2 percent and 3.8 percent, 1.6 percent and 0.8 percent of cotton, and rubber 1.3 percent and 1.8 percent. Share of oil and oil products declined sharply (as the increasing need for oil in the country) from 20.8 percent to 0.1 percent. While finished goods has kept most of them among the imports, many have changed: import the means of production (machinery, machine tools, equipment, and means of transport) has increased, most of the raw goods and semi-finished goods has grown, and food imports have decreased. Burma's major trading partners are Japan and Great Britain. Main monetary unit is Kyat. Exchange rate of the Central Bank of the USSR, 100 kyats is equal to 09.18 rubles (October 1970). Regional economic geography of the Lower Burma (Pegu and Irrawaddy region, one-third of the country's population), including extensive lowland river Irrawaddy and Sittang that. It is the country's main rice producing and exporting regions. It has rice polish, oil refining, and sawmill industries: textiles, and metal industries young company and growing, as well as metal working and machine construction. There are production and rattan handicraft article

and also Lacquered wood and silver. Major centers in the region is Rangoon. The Tenasserim coast (Taninthayi) is a mountainous area. Farming is done mainly on the plain: more than 50 percent of cultivated land under rice, and rubber plants, palm trees, citrus fruits, bananas, and pineapples are also grown. There are fishing and mining industry (tungsten, tin). Major cities are Moulmein and Tavoy. Arakan Coast (region of Yakhaing, or Arakan, district) is an agricultural area and a relatively large fishing. Sittwe main city. Central Myanmar (Mandalay and Magwe district, the southern part of Sagaing) mainly plains. Technical crops (sesame, peanut, cotton) grown in the region, and there are oil drilling. The main center is Mandalay. Shan territory is mountainous country; mining is prominent (Bawdwin-lead-zinc complex Namtu). Kayah State and national Kawthule mountains. Logging (Salween River basin), tin-tungsten mining (Mawcha region), and the production of electricity (hydroelectric power plant Lawpita Balu Chaung River) leading. Northern mountainous regions (national Kachin state region) at high altitude, thin region settled. Burmese military forces consist of the army, air force and navy. In 1969 the fleet numbered about 142,000, which is about 128,000 are in the military and about 7,000 each air force and navy. Chairman of the Revolutionary Council is the chief commander. Armed forces soldiers who register for a period of six years. Burmese military administration of five military districts: Northwest, Northeast, Southeast, Southwest, and Central. The army is divided into divisions and brigades, including infantry and armor battalions, division artillery, and subunit special power and material-technical supply. In 1969, the Air Force has more than 100 aircraft (mostly piston engines). Navy has about 70 combat ships (mostly river patrol boats and torpedo boats). Rangoon is the main naval base. Medicine and public health In 1968 the birth rate per 1,000 population was 40.4, the general death rate 12.9. Infant mortality was 66.5 per 1,000 live births. Average life span of 44 years. Infectious and parasitic diseases that lead to the pattern of disease and death. Such cases cariasis, ancylostomiasis, and trachoma observed everywhere. Among noninfectious diseases, lack of protein and vitamins B1, B2 and C deficiency, particularly among children aged 1-4 years, were recorded. Intestinal infections (dysentery, amebiasis, typhoid fever) and geohelminthosis found on the plains (especially during the rainy season). There is a natural breeding ground epidemic. At the foot of the mountain, the people afflicted by malaria, the proportion of disease is high geohelminthoses: there are breeding taeniasis, brucellosis, and tsutsugamushi disease, and leprosy is endemic. Public health services undertake extensive measures to improve sanitary conditions. The main tasks are the fight against leprosy (morbidity than decreased) and tuberculosis (27 000 patients with previously untreated appear every year in the hospital). A program to eradicate malaria in progress. Vaccination of the population has eliminated smallpox and cholera effects (27 cases in 1969 compared to 3695 in 1946). A system of state hospitals and institutions have been established in Myanmar; medical assistance is free. All private hospitals was nationalized. Private practice is not recommended. Insurance has social situation in Burma since 1956. Significant resources to fund are employee contributions (about 25 percent), entrepreneurs (50 percent), and state (about 25 percent). In 1969, there were 346 hospitals with 19,700 beds (0.7 beds per 1,000 population), compared to 269 hospitals with 11,000 beds (0.5 beds per 1,000) in 1961-1962. With the help of the USSR, hospital (200 beds) and polyclinic were built in Taunggyi. In 1969, there

were 2.200 doctors in state service in Burma (that is, one doctor for every 12,500 residents, compared to 576 doctors in government service in 1961-62, or one doctor for every 36,000 residents); 328 private doctors, and 4,900 midwives and nurses. Doctors are trained in three medical institutions, the graduate 140 doctors each year, and at the medical college, the graduate dentist. Myanmar veterinary services are not profitable in terms of infectious diseases (transmitted through the carrier) and helminthic many agricultural animals. This is a consequence of the presence of a large number of carriers of pathogenic organisms and climatic conditions for their development. Theileriasis and babesiasis recorded in all livestock-raising region, there trypanosomiasis cattle in the meadows at altitudes of up to 700-800 m. Foot and mouth disease ever recorded in Burma. Newcastle disease is endemic among domestic poultry. Pasteurellosis buffalo recorded in most regions. Among the drenching disease, fascioliasis, cysticercosis, taeniasis, and nematodiasis is key. Cow skin diseases (ringworm) and mange the dog demodecosic frequently encountered. Universal rabbit coccidiosis. There were 56 veterinarians in Burma (1968). Veterinary system is organized. There Institute of Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Science (since 1963). Educational Institutions Before the invasion of British colonial Burma is a country with a high level of literacy in comparison. This is because the education system monastery, which has existed since ancient times. Every boy who has attained the age of 14 is to spend a few years in Buddhist monasteries. Religious texts and letters were read in the monasteries, and counting was studied students have been provided with some information about the history, geography, astronomy, and medicine. Three types of secular schools arose during the colonial period: national schools, where instruction was in Burma; British national school, in which instruction is basically in English but also has been used locally, and British schools, where instruction in English. Private schools dominated. For most Burmese, accessible only basic national school; graduated from these schools do not qualify a person to enter secondary school, where instruction is primarily in English. During the 1947-1948 school year, there were 443,000 students in general education schools. After the formation of the Burmese Union, the decision was made to introduce gradually a system of universal basic education and free. With the accession to power of Revolutionary Council (1962), a new system of public education has been introduced: the aim is to prepare youth to participate in the construction of a new Burma. Attention is focused on training national cadre of technical and ideological training of students. Instruction in Burma; in the outskirts of the country, it is in the local languages. A campaign to liquidate illiteracy was carried out starting in 1965, as it is still at a high level of population (especially in rural areas); evening school system was established. Centralized public education administration. Private schools were nationalized. Teaching in convent schools based on state programs. Children aged six years and older entering a fouryear school. For the most part, the instructions are separate; number of schools with the same instruction for boys and girls is increasing. School one person (a teacher for all grades) predominate in rural areas. Three-year intermediate school prepares students for secondary school and three years of practical activities. There are technical and agricultural orientation in secondary school. During the 1968-1969 school year, there are more than 3 million students in primary schools, more than 537,000 in intermediate schools, and more than 107,000 in secondary schools. Vocational training based on low and middle schools; conducted in vocational schools with programs of study ranging from six months to two years. Secondary special education is provided by two three-year vocational-technical schools and agricultural sectors, which accept students after secondary school or vocational training. Teachers for primary and middle school are trained in pedagogical college located

on a site complete secondary school. Period of training for primary school teachers is one of the intermediate school teachers, two years. Pedagogical institute to train secondary school teachers. During the 1968-1969 school year, there were 3,600 students in college pedagogy. Prior to 1961, the country has two higher education institutions and universities in Rangoon (founded in 1920) and Mandalay (founded in 1958). The restructuring of the higher education system was initiated in 1964: independent institute was established on the basis of a number of university departments. Rangoon has two medical institutes, pedagogical institutes, institutes of technology (built in 1961 with the help of the USSR), an economic institute, and others. There are medical, technical, and agricultural institutions in Mandalay, at Insein technical institutes, and agricultural institutions in Pyinmana. There are over 33,000 students at higher education institutions in the 1968-69 school year. Largest library in Rangoon and Mandalay universities (80,000 and 45,000 total, respectively). Rangoon has a museum and picture gallery (both established in 1952). Prior to British colonization, science and education in Burma is essentially in the hands of Buddhist monks. They disseminate scientific knowledge borrowed from India and China and stored experience folk medicine and other fields of traditional knowledge. History of the first work-especially chronic appeared in precolonial period. Yazawingyaw (Chronicle celebrated), the earliest chronicle that has reached us, was compiled in 1502. Makha Yazawingyaw (Great Chronicle), which serve as a standard for later history of this genre of literature, appeared in 1733. There are chronic heyday in the mid-18th century, when the Konbaung dynasty came to power. By order of the government Bagyidaw, chronic commission to organize on the basis of the existing historical and epigraphic information has been established in the first quarter of the 19th century. Burmese scholars unearth and dated a lot of historical facts, resulting in the emergence of well-known Hmannan Yazawindawgyi (The Glass Palace Chronicle) in 1832. In 1867 Dutiya Ma-ha Yazawingyaw (Second Great Chronicle) has been compiled. Date of birth of the modern Burmese early history of science of the 20th century. At present, the basis for the work of the country's history has been established by the scientific method. Sufficient quantities of archaeological material (the first Burmese archeology is Taw Sein Kho, the ruler of Burma Archaeological Service, founded in 1906) and the epigraphic and linguistic data (the works of European masters CO Blagden and C. Duroiselle) have accumulated. Side-by-side with the semiofficial historiography English colonists band (which was initiated at the end of the 19th century by A. Phayre), a new, progressive orientation in Burmese studies appear. The two major English Burmanists, JS Furnivall and GH Luce, at the forefront of this trend. In 1910 Burma Research Society founded (organ Burma Research Society Journal, in English and Burmese). Burmese scholars, students and followers Furnivall and Luce group themselves around this community. They study the history, literature, religion and countries Burma and contiguous. They convey criticism colonial regime, which has imposed great damage on the Burmese people and their culture. In 1920 the first university was opened (in Rangoon) in the beginning, it has only humanitarian department, officers qualified for the British colonial administration. In 1946 an archaeological science center was established. After the declaration of Independence (1948) Burma, Burmese national science history recorded significant success. Field of historical research has expanded, and some new scientific institutions, such as Myanmar History Commission (1949), was established. International Institute for Advanced Studies in Buddhistic located in Burma. The country also has a scientific research institute of law, Myanmar Council of World Affairs, and others. Many countries history textbooks written by Burmese historians-Zawgyi (U Thein Han), U

Bha Sim, U Ban Than, U Soe Thin, U Gyo Te, etc. have been published since the early 1950s. (Previously, high school and university students study the history of their country from a book written by Harvey, exponential semiofficial historiography English). Works by Burmese historian appeared in ancient Myanmar (U Than Tun), the relationship between Great Britain and Burma in the 19th century (Maung Maung Maung Tin Aung), and the Burmese people's struggle against colonial slavery. In the late 1960s, the history of the country since 1948 (Maung Tin Aung) and the military's role in the achievement of independence (Aun Than) has been the subject of study for Burmese history. The duties of the economic recovery will determine the need to strengthen the provision of expert economic Nation and expand economic research. University of Arts and Science in Rangoon (three departments: economics, statistics, trade and administrative) have a significant role in the development of economic science. Economic Institute, headed by economist Professor U Aye Hlaing was established in 1964 on the basis of university departments. He has written several articles on the problems of agriculture and agricultural credit and contemporary Myanmar has also conducted research on the economic development of Burma between 1870 and 1940. The institute will not only expand the task facing economic training have higher education but also had become a major center for economic research. Ministry of National Organized Planning work on the compilation of the national plan and forecast economic development. By the experience, independent Burmese abandon the practice continued use of foreign economic consultant by the early 1960s: it was to determine the economic development strategy uses its own expert abilities. Statistics developed especially, especially after the formation of the National Department of Statistics of the Ministry of Economic and National Planning in the early 1950's. U Dr. Burmese economy Layang Tun, who published a number of works on problems of economic planning and development of the state sector in independent Burma, took over leadership of the department. Census of population and industrial institutions in cities and selected agricultural census was carried out in 1953-1954 under the direction of the department. The materials in this census is the subject of research by the Burmese and foreign scholars. Ministry of Agriculture conducted a study of agricultural land during the mid 1950's. Questions credit system and financial and economic conditions in the country have been analyzed in the Union Bank of Burma. After the Council of Revolution came to power (1962), economic science in Burma began to be used in connection with the new requirements of economic and social development. Popularization of the political economy of socialism has spread. Scientific treatment noncapitalist Burmese economic development problem becomes a major task: significant contributions have been made by members of the U Ba Nyein economy, U Chan Ei (who publishes under a pseudonym Maun Su Zan), and others. Burmese contemporary economic problems were also studied in the Party Central Committee and the Burma Socialist Program Center School of Political Science, both the creation of Revolutionary Council. In the area of natural and technical sciences, the need to meet the growing needs of the economy of the country as rapidly as possible-with limited material resources and limited number of national first scientific experts lead concentrations and the development of applied technical science. Institute of Applied Research, with the various (physics and engineering applied chemistry, metallurgy research, research cellulose; food, pharmaceutical products; ceramics; standards and specification of atomic energy, and technical information), was established in 1955. In 1956 the Institute of Agricultural Research was established, with parts of agricultural technology, chemical and physical soil, radioisotopes, mycology, and botany. In 1963 the National Institute for Medical Research was established in Rangoon, with parts of hematology, physiology, nutrition, and drug experiments. Coordination

Commission for Scientific Research, with 10 branches, was established under the auspices of the Burmese government in 1965. It worked five-year plan for the development of scientific research in the country. Scientific work in Burma conducted in higher education institutions, as well as in scientific research institute. In 1969, there were eight daily newspapers with a circulation of 200,000 copies in Burmese and English publications. All but one of the government paper. Thurs Pyi Nazin (English edition, Working People's Daily) is the major organ day Revolutionary Council. It was published in Burma since 1962 and in English since 1963. Also published is the Guardian (in English), Botataung (Vanguard, in Burma), Kye Hmon (Mirror, in Burma), Hantha-waddy (in Burma), Yma Ah'lai (New Light Burma, in Burmese), and press private Yango (daily Rangoon, in Burma). Since 1962 journal shedu Information Department (in Burma), Forward (in English) was published once in two weeks. Journal of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (in Burma) are Pati eya, monthly; Naingandaga eya, monthly; Tadinzin, published every two weeks and Lanzin, weekly. Monthly Journal of the Guardian (in English) is known. Radio broadcasting by the state Myanmar Broadcasting Service in Rangoon (Myanma Athan). There are numerous manuscripts on palm leaves and the inscription in verse and prose in stone since the beginning of Common Era and testify to the ancient literary tradition. The origin and formation of the ninth date literature through the 13th century. In the 11th century, as the country was incorporated into the empire Pagan feudal nature, Hinayana Buddhism became the state religion of the Burmese and Pali religious, business, and language arts (along with Pyu, Mon, and Burmese). Burmese classical poetry flourished during the 14th through 16th centuries. Contemporary society and the natural beauty of the natural environment can be seen in religious poetry Mahatilavunta Shin, Shin Rahthathara, Uttamagyaw, and Shin In NYO. I Nawade, Natshinnaung and Taunbila Sayado (16 and 17 century) complete the form of poetry, among them yadu, mawgun, Pyo, and egyin, a new literary genre arose. Writers of the second half of the 18th century and the 19th century to produce poetry, prose, and drama. Continuing the tradition of classical poetry (Devetwethondara, U), they turned to worldly subjects (Padethayaza) and write long works in prose (Kala). Translated from the Pali by eight jetalas U Drugs are considered models of 18th century prose. Many translations from Pali, Sanskrit and Hindi into Burmese have been made in the 18th century. Literary model built on Sanskrit butterfly emerged. National drama reach popularity from the late 18th century. The following Padethayaza, poet and military leader Myawadi Wungyi U Sa wrote works on eposes Thailand (which is also based on eposes India) and in popular legend, like drama about Prince Inaun. The subjects most classic works of dramatists (Kyin U, Pon Him) has been linked to jatakas. Translation and adaptation of the works of foreign authors appeared in the 19th century and early 20th century. Novel new genre for Burmese literature-start to develop from the beginning of the 20th century. Among the major novelist was James Hla Gyaw, U Kyi, and U Lat. Birth of the modern Burmese novel associated with the name Pi Mo Nin (Sunday Evening). Social theme is fully represented in the novel Sweik Mah (our mother). Literature of the first half of the 20th century reflects the Burmese people's struggle for freedom and their yearning for liberation from the shackles of the colonial yoke. Various literary movements and organizations arise, among them khitsan and this dragon. TAKIN outstanding writer Kawdaw Hmain is one of the originators of the patriotic movement. U Maun Gyi, Mya Myo Lwin, U Ba Kyhok, Thein Pe Myint, Zawgyi (U Thein Han), Minthuwun, Zeyya, U Yan Aung, etc. puts a vulnerable side of Burmese society. Propaganda for the ideas of Buddhism was given a leading place in the works of writers and social figures. After

the formation of independent Burma (1948), writer and poet developed early forms of prose literature in accordance with national traditions and create new ones. This is evident in his poetry (Dagon Taya, Nwe Daung Sweik, even Thway Ni, Tin Moe). Prose writers of different generations-Sweik Yangon Ba, Ma Ma Le, Tekkatho Phone Naing, Khin Hnin Yu, Bhamo Tin Aung Lin Aung, and other world literature on the experience and best traditions of Burmese prose, literary form to complete and improve the social problems and moral-ethical significance. There is a struggle of ideas that occur in the life of Burmese literature that reflects the complexity of domestic and foreign political life in the country. Patriotism, the struggle for peace in the country, and the struggle to create a new society has been a major theme in the literature. Since World War II, "Working" (Kok Kok Gyi, Mya Than) was interpreted by the Russian and Soviet writers. There are numerous manuscripts on palm leaves and the inscription in verse and prose in stone since the beginning of Common Era and give time to the ancient literary tradition. The origin and formation of literary Date ninth through the 13th century. In the 11th Century, as the country was incorporated into the feudal type Pagan empire, Hinayana Buddhism became the state religion of Myanmar and Pali religious, business, and language arts (along with Pyu, Mon, and Myanmar language). Classic poetry growing Myanmar Throughout the 14th through 16th Centuries. Contemporary society and the natural beauty of the natural environment can be seen in the poetry Religion Mahatilavunta Shin, Shin Rahthathara, Uttamagyaw, and Shin In NYO. I Nawade, Natshinnaung and Taunbila Sayado (16th and 17th Centuries) complete the form of poetry, among them yadu, mawgun, Pyo, and egyin, a new literary genre DAMAGES. Writers of the second half of the 18th Century and 19th Century Produce poetry, prose, and drama. Continuing the tradition of classic poetry (Devetwethondara, U), they turned to worldly subjects (Padethayaza) and Composing old works in prose form (Kala). : Translating eight jetalas from Pali by U Drugs I Love You Goddess model Prose of the 18th Century. Words translation from Pali, Sanskrit and Hindi to Myanmar has been made in the 18th Century. Literary model built on Sanskrit butterfly Appear. National drama reach popularity from the late 18th century. The following Padethayaza, poet and military leader Myawadi Wungyi U Sa wrote works on eposes Thailand (which is also based on eposes India) and on popular legends, such as drama about Prince Inaun. Most subjects Classic works of dramatists (Kyin U, Pon Him) has been linked to jatakas. Translation and adaptation of the works of foreign authors Appear in the 19th Century and early 20th Century. Myanmar's new novel literary genre-Start to develop from the beginning of the 20th Century. Among the major novelist was James Hla Gyaw, U Kyi, and U Lat. Birth of Modern Burma novel associated with the name Pi Mo Nin (Sunday Evening). Social theme is fully represented in the novel Sweik Mah (our mother). MA first half of the 20th century reflects the struggle of the people of Myanmar for their yearning for freedom and liberation from the shackles of colonial Kuk. Various movements and organizations MA DAMAGES, among them khitsan and this dragon. TAKIN outstanding writer Kawdaw Hmain is one of the Beginner patriotic movement. U Maun Gyi, Mya Myo Lwin, U Ba Kyhok, Thein Pe Myint, Zawgyi (U Thein Han), Minthuwun, Zeyya, U Yan Aung, etc. puts a vulnerable side of Myanmar Community Life. Propaganda for the ideas of Buddhism was given a leading place in the works of writers and social figures. After the formation of independent Burma (1948), writer and poet Prose early developed literary forms in accordance with National Traditions and create new ones. This is evident in his poetry (Dagon Taya, Nwe Daung Sweik, ni Instead Thway, Tin Moe). Prose writers of different-generation Ba Sweik Yangon, Le Ma Ma Naing Tekkatho Phone, Khin Hnin Yu, Bhamo Tin Aung Lin Aung, and other world literature on the experience and best traditions Myanmar eloquent prose, literary completed form and increase social problems -Ethics and moral significance. There is a struggle of ideas valid for

the life of Myanmar literature that reflects the complexity of domestic and foreign life plan in the country. Patriotism, the struggle for peace in the country, and the struggle to create a new society has been a major theme in MA. Since World War II, works by Russian and Soviet writers have been translated (Kok Kok Gyi, Mya Than). Burmese music is closely associated with dance and theater. The cause is now back to ancient religious rituals accompanied by dance and music. Long before the unification of Buddhism in Burma, heathen cult Nats (spirits) are widespread. This cult related rituals that include dancing and reading, accompanied by musical instruments. Burmese music reached a high level of development in the state Pagan (11-13th century). Dance portrayal of frescoes preserved in the temple. Some inscriptions show that musicians and dancers participants can not be ignored in a variety of festivals and ceremonies. Music and dance has emerged in this period as an independent art form. In 1538, a popular type of showIvor Burmese orchestra. It was made popular instrument among those shot-waing, or puttIvor (drums circular drum-21 suspended in a loop: they are arranged in order of pitch), Kyewaing (gong round; 18 gongs were arranged in a circle and playing on the wooden drumsticks), hne (bamboo oboe), linkwin and kekwin (large and small cymbals), a large family of various drums, bells, rattles, and pattala (xylophone: there are three types pattala: wa, tan, chei) . In 1837 the orchestra made instruments were built and their sound has been vastly improved. In Saung (harp) with 13.14, or 16 strings made of twisted silk is one of the oldest national instrument. Famous master Saung in the 19th century is U Maun Gyi and U students Maun Lat. Music occupies an important place in the Burma theater publication, which contains musical interludes and song-dance. In the old palace theater, orchestra located behind the actors and play musical introduction before each scene (when acting, the orchestra rarely done). Music in strict performance: precise defined part of the orchestra (ranging from three to ten musicians) must accompany the recitative or a particular dance; sequences instrumental music scenes also set. In the middle of the 18th century, under the influence of Siamese culture, a new school was established. This school absorbed Burmese art music tradition and enriched with cultural achievement Siam. In the 18th century and 19 great contributions to Burmese culture music was made by a poet and composer Myawadi Wungyi U Sa, by Padethayaza, and the female poet-composer-Teik Hlain Khaun Tin and Ma Ma Le. There are several types of classic songs including kyo, patpyo, BWE, yodaya, and bawle. Contemporary popular music consists of rituals, festivals, and songs were sung accompanied by farmers ponshi (a long drum). Classic songs have been performed in the 20th century by Daw Aun Kyi, Never Saw Mya, Ei Kyi, Daw Deiti Nyun, and others. The musical procession marched in Burma today. State school for music and drama have been established in Rangoon and Mandalay Burmese and European classic study design. Myanmar State Orchestra, directed by conductor and composer U Han Pa, was organized; orchestra visited the USSR (1956) along with other masters Burmese art. Burmese sources ir theaters. religious festivals and popular. 1 mention theater dates back to the 11th century. In the 15th century mystery-nibhatkhin theater, performed by actorsadvanced circulating. The art of China and India influence over Burma theater. By the 18th century court theater with performances in Pali and Sanskrit, was established. In the court of the emperor, drama-palace-nandwinza done. Myawadi work Wungyi U Sa, Son poetess Kin, and U poet and translator (early 19th century) contribute to the palace drama. Drama

and separate scenes from the Indian epic Ramayana theme is widespread. This presentation has been distinguished by its beauty and their determination and use sophisticated techniques they imitate art. Music, singing, and dance occupy an important place in the performance and nandwinza nibhatkhin. At the end of the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century, a national theater was formed, which developed on the basis of the national theater and the work of playwrights court. Drama U Kyin U (Mahaw-Thada, Parpaheiri), U Pon Him (Waythandaya), and others appear. At the end of the 18th century a new dramatic genre arose-pyazat (best preserved in contemporary forms Burma theater), where dance and music play a little role. During the period of British rule, the theater is declining. In the 1880s and 1890s this theater of improvement become widespread in Burma. At the end of the 19th century, built the first permanent theater in Rangoon. Actor-dancer U Po Sein, Aungbala, and Sein Kadon performed in this theater. After the declaration of independence of Burma (1948) a new stage in the development of Burmese theater began. Mobile theater groups have been set up in all major cities in the villages, popular amateur theater was formed. One of the main features of the Burmese theater is a combination of the elements of drama, music and dance performance in one. Dance occupies an important place in the Burmese theater. Burmese folk dances are distinguished with different beats, the dancers who often accompanies herself on musical instruments. Myanmar has a puppet theater and theater private schools. In 1914, U Awn Maun ("the father of Burmese cinematography") founded the first film in Burma, Myanmar Film Company (Rangoon). In 1920, he made his first feature film Love and Alcohol, with actors Nyi Ma, Ma Ya, and others. In the early 1930s sound film Money Can not Bought, Prince Of Assam, and others have made. However, the predominantly silent film in film production until the early 1950's. During World War II and the Japanese occupation, most of the movie studios were destroyed, and film production ceased. It just renewed in 1946. After the declaration of Independence (1948) reflects the struggle of many movies against colonialism and calling for national unity and solidarity. In 1955, the Council established Films problem. A movie studio to make documentary films has opened in the department for Cinematography of the Ministry of Information. In 1952 the so-called Academic Prize was established with the aim to increase the level of film art. The prize is awarded annually for the best film. Operates over 400 movie theaters (1969) some of which have been nationalized (1968). About 60 feature films have been released each year. Film personalities including U Tin Maung, U Thurs Thurs, U Kyi Kin, U Hla Myo, Myai Leik, Wa Win Swe, Myin Myin Kin, Gyi Gyi Teik, Nyun Win, Win N, Gyo Swe, and U presume. Conclusion Since its declaration of independence (1948), Burma has gone through several stages of socio-economic transformation that aims to overcome the remnants of feudal backwardness and semifeudal colonists, dependence on foreign capital, and economic orientation towards the production of agricultural goods and raw materials. State invests in the main branch of the economy. Hold a dominant state sector in industry, foreign trade, finance and credit systems, and communication; commodity sector and small-scale private sector is dominant in the agricultural sector. Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSP) was established in July 1962. On status (1962), it is the party of working people and was to be "the real leader of revolution.

Bibliography Burma. (2007, September) Growing Ever Darker Foreign Policy in Focus, September 11, 2007.


Way to Socialism. Retrieved 2012 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burmese_Way_to_Socialism



Butwell, Richard (1972). Ne Win's Burma: At the End of the First Decade. Asian Survey (University of California Press) 12 (10): 901912. JSTOR 2643067. Revolutionary Council (28 April 1962). THE BURMESE WAY TO SOCIALISM. Information Department for the Revolutionary Council. Retrieved 22 August 2010. http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs/The_Burmese_Way_to_Socialism.htm.

Chapter 4 Socio-economic development of Burma (Myanmar) Introduction Administrative Reforms and Economic Konbaung kings extended administrative reforms first started recovering within Toungoo Dynasty (1599-1752), and to the level of internal control and external expansion that has never happened before. Konbaung kings clamp in low areas and reduce hereditary privileges saophas Shan (head). Konbaung officials, especially after 1780, began trade reforms that increase government revenue and be more predictable. Economics money directly to the land acquired. In 1857, the crown was opened completely tax system and pay cash, assisted by the first standardized silver coins in the country. Culture Cultural integration continues. For the first time in history, language and culture of Burma came to dominate the entire Irrawaddy valley, the Mon language and ethnicity completely eclipsed by 1830. Near Shan principalities adopted more lowland norms. The evolution and growth of Burmese literature and theater continued, helped by a very high male adult literacy rate for age (half of all men and 5% of women). Monastic and lay elites around the Konbaung kings, especially from the Bodawpaya reign, also launched major reforms Burmese intellectual life and monastic organization and practice known as Sudhamma Reformation. It led to the first state among other Myanmar history right thing. British rule in Burma Britain made Burma territory of India in 1886 with the capital at Rangoon. Traditional Burmese society drastically altered by the demise of the monarchy and the separation of religion and state. Although the war officially ended after only a few weeks, resistance continued in northern Burma until 1890, with the British eventually to the systematic destruction of villages and appointment of new officials to finally halt all guerrilla activity. Economic nature of society also changed dramatically. After the opening of the Suez Canal, the demand for Burmese rice grew and vast tracts of land were opened up for cultivation. However, to provide new land for cultivation, farmers were forced to borrow money from Indian moneylenders called chettiars at high interest rates and often foreclosed and evicted losing land and livestock. Most of the jobs also went to indentured Indian servicemen, and whole villages became outlawed as they use 'dacoity' (armed robbery). Although the Burmese economy grew, all the power and wealth remains in the hands of several British firms, Anglo-Burmese and migrants from India. Public service largely staffed by AngloBurmese community and India, and Burma has been excluded almost entirely from military service. Though the country prospered, the Burmese people failed to reap the rewards. (See George Orwell's novel Burmese Days for a fictional account of the British in Burma.) During colonial rule through the mid-1960s, the Anglo-Burmese to dominate the country, causing dissatisfaction among the local population. By the turn the century, nationalist movement began to take shape in the form of young Men Buddhist Association (YMBA), emulating the YMCA, religious associations were allowed by the colonial authorities. They were later replaced by the Leader of the Burmese Association (GCBA) associated with the National Association of Wunthanu athin or appearing in villages throughout Burma Proper [citation needed] Between 1900 to 1911 "Irish Buddhist" U Dhammaloka challenging Christianity and British rule over religious reasons. A new generation of Burmese leaders arose in the early 20th century from among the educated class that has been allowed to go to London to study law. They come from this

experience with the belief that the Burmese situation could be improved through reform. Progressive reform of the constitution in the early 1920's brought to the legislature with limited powers, the university and more autonomy for Burma within the administration of India. Efforts were made to increase the representation of Burmese in the civil service. Some people begin to feel that the rate of change is not fast enough and the reforms not expansive enough. The Second World War Some Burmese nationalists saw the outbreak of World War II as an opportunity to extort concessions from the British in exchange for their support in the war effort. Other Burmese, such as Thakin movement, against the Burmese participation in the war under any circumstances. Aung San founded along the Burmese Communist Party (CPB) with other Thakins in August 1939. Marxist literature and of the Sinn Fein movement in Ireland has been widely circulated and read among political activists. Aung San also co-founded the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP), renamed the Socialist Party after World War II. He was also instrumental in founding the Bama htwet Yat gaing (Freedom block) by forging alliances Dobama 1, ABSU, monks active in politics and Sinytha Ba Maw, (the Poor). After urging Dobama organization 1 national uprising, an arrest warrant has been issued for most of the organization's leaders including Aung San, who fled to China. Aung San's intention is to make contact with the Chinese Communists but he was detected by the Japanese authorities who offered him support by forming one secret intelligence unit called the Minami Kikan headed by Colonel Suzuki with the objective of closing the Burma Road and supporting one rebellion national. Aung San briefly returned to Burma to get 29 young men who went to Japan with him to receive military training on Hainan Island, China, and they come to be known as the "Thirty comrade". When the Japanese occupied Bangkok in December 1941, Aung San announced the formation Liberation Army Myanmar (Burma Independence Army-BIA) estimates that the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1942. BIA form a provisional government in some areas of the country in the spring of 1942, but there are differences in the Japanese leadership over the future of Burma. While Colonel Suzuki encouraged the Thirty comrades to form a provisional government, the Japanese military leadership had never formally accepted such a plan. Finally, the Japanese turned to Ba Maw to form a government. During the war in 1942, BIA has been growing in an uncontrolled manner, and county officials that a lot and even criminals appointed themselves to the BIA. It was reorganized as the Burma Defence Army (BDA) under the Japanese but still headed by Aung San. While the BIA has an irregular force, the BDA was recruited by selection and trained as a conventional army by Japanese instructors. Maw ba afterwards declared head of state, and his cabinet included both Aung San as War Minister and leader of the Communist Thakin Than Tun as Minister of Land and Agriculture as well as the Socialist leader Thakins Nu and Mya. When the Japanese declared Burma, in theory, independent in 1943, the Burma Defence Army (BDA) was renamed the Burma National Army (BNA). It will become apparent that Japanese promises of independence is a sham and that Ba Maw cheated. As the war turned against the Japanese, they declared Burma a fully sovereign nation on 1 OGOS 1943, but this is just another facade. Frustrated, Aung San began negotiations with Communist leaders Thakin Thakin Than Tun and Soe, and Socialist leaders Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein which led to the formation of the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) in August 1944 at a secret meeting of the CPB, PRP and BNA in Pegu. The PPK was then renamed the People's Freedom League Anti-Fascist's (AFPFL). Than Tun and Soe Thakins, while in Insein prison in July 1941, having co-authors Insein Manifesto, who opposed the prevailing opinion in the Dobama movement, identified world fascism as the

main enemy in the coming war and called for temporary cooperation with the British in a broad mix of relevant which should include the Soviet Union. Soe had already gone underground to organize resistance to the Japanese occupation, and Than Tun was able to deliver Japanese intelligence Soe, while the leaders of other Communist Thakins Thein Pe and Tin Shwe made contact with the colonial government removed at Simla, India. There is no formal relationship between the CO and the Allies in 1944 and 1945 by the British organization Force 136. On March 27, 1945 Burma National Army rose in revolt in the country against the Japanese. [33] March 27 was celebrated as 'Resistance Day' until the military named it 'Tatmadaw (Armed Forces) Day'. Aung San and others then began negotiations with Lord Mountbatten and officially joined the Allies as the Patriotic Burmese Forces (PBF). At the first meeting, the CO represents himself to the British as the provisional government of Burma to Thakin Soe as Chairman and Aung San as a member of the government committee. Japan has outsourced than most Burmese in May 1945. Negotiations began with the British on the CO Disarming and military participation in Myanmar Army after the war. Some veterans have been shaped into one military force under Aung San called the Pyithu ybaw tat or People's Volunteer Organization (PVO), and has openly drilling in uniform. Absorption PBF has concluded successfully at the Kandy conference in Ceylon in September 1945. Roadside vegetable stall in Madras Lancer Lines, Mandalay, in January 1886. Photographer: Hooper, Willoughby Wallace (1837-1912) In 1920 the first university students strike in history occurred [citation needed] protest against the new University Act which the students believed would only benefit the elite and maintaining colonial rule. 'National School' grow across the country in protest against the colonial education system, and will be remembered as the strike came 'National Day'. There are further strikes and anti-tax protests in the 1920's after, led by the Wunthanu athins. Prominent among political activists Buddhist monks (pongyi), such as U Ottama and Seinda U in Arakan who subsequently led an armed insurrection against the British and later Wisara nationalist government after independence, and U, the first martyrs of the movement died after a prolonged hunger strike in prison. (One of the main thoroughfares in Yangon is named after U Wisara.) In December 1930, a local tax protest by San in Tharrawaddy I quickly grew into one regional and then national uprising against the government. That lasted for two years, the Galon rebellion, named after the mythical bird Garuda - enemy of Nagas ie the British - emblazoned on the pennants the rebels carried, required thousands of British troops to suppress along with promises of further political reform. The trial finally I San, who was executed, allowed several future national leaders, including Dr Ba Maw and U Saw, who participated in the defense, rose to prominence. Paddle steamer Ramapoora (right) British India Steam Navigation Company at Rangoon river has just arrived from Moulmein. 1895. Photographer: Watts and Skeen. May 1930 saw the founding of the Asiayone Dobama (Burmans Association) in which their members call themselves Thakin (ironic as thakin name means "master" in the Burmese language-rather like India sahib' declare that they are the true masters of this country are entitled to term usurped by the colonial time). Second university students strike in 1936 was triggered by the removal of Aung San and Ko Nu, leaders of the Rangoon University Students Union (Rusu), for refusing to reveal the name of the author who wrote an article in their university magazine, making a scathing attack on one of senior officers of the university. It spread to Mandalay cause the formation of All Burma Students Union (ABSU). Aung San and Nu subsequently joined the movement Thakin walked from student to national politics. British separated Burma from India in 1937 and granted the colony a new constitution calling a fully elected assembly, but this proved to be a divisive issue that some Burmese felt that this

was a ploy to exclude them from any further Indian reforms while other Burmese see any action that removed Burma from the control of India to be a positive step. Yoga Maw served as the first prime minister of Burma, but he was replaced by U Saw in 1939, who served as prime minister from 1940 until he was arrested on January 19, 1942 by the British to communicate with the Japanese. Wave of strikes and protests that started from the oilfields of central Burma in 1938 became a general strike with widespread effects. In Rangoon student protesters, after successfully picketing the Secretariat, seat of the colonial government, were charged by the British mounted police wielding batons and that killing a Rangoon University student called Aung Kyaw. In Mandalay, the police shot into a crowd of protesters led by Buddhist monks that killed 17 people. The movement became known as Htaung thoun yes byei ayeidawbon ('1300 Revolution 'named after the Burmese calendar year), and December 20, the day the first martyr Aung Kyaw fell, commemorated by students as' Bo Aung Kyaw Day' From the Japanese surrender to the assassination of Aung San Japanese surrender brought a military administration to Burma and demands to try Aung San for his involvement in the murder during military operations in 1942. Lord Mountbatten realized that this was an impossibility considering Aung San's popular appeal. After the war ended, the British Governor, Sir Reginald Smith Inc. Other back. The restored government established a political program that focuses on the physical reconstruction of the country and delayed discussion of independence. AFPFL against the government, leading to political instability in the country. A rift has also developed in AFPFL between Communists and Aung San together with the Socialists over strategy, which led to Than Tun being forced to resign as general secretary in July 1946 and the expulsion of the CPB AFPFL following October. Other Inc-Smith was replaced by Sir Hubert Rance as the new governor, and immediately after his appointment Rangoon Police went strike. Strike, starting in September 1946, the spread of the police to government employees and almost to be a general strike. Rance calm the situation by meeting with Aung San and convincing him to join the Executive Council of the Governor along with other members of AFPFL. The new executive council, which has increased the credibility of the country, began negotiations Burmese independence, which were concluded successfully in London as the Aung San-Attlee Agreement on January 27, 1947. However, the agreement left the communist and conservative branches are not satisfied AFPFL sending the Red Flag Communists led by Thakin Soe underground and the conservatives into opposition. Aung San also successfully completed an agreement with ethnic minorities for a unified Burma at the Panglong Conference on February 12, celebrated since as 'Union Day'. U Aung Zan Wai, U Pe Khin, Major Aung, Sir Maung Gyi and Dr. Sein Mya Maung and Myoma U Than Kywe ..... and so on. is the most important negotiator and leader pinlon history (panglong) Conference negotiated with the leaders of the country Myanmar General Aung San and other top leaders in 1947.All these leaders decided to join together to form the Union of Burma. Union Day celebration is one of the largest in the history of Burma. But in July 1947, political rivals assassinated Aung San and several cabinet members. Not long after, rebellion broke out in Arakan led by the veteran monk U Seinda, and it began to spread to other districts. AFPFL popularity, which is now dominated by Aung San and the Socialists, eventually confirmed when it won an overwhelming victory in the April 1947 constituent assembly elections. On July 19, 1947 U Saw, a conservative pre-war Prime Minister of Burma, Aung San assassination engineering and some members of his cabinet including his eldest brother Ba Win, while meeting at the Secretariat. July 19 has been commemorated since as Martyrs Day '. Thakin Nu, the Socialist leader, has now been asked to form a new cabinet, and he chaired the Burmese independence on January 4, 1948. Popular sentiment to part with the

British was so strong at that time that Burma chose not to join the British Commonwealth, unlike India or Pakistan. The first years of Burmese independence were marked by successive rebellions by the Red Flag Communists led by Thakin Soe, the White Flag Communists led by Thakin Than Tun, Ybaw Hpyu (White-band PVO) led by Bo La Yaung, the three twenty comrades, rebel soldiers calling themselves the Revolutionary Burma Army (RBA) led by Communist officers Bo Zeya, Bo Yan Aung and Bo Ye Htut - all three of their comrades Thirty members, Arakanese Muslims or Mujahid, and the Karen National Union ( KNU). After the Communist victory in China in 1949 North Burma rural areas for years controlled by the army troops Kuomintang (KMT) under the command of General Li Mi. Myanmar received foreign assistance in rebuilding the country in the early years, but continues to support American to Chinese Nationalist military presence in Burma finally resulted in the country that rejected most foreign aid, refusing to join the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and support the Bandung Conference 1955. Myanmar generally try to be impartial in matters of the world and is one of the world's first country to recognize Israel and the Republic of China. By 1958, the country was largely started to revive the economy, but has begun to fall apart as a result of political fragmentation in AFPFL into two factions, one led by Thakins Nu and Tin, the other by Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein. And this despite the unexpected success of U Nu 'Arms for Democracy' offer taken up by U Seinda in the Arakan, the Pa-O, some Mon and Shan groups, but more likely by PVO who gave up their weapons. However the situation became extremely unstable in parliament, with U Nu surviving a no confidence vote only with the support of the opposition United National Front (NUF), believed to have a "cryptocommunist" among them. Army hardliners now saw the 'threat' CPB come to an agreement with U Nu through the NUF, and finally U Nu 'invited' Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ne Win took over the country. Over 400 'communist sympathizers' were arrested, the 153 sent back to Coco Island in the Andaman Sea. Among them was NUF leader Aung Than, brother Aung San. Botataung the daily Kyemon and Rangoon were also closed. Ne Win caretaker government that successfully established the situation and open the way for new general elections in 1960 that returned U Nu Union Party, with the majority of the big one. Situation does not remain stable for long periods, when the Shan Federal Movement, started by Nyaung Shwe Shwe Sao Sawbwa Thaik (President 1948-52 first independent Burma) and aspire to a federal 'loose', seen as a separatist movement demanding respect the separation of government in 10 years provided for by the Constitution of 1947. Ne Win had successfully removed the Shan Sawbwas their feudal power in exchange for comfortable pensions for life in 1959. 1962-1988 On March 2, 1962, Ne Win, with 16 other senior military officers, had the coup d'etat, arrested U Nu, Sao Shwe Thaik and several others, and declared a socialist country that will be handled by their Revolutionary Council. Son of Sao Shwe Thaik, Sao Mye Thaik, was shot dead in what is generally described as a 'bloodless coup'. Sawbwa Sao Kya Seng Thibaw also mysteriously disappeared after stopping at a checkpoint near Taunggyi. Several protests followed the coup, and the military first response was moderate. However, on July 7, 1962, a peaceful student protest at Rangoon University campus was suppressed by the military, killing more than 100 students. The next day, the army blew Student Union building. The peace talks were held between the RC and various armed rebel groups in 1963, but without any breakthrough, and during the negotiations and after their failure, hundreds

were arrested in Rangoon and elsewhere from both the right and to the left of the political spectrum . All opposition parties were banned on March 28, 1964. The Kachin insurgency by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) has started earlier in 1961 triggered by a declaration of Buddhism U Nu, as the official religion, and the Shan State Army (SSA), led by Sao Shwe Thaik Mahadevi and son Chao Tzang wife Yaunghwe, launched a rebellion in 1964 as a direct result of the military coup in 1962. Ne Win quickly take steps to transform Burma into a vision of 'socialist state' and to isolate the country from contact with the rest of the world. A one-party system was established with the newly formed Socialist Party his Myanmar Program (BSPP) in complete control. Business and nationalized industry as a whole, but the economy is not growing at first if at all because the government puts too much emphasis on industrial development at the expense of agriculture. In April 1972, General Ne Win and other Revolutionary Council retired from the military, but now as U Ne Win, he continues to run the country through the BSPP. A new constitution promulgated in January 1974, which caused the creation of Assembly (Pyithu Hluttaw) People who held supreme legislative, executive and judicial powers, and local councils. Ne Win became president of the new government. Beginning in May 1974, a wave of strikes hit Rangoon and in other places in the country against a backdrop of corruption, inflation and food shortages, especially rice. In Rangoon workers were arrested at the Insein railway, and soldiers opened fire on workers in a textile factory and Simmalaik Thamaing the shipyard. In December 1974, the largest antigovernment demonstrations to date occurred during the funeral former UN Secretary General U Thant. U Thant was the former prime minister's adviser nearest U Nu in the 1950s and was seen as a symbol of resistance to the military regime. Burmese people felt that U Thant was denied funeral stating that he is entitled as an international statesman because of its association with U Nu. On 23 March 1976, more than 100 students were arrested for holding a peaceful ceremony (Hmaing yabyei) to mark the birth centenary of the Hmaing Kodaw Thakin greatest Burmese poet and writer and nationalist leaders from 20. century Burmese history. He has inspired a whole generation of Burmese nationalists and writers through work mostly written in verse, fostering a sense of pride in their history, language and culture, and urge them to take direct action such as strikes by students and workers. It has Hmaing Dobama mainstream leadership has sent thirty friends outside the country for military training, and after independence devoted her life to inner peace and national reconciliation until he died at age 88 in 1964. Hmaing lies buried in the cemetery at the foot of the Shwedagon Pagoda. A young staff officer called Captain Ohn Kyaw Myint conspired with fellow officials in 1976 to assassinate Ne Win and San Yu, but the plot was uncovered and the officer tried and hanged. In 1978, military operations were conducted against the Rohingya Muslims in Arakan, called the Dragon King operation, causing 250,000 refugees fled to neighboring Bangladesh. U Nu, after his release from prison in October 1966, have left Myanmar in April 1969, and formed the Parliamentary Democracy Party (PDP) August following in Bangkok, Thailand with Thirty former comrade, Bo Let Ya, co-founder and former defense minister CPB and Deputy Prime Minister, Bo Yan Naing, and U Thwin, ex-BIA and former trade minister. Another member of the Thirty-comrade, Bohmu Aung, a former defense minister, later joined. Fourth, Bo Setkya, who went underground after the 1962 coup, died in Bangkok shortly before U Nu arrived. PDP armed revolt across the borders of Thailand from 1972 to 1978 when Bo Let Ya was killed in an attack by the Karen National Union (KNU). U Nu,

Bohmu Bo Yan Naing Aung and returned to Rangoon after the 1980 amnesty. Ne Win also held secret talks later in 1980 with the KIO and CPB, again ended in deadlock as before. Crisis and the Rise 1988 Ne Win resigned as president in 1981, but remained in power as Chairman of the BSPP until an unexpected announcement suddenly he to resign on July 23, 1988. In the 1980s, the economy began to grow as the government relaxed restrictions on foreign aid, but by the late 1980s falling commodity prices and rising debt that led to the economic crisis. This led to the economic reforms in 1987-88 that relaxed socialist controls and encouraged foreign investment. This is not enough, however, to stop the growing crisis in the country, exacerbated by periodic 'demonetization' of certain bank notes in the currency, the latter has been decided in September 1987 eliminates a large majority of the savings. In September 1987, the Burmese government de facto U Ne Win suddenly canceled certain currency resulting in great down-turn in the economy. The main reason for the cancellation of this note is superstitious in some U Ne Win, as he considered him the number 9 lucky numbers only allow 45 and 90 Kyat notes, because it is divisible by nine. (BBC News Website, entry http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7012158.stm (Bilal Arif) Burma, Less Developed Country status by the UN the following December highlighted the economic bankruptcy.) Triggered by brutal police repression led student protests caused the death of over a hundred students and civilians in March and June 1988, widespread protests and demonstrations that occurred on August 8 in the country. Army responded by opening fire on the crowd, alleged Communist infiltration. Violence, chaos and anarchy reigned. Public administration that no longer exists, and in September of that year, the country is on the verge of revolution. Armed forces, under the command of General Saw Maung nominal held on 8 August coup to restore order. During the 8888 Rebellion, as it became known, killed thousands of soldiers. Army swept aside the Constitution of 1974 in the name of martial law under the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) with Saw Maung as chairman and prime minister. At a special press conference six hours on August 5, 1989, Brig. General Khin Nyunt, SLORC Secretary-1 and General Military Intelligence Service (MIS), claimed that the revolt was orchestrated by the Communist Party of Burma through underground organization. Although it was inevitable some underground CPB presence as well as that of ethnic insurgent groups, there is no evidence they are responsible to any extent. In fact, in March 1989, the CPB leadership was overthrown by a military rebellion by cock and Wa that it has come to rely on after the loss of a former stronghold in central Burma and re-establish the base in the northeast in the late 1960s, the Communist leaders will forced into exile across the border in China. 1989-2006 Military government announced changes to the country name in English from Burma to Myanmar in 1989. It also continued the economic reforms initiated by the old regime and calling for a Constituent Assembly to revise the 1974 Constitution. This led to multiparty elections in May 1990 in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory over the National Unity Party (NUP, the successor to the BSPP) and about a dozen smaller parties. Army, however, will not allow the assembly to provide, and continue to hold the two leaders NLD, U Tin U and Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San, under house arrest imposed on them in the previous year. Burma is under international pressure for the selected assembly, particularly after Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize

in 1991, and also face sanctions. In April 1992, the military replaced Saw Maung with General Than Shwe. Than Shwe remove U Nu from prison and loosen some restrictions on the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi, eventually released him in 1995, though he was forbidden to leave Rangoon. Than Shwe also finally allowed the National Convention to meet in January 1993, but insisted that the assembly maintains a leading role for the military in any future government, and the convention suspended from time to time. NLD, fed up with the harassment, runs out at the end of 1995, and the assembly finally sacked in March 1996 without producing the constitution. During the 1990's, the military regime has also had to deal with several rebellions by minority ethnic groups along its borders. General Khin Nyunt was able to negotiate a ceasefire agreement that ended the battle with a cock, hill tribes such as the Wa and Kachin, but Karen would not negotiate. Army finally captured the main Karen base at Manerplaw the spring of 1995, but still there is no final peace settlement. Khun Sa, a major opium warlord nominally controlled parts of Shan State, enter into an agreement with the government in December 1995 after U.S. pressure. After the failure of the National Convention to create a new constitution, the tension between the government and the NLD mounted, resulting in two major crackdowns on the NLD in 1996 and 1997. The SLORC was abolished in November 1997 and replaced by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), but it is purely cosmetic changes. Continuing reports of human rights violations in Burma, led the United States to intensify sanctions in 1997, and the European Union followed suit in 2000. Military placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest again in September 2000 until May 2002, when restrictions on travel outside of Rangoon were also lifted. Peace talks were held with the government, but this came to a stalemate and Suu Kyi was once again taken into custody in May 2003 after her motorcade reportedly ambushed by pro-military mob. Government also provides another crackdown on a large scale in the NLD, arresting many leaders and close most offices. The situation in Burma remains tense to this day. In August 2003, Kyin Nyunt announced a seven-step "roadmap to democracy", which the government claims it is in the process of implementing. There are no tables associated with the government, or any conditionality or independent mechanism to verify that it is moving forward. For these reasons, most Western governments and neighboring Burma has been skeptical and critical of the roadmap. On 17 February 2005, the government reassemble National Convention, for the first time since 1993, in an attempt to rewrite the Constitution. However, pro-democracy organizations and parties, which includes the National League for Democracy, has been barred from joining the army that allow only selected smaller parties. It was postponed again in January 2006. In November 2005, the military junta started moving the government from Yangon to an unnamed location near Kyatpyay just outside Pyinmana, the capital of the new set. This action follows the basis of long-term public official not moving critical military and government infrastructure from Yangon to avoid a repetition of the events of 1988. On Armed Forces Day (27 March 2006), the capital was officially named Naypyidaw Myodaw (literally Royal City Kings Chair).

In 2005, the capital was moved from Yangon to Naypyidaw. In November 2006, the International Labour Organization (ILO) announced it will be seeking - at the International Court of Justice - "to prosecute members of the Myanmar junta for crimes against humanity" over the continuous forced labor of the people by the military. According to the ILO, about 800,000 people are subject to forced labor in Myanmar. 2007 anti-government protests 2007 Burmese anti-government protests are a series of anti-government protests that started in Burma on August 15, 2007. The immediate cause of the protests was mainly unannounced decision junta, the State Peace and Development Council, to remove fuel subsidies which caused the price of diesel and petrol to suddenly rise as much as 100%, and the price of compressed natural gas for buses to increase fivefold in less than a week. protest demonstrations were initially treated with a quick and rough by the junta, with dozens of protesters arrested and detained. Beginning September 18, protests were led by thousands of Buddhist monks, and those protests were allowed to proceed until a renewed government action on 26 September. During the crack-down, there were rumors of disagreement within the Burmese military, but not confirmed. At that time, independent sources report, through photographs and accounts, 30 to 40 monks and 50 to 70 civilians killed and 200 hit. However, other sources reveal the figures even more dramatic. In a statement, White House President Bush said: "Monks have been beaten and killed .... Thousands of pro-democracy protesters have been arrested". Some news reports referred to the protests as the Saffron Revolution. Protesters in Yangon with a banner that reads non-violence: national movement in Burmese, in the background is Shwedagon PagodaOn 7 February 2008, SPDC announced that a referendum for the Constitution would be held and Elections by 2010. Burmese constitutional referendum, 2008 was held on 10 May and promised "discipline flourishing democracy" for the country in the future. Cyclone Nargis On 3 May 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the country when winds of up to 215 km / h (135 mph) touched land in the densely populated, rice farming delta Irrawaddy Division. It is estimated bahawalebih than 130,000 people dead or missing, and damage totaled 10 billion dollars (USD), it is the worst natural disaster in Burmese history. World Food Programme report, "Some villages have been almost totally eradicated and vast rice-growing substantially eliminated." The United Nations (UN) estimates that as many as 1 million were left homeless and the World Health Organization (WHO) has received reports of malaria outbreaks in the worst-affected areas. "But at the critical days following this disaster, Burma isolationist regime recovery efforts by delaying the entry of complex aircraft of the United Nations Organisation delivering medicine, food, and other supplies. Failure government to allow entry to international relief efforts in a big way was described by the United Nations (UN) as "never happened before." Conclusion By 1958, the country was largely started to revive the economy, but has begun to fall apart as a result of political fragmentation in AFPFL into two factions, one led by Thakins Nu and Tin, the other by Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein.

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Chapter 5 Constitutional Revolution in Thailand Introduction Thai Revolution Year 1932 Revolution in 1932 Thai or Siamese coup d'etat of 1932 (Thai: . . 2475 or . . 2475) is an important turning point in the history of Thailand in the 20th century. Revolution or coup is hardly bloody transition at 24 June 1932, in which the system of government in Siam changed from absolute monarchy into constitutional monarchy. The revolution brought by a group of military and civilian, who formed the first political party Siam, Khana Ratsadon (Party People). Revolution ended 150 years of absolutism under the Chakri Dynasty, and nearly 700 years of absolute authority on the history of the Kings of Thailand. Revolution is a product of global historical change as well as social and political change in the country. Revolution also produce Siamese people given their first Constitution. Background Thai Before 1932 Since 1782 the Siamese ruled by the House of Chakri was founded by King Buddha Yodfa Chulaloke (or Rama I). Capital, Bangkok (built on Rattanakosin Island), also built by King Rama I. For more than a century, the kings of Siam able to protect the nation from foreign nations and other neighbors, escape the monster club European colonialism as English and French. In 1932 Siam, along with China and Japan, is the only remaining independent countries in East Asia. King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) came to the throne in 1868, wanted to modernize and reform the medieval kingdoms, and introduce new reforms and discoveries to his country. He openly embraced European and European thinking in many ways, especially law, politics, philosophy, commercialism, education and medicine. He reformed the administration and the military. At the same time it managed to retain its fragile independence of the country, located between productive colonialism: British Raj (Burma) and French Indochina (Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia). King, who understand the importance of foreign education, not only to send many children to European schools and academies, but also sending thousands of people and students for a scholarship, the Government anticipates that survival rest on modernization. They succeed the throne by his son, King Vajiravudh (Rama IV) (1910-1925), a graduate of Sandhurst and Oxford. Vajiravudh continue most of the father's efforts in modernizing infrastructure and other institutions of the country, including shows at large capacity of the government. Track Vajiravudh College (a school founded on English public school model) and Chulalongkorn University (first Siamese) is part of the educational reform. He also encouraged more European practices such as fashion and surname adoption. His reforms resulted in much anger many people, especially from the older, reactionary members of the aristocracy and gentry, whose influence is slowly being eroded. However, the speed konstitusionalnya reform also resulted in dissatisfaction from a completely different factions: that of progressive and radical. In 1912, an article rebellion Palace, plotted by young military officer, failed attempt to overthrow and replace the King. Their purpose is to change the system of government, overthrow ancien regime and replace it with a modern, westernized constitutional system, and perhaps to replace King with others more sympathetic Prince. The rebellion failed and the participants were imprisoned. In response, most Vajiravudh abandoned its efforts to

reform the constitutional and extended with absolute rule, with the exception of a few small masses of adoption can be the Privy Council and the Government. King Vajiravudh died in 1925 and succeeded by his brother King Prajadhipok (Rama VII). Thai 1932 Sakdidej Prince Prajadhipok, Prince Sukhothai, is the youngest daughter of King Chulalongkorn (son of the 33rd and the 76th child of 77 children), a prince educated Eton and Woolwich Academy. King Prajadhipok inherited a country in crisis, Vajiravudh brother had left the country on the verge of bankruptcy, often using the Treasury to cover much Purse Advisory deficit, and the fact that the country and the people are forced to subsidize the Prince a lot and their lavish lifestyles. After his enthronement, the new King quickly made the Supreme National Council (which is the main organ of the country), to try to fix the problems facing the nation. Hall itself consists of an experienced Senior Princes, who has held the position of minister in the previous rule. Unfortunately, they quickly replace masses (shown by Vajiravudh) as the state and military officials with a lot of their own. Prince Hall is dominated by the Minister, Interior Germany Sukhumbhand Paribatra educated, Prince of Nakhon Sawan, which is Prajadhipok's older half brother. Because of the complicated succession law Chakri Dynasty, he is also heir to the throne. King Prajadhipok evidently a very sympathetic. He immediately ordered the production cuts Palace and traveling around the country. In the capital, it makes itself more accessible and visible to continue to grow Bangkok elite and middle class by doing a lot of public duties. At this time, many students sent to study abroad the previous decade have begun to return. Faced with a lack of opportunity, dug the Prince and the comparative backwardness of the country, most to be frustrated with the status quo. By 1930, however, world events too much for the Government to bear, as the Wall Street Crash and the economic crisis that came with the reach Siam. King proposed income tax provision of public and property taxes to help lift the suffering of the poor. But, this athletic rejected by the House, the fear will diminish their own destiny. Instead, they cut the money rolls civil appreciation and reduce military budget, anger most educated elite of the country. Commissioned officer corps, especially dissatisfaction, and finally Phra Ong Chao (lower class Prince) Boworadet in 1931, a minor. family members of the government and the Minister of Defence, resigned. Prince Boworadet not in General Assembly, and alleged that the dispute with the council over budget cuts and jealousy caused his resignation. King, who openly admits its own lack of financial knowledge, stating he was just a simple soldier, tried, with little success, to fight the Prince of seniors due to this problem. Meanwhile, the King put effort into the compilation of the constitution (which for the first time is to introduce democracy to Siam), with the help of two Prince and American foreign policy adviser, Raymond Bartlett Stevens Although recommended. that people are not ready for democracy, the King is not surprised and is committed to providing a constitution before the 150th anniversary of his dynasty in 1932. However, this document actually rejected by the Prince in the Great Hall. On 6 April 1932, when the Chakri Dynasty 150th anniversary of the capture of Siam, King opened a bridge on the Chao Phraya River. The festival is somewhat muted because the fear that comes from the alleged prophecies dating back to the time of King Rama I, who predicted the end of the dynasty in the 150th anniversary. In late April, Prajadhipok leave Bangkok for summer vacation, leaving Prince Paribatra served as regent. King went to the beach resort town of Hua Hin in Prachuap Khiri Khan province to the summer villa, "Klai Kangwon" ( : translated as "Far from Fears").

Party People Organizer (The promoters) In February 1927, in a hotel on Rue du Sommerard in Paris, France, a small group of seven military and civilian students gathered to debate the founder of a party trying to bring change to Siam. Intent on not want to repeat the failure of the plot 1912, they put a clear and coherent plan to change Siam. The group included two young students, one soldier and one artilleryman Plaek Khittasangkha, law students and other radicals Panomyong Pridi. Group calling themselves "promoters" ( ), hoping to get home to try to encourage changes. Promoters realized, ironically, as the adviser of the King has done, that the Thai people are not yet ready for democracy, and most are illiterate farmers with little concern for business in Bangkok. In Bangkok itself, new and emerging middle class is dependent on aristocratic patronage jobs and positions. As a result, they realized that the "large-scale revolution" is not possible and only military-led coup d'etat is possible. For this purpose a political party was established and it was named Ratsadon Khana ( ) (or People's Party). "Promoter" and one of the founders of Ratsadon Khana, Luang Phibulsonggram, young military leaders factionWhen Promoter eventually return to Thailand by the end of the 1920s, they are quietly expanding list of contacts and party membership; Pridi became academic teaching at Chulalongkorn University in where he received the support of about 50 likeminded men (mostly civilians and civil servants) who also want to see the end of absolute monarchy. It is the work of others, such as Plaek, which at the time received Luang Phibulsonggram title, trying to gather supporters in the Army. Young naval captain Luang Sinthusongkhramchai been doing the same thing for the Navy. Party number increased, and by the end of 1931 it reached 102 members, split into two branches: the public and the military. Four Army Tiger (Tiger Four Soldiers) Prayoon Phamornmontri, one of the seven promoters himself an Army officer, and a former Royal King Vajiravudh, took it upon himself to try to recruit members of the powerful and influential party that would like to see ended absolute monarchy and Prince. An officer that he had an affinity with the Deputy Inspector of Artillery, Colonel Phraya Phahol Pholpayuhasena. A friendly and popular men in the army, he immediately joined the party and give her support. The second senior officer Colonel Phraya Songsuradet regarded as one of the best minds of his generation, he was the Director of Education at the Military Academy. Both had studied abroad and eager for change. Songsuradet immediately became Party strategist, advising that it shall first obtain Bangkok military and eventually the country will follow. He also advised the promoters to be more secretive to avoid official detection and police. Finally, he approached his friend Colonel Ritthiakhaney Phraya, Bangkok Artillery commander, who share concerns over Princes dominance over the Army and eventually, he also joined the Party. Eventually they joined by Phra Phrasasphithayayut, another officer who was not happy. The creation of what is known in the party as the "Four Musketeers" (4 , Four Soldiers Tiger), as members of the most senior party they eventually become leaders. June 24 Despite all precautions and preparation, word finally leaked the existence of the plan to the police. On the evening of June 23, 1932, the Director General of Police to call Prince Paribatra, asking for permission to arrest and imprison all those involved in the plot. Prince, aware of the many names on the list included many influential and powerful individuals, decided to postpone the order for the next day, the delay will be important to planners.

On the same evening, one of Luang Sinthu supporters in navy gunboat commandeered one of the dock with the Chao Phraya river up, and in the morning was aiming the weapon directly at the palace of Prince Paribatra, Bangkok. Luang Sinthu itself has mobilized 500 armed sailors ready to take Bin Samakhom Throne Hall, located in the central portion of the Dusit Palace. Comply Prayoon, who later that night took the young officer cadre order to grab the post and telegraph offices around the capital - one of the officers was Khuang Abhaiwongse. All communications between the prince and senior members of the administration had been disabled. All their houses are also under surveillance and guards by both civilian and military members of the party. At about 4:00 am in the morning on June 24, Phraya Phahol and Songsuradet been carrying out the role they plan. Phahol Phraya River and some supporters gathered near the Throne Hall awaiting the signal, while Songsuradet Phraya go with some conspirators that the First Cavalry Regiment barracks Royal Guard, where most of the armored vehicles Bangkok has been saved. Upon arrival, Songsuradet Phraya reprimanded the officer responsible barracks to sleep while there is a Chinese rebellion that occurred elsewhere in the city - all while opening the door and move all the army barracks. The ruse worked, and through all the confusion and panic, Phraya Prasan can capture the regiment commander and put him into custody. Luang Phibul were instructed to look after him. Armored vehicles, including several tanks, were commandeered and all were ordered to head toward the Throne Hall. Ritthi Phraya, after hearing success Songsuradet Phraya, go to the First Infantry Regiment barracks. After successfully deploying infantry, he also headed to the Throne Hall. After being told weeks before the military training that occurs, other soldiers around Bangkok join intrigue, so unknowingly took part in the revolution. Other units loyal to the king decided to take a passive role by shutting themselves in their barracks. By the infantry and cavalry arrived at the Royal Plaza in front of the Throne Hall at about 6:00 am, had to flock to watch the military that have been installed. Confusion gripped Plaza, many are not sure whether the rise of China is real, or if the military only in the square to perform. Phahol Phraya rose to one of the tanks and read Ratsadon Khana Manifesto, a declaration that declares the end of absolute monarchy and the establishment of a new state constitution in Siam. Promoters are cheering, followed by the military, perhaps more than the respect of a full understanding of what happened. In truth, deception Phahol Phraya success still depends on the facts revolution elsewhere in Bangkok. Phraya Prasan was sent to the house Prince Paribatra, and to other members of high ranking government and Princes. Prince Paribatra appears in pajamas when he was arrested. No, unless the Corps Commander of the First Army, offered any resistance. He put a fight and a little hurt, but eventually taken into custody, only victims of the revolution. All in all, about 40 officers have been arrested and detained at the Throne Hall. One exception is the Minister of Trade and Communications, Prince Purachatra Jayakara, Prince Kamphaeng Phet, who escaped the twin-engine train to warn the King in Hua Hin. By 8:00 pm the operation is over and the promoters have won the day. Time After him Most of the military and civil administration offered little resistance - too used to taking orders and with all lines of communication closed, they can not act. The next stage of the revolutionary left to the public side of the Party. Pridi, leaders, with the help of supporters in the capital blanketed propaganda leaflets, pamphlets Ratsadon Khana, and radio broadcasts, all support the revolution. Khana Ratsadon manifesto text (written by Pridi) criticize the king in terms of drives:

All People, When this king succeeded his elder brother, who at first had hoped that he would govern in providing protection. But ... king maintained power over the law as before. He appointed his relatives and toadies without merit rigid or knowledge of key positions without hearing the voice of the people. He allows officers to use the power of their office honestly ... he raised the royal blood have more privileges than people. He administers without principles. The state of affairs leaves the fate of grace as can be seen from the economic depression and hardship ... royal government has considered the people as slaves ... it can be seen that from the taxes wrung from the people, the king of millions for personal use ... People's Party has no wish to usurp the throne. Therefore, he invited the king to maintain position. But he must be under constitutional law for governing the country, can not do anything without the approval of the independent gathering of the representatives of the people ... If the king replied by a refusal or does not respond in a timely manner ... it would be regarded as treason to the country, and it would be necessary for this country have a republican form of government. Manifesto very different tone telegram sent to the King, signed by the three Musketeers and full colonel: Phraya Pahol, Songsuradet Phraya and Ritthi Phraya. Telegram specified using royal language (Rachasap: ) that if the King did not want to remain as Monarch 1 under the party constitution was ready to replace him with another Royal Prince. Although language, telegram assured that Monarch terms strongly that if any member of the Khana Ratsadon injured, Princes in custody will suffer. Even before the arrival of a telegram Musketeers' King realized something that happened in Bangkok. He played the game of golf on the course that summer villa, with the Queen, two ministers and a number of aristocratic palaces, when one message is on its way, then, Prince Purachatra's report to the King that what has been going in the capital. The king and the princes discussed many options, including escape from the country, organized a one-counter delivery or full coup. However, by the time the actual telegram arrived from Ratsadon Khana, King has decided. He immediately replied that he was willing to remain on the throne as a constitutional monarchy, and that he has always loved giving people the constitution. King, then, write about the decision to refuse to go to war: "... I can not sit on a throne besmirched by blood". A point at which the King did not give is when the Party sending warships to take him to Bangkok. He refused and instead, traveled back to the capital by the Royal Railway, stated that he was a prisoner Ratsadon Khana. Meanwhile, the Promoter forcing the Kings to sign a document that announced their commitment to peace and avoid bloodshed. In Bangkok, like so many others that will follow, coup elicited almost no response from the people, and the day-to-day life is back to normal population even before the end of the day. Same across the country have also been unfaithful, prompting the Times of London reported that the revolution merely "a simple readjustment". The New Administration By the evening of 24 promoters are confident enough to call a meeting of senior ministers. In the meeting, Pridi tried to persuade senior civil servants to support Ratsadon Khana, asking them for their support and told them to stay together, but if necessary, the confusion will lead to foreign intervention. Pridi asked the Foreign Ministry to delivery to all foreign missions document that states that the party was committed to protect the life and foreign business and to meet treaty obligations Siam.

King Prajadhipok back to Bangkok on June 26. His first action was to give viewers immediate royal to the Promoter. As members of the King entered the room rose and saluted them, saying: "I was on the honor Ratsadon Khana". It is a very significant signal, as in the culture of Siam King always sat when the subject they offer a tribute, not vice versa. This leads to Pridi apologizing to Monarch because he defamed the Manifesto; beyond, all known copies have been withdrawn from circulation. King responded to this act of affixing a royal seal on the document exonerating all the members of the Khana Ratsadon for the coup. Ratsadon Khana then release all hostages except Prince Paribatra, which they considered too loud and asked to leave the country and not. He then left for Java, never to return; Princes others go into voluntary isolation in other South East Asian countries, and some others in Europe. King Prajadhipok of Siam signed the Permanent Constitution on December 10, 1932In immediately after the Revolution, and Khana Ratsadon Prajadhipok immediately set about giving the people of Siam their first constitution. While the Charter was signed on June 27, 1932 at 5:00 pm, it is a draft document written by Pridi first. The Constitution begins by announcing that "the highest authority in the land belongs to everyone. Constitution basically stripped the King of all the ancient powers such as the veto, the power of forgiveness and the right to confirm a successor and heir own. Constitutional Monarchy removed all powers, without actually eliminating the office itself. constitution created 1 People's Committee ( , the executive) and the first representatives of the People's Assembly ( ) is made up of 70 members appointed. 'Democracy' to Siam, however, be given to the people by installments, three to be precise. First, members of the House appointed by none other than the Four Musketeers (military). They will exercise the power on behalf of the people, and the first session was to last for six months. Second, the period when most ignorant people will learn about democracy and elections; Assembly will then be changed to consist of 1/2 members appointed (again by the Musketeers) and the other half through an indirect representation. Candidates must, of course, have been examined by Ratsadon Khana before any election. Third, and finally, the charter states that full representation in the halls of democracy can only be achieved at the end of ten years or when more than half of the population has gone through primary education, which was reached first. Session 1 House of Representatives held on Bin Samakhom Throne Hall on June 28 1932. 27 Charter do not last long, however, by a more modest new Permanent Constitution will be signed, on 10 December. This constitutional Monarch finally give back to power it has lost in the previous charter, the monarchy was once again held "sacred and inviolable". People People's Assembly was expanded to include 156 members, 76 elected and 76 appointed. Restrictions have been removed and the democratic government elections scheduled for the first Siamese in October 1933. Heritage Revolution is a product of a variety of events, including for the most of what Ratsadon Khana considered misrule under Prajadhipok and kings. Including the economic situation facing the country in the late 1930s and the rapid social development at the time. Although ambition and his Western education, Pridi version, democracy faced with the same dilemma that Pradhipok version that does the notion simply because the country, especially

the rural population is not ready for it. In a few days, the Khana Ratsadon had turned Siam into one single-party state with a communist sounding institutions like the "People's Assembly" and the position of "President of the People". 162 However, the Ratsadon Khana show their bipartisanship when they recommended the appointment of counsel and a Privy Counsellor Phraya Manopakorn Nititada as the first President of the People's Committee and force the first Prime Minister of Thailand, are more likely than pragmatism and cunning rather than any intention noble sebenar.Walau however, internal divisions within the government and the actions of conservative Prime Minister will eventually lead to another coup just one year later, in June 1933, resulting in the appointment of the Prime Minister Phraya second Phahol as Siam. Revolution is a big blow to Prajadhipok and the monarchy, because it has been stripped of all power and ancient privileges. Despite warm words, the King live constantly in fear and feel of future confrontation between him and the party was happening he and the Queen both may be killed. At the end of 1932, the King wrote to his nephew, Prince Chula Chakrabongse of the decision to return to Bangkok: "... we are all quite aware that we might be the death of us." Many unsettled constitutional role of the Crown and dissatisfaction Phraya coup Phahol peaked in October 1933 to counter coup or uprising Boworadet held by royalist factions. The royalists were led by Prince Boworadet and many others have lost their influence and position as a revolution and a coup by Ratsadon Khana. Rebellion was a failure, and although there is no direct evidence that Prajadhipok was involved, independent and good decision-making during a brief conflict led to the loss of credibility and prestige. Three years after the Revolution, King Prajadhipok of Siam relinquish his throne and leave never to return: he died in England in 1941. He was succeeded as king by a 9 year old nephew Prince Ananda Mahidol (King Rama VIII.), Which at that time studying in Lausanne, Switzerland. Conclusion Not only failed Prajadhipok where Ratsadon Khana successful, they reach for the military. Without the support of the Army band, a coup will not take place and the system of absolute monarchy might have lasted longer. Although the socio-economic in Bangkok, Thailand rural people are still uneducated and totally not interested in what is going on in the capital. Revolution gives one a sense of military power it will run 16 times, until the end of the 20th century, the government dropped the public when they see fit. Even today the Thai army is seen with suspicion. However, the so-called revolution is a very important event in the modern history of Thailand. Bibliography Baker, Christopher; Phongpaichit, Pasuk (2005). A History of Thailand. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Banomyong, Pridi; Translated and introduced by Christopher Baker and Pasuk Phongpaichit (2000). A History of Thailand. Thailand: Silkworm books. Chakrabongse, HRH Chula, Prince of Thailand (1957). Twain Have Met: An Eastern Prince

Came West. United Kingdom: G.T. Foulis & Co.

Kesboonchoo Mead, Kullada (2004). The Rise and Decline of Thai Absolutism. United Kingdom: Routledge Curzon.










Stowe, Judith (1991). Siam Becomes Thailand: A Story of Intrigue. United Kingdom: C. Hurst & Co.

Chapter 6 Military Government (1932-1973) in Thailand Introduction History of Thailand from 1932 to 1973 was dominated by the military dictatorship that was in power for most of the period. Key figures within dictator Luang Phibunsongkhram (better known as Phibun), allied with the Japanese during the Second World War, and a member of the public politics, Pridi Phanomyong, who founded Thammasat University and briefly prime minister after the war. A replacement of military dictatorship followed Pridi beat this - again Phibun, Sarit and Thanom Kittikachorn Dhanarajata - under whom traditional, authoritarian rule was combined with the growing modernization and Westernization under the influence in the U.S. The end of the period was marked by Thanom's resignation, following massacre of pro-democracy protesters led by Thammasat students. Internal Conflict Thai military to power in a bloodless revolution in 1932, a change in the government of Thailand from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy. King Prajadhipok initially accepted the changes but then stepped down because his strained relations with the government. Upon release, King Prajadhipok issued a brief statement that criticized the regime. Statement including the following expressions are often cited by critics of the slow pace of political developments Thailand: "I am ready to give my powers formerly exercised to the people as a whole, but I'm not willing to change them to any individual or any group to use an autocratic manner without regard to the people's voice." 1 1932 The new regime, headed by a group of colonels led by Phraya Phahol Pholphayuhasena and Songsuradej Phraya. In December, they produced a constitution - the first Siamese - including the Senate, half appointed and half elected indirectly. People were promised that full democratic elections will be held once half the population has completed primary education is expected in the 1940s. Prime Minister and Cabinet has been appointed and the facade of constitutional law is maintained. When a new government was formed and the constitution put into operation, the conflict began to erupt among the members of the new ruling party. There are four main factions vying for power: the older conservative faction led by Phraya public Nititada Manopakorn (Mano); senior military faction led by Phraya Phahol; junior army and navy faction led by Luang Phibunsongkhram; public and tribal young led by Pridi Phanomyong. The first serious conflict arose in 1933 when Pridi was given the task of formulating a new economic plan for the country. He called for a radical program of nationalization of a large area of farmland and rapid industrialization the government directed. It also called for the growth of higher education into the bureaucracy will not be fully controlled by the royal family and the aristocracy. However, the plan was immediately condemned by most tribal governments as being communist. Having defeated all challengers interior, the government now been submitted to the test live up to the promises that have come to power. To his credit, he has taken more aggressive steps to implement a number of important reforms. Currency went gold standard, allowing trade to recover. Expenditure on education has increased four-fold, thereby significantly improving the literacy rate. Elected local and regional government was introduced, and in November 1937 the democratic development has been carried forward when direct elections were held for the National Assembly, although political parties are not allowed. Thammasat University is established, at Pridi

History of Thailand. Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Thailand_(1932%E2%80%931973)

initiative, as an accessible alternative to the elitist Chulalongkorn University. Military spending has also greatly expanded, a clear indication of increased military influence. In the years between 1934 and 1940 the military, government, navy and air force have come never before. 2 Pursuit of Nationalism Military dominance now led by Major General Phibun as minister of defense and public liberal Pridi led by foreign minister, working together harmoniously for several years, but when Phibun became prime minister in December 1938 this cooperation breaks down, and the military becomes lighter the open. Phibun was an admirer of Benito Mussolini, and his regime will soon develop fascist characteristics. In early 1939 40 political opponents, both monarchists and democrats, were arrested, and after rigged with 18 tests were carried out, the first sentence in Thai politics in over a century. Others, among them Prince Damrong and Songsuradej Phraya, have been evicted. Phibun demagogic campaign against Chinese business class. Chinese schools and newspapers closed, and the taxes on Chinese businesses increased. Plaek PibulsonggramPhibun and Wichitwathakan Luang, a spokesman for the government ideology, copied propaganda techniques used by Hitler and Mussolini to build a cult leader. Aware of the power of mass media, they use state monopoly on radio broadcasting to create popular support for the regime. Popular government slogan has always been broadcast on radio and plastered on newspapers and billboards. Phibun picture is also seen everywhere in society, while the portrait of former monarch King Prajadhipok, outspoken critic of the autocratic regime, has been banned. At the same time, he has passed a number of laws that give authoritarian governments virtually unlimited powers of arrest and complete censorship. During the Second World War, newspapers were ordered to print only good news due to the form of the source axis, while the sarcastic comment about the internal situation banned. Also in 1939, Phibun changed the country's name from Siam to Prathet Thai, or Thai, which means "land of the free." This is a sign nationalist: it means the unity of all the Tai language, including Lao and Shan, but not including the Chinese. Regime slogan became "Thailand to Thailand." Meanwhile, all cinemas were instructed to display Phibun at the end of each performance as if it is the portrait of the King, and the audience is expected to rise and bow. Another aspect of the personality cult Phibun became increasingly clear in official decorations. He was born in a rooster year, and this symbol began to replace the wheel. Likewise Park Sir Muda Omar Ali Haji Saifuddien in Bandar Seri Begawan Phibun birth color, green, was used in official decorations. The Second World War In 1940, most of France occupied by Nazi Germany, and Phibun immediately to avenge the shame of Siam by the French in 1893 and 1904, when the French had reframed Thai border with Laos and Cambodia by forcing a series of agreements. For that purpose, the Thai government needs help Japan against France, which was obtained through the Treaty between Thailand and Japan on continuation of friendly relations and Mutual Respect territorial integrity of each other, ending in June 1940. Also concluded in 1940 is a BritishThai Pact of Non-Aggression between the governments of Great Britain and the Kingdom of Thailand. On 18 July 1940, the British government has received requests Japan to cover Burma Road for three months to prevent war supplies to China. [1] As the Government of

Charnvit Kasetsiri. 2000. 1932: Revolution in Siam. Bangkok: Thammasart University Press.

Thailand is in line with the Japanese, the British entered into an agreement with Bangkok so not provoke Tokyo. Japan surrendered on August 15, 1945. Immediately, the Allied military responsibility for Thailand fell to the British. As soon as practicable, the British military has flown and is fast securing the release of prisoners of war alive. The British were surprised to find that the Japanese military disarmament has been largely filled by the Thai people. British consider Thailand as has been partially responsible for the damage dealt infinite when Allied cause and in favor of treating the government as the enemy was defeated. However, Americans do not have sympathy for what they perceive as the British and French colonial rule and support the new government. Thailand has received little punishment for wartime role under Phibun. 3 Pramoj art became Prime Minister in 1945, and promptly restored the name Siam as a symbol of the end of Phibun's Nationalist regime. However, he found his position at the head of a cabinet packed with Pridi's loyalists quite uncomfortable. Northeastern populist politicians like pole Sirikhanth and Bangkok upstarts like Sanguan Tularaksa were not the sort That the aristocratic art preferred to associate with. They, in turn, seen as an elitist art who was entirely out of touch with Thailand's political realities. Pridi continued to wield power behind the scenes as he limits the Khuang EUR Sulawesi done. The regent's looming presence and overarching authority rankled the canary, thin-skinned Arts, Fueling a personal animosity That would poison Thailand's postwar politics. Thailand After the War Art Pramoj became prime minister in 1945, and quickly restored the name Siam as a symbol of the end of the nationalist regime Phibun. However, he found his position at the head of a full cabinet with loyalists who quite uncomfortable at Pridi. Northeast of populist politicians such as pole Sirikhanth and upstarts like Sanguan Tularaksa Bangkok, not the kind that Art would prefer to associate with the nobility. They, in turn, seen as elitist art entirely out of touch with the realities of Thai politics. Pridi continued to wield power behind the scenes as he had done during Khuang government. The presence of the regent, and lifted the overarching authority rankled proud, thin skin art, fueling personal animosity that will poison the politics of post-war Thailand. Then the democratic elections held in January 1946. This is the first election in which political parties are legal, and Pridi People Party, and its allies won a majority. In March 1946, Pridi became Siam's first democratically elected prime minister. In 1947, he agreed to hand back the territories occupied France in 1940 as the price for admission to the United Nations (UN), to drop all claims against the Siamese and the wartime big U.S. aid package. In December 1945, the young King Ananda Mahidol returned to Thailand from Europe, but in July 1946 he was found shot to death in bed, in mysterious circumstances. Three eunuchs were tried and executed for killing her, although there is significant doubt as their guilt and the case is still cloudy and a very sensitive topic in Thailand today. King was replaced by his younger brother Bhumibol Adulyadej. In August, Pridi was forced to resign amid suspicion that he was involved in the murder of the king. Without his leadership, the civilian government floundered, and in November 1947, the army, restored confidence after the collapse of power in 1945, seized. After the head of the interim government Khuang, in April 1948 the army brought Phibun returned from exile and made him Prime Minister Datuk Seri


Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Pridi was been driven into exile, and eventually settled in Beijing as guests of the People's Republic of China. Return Phibun to power coincided with the onset of the Cold War and the establishment of the Communist regime in North Vietnam. He soon won the support of the United States, began a long tradition of U.S. backed military regime in Thailand (as the country was again renamed in July 1949, this time permanently). Once again political opponents were arrested and tried, and some have been implemented. At this time, some of the leading figures of the Free Thai underground war - including Thawin Udom, Thawethikul Thawi, Bunnak Chan, and Column Sirikhanth - were eliminated in extra-fashion law by Thai police, run by the cruel Phibun Phao associated Sriyanond. Have attempted counter coup by supporters of Pridi in 1948, 1949 and 1951, the second leads to heavy clashes between the army and the navy before Phibun emerge victorious. In 1951 the naval effort, better known as Manhattan Coup, Phibun was nearly killed when he was held hostage aboard the ship was bombed by the air force pro-government. In 1949 a new constitution was promulgated, establishing the Senate appointed by the king (in practice by the government). But in 1951 its own constitution and abolish the regime back to the 1932 arrangement, effectively eliminating the National Assembly as the elected body. This provoked strong opposition from the universities and the media, and led to another round of tests and oppression. Regime has helped, however, by the postwar boom gathered pace through the late 1950s, driven by exports of rice and U.S. aid. Thailand's economy started to diversify, while population and increased urbanization. By 1955, Phibun had lost its position as a leader in the young rival forces led by Field Marshal Sarit ThanaratlThanom and General Thanom Kittikachorn. To strengthen his position he restore the 1949 constitution and called the election, which his supporters won. But the army is not ready to give power, and in September 1957, it called for the resignation of Phibun. When trying to Sarit Phibun arrested, the military held a bloodless coup on 17 September, 1957, ending a career Phibun forever. Thanom became prime minister until 1958, then produce Sarit place, real head regime. Sarit hold power until his death in 1963, when Thanom again led. Sarit and Thanom was the first leader in Thailand who have been educated entirely in Thailand, and less influenced by European political ideas, whether fascist or democratic, from generation Pridi and Phibun had. Instead, they are traditionalists Thai, which seeks to restore the prestige of the monarchy and maintain a society based on order, hierarchy and religion. They see the military as a rule the best way to ensure this, and also defeated Communism, which they are now associated with Thailand's traditional enemies, Vietnam. Young King Bhumibol, who returned to Thailand in 1951, co-operated with the project. Current status of the monarchy of Thailand high has its origins in this period. Sarit and Thanom regime supported by the U.S. Thailand has formally an ally of the U.S. in 1954 with the establishment of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). The war in Indochina is fighting between Vietnam and France, Thailand (disliking both the same) lived alone, but when it becomes a war between the United States and Communist Vietnam, Thailand committed itself firmly to the United States (U.S.), and concluded a secret agreement with the United States in 1961, sending troops to Vietnam and Laos, and to allow the United States to open airbases in the east of the country to carry out the bombing war against North Vietnam. Vietnam responded by supporting the insurgency of the Communist Party of Thailand in the north, northeast and at times in the south, where the guerrillas operated jointly with local Muslims were not satisfied.

Cold War and Development Vietnam War expedite the modernization and Westernization of Thai society. American presence and exposure to western culture that comes with it has an impact on almost every aspect of Thai life. Before the end of the 1960's, full access to Western culture limited to the educated elite in society, but the Vietnam War brought the outside world face to face with a large segment of Thai society as never before. The U.S. dollar pumping the economy, the service industry, transportation and construction to grow phenomenally. The family unit is a traditional countryside was broken as more and more rural Thai moved to the city to find a new job. This led to a clash of cultures like Thailand have been exposed to Western ideas about fashion, music, values, and moral standards. The population began to grow boom as living standards rise, and flood people began to move from the village to the city, and above all to Bangkok. Thailand has 30 million people in 1965, while by the end of the 20th century, the population has increased two-fold. Bangkok residents have grown ten-fold since 1945 and has tripled since 1970. Educational opportunities and exposure to the mass media to increase in the years of the Vietnam War. Bright university students to learn more about the ideas related to the economic and political system in Thailand, resulting in restoration of student activism. Vietnam War period also saw the growth of Thailand's middle class gradually shape the identity and self-awareness. Economic development certainly does not bring prosperity to all. During the years of the late 1960s many of the poor in rural areas feel more dissatisfied with their situation in society and frustrated with their treatment by the central government in Bangkok. Efforts by the Thai government to develop rural poor often do not have the desired effect in which they contribute to the realization of how bad off they really are farmers. It is interesting to note that it is not always the poorest of poor who join anti-government uprising. Increase government presence in rural villages did little to improve the situation. The villagers were subjected to police harassment and increased military and bureaucratic corruption. Villagers often feel betrayed when the government promised development has often not met. By the early 1970's discontent in rural areas has shown himself to the peasant movement activists. The peasant movement has begun in the northern areas and the central plateau Chiang Mai (not areas where the insurgency is most active). When the territory was organized into state-based Siam in the reign of King Chulalongkorn, local nobility long been allowed to seize large tracts of land. The end result is that by the years of the late 1960s almost 30% of the households are landless. In the early 1970's university students help to bring out some local objection to the national level. Objection that focus on soil loss, high rents, heavy-handed role of the police, bureaucracy and corruption among local elites, poor infrastructure, and poor nation. The government agreed to set up a committee to hear the sorrow farmers. In a short time, the committee has been flooded with more than 50,000 petitions, way more than it could handle. The officials, who called many farmers demand unrealistic and too widespread. Thailand political environment changed little in the mid 60's. Thanom and his deputy chief Praphas maintain a tight grip on power. Alliance between these two has further strengthened through the marriage of his daughter to Praphas narong Thanom child. By the end of the 1960s, however, the more elements in Thai society has been openly critical of the military government seen as increasingly not able to deal with problems at home. It is not only the student activists, but also the business community began to question the leadership of the government as well as relations with the United States. Thanom came under increasing pressure loosen his grip on power when King commented that it is time for

parliament to be restored and enforced a new constitution. After Sarit has suspended the constitution in 1958, a committee was formed to write a new one, but almost ten years later, it is still not finished. Finally in 1968 the government issued a new constitution and elections scheduled for next year. Party government founded by the military junta won the election and remain prime minister Thanom. Surprisingly, indirect Assembly tame. Several Members of Parliament (mostly professionals such as doctors, lawyers, and journalists) began to openly challenge some government policies, produce evidence of widespread government corruption on several large projects. As a new budget is being debated in 1971, it actually seems that the military demand for more funds may be voted. Rather than lose face, Thanom carried out uprising against the government itself, suspended the constitution and dissolved the parliament. Once again Thailand has returned to absolute military rule. This powerful approach has worked to Phibun in 1938 and 1947, and for Sarit in 1957-58 will prove unsuccessful. By the beginning of the 1970s Thai society as a whole has developed a level of political consciousness in which it will no longer accept authoritarian rule is not appropriate. King, using a variety of holidays to give a speech on public issues, to be openly critical-Praphas Thanom regime. He expressed doubts about the use of extreme violence in an attempt to combat the insurgency. He mentions the existence of widespread corruption in the government and expressed the view that the coup should be a thing of the past in Thailand's political system. In addition, the junta began to face growing opposition from within the military itself. Are busy with their political role, Thanom and Praphas has become more removed from direct control forces. Public officials feel outraged by narong rapid promotion and the fact that he seems destined to be a substitute Thanom. To these officials, it seems that the political dynasty that established4 1973 Democracy Movement Student demonstration had started in 1968 and increased in size and number at the beginning of the 1970s despite continued ban on political meetings. In June 1973, nine Ramkhamhaeng University students expelled for publishing an article in the student newspaper that criticized the government. Shortly after that, thousands of students held a protest at Democracy Monument reclaim enrollment of nine students. The government ordered the universities to close, but not long after that allowed students to re-register. The first death scene on October 14 as Democracy MonumentIn winched on October 13 other students were arrested on charges of conspiracy to overthrow the government. This time the student protesters were joined by workers, businessmen and other ordinary people. Swelling demonstrations of several hundred thousand, and the issue of extending the captured student product demand for a new constitution and the replacement of the current government. On October 13, the government released prisoners. Demonstration leaders, among them Seksan Prasertkul, called the march in line with the general King of the democracy movement. In a speech to the graduating students, he criticized the pro-democracy movement by telling the students to concentrate on their studies and leave politics to the elders they [the military government]. As the people had broken the next day, on October 14, many students find themselves unable to leave because the police were trying to control the flow of the audience by

Thawatt Mokarapong. 1983. History of the Thai Revolution . Bangkok: Thai Watana Panich Press.

blocking the southern route Rajavithi Road. Locked and impressed by hostile people, the police responded with tear gas and gunfire. Army was called, and tanks rolling down Rajdamnoen Avenue and helicopters fired at Thammasat University. Number of students commandeered buses and fire engines in an effort to halt the progress of tanks by ramming them. With chaos on the streets, King Bhumibol opened the door CHITRALADA Palace to a student who was shot dead by the military. Although the direction of Thanom that enhanced military action, military commanders Kris Sivara has withdrawn troops from the streets. King condemned the government's inability to control demonstrations, ordered Thanom, Praphas, and narong to leave the country, and especially condemn the role students should too. At 06:10 pm, the Field Marshal, Thanom Kittikachorn resigned from his position as Prime Minister. An hour later, King appeared on national television, asking for calm, and announced that Field Marshal, Thanom Kittikachorn was replaced by Dr. Dharmasakti Sanya, a professor of law be respected, as the prime minister. Conclusion History of Thailand from 1932 to 1973 was dominated by the military dictatorship that was in power for most of the period. Student demonstration had started in 1968 and increased in size and number at the beginning of the 1970s despite continued ban on political meetings. Political freedom (democracy movement in 1973) is in full bloom on 15 October 1973 to 31 December 1973. The movement's most active are those students and union now and also farmers. bibliography Batson, B. 1984. The End of the Absolute Monarchy in Siam. London: Oxford University Press. Charnvit Kasetsiri. 2000. 1932: Revolution in Siam. Bangkok: Thammasart University Press. Dr. Vichitvong na Pombhejara. 2003. The Free Thai Legend. Bangkok: Saengdao. History of Thailand. Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Thailand_(1932%E2%80%931973) Judith A. Stowe. 1991. Siam becomes Thailand. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Thawatt Mokarapong. 1983. History of the Thai Revolution. Bangkok: Thai Watana Panich Press.

Chapter 7 Thailand: Between Autocracy and Democracy (1973-1990s) Introduction The era of the reign of 'strong man' has come to an end. Economic development, education, wider and better communication has been rapidly increasing number of people are politically aware. In 1968 Thanom proclaimed a new constitution, and in 1969, the election to set up a new parliament. Political public surprised when he turned towards in 1971, dissolved parliament and banned political parties once again. Several other issues early 70's has raised concerns. 'Successor considered, narong Kittikachorn (son Thanom and Praphas' leader son in law), not considered high in the inside or outside of the military. Close involvement with the United States clearly need to rethink as the United States moves to distance itself from Vietnam and the region. 'Oil shock' OPEC and the price increase that sent tremors through the economy. It is the educated young people that triggered the fall-Praphas Thanom regime. In October of 1973 student protest against political oppression (which inspired a little by student radicals West era) escalated into a major confrontation with the police on the streets of Bangkok. Popular sympathy for the students increased when police killed or injured several students. In a subtle hint of royal political opinion in the first few years, the King allowed one student-aid station on the royal grounds. Protesters win when the army arrested the support of Thanom, Praphas and narong, who fled into exile. Between autocracy and democracy, 1973-1992 Revolutionary Students' extraordinary burst release of political activism. Political parties are a dynamic and diverse to be banned ideas circulated freely, prosperous trade unions, and various organizations all shades of opinion are set to politicize people. Even the Buddhist Sangha, long supporter who obey the government, reveals radical differences of opinion among the citizens. A provisional civilian government arranged to seat fully elected parliament and will be created by the elections in January 1975. The result is an unstable coalition government collapsed in the past twelve months. Another effective combination not emerge from the elections in April 1976. Meanwhile, the problems of economic instability is not addressed, as well as a clear threat to Thailand from communist victories in Cambodia, Vietnam and Laos in 1975. Conservative opinion, which was angered by political interference from the beginning, is increasingly becoming a popular opinion. In October 1976, the military returned uncontested power, allowing organizations to torture and kill the right-wing student radicals gathered at Thammasat University in Bangkok. Many leaders and moderate leftists fled from the city, some to join the communist insurgents in the northeast. For the moment it appears that Thailand is faced with a more authoritarian government than ever before. Policies of the first post-coup prime minister, a civilian but hardcore right winger, rather than heal deep parts of the country. Even the civil war seems to be, if the rebel forces can attract new growing popular sympathy. In the military, however, opinions vary after the Revolution 'Student' about the future of the Thai political and military ties to the government. In an opinion column spectrum stand those who are interested to maintain discipline autocratic years 'strong man'. In the other stand those who see democracy as a desirable development, though not inevitable; clear Thai society does not want politics passive. In the middle of the spectrum, the major military figures concluded that 'managed democracy' might. This has remained an attractive option

to the members of the military from politics. Management strategies may include: maintenance of the constitution allows the elected Prime Minister, the appointment to senior positions and parliament elected by the majority; fostering of political parties sympathetic to the interests of the military; military campaign to the public as an efficient institutions are more likely to deliver good government in common than selfish (public) members of national politics. Managed democracy strategy also seems to require, however, that the army should retain the right to ultimate weapon of political management, a coup. In October 1977 the Chief, Kriangsak Chomanand took over as prime minister, promising a new constitution and elections in 1979. Kriangsak also offered amnesty to rebels repent. This helps speed up the fall of the rebellion movement increasingly frustrated at the end of the 1970s by falling between Cambodia, Vietnam and China, and the horrors verses the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia (Ironically it will be the Thai military, not the rebels, who will develop relationships the Khmer Rouge, after the occupation of Cambodia Vietnam in 1979.) Shortly after the 1979 election Kriangsak was replaced by General Prem Tinsulanonda, a form of democracy that managed to attract 'Premocracy' label. Prem is the Prime Minister who is appointed under the constitution of 1978, but he took care to build power for the support of parliament, to persuade MPs from all parties to support it. Generally, Prem maintain a reputation for being 'clean' and make appointments to senior positions on the basis of merit. Military element twice tried to oust him, in 1981 and 1985, but on both occasions he survived with clear support and forces loyal King. Prem retired in 1988 and elections that brought to power the Prime Minister's public, Chatichai Choonhavan, led a coalition that is identified with the political and business interests of the public. Chatichai government was supported by the economic boom and at first by popular passion, and military have taken a 'wait and see'. Military leaders grew alarmed, however, when Chatichai maneuvered to reduce their influence behind the scenes. Pro-military media publicity, with relish, eg government inefficiency and corruption is undoubtedly grave. In February 1991, the public silence observing organized coup overthrew the Chatichai, parliament and constitution. The main figure behind the coup was a military commander General Suchinda Kraprayoon; figures including naval and air force chief and deputy commander of the army. Their alliance dating back to their educational Chulachomklao Military Academy, where they have passed as a 'Class 5, generations of cadets who have come to dominate many key positions of power. Coup - a group calling themselves the National Council peacekeeping (NPC) - set out to explore new methods of managed democracy, constitution and promises to be another election, and setting up the interim government headed by Anand Panyarachun, a respected businessman and former diplomat. NPC stance may have been prodded by more than domestic considerations. Many countries expressed disappointment in the 1991 coup. International business showed some irregularity alarm on the Thai political scene. As the interim Prime Minister, Anand performed effectively, but the controversy grew over a new constitution that was announced in December 1991, in favor of the military by allowing for the Prime Minister who is appointed and an appointed upper house (Senate) with power over legislation. NPC leadership proved unable, however, to order the lower house as well. Elections in March 1992 gave a narrow majority of those in favor of a combination of, or willing to align themselves, the military-dominated government. Only the Prime Minister's question seems to remain. Army initial choice for prime minister, a civilian lower house MP, was forced to withdraw when the United States government publicized relationship with the drug trade. General

Suchinda stepped into the vacuum to the anger of frustrated democrats Thailand. Mass demonstrations began in Bangkok, led by Buddhist ascetic Chamlong Srimuang, a former army officer and a former governor of Bangkok. Chamlong has a reputation for corruption. With Cross Dharma political party and his supporters are now campaigning for a clean, democratic. In Bangkok and major regional centers they enjoy broad support. Catastrophe, Suchinda ordered the military to use force against protesters. Between 17 and 20 May 1992 at least fifty demonstrators were killed (several hundred according to rumors at the time) in the harder scene and army brutality that shocked television viewers around the world. On May 20, the King intervened. Negotiated truce that led to the resignation of Suchinda as Prime Minister, after he has declared amnesty for all those involved in the killing and wounding of protesters. Anand back as the interim Prime Minister, some modifications were made to the constitution, and a new election was scheduled for September 1992. Anand took the opportunity to eliminate confusion military coup leaders among Suchinda from their position of power. September elections gave a narrow majority of the anti-military party (Democrat, New Aspiration, Cross Dharma and Unity). Democrat leader Chuan Leekpai, a lawyer, took over as Prime Minister. He further strengthen controls the lower house by pulling the other party, the Social Action, his party. State remained burden, however, is not appointed by the Senate, which on matters of constitutional reform can be united with opposition MPs in the House of Representatives to block further progress towards a fully democratic political system. 5 Thailand In the 1990s Era Wave of revulsion against terrorism both domestically and internationally in May 1992 reduced possibility of further direct military intervention in the government of Thailand. However, the desire of democratic reform to remove the military from politics and other non-military spheres of public life will not be easily achieved. Long years of military conquests have been taught to expect the officer corps present influences, career and rewards outside the strict field army. Constitutional reform to reduce the military management of the parliament remains to be achieved. Military political influence remains strong, particularly in rural areas of Thailand, where the image of the armed forces present a practical concern for the development and needs of the poor. Meanwhile, the politicians still need to convince the public that their Thai government put a clean, stable and effectively overcome their personal interests. Corruption is a ghost that hangs over public and political forces. It also must be a matter of concern that the monarchy has had to engage in politics in recent years. The present king has acted wisely and maintain the vast country, but the royal intervention in politics pose a risk to the monarchy and social stability if one intervention will be judged. Thailand's political system can not be viewed as a stable or mature while the royal resort to arbitration remains a necessity sometimes. Today some Thai also worried other traditional sources of social stability - Buddhism. In premodern Thai Buddhist community, as well as providing inspiration and solace of religion, perhaps the chief form 'social cement'. Buddhist temples are not only centers of worship, but education and social activities. Royal patronage and aristocratic Buddhism ensure that

A Short History of South East Asia. Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://www.aseanfocus.com/a_short_history_of_south_east_asia/history_thailand.html

the traditional social order enjoy religious legitimacy. In 1902, King Chulalongkorn administration formalized Sangha (Buddhist monks), in force makes Sangha arm of the state. Post-1932 governments maintain this strategy: both Phibun and Sarit administration reorganized the Sangha, at least in part for political purposes. In the short term, the strategy of improving the social order. In the long term, it has resulted in skepticism among many Thai Buddhists towards established and conservative teachings. This has resulted in some cases, indifference, in others to the growth of the movement and challenge the mainstream sect of Buddhism. Modern education and the growing affluence has certainly contributed to the diversity of attitudes toward religion. Instability in Thai society can be exaggerated. In spite of the political crisis at the top now and then, Thai society remains calm stable when compared with neighboring countries. This stability has enabled the economic and social development on a spectacular scale. Political disunity recent decades may have described strains and tensions arising from rapid social change, but it never threatened the development of Thailand more than fleetingly. For more than three decades Thailand has achieved an average annual growth rate of about 7 to 8 percent, reaching more than 10 percent in the late 1980s. This country has become a destination for investment, led this time by Japan and Hong Kong, Taiwan, United States and Singapore are also posting significant shareholder. Meanwhile, Thailand's investment is also now flowing to other countries in the region. Rice growing almost mono-economy prior to World War II, the Thai economy is now widespread, producing a network of agricultural products, many of them are processed in Thailand, and produce. Mining and oil / LNG is a growing sector. Manufacturing growth has been the most impressive aspect of development. Ignored until the late 1950s, manufacturing accounted for over 26 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the early 1990's and Thailand's export control. By then agriculture has declined in relative terms, around 12 percent of GDP. With the growth of Thailand has become a major regional financial center. It is currently the only member of ASEAN in mainland Southeast Asia. Thai businesses expect to play an important role in the development of southern China, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Burma. In Thailand the other great changes have taken place. Population of 38 million in 1970 and 57 million in 1991 (an annual growth rate is now down to 1.2 per cent but). Improved medical services and others have significantly reduced the mortality rate and the prevalence of malnutrition, tuberculosis and tropical diseases. In education, the enrollment rate has grown at all levels, far outpacing the growth in population in secondary schools (up to fourfold between 1970 and 1990) and higher levels (up to eight times). Trend towards urbanization, reflecting the economic transition, meaning that about 40 percent of Thai citizens currently living in Bangkok or provincial cities. In the national capital and urban centers of the other, the emergence of consumer-oriented middle class large strikingly evident. Old Thailand, where royalty, nobility or military elites can dominate the population quiescent subsistence farmers, have been lost. The Thai government must now grapple with an increasingly mobile society, luxury and educated. Other problems loom large. Agenda of issues faced by any government of Thailand today seems, indeed, disconcertingly long and demanding. At the macroeconomic level, Malaysia must move from a technology-based industrial development and foreignowned cheap labor. Meanwhile, the current boom has resulted in a wealth gap too, horizontally and vertically. Heavyweights city with workers on the minimum wage, often

toiling in atrocious conditions. When expressed in terms of income per capita, however, the Thai city is much better than those in rural areas. Poverty is particularly pronounced in the north, northeast and far to the south. Most of the industrial development has focused on Bangkok, which currently accounts for over 50 percent of the GDP of the country although it has only about 15 percent of the population. Infrastructure Bangkok straining to cope with the expansion, but even major rural infrastructure development schemes are not enough to attract business and industry that many of the capital. Pollution and environmental degradation has become an important issue in both rural and urban areas. AIDS has become the most pressing issues of the nation's health: at least 2 million Thai estimated to be HIV positive. Even so, the history of Thailand tend to encourage optimism for its future. Thailand's history can be seen as a story of people with extraordinary capacity for dissolution of social cohesion, or the avoidance of conflict and confrontation creative challenges that can not be avoided Constitution of 1991 On 23 February 1991, the Army Commander Suchinda Kraprayoon led military seized power from the government Chatichai, abolished the Constitution of 1978, and replace it with a temporary charter. Calling themselves the National Peace Keeping Council (NPKC), coupmakers unicameral National Assembly dilantikbaru 292 military officers and supporters, led by Ukrit Mongkolnavin. Ukrit and appointed Prime Anand Panyarachun was tasked to draft a permanent constitution. The drafting of a new constitution became a virtual battlefield between soldiers and foe. Military position in favor of the continued strength, the larger and more powerful NPKC appointed by the Senate with power over the House of Representatives, the larger the Privy Council, and the ability to non-elected officials to become cabinet members. This last clause allowing military leaders to act to become Prime Minister. Public mobilized to protest the draft, with 50,000 people showing at Sanam Luang on 19 November 1991, the largest protest in Thailand since 1976. King intervened in December 4th birthday speeches, urging people to accept the draft and note that the "procedures or principles that we have imported for use are sometimes not appropriate to conditions or characteristics Thailand Thai people." Suchinda Kraprayoon constitution allowed to be appointed as Prime Minister, which led to violent public uprising in 1992 that toppled the government. Constitution of 1997 Constitution of 1997 has been widely cited as a landmark in democratic political reform. Promulgated 11 October 1997, it was the first constitution drafted by elected assemblies, and thus was popularly called the "People's Constitution". "Black May" public uprising against the government-controlled NPKC arising because the Constitution in 1991 rise to public calls for a more accountable system of government. In June 1994, the leadership of the House Committee Prawes Administrator for Democracy Development meminda1991 Constitution but were unable to push through significant reform. After the collapse of the Chuan government, government Banharn Silpa-Archa 1995-1996 amended the Constitution in 1991 once again on October 22, 1996. 6 1997 Draft Constitution Drafting Process Amendment 1996 called for the creation of an entirely new constitution by 99 members of the Constitution Drafting Assembly (Constitution Drafting Assembly-CDA). Seventy-six

Kittipong Kittayarak, The Thai Constitution of 1997 and its Implication on Criminal Justice Reform. Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_Thailand

members are directly elected and 23 each from the province to be chosen by Parliament. Anand Panyarachun, PM in 1991 under the military regime, has been appointed as a member of the CDA and was appointed Chairman of the Drafting Committee. Political scientists and jurists Chai-Anan Samudavanija, Chantarasomboon Amorn, Pimchaichon Uthai, and Borwornsak Uwanno play a major role in the House. Public consultation occurs throughout the country. Some clauses, particularly the requirement that all Members of Parliament hold a bachelor's degree, the Constitutional Court, and the evidence is strong criticism. Asian Crisis of 1997 has been named the main motivation for the successful approval of the constitution. 7 Main Features 1997 Constitution has several innovations over previous constitution, including: Election reform. Voting was made compulsory to ensure high reduce vote buying. A mixed system of elections based on, Germany has been applied to the House of Commons. 100 members of the House elected from party lists, and the remaining 400 elected from single member constituencies. MPs should have a master's degree. An independent Election Commission was established. Strengthen the executive branch. A vote of 2/5 - Council debates needed to vote noconfidence in the Prime Minister. A successful no-confidence vote requires a majority of 1/2 of the House. Only 1/5 of the House of Representatives is required to submit a motion of no confidence against the Minister of individuals. These measures aim to improve the stability of the government. Separation between the executive and legislative branches are larger. MPs have been forced to resign from the House of Commons to become a Cabinet minister. Human rights. Too many human rights have been clearly recognized, including the right to free education, the rights of traditional communities, and the right and duty to protest coups and other extra-constitutional means to obtain power peacefully. Right to protest the coup was banned following a 2006 coup. Decentralization of government, including the establishment of selected Tambol Administration (Taos) and District Administration Organization (Paos). Also decentralized school administration. Increased checks and balances, including government agencies such as the newly independent Constitutional Court, the Administrative Court, the Office of the Auditor General, the National Counter Corruption Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, the Consumer Protection Association, the Organization Conservation of the Environment and Public Prosecutors / Justice (Ombudsman). 8 Conclusion Constitution (Constitution of 1997) who highly praised the participatory process involved in the formulation, enshrinement of human rights, and progress in political reform. It is seen as successful in fostering the development of democracy and enhance political stability. Measures to empower and protect people's politics also praised. In January 2001 Assembly

Borwornsak Uwanno and Wayne D. Burns, The Thai Constitution of 1997 Sources and Process, part 2. Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_Thailand 8 Thawilwadee Bureekul and Stithorn Thananithichot, The Thai Constitution of 1997: Evidence of Democratization. Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_Thailand

elections, the first contested election in the House under the Constitution of 1997, was called the most open elections, free of corruption in the history of Thailand. Political parties are effectively strengthened, and the effective number of parties in the legislature fell. Most criticism based on the perspective that the Constitution is very effective in a number of reforms. One of the members of the Drafting Committee, Amorn Chantarasomboon, claiming that the government is too strong and stable that brought on the "tyranny of the majority" and "parliamentary dictatorship." Following the Assembly elections in April 2006, the Commissioner of Elections to imprisonment and rejected the election results by the Constitutional Court. Constitution is also criticized for the lack of clarity in defining the role of the King in politics (see Royal power and 2006 the demand for royal intervention). Examine the role of the Senate in the appointment of the Constitutional Court came under much criticism (see the first appointment of the Constitutional Court). Although the Senate is supposed to be nonpartisan, voting bloc became common. Constitutional crisis almost occurred following the April 2006 House elections (see April 2006 Assembly election results). The government has been criticized for politicizing appointments to independent agencies. On the night of 19 September 2006, less than a month before the elections in the country scheduled to House, who led the Thai military coup against the government of Thaksin Shinawatra. Military junta revoke the Constitution of 1997, hung parliament, banned demonstrations and political activity, censored the media, and the dissolution of the Constitutional Court, the National Human Rights Commission and other agencies created by the Constitution of 1997. For the first week, the junta that ruled by decree. International criticism and a number of protests against the coup was carried out, despite the ban on junta. In the next few weeks, condemning the coup turned into a criticism of the government appointed by the junta General Surayud Chulanont and constitution drafting process. Junta appointed legal panel to draft interim charter (then officially called the "constitution"). The team is led by former Senate speaker Meechai Ruchuphan, and originally included jurists Borwornsak Uwanno and Wissanu Krea-ngam. Both were instrumental in drafting the Constitution of 1997 and served under ousted government, although they have resigned a few months before the coup. Both resigned from the panel after public criticism that they are members of the Ancien Regime. Thammasat University vice-rector Prinya Thewanaruemitkul harshly criticized the two, saying that they are "not noble enough to keep the democratic system." Both refused to play any further role with the military junta. The main features and criticismA draft interim charter was released on 27 September 2006, a lot of criticism. Charter drafter allowed interim junta, which will turn into a permanent Council for National Security (CNS), to appoint a powerful executive branch. Junta will appoint unicameral legislature of 250-member main concerns include: Lack of control for a permanent constitution. SSP will appoint a member of the National Council of 2.000 people who will choose 200 members to be a candidate for the Constitution Drafting Assembly. SSP will select 100 candidates for the royal appointment to the General Assembly, and he also will choose the head of the House. Assembly will elect 25 members as the author of the constitution, the SSP continues to appoint 10 writers. This process effectively give full military control over the drafting of the constitution remain.

Use the old charter if not complete a permanent constitutional deadline set SSP. Charter does not set out specifically to back - CNS (Council for National Security, the National Security Council) and the Cabinet will select 16 previous charter Thailand to be used: Lack of a clear timeline for a permanent constitution. Admission enough economic theory with King Bhumibol in the preamble. legal authorization for release after the coup and the military command, including a ban on demonstrations and political activities (Article 36). Providing amnesty to the junta to implement the coup (Article 37). Inability of the public to file comments on bills of parliament. Contents of the draft and draft process met with much public criticism. However, an interim charter the call for a democratic innovation: it requires that the constitution will still need to be confirmed by public referendum. However, the referendum proposal too was condemned, as the junta will have full authority to propose an alternative permanent if the draft constitution was rejected. Bibliography











http://www.aseanfocus.com/a_short_history_of_south_east_asia/history_thailand.html Borwornsak Uwanno and Wayne D. Burns. The Thai Constitution of 1997 Sources and

Process, Constitution

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2. Thailand.

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8 8

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Kittipong Kittayarak. The Thai Constitution of 1997 and its Implication on Criminal Justice Reform.
Retrieved 2012 May 8 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_of_Thailand Thawilwadee Bureekul and Stithorn Thananithichot. The Thai Constitution of 1997: Evidence








Chapter 8 Socio-economic development of Thailand Social development Thailand Period Thoburi And Bangkok After more than 400 years of power, in 1767, the Government passed Ayutthaya by Burmese military attack, capital, burned, and the fragmentation regions. Chief Taksin (now known as King Taksin the Great) managed to reunite the Thai government of new capital Thonburi and declared himself king in 1769. However, later due to stress and a lot of factors, King Taksin go crazy. Chief Chakri (later became Rama I) help run the empire instead. King Taksin was ordained as a monk and venture into the woods and was never seen again. Chief Chakri succeeded him in 1782 as Rama I, the first king of the Chakri dynasty. In the same year he founded a new capital city at Bangkok, across the Chao Phraya river from Thonburi, Taksin capital. In the 1790s Burma was defeated and driven out of Siam, as it was then called. Lanna also became free occupation of Burma, but the king of the new dynasty was installed in the 1790s is effectively ruling Chakri monarch colonies. Heirs of Rama I became increasingly concerned with the threat of European colonialism after British victories in neighboring Burma in 1826. The first Thai recognition of Western power in the region was the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the United Kingdom in 1826. In 1833, the United States began diplomatic exchanges with Siam, as Thailand was called until 1939, and again between 1945 and 1949. However, it was during the reign of then King Mongkut (1804-1868), and his son King Chulalongkorn (1853-1910), that Thailand established firm rapprochement with Western powers. It is a widely held view in Thailand that the diplomatic skills of these monarchs, combined with reforms to modernize the Thai government, Thailand is the only country in Southeast Asia to avoid European colonization. This is reflected in the country's modern name, Prathet Thai or Thai-land used since 1939 (though the name is reversed to Siam during 1945-1949), where prathet means "country". The Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 defined the boundary between Siam and British Malaya by getting modern Thai authorities over the provinces of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Satun, previously semi-independent part of the Malay sultanate of Pattani and Orissa. A series of agreements with France set during the eastern border with Laos and Cambodia. Reign Ends and Beginnings Absolute Monarchy Military Rule Siamese revolution of 1932, led by a group of young military officers and civil servants. Group held key figures, ministers of royal blood as hostages while the king, Rama VII, is the summer palace in Hua Hin. Seizure of power, which is usually called the 'Revolution of 1932', Government of Thailand changed from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy. Cabinet chaired by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. Military men always played an important role in politics even before 1932. Already in 1912, during the reign of Rama VI, young soldiers have been arrested who have urged the coup plot and change the status of constitutional monarch. King Rama VII, Prajadhipok initially accepted the changes, giving the Constitution but later abdicated from his position because of the conflict with the government. Revolutionary government decided to install 10 year old nephew, Ananda Mahidol as the new king. Upon release, King Prajadhipok said that the duty of government is to govern for the good of all the people, not for the few chosen. Within a decade of political turmoil Thailand ran into a revolutionary government plunged into factions; military and public figures. Fear of

communism, revolutionary ideas and extreme ultranationalism cause significant battle among the elite of the new government. Eventually the military faction emerged. Became an authoritarian regime under Prime Minister Plaek Phibunsongkhram, one of the members of the military wing of the Revolution. Regime he is also famous for the promotion of 'Pan Thaism' ultra nationalist policies aimed at consolidating Tai, Thailand - a close-speaking people into the kingdom. Moreover, in 1941, Phibun regime decided to ally with Japan. Young King Ananda Mahidol (Rama VIII) died in 1946 under somewhat mysterious circumstances, the official explanation that he shot himself accidentally while cleaning his gun. He was succeeded by his brother Bhumibol Adulyadej, Thailand's longest reigning monarch, and is very popular with Thai people. Although nominally a constitutional monarchy, Thailand was ruled by a series of military governments, most prominently led by Plaek Phibunsongkhram and Sarit Dhanarajata, interspersed with brief periods of democracy. In early January 1941, Thailand invaded French Indochina, beginning the French-Thai War. Thais, well equipped and slightly outnumbering the French forces, easily reclaimed Laos. French naval forces outnumbering Thailand, won the decisive naval Battle of Koh Chang. Japan resolved conflicts, and general armament was declared on January 28. On May 9 a peace treaty was signed in Tokyo, with France being forced by the Japanese to release their hold on the disputed territories. On December 8, 1941, several hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Japan demanded the right to move troops across Thailand to the Malayan frontier. Japan invaded Thailand and Thai troops involved for 6-8 hours before the ceasefire ordered Phibunsongkhram. Shortly thereafter Japan was granted free passage, and on December 21, 1941, Thailand and Japan signed a military alliance with a secret protocol in which Tokyo agreed to help Thailand regain territories lost to the British and French (ie the Shan States of Burma, Malaya , Singapore, & part of Yunnan, plus Laos & Cambodia) Subsequently, Thailand run 'assist' Japan in the war against the Allies. NOTE: Japan's distrust of Thailand extended to the point of rearming 'allies' them with munitions control, including the famous Siamese Mauser, which was issued in exceptional caliber. Seri Thai (Free Thai Movement) is an underground resistance movement against Japan was founded by Art Pramoj, Thai ambassador in Washington, with the help of the Office of Strategic Services Company (OSS.) Led from the Thailand office of regent of Pridi, it operates independently, often with the support of the members of the royal family as Prince Chula Chakrabongse, and members of the government. After the defeat in 1945 in Japan, for assistance Seri Thai, American support reduce Allied terms, although the British demanded repatriation in the form of rice sent to Malaya, and France, the return of lost territory in the French-Thai War. In exchange for supporting the inclusion of Thailand to the United Nations (UN), the Soviet Union demanded repeal of anticommunist law. It should also be noted that a number of former British officials erect monuments to thank the citizens of Ubon Ratchathani. In the post-war period, Thailand has close ties with the United States, which he saw as a protector from the communist revolutions in neighboring countries. See United States Air Force in Thailand. Communist terrorists exist in the country in the early 60's until 1987, some nearly 12,000 full-time fighters at the top of the movement, but was never a serious threat to the state. Recently, Thailand has also become an active member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) region, especially after democratic rule was restored in 1992.

Democracy Post-1973 has been marked by a struggle to define the political contours. It was won by the King and General Prem Tinsulanonda, in favor of an order of a constitutional monarchy. The years of the post-1973 has witnessed a difficult transition and sometimes bleeding from the military to civilian rule, with several reversals along the way. Revolution of 1973 that inaugurated a short period, and no stable democracy, with military rule imposed after the massacre October 6, 1976. For most of the 1980s, Thailand was ruled by Prem Tinsulanonda, strong democratic likely that restored parliamentary politics. After that, the country is still democracy apart from a brief period of military rule from 1991 to 1992. Populist Thai Rak Thai party, led by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, came to power in 2001. He was popular with the urban poor, and rural sububan for his populist social programs, his rule came under attack from the elite who see danger in parliamentary dictatorship. Also in mid2005, Sondhi Limthongkul, one well-known media tycoon, became the leading critic of Thaksin. Eventually Sondhi and his associates developed a movement to large-scale protests and later consolidated under the name of the People's Democratic Alliance (People's Alliance for Democracy-PAD). On September 19, 2006, after the dissolution of parliament, Thaksin then became the head of the provisional government. When he was in New York for a UN conference, the Army Commander-in-Chief Lieutenant General Sonthi Boonyaratglin September launched a bloodless 2006 military coup d'etat Thailand, supported by elements of the anti-Thaksin in civil society and among Democrats. General election on 23 December 2007 restored the civilian government, led by the People Power Party, Samak Sundaravej, as successor to Thai Rak Thai. In mid-2008, the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) result in massive protests against the government of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, whom they criticized for his relationship with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. On 26 August 2008, the protesters illegally occupied several government ministries, including the Government House officials who were sacked, to force the government to give to the demand. Beginning August 29, protesters disrupt air and rail infrastructure, including Suvarnabhumi airport. It has never been charged in court. This mess ended in December when three of the political parties that form the government was dissolved by the Constitution Court for election fraud. After this decision, many previous coalition partners the government then defected and joined the main opposition party, the Democratic party, and refused to elections immediately form a new government in favor of the old elite. On July 3, 2011, the opposition Pheu Thai Party won the general election in a landslide. Economic development of Thailand Government of Thailand, is exposed to financial dependence on a few primary commodities (rice, rubber, tin, and identity), has adopted a diversification of the economy through the development of industrial and agricultural production. By the early first development plan in 1961, the government committed itself to private enterprises and policy priorities to promote and help. Thailand has also attended trade policy and foreign exchange liberalization. Foreign exchange controls are nominal. First Five-Year Plan Thailand Thailand's first five-year plan, covering the period 1961-1966, aims to improve the standard of living through agricultural production, industry, and greater power. In the second development plan (1967-1971), emphasis was placed on the development of highways, agriculture, irrigation, education, and development of industries in the private sector. The

third development plan (1972-1976) placed special emphasis on improvements in rural infrastructure, growth in the financial and commercial sectors, and further assistance to crop diversification and import substitution industries. The Government has also committed itself to a reduction in the role of state-owned enterprises. The first three plans do much to raise living standards and bring new roads, irrigation, and land reform Bangkok prosperous region. But these changes also increase the income gap between urban and rural Thailand and attract increasing numbers of migrants to the city to find work. Accordingly, the fourth economic plan, covering the years 1977-81, emphasizing the division of industrial and economic growth of the capital region to the provinces. It also ended the policy of encouraging import substitution industries and began promotion of export-oriented industries can benefit from low wages countries. Plans were made for the establishment of industrial estates under the direction of the Industrial Estate Authority of Thailand. The first property, in Bangchan, 30 km (19 miles) from Bangkok, were fully occupied in 1980 by 51 companies, resulting in a variety of industrial products, including chemicals, automotive and electrical equipment, and food processing. Another industrial estate, established in 1979 in lard Krabang, also in and around Bangkok, including, in addition to general industrial areas, tax-free export processing zones open to manufacturers willing to create value-added and labor-intensive industries to export . Fifth development plan, covering the years 1982-1986, emphasized the reduction of rural poverty and social tension and expansion of employment opportunities in poor areas. For this purpose, four investment promotion zones have been established. Upon its completion in 1981, a natural gas pipeline from the Gulf of Thailand, the investment priority was reassigned to offshore East Area Development Programme. This program ambitious called to create a new complex in the industrial city of Rayong, Sattahip region which is expected to attract industries from congested areas of Bangkok. Emphasized heavy industry, with initial construction of gas separation plants and nature to produce soda ash, steel, and petrochemicals. 6 national economic and social development plan (1986-1991) emphasizes the continued promotion of exports, streamline the public sector, and monetary and fiscal policy is tight, with only targeted growth of about 5% per year. Emphasis was placed on the less capital-intensive industry, and more emphasis was given to improving the use of resources. Plan investment target and private sector initiatives. Privatization of state enterprises would continue in the clear phase, and enterprises are required to obtain their own results. Agricultural production is forecast to grow at 2.9% per annum. Development of small-scale industries, especially in rural areas, was emphasized. In 1993, the Eastern Seaboard Development Plan east of Bangkok started 10 years earlier as a result of a $ 4 billion investment shows the new port of Laem Chabang. This plan extends greater Bangkok, and the next phase includes all major arteries expand to national highway and two track railway fourlane. Sixth national development plan in accordance with the early boom Thailand ten years, and most of the economic projections are more than satisfied. At an average annual real GDP growth is 10.5% is more than double the target of 5%. In the seventh development plan, 1992 to 1997, corresponding to the second half of the decade the boom, the target has shifted to a stronger emphasis on the development of a balanced, persistent, and less to the growth of per cents. The plan has been officially titled seventh national development and social development plan. Three official emphasis 1) continuous, moderate growth (even with the target set at a fairly heady 8.2% annual real growth rate), 2) the redistribution of income and the distribution plan to achieve a reduction in poverty and widening percent gap between rich and poor; and 3) development of human resources. To achieve the goal, four sets of policy guidelines that have been set: the basis for stable growth, noninflationary; policy of income redistribution policies, human resource development and policies for

environmental protection. Real GDP growth target has been met, although the concern that this is through a combination of explosive industrial sector grew at an average rate exceeding the annual target of 11.4% and agriculture sector moribund, grown as an annual rate of 1.5% below target. Average inflation is 4.13% per year, better than the 5.6% target, but the goal to eliminate the large Thai trade balance and current account deficits were not met. Average annual savings rate of 9.1% also fell below target ambitious plan of 12.8%. Poverty reduction, however, is large, the percentage of the population living in poverty fell from 32.6% in 1988 to 11.4% in 1996, which would prove to be the lowest point since the Asian Financial Crisis of the next set year.Themes for each area of development control. In the north (Chiang-mai, Lamphrun, and Lampang), light and clean industries are encouraged, such as clothing, electronics, high value and agro-industry. In the south, transportation networks and natural gas networks developed between the Andaman Sea and the Gulf of Thailand will attract heavy industries such as petrochemical, and cross-border development in Malaysia will be linked to the industrial sector in Penang. Development plan for the poor northeast, including linking with Laos, Cambodia, and Viet Nam for processing raw materials from these countries, and to provide the services involved in the investment and production in these countries. Thailand's national development and social development plan, emphasizing once more concern with the qualitative and quantitative growth, coinciding with the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis and the fight Thailand back to pre-crisis levels of economic activity, 1997 to 2001. Plan, assuming continued economic growth, placing priority on two long-range goals of economic development: human development and administration of the succession from top to bottom with a bottom-up process. Virtually no plan goals have been met economy has fallen into recession and high inflation, the collapse of the baht in July 1997. While about one million people have been lifted out of poverty during the decade of the boom, from 1997 to 1999, about one million and a half years, he returned in poverty, as the estimated number in poverty increased 6,800,000-9,800,000 (16% of population) , and may continue to rise into 2001. In August 1997 economic plan 8 essentially replaced by the IMF program guided by an international bailout, three-year, $ 17.2 billion package of support to the program of economic reforms cold. IMF programs that provide from the outset to "cover essential health and education spending in the federal budget," and, in fact, health spending grew by 8% 1997/98 despite falling revenue. Government adhered to adequately cover the renewal program to bring down inflation and replenish foreign reserves, undergirding reform with a new constitution. Thailand began to pay back the IMF in November 2000 and repay other lenders in 2001. Negative net capital flows during the planning period of five years but by 2001 had risen to the remaining $ 4.9 billion from $ 12.6 billion in 1998. Introduction Progress ninth state, and social development plan, to run from 2001 to 2006, took the first turn as a government philosophy encompasses the concept of presenting it as the king of "sufficiency economy" as the guiding principles given to people as a way to help people cope with the economic crisis . "Sufficiency economy" has been described as based on adherence to the middle path, and involves simplicity not only as a guide for economic policy but as a way of life. Balanced development can be achieved through a combination of patience, perseverance, diligence, wisdom and prudence. The four pillars of the holistic approach ninth plan is social protection, competitiveness, governance, and environmental protection. Within this framework are quite abstract, the elements of a more specific strategy Thaksin government's economic policy in the year 2001 include the following seven elements: 1) farm debt restructuring, including the first 3-year suspension of some debts owed by poor farmers to a state bank, 2) village fund financed by a grant of one million baht (about $ 24,000) to each of the countries, there were about 70,000 local village provides administered micro-loans; 3) the transfer of non-performing loans (NPLs) of the

new established (June 2001) Thai Asset Management Corporation (TAMC), required stateowned operations and voluntary for the private sector, to promote the restructuring of the debt in a more efficient; 4) special attention to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) by loan agencies owned country; 5) promotional product specialization by village groups, called "one Tambon (groups of five or six villages), one product" scheme inspired by a similar program first Japanese; 6) the establishment of People's Bank, which is governed by the Government Savings Bank (GSB), allowing GBS account-holder to apply for small loans (up to about 30,000 baht or $ 370) in particular small retail or commercial ventures, and 7) 1 restructuring of the world economy from heavy dependence on imports and toward reliance more on local resources, particularly agriculture. Conclusion During the 19th century, the expansion of European powers, instead of Thailand's traditional enemies, the greatest threat to the survival of the government. The success of Thailand in maintaining independence (it is the only Southeast Asian country to do so) is a result of the desire of Britain and France for a stable buffer state separating their dominions in Burma, Malaya, and Indochina. More importantly, however, the willingness of Thailand kings, Mongkut (Rama IV, 1851-1868) and Chulalongkorn (Rama V, 1868-1910), to negotiate openly with the European powers and adopt European-style reforms to modernize the country and win sovereign status among the nations of the world. Thailand (then known as Siam) pay a higher price for freedom, however: the loss of suzerainty over Cambodia and Laos to France and surrender the northern states of the Malay Peninsula to Britain. In 1910, under Thai control is a fraction of what it had been a century earlier. In the early decades of the 20th century, Thailand's political system, the military, schools, and the economy experienced a drastic change. Many Thai people to study abroad, and a small elite, Western educated with ideas that are less traditional appear. In 1932, a bloodless coup d'etat by military officers and civil servants ended the absolute monarchy and inaugurated the era of the Thai constitution. Progress towards a stable system, democratic politics since that time, however, has been uncertain. Politics have been dominated by the military bureaucracy rival cliques led by the powerful generals. Cliques have initiated repeated coups d'etat and has imposed prolonged period of martial law. Parliamentary institutions, as defined by 14 constitutional Thailand between 1932 and 1987, and the competition among the members of the general public political facade for the military government. Bibliography english@peopledaily.com.cn. "Thailand's Democrat Party, former coalition parties to form new gov't". English.people.com.cn. Retrieved 2008-12-10. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90777/90851/6548448.html.

Ousting the prime minister. The Economist. 2 December 2008. Retrieved 2008 December 2.
http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12716260&fsrc=rss. Rong Syamananda, A history of Thailand, Chulalongkorn University, 1986, p 92. "Thai protesters 'want new coup'". BBC News. 2008-08-26. Retrieved 2008-09-02 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7581565.stm.

Wannabovorn, Sutin (2008-08-30). "Pressure grows on Thai prime minister to resign". Associated Press. Retrieved 2008-09-02 http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5hG71oGl1LokvZphtDQZzL44nzc3QD92SI9D00.

Chapter 9 Independence and Democratic Era In The Philippines Introduction Freedom of the Philippines and the Third Republic (1946-1975) Administration Manuel Roxas (1946-1948). Elections were held in April 1946, with Manuel Roxas becoming the first president of independent Republic of the Philippines. United States transferred sovereignty over the Philippines on July 4, 1946, as scheduled. However, the Philippine economy is still highly dependent on United States markets-more dependent, according to United States high commissioner Paul McNutt, than any other country the United States is dependent on other countries. Philippine Trade Act, passed as a precondition for receiving war rehabilitation grants from the United States, exacerbated the dependency with provisions further tying the economies of both countries. A military assistance pact was signed in 1947 granting the United States 99-year lease on designated military bases in the country. Administration Elpidio Quirino (1948-1953). Roxas administration granted general amnesty to those who had collaborated with the Japanese in World War II, except for those who have committed violent crimes. Roxas died suddenly of a heart attack in April 1948, and vice president, Elpidio Quirino, was elevated to the presidency. He ran for president in his own right in 1949, defeating Jose P. Laurel and winning a four-year term. World War II had left the Philippines demoralized and severely damaged. Complicated task of rebuilding Hukbalahap Communist guerrillas supported activities (known as "Huks"), who has grown into a violent resistance force against the new Philippine government. Government policy towards the Huks alternated between gestures of negotiation and harsh suppression. Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay initiated a campaign to defeat the insurgents militarily and at the same time win popular support for the government. PLA has reduced movement in the early 1950s, finally ending with the unconditional surrender PLA leader Luis Taruc in May 1954. Ramon Magsaysay Administration (1953-1957). Supported by the United States, Magsaysay was elected president in 1953 on a populist platform. He promised sweeping economic reform, and made progress in land reform by promoting the resettlement of poor people in the Catholic north into traditionally Muslim areas. Though this relieved population pressure in the north, it has increased the hostility of religion. However, he was very popular among the common people, and his death in a plane crash in March 1957 gave a serious blow to national morale. Administration of Carlos P. Garcia (1957-1961). Carlos P. Garcia succeeded to the presidency after the death of Magsaysay, and was elected for four years in November elections that same year. His administration emphasized the nationalist theme of "Filipino first", arguing that the Filipino people should be given the opportunity to improve the economy. Garcia managed to negotiate for the release of U.S. military land a great book. However, his administration lost popularity on issues of government corruption as long advanced. Land Reform Code. Agricultural Land Reform Code (RA 3844) is a leading Philippine land reform law enacted in 1963 under President Diosdado Macapagal. Code declared that it is the policy of the State. 1. To establish and economic cultivatorship owner-size family farms as agricultural base Philippines, and as a consequence, divert landlord capital agriculture to industrial development;

2. To achieve a dignified existence for the small farmers free from restrictions and institutional practices that harm; 3. To create a social and economic structure really viable in the agricultural sector is conducive to increased productivity and higher farm income; 4. To apply all labor laws equally and without discrimination to both wage earners and agricultural industries; 5. To provide land resettlement more vigorous and systematic programs and distribution of public land; 6. To make the small farmers more independent, self-reliant and responsible citizens, and pure source of strength in our democratic society. and, in accordance with those policies, established the following: 1. A leasehold agricultural system to replace all existing share tenancy systems in agriculture; 2. A declaration of rights for agricultural labor; 3. Power for the procurement and equitable distribution of agricultural land; 4. An institution to finance the acquisition and distribution of agricultural land; 5. A mechanism to extend credit and similar assistance to agriculture; 6. A mechanism to provide marketing, management, and other technical services to agriculture; 7. Uniform administration to formulate and implement land reform projects; 8. An expanded program of land capability survey, classification, and registration; 9. A judicial system to decide the issues arising under this Code and other laws and regulations. Judging Judging is not a political proposed merger of Malaya, the Philippines and Indonesia. It is based on the concepts developed during the Commonwealth government in the Philippines by Wenceslao Vinzons and Eduardo L. 1959 Martelino his day, Malaysia. In July 1963, President Diosdado Macapagal Philippines held a summit meeting in Manila. Judging has been proposed as a realization of Jose Rizal's dream of bringing together the Malay people. However, this has been regarded as a tactic in the Jakarta and Manila to delay or prevent the formation of the Federation of Malaysia. The plan failed when Indonesian President Sukarno adopted confrontation with Malaysia plan. Marcos Era and Military Law (1965-1986) Macapagal ran for re-election in 1965, but was defeated by former party-mate, Senate President Ferdinand Marcos, who has turned to the Nacionalista Party. Early in the presidency, Marcos initiated public works projects are ambitious and intensified tax collection which brought the country economic prosperity throughout the 1970s. His administration built more roads (including most of the Pan-Philippine Highway) than all his predecessors combined, and more schools than any previous administration. Marcos re-elected president in 1969, became the first president of the independent Philippines to achieve a second term. Philippine Legislature was corrupt and impotent. Opponents of Marcos blocked the necessary legislation to implement the plan ambitious. Because of this, optimism faded early in his second term and economic growth slowed. Crime and civil disobedience increased. Communist Party of the Philippines formed the New People's Army. Moro National Liberation Front continued to fight for an independent Islamic state in Mindanao. Explosion during a rally declaration senatorial slate of the Liberal Party on August 21, 1971 causing Marcos to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, which he restored on January 11, 1972 after a public outcry.

Military Law Amid the rising wave of lawlessness and the threat of Communist insurgency, Marcos declared martial law on 23 September, 1972 in accordance with Declaration No. 1081. Marcos, ruling by decree, restricted freedom of the press and other civil liberties, closed Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including the staunchest critics senators Benigno Aquino, Jr.., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. declaration of martial law was initially well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing crime rates drop dramatically after a curfew was implemented. Many political opponents were forced to go into exile. Constitutional convention, which was called in 1970 to replace the colonial 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect early in 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. Marcos claimed that martial law was the beginning of creating a "New Society" based on the values of a new social and political. Economy in the late 1970s was robust, with budgetary and trade surpluses. Gross National Product rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980. Tourism rose, contributing to economic growth. However, Marcos, cronies, and his wife, Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, willfully engaged in rampant corruption. Fourth Republic Persuade the Roman Catholic Church, Marcos officially lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, he retained the power of the government to arrest and detention. Corruption and nepotism as well as civil unrest contributed to a serious decline in economic growth and development under Marcos, whose health declined due to lupus. Political opposition boycotted 1981 presidential election, which blended Marcos against retired general Alejo Santos. Marcos won by a margin of more than 16 million votes, the constitution allowed him to have another six years. Finance Minister Cesar Virata was appointed as Prime Minister by Marcos. In 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. was assassinated at the Manila International Airport upon returning to the Philippines after a long period in exile. These combine popular dissatisfaction with Marcos and began succession of events, including pressure from the United States, leading to a snap presidential election in February 1986. The opposition united under the widow, Aquino, Corazon Aquino. Official election canvasser, the Commission of Elections (Comelec), declared Marcos the winner of elections. However, there is a big difference between the Comelec results and that Namfrel, accredited electoral observers. Allegedly fraudulent result was rejected by Corazon Aquino and her supporters. International observers, including the U.S. delegation, denounced the official results. Chief Fidel Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile withdrew their support for Marcos. Civil-military peaceful uprising, now popularly called the People Power Revolution, forced Marcos into exile and installed Corazon Aquino as president on February 25, 1986. Fifth Republic (1986-present) Administration of Corazon C. Aquino (1986-1992) Corazon Aquino immediately formed a revolutionary government to normalize the situation, and be prepared to shift the "Freedom Constitution". A new permanent constitution was ratified and enacted in February 1987. Constitutional powers of the president to declare flawed martial law, proposed the creation of autonomous regions in the Cordilleras and Muslim Mindanao, and restore Promote with presidential form of government and the bicameral Congress. Progress was made in revitalizing democratic institutions and respect

for Promoting Freedom Widen, but the Aquino administration was also seen as a weakness danmarah-tempered, and gross a number of articles and economic development affected by several coup attempts made by members of the Philippine military disloyal . Latest economic growth affected by several series of natural disasters, including the 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo that cause 700 Dead and 200,000 homeless. During the Aquino presidency, Manila witnessed six unsuccessful coup attempts, the most serious of which is valid for in December 1989. In 1991, the Philippine Senate rejected the Treaty of 10 years will be allowed extension of U.S. military basis in this country. United States turned over Clark Air Base in Pampanga to the government in November, and Subic Bay Naval Base in South Sulawesi in December 1992, ending a century rejoice U.S. military presence in the Philippines. Administration of Fidel V. Ramos (1992-1998) In the 1992 elections, Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos, endorsed by Aquino, won the presidency with just 23.6% of the vote in a field of seven candidates. At the beginning of his administration, Ramos declared "national reconciliation" his highest priority and worked at building combined to overcome the divisiveness of Aquino. He confirmed the Communist Party and laid the foundation for negotiations with communist insurgents, Muslim separatists, and military rebels, attempting to convince them to stop armed activities against the government. In June 1994, Ramos signed into law a general conditional amnesty covering all rebel groups, and Philippine military and police personnel accused of crimes committed while fighting the insurgents. In October 1995, the government signed an agreement bringing the military insurgency to an end. A peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), the main separatist group fighting for an independent homeland in Mindanao, was signed in 1996, ending the 24-year-old struggle. However, an MNLF splinter group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front continued the armed struggle for an Islamic state. Efforts by Ramos supporters to gain passage of amendments that would allow him to run for a second term were met with large-scale protests, leading Ramos to declare he would not seek reelection. Joseph Estrada administration (1998-2001) Joseph Estrada, a former movie actor who had served as vice president of Ramos', was chosen as president by a landslide victory in 1998. His election campaign pledge to help the poor and develop the country's agricultural sector. He enjoyed widespread popularity, particularly among the poor. Estrada's office amid the Asian Financial Crisis. However, the economy is not recovering from a low -0.6% growth in 1998 to a moderate growth of 3.4% by 1999. Like his predecessor is the same attempt to change the constitution in 1987. This process is referred to as CONCORD or Constitutional Correction for Development. Unlike Charter change under Ramos and Arroyo the CONCORD proposal, according to proponents, would only amend the 'restrict' economic provisions of the constitution are taken to prevent the entry of more foreign investments in the Philippines. However it did not work to amend the constitution. On March 21, 2000 President Estrada declared the first "all-out-war" against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) after the worsening movement in Midanao insurgents. The government then catch 46 MILF camps including the MILF's headquarters ', Camp Abu Bakar'. In October 2000, however, Estrada was accused of having received millions of pesos in bribes from illegal gambling business. He was impeached by the House of Representatives, but the trial damaged his dismissal in the Senate when the Senate voted to block the president's bank records inspection. In response, massive street protests erupted demanding Estrada's resignation. Faced with street protests, cabinet resignations, and a

withdrawal of support from the armed forces, Estrada was forced from office on January 20, 2001. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration (2001-2010) Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (the daughter of the late President Diosdado Macapagal) was sworn in as Estrada's successor on the day of departure. His accession to power was directly forbidden by the mid-term congressional and local elections held four months later, when he won the first victory combined warm. Arroyo initial term in office was marked by political alliances and one gripe military mutiny in Manila in July 2003 which led him to declare a state of revolt across the country for a month. Arroyo had declared in December 2002 that he would not run in presidential elections in May 2004, but he has transformed itself in October 2003 and decided to join the race. He was re-elected and sworn in for a term of six years himself as president on June 30, 2004. In 2005, record 1 wire tapped conversations arose with one voice Arroyo apparently asking an election official if her margin of victory might be maintained. Tape sparked protests call for the resignation of Arroyo. Arroyo admitted not appropriate to talk to an election official, but denied allegations of fraud and refused to resign. Attempts to challenge the president failed later that year. Arroyo unsuccessfully attempted a controversial plan to overhaul the constitution to change the presidential-bicameral republic into a federal parliamentary-unicameral form of government. Administration of Benigno Aquino III Benigno Aquino III started the presidency on June 30, 2010, when he became the 15th President of the Philippines. He was president of both the Bachelor of Emilio Aguinaldo. He is the son of former Philippine President Corazon C. Aquino. She, like her mother, live in Malacaang Palace premises. Conclusion Democracy Era appear on Agricultural Land Reform Code (RA 3844) is a leading Philippine land reform law enacted in 1963 under President Diosdado Macapagal. Democracy dim while in the era of Ferdinand Marcos who perform Military Law. The next era of presidential democracies look back but in a manner and own mold. Bibliography

AFP-MILF 2000 War in Mindanao Remembered. (April 13, 2006), American Chronicle, May

13, 2009. "Gloria Macapagal Arroyo Talkasia Transcript". CNN. Retrieved 2012 May 9 from http://edition.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/asiapcf/08/10/talkasia.arroyo.script/index.html.

"Balitang Beterano: Facts about Philippine Independence". Philippine Headline News Online. Retrieved 2012 May 9 from http://www.newsflash.org/2004/02/tl/tl012375.htm. Greg Poulgrain (1998). The genesis of konfrontasi: Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, 1945-1965. London: Crawford House. "Republic Act No. 3844 : The Agricultural Land Reform Code of the Philippines". August 8, 1963. Retrieved 2012 May 9 http://www.lawphil.net/statutes/repacts/ra1963/ra_3844_1963.html

Showdown in Manila". Asiaweek. Archived from the original on 2006-11-10. http://web.archive.org/web/20061110215216/http://www.pathfinder.com/asiaweek/97/ 1003/nat1.html. THE PHILIPPINES: Death of a Friend". Time Magazine. March 25, 1957. Retrieved 2012 May 9 from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,809261,00.html.

Chapter 10 Marcos era and Sustainable Democracy Introduction Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos (September 11, 1917 - September 28, 1989) was a Filipino dictator who held the title of President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949-1959) and member of the Philippine Senate (1959-1965). He was Senate President from 1963-1965. While in power he implemented various infrastructure development programs and economic reforms. However, his administration was marred by massive authoritarian corruption, despotism, nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations. In 1983, his government has been accused of involvement in the murder of the main political opponent, Benigno Aquino, Jr. Public outrage over the assassination served as the catalyst for the People Power Revolution in February 1986 that led to his removal from power and eventual exile in Hawaii. It was later found that, in 20 years he was in power, he and his wife Imelda Marcos had moved billions of dollars of embezzled public funds to the accounts and investments in the United States, Switzerland, and other countries. Early Life Ferdinand Edralin Marcos was born September 11, 1917, in the town of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to parents Mariano and Josefa Edralin Marcos. He was baptized into the Church of the Free Filipina.Menurut Marcos family oral history, the family is originally yangnama Quidit, and their Ilokano roots have some Japanese and Chinese descent. Marcos said that his ancestors were "15 century Chinese pirate". In December 1938, Mariano Marcos, his brother Pio, the son of Ferdinand, and Quirino Lizardo brother in law has been indicted for the murder of Julio Nalundasan, one of the father's political rival Marcos'. On September 20, 1935, the day after Nalundasan (for the second time) defeated Mariano Marcos for the National Assembly seat for Ilocos Norte, Nalundasan was shot and killed in his house in Batac. According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to kill Nalundasan, with Ferdinand Marcos eventually doing the killing. At the end of January 1939, they were denied bail. In 1939 they were convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received the death penalty for premeditated murder, while Mariano and Pio were found guilty only of contempt of court. Marcos family took their appeal to the Supreme Court of Malaysia, on October 22, 1940, reversed the decision of a lower court and acquitted them of all charges but contempt. Marcos attended college at the University of the Philippines, attending the prestigious College of Law. He excelled in both curricular and co-curricular activities, he is a valuable member of the university's swimming team, boxing and wrestling. He also accomplished and prolific orator, debater, and author of the university newspaper. He is also a member of the ROTC, and then teaching the subject. He took the bar exam in 1939 and led to nearly perfect score despite the fact that he was imprisoned when he was studying. In 1939, while incarcerated, Ferdinand Marcos graduated cum laude. If he had not been put in jail for 27 days, he magna cum laude should have. He was elected to Pi Gamma Mu international honor society, and Phi Kappa Phi international honor society, 37 years later gave him the Most Outstanding Member Award. He claimed to have led a guerrilla force called Ang Maharlika 9000 people in northern Luzon during the Second World War, although accounts of the events and then thrown into doubt after a U.S. military investigation found that a lot of false or inaccurate claims. Personal Life He was married to Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, on May 1, 1954 the couple had four children:

Maria Imelda Marcos "Imee" (born November 12, 1955) the Governor of Ilocos Norte Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr. (born September 13, 1957) Senator Philippines Irene Marcos Career Congress House of Representatives When the Philippines granted independence on July 4, 1946 by the U.S. government, the Philippine Congress has established. Marcos ran and was twice elected as representative of the first district of Ilocos Norte, 1949-1959. He was elected as the chairman of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry and a member of the Defense Committee headed by Ramon Magsaysay. He was chairman, House Block neophytes in which (President) Diosdado Macapagal, (Vice President) Emmanuel Pelaez and (Manila Mayor) Arsenio J. Lacson were members, House Committee on Industry; LP spokesman on economic matters, Member, Special Committee on Import Price Control and compensation; House Committee on Ways and ability, Banks Currency, War Veterans, Civil Service, Corporation and Planning Economy and the Election Tribunal House. Senate He is the boss in the senatorial elections in 1959. He is the Senate minority leader subordinate, 1960, executive vice president, Liberal Party-LP 1954-1961, President of the Liberal Party, 1961-1964; President of the Senate, 1959-1965. During his tenure as Senate President, former Defense Secretary Eulogio B. Balao, also closely working with Marcos. Marcos led controversial political career both before and after his tenure as President of the Senate. He became Senator after he served as a member of the House of Representatives for three terms, then as chief minority opinions before seeking Senate President. He introduced a number of important bills, many of which find their way into the Republic statute books. The Presidency First term (1965-1969) Presidential Campaign Marcos famous for anti-Japanese guerrilla activity during World War II something that set him apart from his political opponents, many of whom have collaborated with the Japanese. Using a combination of vote-buying, electoral fraud, and coercion, coupled with an effective media campaign, Marcos won the presidency in 1965. Program Infrastructure In the first State of the Nation Address (SONA), Marcos revealed plans for economic development and government reform. Marcos wanted the immediate construction of roads, bridges and other public works, including 16.000 km feeder roads, some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an electric power capacity of one million kilowatts (1,000,000 kW), and water services to eight regions and 38 localities. He also urged the revitalization of the judiciary, the national defense posture and the fight against smuggling, crime, corruption and corruption in the government. To achieve the goals "President Marcos mobilized manpower and resources of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for action to complement civilian agencies in such activities as infrastructure construction; economic planning and program execution; regional and industrial site planning and development; community development and others. " Jobs technocrats in key positions and the mobilization of the AFP for civic actions resulted in an increase integration of civilian and military elite functions.

Vietnam War To the surprise of many, soon after becoming president, Marcos wanted the Philippines to become involved in the Vietnam War. He asked Congress to approve sending combat engineer unit to South Vietnam. When the previous Philippine president, Macapagal, suggested in 1964-1965 to send troops was Marcos who had led the opposition against this plan on both reason and moral law. Although opposition to the new plan, the government Marcos Congressional approval and Philippine troops were sent from mid-1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG achieve strength of about 1,600 troops in 1968 and between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in South Vietnam, especially those involved in public infrastructure projects. Second term (1969-1981) 1969 Presidential Election In 1969, 12 candidates running for president. Marcos was re-elected for a second term. First Philippines president to win a second term. Election has been marked by massive violence, vote-buying, and fraud on the part of Marcos', and Marcos used $ 56 million from the Philippine treasury to fund his campaign. His running mate, incumbent Vice President Fernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term as Vice President of the Philippines. Student Revolt In 1970, students in Manila mobilized large number of people to attend protests against U.S. imperialism (the U.S.) and the "rise of fascism" under Marcos. Protests later became known as the First Quarter Storm. Military Law and the New Society It is perhaps Easier and more comfortable to look back to The Solace of a familiar and mediocre past. But the times are too grave and the stake too high for us to permit the Customary concessions to traditional Democratic processes. ' - Ferdinand Marcos, January 1973 Marcos declared martial law on September 22, 1972 pursuant to Proclamation No. 1081, signed on September 21, 1972, to extend his rule beyond the constitutional two-term limit. He justifies by exaggerating threats of Communist and Islamic insurgency. He then will tell the history of that Proclamation No. 1081 she signed as early as 17 September. Ruling by decree, he restricted freedom of the press and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno. Marcos claimed that martial law was the beginning of creating his Bagong Lipunan, "New Society" based on the values of a new social and political. Constitutional convention, which was called in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect early in 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. After putting in force amendments to the constitution of action, legislation, and get sweeping powers and limitations under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous region of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. Opposition

dubbed the lifting of martial law as the only "face lifting" as a precondition for a visit Pope John Paul II. Marcos had a vision of Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to the "New Order administration" of President Suharto of Indonesia. He uses his years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos book, "Notes on the New Society," it was a movement urging the poor and disadvantaged, to work as one of the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts washing proceeds from corruption and institutionalized corruption in the national agencies of different governments as "crony capitalism," Marcos' friends using them for personal interests. With motives really nationalism, crony capitalism intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen though in practice, it leads to graft and corruption via bribery, fraud, fraud and abuse. Marcos also bury free press, making the state press the only law. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed to farmers. With express an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of many even though he is to create a new one in place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance which was left mostly to Enrile using his power to settle scores against old rivals, such as the Lopezes, who always opposed Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and other others were imprisoned for months or years. practice is far alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly. Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increase the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 employees. Military officers were placed on the Board of various media companies, public utilities, development projects, and other private companies. At the same time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth of domestic manufacturing industry and a lot of weapons increasing military expenditure. GNP countries amounted to $ 11.5 billion by 1980, representing growth of 6.6% average annual rate. GNP in 1980 was four times greater than the GNP in 1972. Rice production increased from 5.1 million tonnes in 1972 to 7.25 million tonnes in 1980 due to Masagana 99. From the declaration of martial law in 1972, until 1983, the U.S. government provided $ 2.5 billion in military and economic aid to the Marcos regime bilateral, and about U.S. $ 5.5 billion through multilateral institutions like the World Bank. In the 1979 U.S. Senate report, it was stated that U.S. officials are not aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents in the United States to disrupt opposition Philippines. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside of a union hall in Seattle. At least once, CIA agents blocked FBI agent Philippines. The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as Kabataang Barangay, which was led by the eldest daughter Imee Marcos him. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, required that all youths aged 15 to 18 years will be delivered to remote indoctrination camps outside the city, where they undergo a ritual program designed to instill loyalty to the First Couple. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos Filipino CONSTABULARY, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and three remained President Marcos' closest advisers until

he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon 'sinking ship' Marcos' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class is essential to the success of the massive crusade.

Cabinet OFFICE President Vice-President NAME Ferdinand Marcos Fernando Lopez TERM 19651978 19651973 19651971 19711978 19651968 19681978 19661968 19681970 19701978 19651967 19671968 19681970 1970 19701978

Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources Fernando Lopez Arturo Tanco, Jr. Secretary of Foreign Affairs Narciso Ramos Carlos P. Romulo Secretary of Finance Juan Ponce Enrile Eduardo Romualdez Cesar Virata Secretary of Justice Jose Yulo Claudio Teehankee Juan Ponce Enrile Felix Makasiar Vicente Abad Santos Secretary of National Defense

Ferdinand Marcos 19651967 (in concurrent capacity as President) Ernesto Mata Juan Ponce Enrile 19671970 19701971

Ferdinand Marcos 19711972 (in concurrent capacity as President) Juan Ponce Enrile Secretary of Commerce and Industry Marcelo Balatbat Leonidas Virata Ernesto Maceda Troadio Quiazon Secretary of Industry Secretary of Public Works, Transportation and Communications Vicente Paterno Antonio Raquiza Rene Espina Antonio Syquio David Consunji Alfredo Juinio Secretary of Public Highways Baltazar Aquino 19721978 19661968 19691970 19701971 19711974 19741978 19661968 19681969 19691970 19701975 19751978 19741978 19731978

Director-General of the Gerardo Sicat National Economic and Development Authority

prime minister In 1978, the position returned when Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister. Based on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers, that would be typical of modern prime ministers in other countries. The position is officially head the government, and commander-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President of the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the newly restored office of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. The Prime Minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. When re-elected to President, Marcos was succeeded as Prime Minister by Cesar Virata in 1981.

Cabinet Under Military Law OFFICE President Prime Minister NAME Ferdinand Marcos Ferdinand Marcos Cesar Virata Minister of Agriculture Arturo Tanco, Jr. TERM 19651978 19781981 19811986 19781984

Salvador Escudero III 19841986 Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlos P. Romulo Manuel Collantes Arturo Tolentino Pacifico Castro Minister of Finance Minister of Justice Cesar Virata 19781984 1984 19841985 19851986 19781986

Vicente Abad Santos 19781979 Catalino Macaraig, Jr. 1979 Ricardo Puno Estelito Mendoza 19791984 19841986 19781986 19781979 19791981 19791981 19811986 19781981 19781979

Minister of National Defense Minister of Industry[35]

Juan Ponce Enrile Vicente Paterno Roberto Ongpin

Minister of Trade Minister of Trade and Industry Minister of Public Works, Transportation and Communications[36] Minister of Public Highways

Luis Villafuerte, Sr. Roberto Ongpin Alfredo Juinio Baltazar Aquino

Vicente Paterno Jesus Hipolito Minister of Public Works and Highways Jesus Hipolito

19791980 19801981 19811986 19781981 19811986 19781986 19781986

Director-General of the Gerardo Sicat National Economic and Development Authority Cesar Virata Minister of Energy Minister of Human Settlements Geronimo Velasco Imelda Marcos

Third Term (1981-1986) "We love your Adherence to Democratic principles and to the Democratic process, and we will not leave you in isolation. ' - U.S. Vice-President George H. W. Ferdinand Marcos Sulawesi Bush inauguration, June 1981 On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the presidential election in twelve years was held. As expected, President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates. The main opposition parties, the Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and Laban, boycotted the elections. Aquino assassination In 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. was killed by Philippine military escort at the Manila International Airport upon returning to the Philippines after a long period in exile. Available evidence suggests that Imelda Marcos and General Fabian C. Ver planned the killing, but it is possible that Marcos himself made a real order Aquino killed. This dissatisfaction that combine popular with Marcos authoritarian governance and public wealth plundered, leading to widespread protests against the regime. Attempted Removal On 13 August 1985, 56 Members of the Legislative Assembly signed a resolution that called for dismissal of President Marcos for alleged diversion of U.S. aid for personal use, citing the July 1985 San Jose Mercury News revealed dollars Marcoses' multi-jutapegangan and real estate investment in the United States. Property allegedly amassed by the First Family is the Crown Building, Lindenmere property, and several residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping mall in New York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three condominiums in San Francisco, California. Member of the Legislative Assembly are also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds "for the construction of the Film Center, where the films X-rated and pornographic exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions." Fall This year, the Marcos regime was marred by rampant corruption and political mismanagement by his relatives and cronies, which culminated with the assassination of

Benigno Aquino. Critics consider the quintessential kleptocrat Marcos, had been robbed of billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. Large personality cult in the Philippines surrounding Marcos also led to being arrogant (default). In the third term, Marcos health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, often described as lupus erythematosus. He was absent for weeks at a time for treatment, with no one assuming command. Marcos regime was sensitive to publicity condition; a palace physician who alleged that during these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant has long found murdered. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest. By Marcos who are experiencing problems, his wife also authority, Imelda, emerged as a major public figure government. Marcos rejected speculation that ill health, as it used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who loves to show physically. In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983, was later proved to be the catalyst that led to his overthrow. Many Filipinos came to believe that Marcos, a shrewd political tactical, had no hand in the murder of Aquino but that he was involved in closing down. However, the opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife Imelda. Ver release in 1985 as well as high-ranking military officials of the crime was seen as a miscarriage of justice. In 1984, his close ally, U.S. President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which has provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the past few years. During the Carter administration bitter relations with the United States somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in the human rights campaign. In the face of dissatisfaction people growing and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a "Snap Election" in 1986, with more than a year left in the term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as running mate. The opposition to Marcos united behind a widow, Corazon Aquino, and running mate, Salvador Laurel. "Movement of People's Power" (People's Power Movement) drove Marcos into exile and installed Corazon Aquino as the new president. At the height of the revolution, Enrile revealed that the ambush he had faked in order for Marcos have an excuse to impose martial law. However, Marcos insisted that he is the president who has chosen and declared the Philippines for the fourth period. Philippine government today is still paying interest in public debts incurred during Marcos administration '. It has been reported that, when Marcos fled, U.S. Customs agents discovered 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewelry hidden in diaper bags and in addition, certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars of its alleged personal nature of her, her family, cronies and business partners surreptitiously took with them when the Reagan administration gave them safe passage to Hawaii. When presidential mansion was seized, it was discovered that Imelda Marcos had over 2700 pairs of shoes in his closet. Economy To finance economic development projects, the Marcos government borrowed large amounts of money from international lenders. Philippine external debt rose from $ 360 million (U.S.) in 1962 to $ 28.3 billion in 1986, making the Philippines one of the countries most indebted in Asia. A sizable amount of this money went to the family and friends Marcos

in the form of loans on the order. These loans have been taken over by the government and still serviced by taxpayers. Today, more than half of the national income outlaid for the payments on the loan interest alone. Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives, including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic program in the 1980's is Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Development). The program was started in September 1981. The aim is to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging residents to engage in livelihood projects of their own. The government's efforts resulted in an increase economic growth by an average of six percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980. Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983. Political problems hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government. In order to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiate with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for the reconstruction of the country's foreign debts - to give the Philippines more time to pay the loan. Marcos ordered cuts in government spending and use part of the savings to fund Sariling Attitude (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program that was established in 1984. However, the economy experienced negative economic growth from the beginning of 1984 and continued to decline despite the government's recovery efforts. Failure recovery program is due to civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption in government, and lack of credibility of Marcos. Marcos himself diverted large sum of government money to fund party campaigns. The unemployment rate rose from 6.30% in 1972 to 27.65% in 1985. Between 1972 and 1980, the average monthly income of employees has fallen by 20%. By 1981, rich 10% of the population has received income doubled as the 60% bracket. With the help of the Rockefeller Foundation and Ford, Marcos brought the "Green Revolution" (industrialized, chemical agriculture) to the Philippines. These reforms cause high profits for transnational corporations, but harmful to the farmers of small farmers, who are often pushed into poverty. After declaring martial law in 1972, Marcos promised to implement agricultural reforms. However, the land reforms "served largely to undermine Marcos landholder opponents', not to reduce inequality in the rural areas", and "encouraged conversion to cash tenancy and greater reliance on farm workers". From 1972 to 1980, agricultural production fell by 30%. Under Marcos, exports of timber products is the country's major exports. Little attention was paid to environmental impacts of deforestation. By the early 1980s, the industry collapsed because most accessible forest Philippines been exhausted. After the office of the President At 15:00, February 20, 1986, Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut clean", which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family, including close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 pm, the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopter Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding U.S.

Air Force C-130 aircraft bound for Base Andersen Air Force in Guam, and finally Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26. Marcos died in Honolulu on September 28, 1989, kidney disease, heart and lungs. He was buried in a private mausoleum at Byodo In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. The body of the strong late now buried in the crypt in Ilocos Norte cooling, where his son, Ferdinand, Jr.., And eldest daughter, Imee had been governor and local representatives, respectively. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of Ferdinand Marcos, commissioned by Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras, previously carved on a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed by suspects that include left-wing activists, members of the local tribe who have been displaced by its construction, and a treasure hunt for the legendary thief hidden Marcos'. Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990 but is still facing a few hundred additional corruption charges in Philippine courts in 2006. In 1995 some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class action suit filed against the Marcos estate. The charges were filed by victims or relatives who still live them to exercise torture and disappearances. Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws that have been enacted during the Marcos dictatorship. He is restoring the right to habeas corpus, repealed the law anti-labor, and release hundreds of political prisoners. From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits brought before U.S. courts against Marcos and daughter Imee, claiming them to the death penalty, torture, and disappearance committed under their command. Ninth Circuit Court jury awarded $ 2 billion to the plaintiffs and class of human rights victims and their families. On June 12, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court (in a 7-2 ruling written by Justice Anthony Kennedy in "Republic of the Philippines v. Mariano Pimentel") held that: "the judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case be remanded with instructions to direct the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action. " court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino victims of human rights (1972-1986) to recover $ 35 million, part of $ 2 billion judgment in U.S. courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines is a party that can not be aside, protected by sovereign immunity. It claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma SA, which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York. Human rights groups put the number of murder victims seguridad under martial law at 1500 and Karapatan, records of local human rights groups show 759 involuntarily disappeared (their bodies never found). Military History Alfred McCoy in his book "Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" and "Dark Legacy" cite 3,257 seguridad speech murders, 35,000 torture victims, and 70,000 incarcerated during the Marcos. Newspaper Bulatlat (lit. "to open carelessly") places the number of victims of arrest and arbitrary detention at 120,000. Conclusion Marcos family and cronies looted so much wealth from the country that today's investigators have difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars that have been stolen. However, it is estimated that Marcos alone stole at least $ 5 billion from the Filipino treasury. The Swiss government, initially refused to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts, has returned U.S. $ 684 million Marcos wealth '. According to Jovito Salonga, monopolies in several vital industries have been created and placed under the control of Marcos cronies, such as coconut industries (under Eduardo

Cojuangco, Jr. and Juan Ponce Enrile), tobacco (under Lucio Tan), banana (under Antonio Floirendo), sugar industry (under Roberto Benedicto) and manufacturing (under Herminio here and Ricardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, the nation's largest companies, such as the Philippine Long distance Company (PLDC), of which the Philippine Long Distance Telephone the name now (PLDT), the Philippine Airlines (PAL), meralco (1 electric company), Fortune Tobacco, the San Miguel Corporation (Asia's largest beer and bottling company), numerous newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting companies (such as ABS-CBN), several banks, and real estate properties in New York, California and Hawaii. Aquino government also accused them of skimming of foreign aid and international assistance. Laws written by Marcos are still in full force and effect. Of the thousands of declaration decree and executive orders, only a few repealed, revoked, modified or amended. Some credit Marcos for promoting Filipino culture and nationalism. Year 21 years in power with the help of a huge U.S. economic aid and foreign loans enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than any of its predecessors combination. Bibliography Justice Jose P. Laurel penned the ponencia (in People vs. Mariano Marcos, et al., 70 Phil. 468) which was concurred by chief justice Avancea and justices Imperial, Diaz, and Horilleno. Lieutenant General Larsen, Stanley Robert (1985) "Chapter III: The Phillipines" in Allied Participation in Vietnam, U.S. Department of the Army. McCoy, Alfred W. (1999). Closer than brothers: manhood at the Philippine Military Academy. Yale University Press. pp. 167170 McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). Policing America's empire: the United States, the Philippines, and the rise of the surveillance state. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 52. Mijares, Primitivo (1976). The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Manila: Union Square. Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 130.

Chapter 11 Socio-economic development of the Philippines introduction National Economic and Development Authority (National Economic and Development Authority-NEDO) National Economic and Development Authority (Philippines: Pambansang Pangasiwaan sa Kabuhayan in Pagpapaunlad), shortened NEDO, is independent cabinet-level agencies of the Philippine government responsible for economic development and planning. It is headed by the President of the Philippines as chairman of the board of Neda, the Secretary of SocioEconomic Planning, concurrently Neda Director General, as vice-chairman. Some members of the Cabinet, the Governor of the National Bank, Chairman of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority, the Governor of the Autonomous Region Muslim Mindanao, the Chairman of the Commission on Information and Communications Technology, Chairman of the Subic-Clark Area Development Corporation, and President of the National Union of Local Authorities Philippines is a member of the Board Neda. Benigno Aquino III appointed Cayetano Paderanga, Jr. as Neda Director General on 30 June 2010. history Neda was established in 1973 by Dr. Gerardo Sicat as the first Director General. With the exception Sicat, Prime Minister of the Philippines is usually the head of the agency before the People Power Revolution First. President Corazon C. Aquino re-organized Neda into shape now (see below) and Winnie Monsod appointed as the first Director General after EDSA I. List NEDO Director-General Name Term Began Term Ended President

Third Republic of the Philippines Gerardo Sicat 1973 June 30, 1981 Ferdinand Marcos

Fourth Republic of the Philippines Cesar Virata[2] June 30, 1981 February 25, 1986 Ferdinand Marcos

Fifth Republic of the Philippines Winnie Monsod Jesus Estanislao July 22, 1987 1989 1989 1990 June 30, 1992 Corazon Aquino Corazon Aquino Corazon Aquino

Cayetano Paderanga, Jr. 1990

Cielito Habito Felipe Medalla Dante Canlas Romulo Neri Augusto Santos Romulo Neri Augusto Santos Ralph Recto Augusto Santos

June 30, 1992 June 30, 1998

June 30, 1998

Fidel Ramos

January 20, 2001 Joseph Estrada Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Benigno Aquino III

January 20, 2001 2002 2002 2005 2006 2007 July 23, 2008 2005 2006 2007 July 23, 2008 August 16, 2009

August 16, 2009 June 30, 2010 Present

Cayetano Paderanga, Jr. June 30, 2010

Legal Basis NEDO current form, which was organized by President Corazon C. Aquino on July 22, 1987 through Executive Order No.. 230. It is defined composition and powers of Neda and the Secretariat and its functions, powers and functions of the Authority and its committees. On July 26, 1994, President Fidel V. Ramos signed a Memorandum Order No. 222 which reactivated Neda Board Executive Committee and the mandate that the decision of the Executive Committee of the Board Neda is final, executory and binding Neda Board. On July 27, 1992, President Ramos signed Republic Act No.. 7640, which established the Legislative Executive Development Advisory Committee (LEDAC). LEDAC serves as a consultative and advisory body to the President as head of Neda and advise on programs and specific policies, which are important for the realization of national development goals. Board NEDO Powers and functions of the Board of Neda Neda lived. It is the Philippines premier social development planning and economic and policy coordinating body. The Board consists of the President as chairman, Socio-Economic Planning Secretary and Neda Director General as vice-chairman, and the following as members: the Executive Secretary and the Secretary of Finance, Trade and Industry, Agriculture, Environment, and Natural Resources, Public Works and Highway Budget and Management, Labor and Employment, and the State and Local Government. The following has been added as a member of the Board: Secretary of Health, Foreign Affairs, and agricultural reforms (per Memorandum Order No. 164, dated March 21, 1988) Secretary of Science and Technology (a Memorandum Order No. 235, dated May 19, 1989), and Secretary of Transportation and Communications (per Memorandum Order No. 321, dated 26 September 1990). In addition, the Secretary of Energy (per Republic Act No.. 7638,

approved December 9, 1992) and governor of Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (per Section 124 of Republic Act No.. 7653, approved June 14, 1993). On 22 April, 2006, the Board of Neda reconstructed through Administrative Order No. 148, added eight new members and replace the five original members. At the moment Neda Board Member (23 July 2010): Benigno Aquino III, Chairman Cayetano Paderanga, Jr., Vice Chairman Florencio Abad (Department of Budget and Management) Cesar V. Purisima (Department of Finance) Proceso J. Alcala (Department of Agriculture) Rogelio Singson (Department of Public Works and Highway) Ramon Paje (Department of Environment and Natural Resources) Jose Ping de Jesus (Department of Transportation and Communications) Jose Rene Almendras (Department of Energy) Dr. Mario Montejo (Department of Science and Technology) Amando M. Tetangco, Jr. (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas) Francis Tolentino (Metropolitan Manila Development Authority) Jejomar Binay (Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council) Alberto Lim (Department of Tourism) Gregory Domingo (Department of Trade and Industry) Empty (Commission on Information and Communications Technology) Ansaruddin-Abdulmalik A. Adiong (Regional Government Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao) Empty (Subic-Clark Area Development Corporation) Empty (Presidential Adviser for New Government Centers) Empty (Presidential Adviser for Job Creation) Empty (Union of Local Authorities Philippines) The Board is assisted by six Cabinet-level inter-agency committee: Development Budget Coordination Committee (DBCC). Infrastructure Committee (InfraCom) Investment Coordination Committee (ICC) Social Development Committee (SDC) Committee Tariff and Related Matters (CTRM) Regional Development Committee (RDCom) National Land Use Committee (NLUC). Secretariat NEDO Neda Secretariat served as the research and technical support arm Neda Board. It also provides technical support and assistance, including conducting research and drafting of policy measures and other recommendations on various aspects of development planning and policy formulation and coordination, evaluation and monitoring of the implementation plan. It is headed by a Director General, with the title of Secretary for Socio-Economic Planning. He is assisted by three deputy directors general each of them is responsible for: National Development Office: National Planning and Policy Staff (NPPs) Agriculture Staff (AS) Trade, Industry and Utilities Staff (TIUS)

Staff infrastructure (CI) Social Development Staff (SDS) Civil servants Investment (PIS) Office of Regional Development (rdO): Staff Coordination of Regional Development (RDC) Project Monitoring Staff (PMS) Regional Office (NROs) CentraI Support Office (CSO): Personnel Management (MS) Legal staff (LS) Administrative staff (ad) Information Technology Coordination Staff (ITCs) Development Information Staff (DIS) Other Offices Legislative Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC) Secretariat. Scholarship Affairs Secretariat (SAS) State Legislative Liaison Office (OCM) Joint Agency Tariff Commission (TC), Public-Private Partnership (PPP) Center, The Philippine National Volunteer Service Coordinating Agency (PNVSCA), National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB), Office for National Statistics (low density lipoproteins), Statistical Research and Training Center (SRTC), and Philippine Institute for Development Studies (Rapids). Moreover,, the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (Rapids) is attached to Neda for policy and program coordination or integration. Conclusion National Economic and Development Authority (Philippines: Pambansang Pangasiwaan sa Kabuhayan in Pagpapaunlad), shortened NEDO, is independent cabinet-level agencies of the Philippine government responsible for economic development and planning. Reference National Economic and Development Authority. Retrieved 2012 May 11 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Economic_and_Development_Authority National Economic and Development Authority. Retrieved 2012 http://www.dbm.gov.ph/dbm_publications/gaa2007/gaa_2007.htm May 11 from from

The Prime Minister of the Philippines acts as the Director-General of the National Economic Development Authority under the 1973 Constitution. Retrieved 2012 May 11 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Economic_and_Development_Authority

Chapter 12 Southeast Asia Regional Relations Introduction Regional Cooperation Asia face a number of non-traditional security challenges in the sub-national level is closely related to economic issues and domestic politics in different countries, but has a significant impact beyond national borders: from environmental degradation, natural disasters, and trafficking in those on maritime security, ethnic and religious conflicts, and failed system of governance. Asia Regional Cooperation Program Foundation is working to strengthen ties among Asian countries and their peoples in an effort to promote good governance of peace, stability, prosperity, and effective. Asia Regional Cooperation Program Foundation focuses on: 1. foster regional cooperation on critical issues in the Southeast, Northeast and South Asia; 2. foreign policy capacity building in selected countries in developing Asia; 3. provide opportunities for new leaders emerge in the region; 4. facilitate policy dialogue on the affairs of Asia and US-Asia relations in Washington. Foundation for Regional Cooperation Program help Asian countries and their communities in addressing the challenges of democratic governance of peace, prosperity and effective. In Southeast Asia, the Foundation aims to help the general public the opportunity to contribute to community development in ASEAN. In South Asia, the Foundation supports efforts to promote regional cooperation on trade, human response, and cross-border water sharing. In Northeast Asia, we are exploring opportunities to strengthen cooperation between Japan, China, Korea, and the United States on issues of common interest. Foundation programming features have diplomatic exchange program. For more than a quarter century, the Foundation has supported hundreds of diplomats from China, Indonesia, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Laos, India, Bangladesh, Afghanistan and elsewhere. Many policymakers believe that such programs have paid big dividends by enabling their diplomats to deal with their counterparts in Asia, the United States, and elsewhere in a more nuanced and informed. Through our Regional Cooperation program, the Foundation identify and nurture emerging leaders in Asia from various professional backgrounds on issues of regional and international concern, addressing the changing dynamics of political, economic, and security in the region. Over the years, many of the participants in our program went to leadership positions in their countries. Regional Cooperation Programme also facilitates dialogue in Washington, DC. Foundation organizes and hosts monthly Southeast Asia Roundtable, which brings together 30 experts informative Southeast Asia, both from within and outside the government, to discuss issues that are important to Southeast Asia and U.S. interests in the region. In addition, the work of the Regional Cooperation Program placement, guidance and organization for exchange programs and sponsored by the Foundation, including LZ Yuan and William P. Fuller Fellow, inspection visits / study, and long-Foundation "Asia Ambassadors Dinner Series" and "Asian Perspective Series" in Washington, DC. RELATIONS AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN SOUTHEAST ASIA View of the new theoretical concepts

Over the past decade there have been significant changes in the approach to study the theory of regional relations in Southeast Asia. For a long period of the Second World War to the nineties of last century, the study of international relations in the region and to study the role of society, the economy and public institutions in this regard largely theoretical rather than character analysis and prediction. Such studies tend to reflect the major trends in international relations theory that dominance and a more realistic approach to the study of certain phenomena and processes of international politics. You can not argue that the relationship of research in South East Asia is systemic, but despite a number of articles contributed to the overall understanding of the analysis and the perception of regional events. But regional relations are multidimensional analysis, which ultimately does not allow to realize holistic events and processes that occur in Southeast Asia. During the 1990's, political experts and analysts relations in South East Asia began to use a wider theoretical tool for the analysis of regional cooperation. The impetus for this change in theory and research analysis process paradigm in South East Asia are two reasons. First, the number of events in the region have questioned the reliability of prediction or neorealistychnoho more realistic approach to the interpretation of regional political process, but it does not provide sufficient opportunities to have an influence on regional security and political relations in the region. Withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia in 1989 and the agreement between the Communist Party of Malaysia (MOE) and the Government of Malaya and Thailand, according to the Ministry of Education has received the support, have a symbolic signal the end of the Cold War, which took place in South East Asia for decades. However, these events have become symbolic markers emergence of new mechanisms of regional relations in this highly volatile, with the terms of international security. In 1994, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASEAN established the ASEAN Regional Forum (ASEAN Regional Discussion-ARD), and some of the ASEAN Member States have all ten Southeast Asia. The majority of analysts who examine the traditional regional policy through the prism of the Cold War can no longer use or interpretation realistically explain the reasons for collaboration programs in the region, a specific program of regional economic cooperation. Initial Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 1989, and also a key role for ASEAN member countries led to the fact that the main annual meeting of the Organization, to reinforce and strengthen the basis for regional cooperation. In addition, the 1992 summit. ASEAN Free Trade Area, the economic crisis in Asia, 1997-1998 and ASEAN +3 in East Asia regional economic cooperation led to a radical reassessment of research methods and analysis of problems and challenges in the region. New approaches are significantly enriched and expanded academic and political literature and analytical relations in South East Asia Asia. Based on strong traditional view that the source material as a strong military power and military alliances are very important determinants of regional stability, Constructivists use the concept of "Ideal Host" ("ideational forces"), which includes identity and social standards, which clearly represents the features regional environment or "structure" which define the local order of Southeast Asia. In addition, representatives of local government and regional institutions also have a significant influence on political and economic developments in the region because they can not be regarded as a factor in balancing child regional powers. questioning attitude realistic method in the study of Southeast Asia may also explain the failure of the theory of international relations on the principles of centralization of critical importance in the interpretation of current international processes and relationships.

New theoretical concepts not only influence the nature and problems of academic research, but also has a strong influence on the formation of a new political culture and the culture of international relations. First, they put the question the close relationship between the reality of foreign policy (and the balance of power military presence of the United States) and domestic political authoritarianism, a typical phenomenon in Southeast Asia during the Cold War. In addition, they provide a new tool for the analysis and prediction of alternative how to establish a network of regional security cooperation and to consider ways of social organization. Although the Constructivists, who deny the basic principles of the theory of realism and neo-realism in international relations theory, has been widely criticized representatives of the traditional area. Despite the fact that more application system of international relations theory helped improve the analysis and understanding of the events in Southeast Asia, international relations theory still has a limit of application. No doubt, the question arises: how the theory emerged in European or North American context, appropriate and adequate to apply to those portions of the world that are less economically developed. Over the past few years a growing number of analysts who work on problems Universality foundations and principles of international relations theory, attempts to use these concepts that adequately covers the theory of dynamic changes in the region. Made a significant contribution to theoretical research done new generation of scholars who study the relationship in Southeast Asia. Heated and interesting debate among analysts in favor of a new cohort of representatives make to understand not only in Southeast Asia but also allows you to effectively use international relations theory to regional relations in general. Theory pluralism, which is a characteristic feature of this discussion, which is used during the analysis of regional security and regional policy, while well stimulation and provide a basis for the exchange of productive ideas and arguments. Although research on these issues does not cover all types of pluralism, some analysts said that concerns about the complete replacement of a realistic approach, constructivist unfounded, as unfounded statement that the study of international relations of Southeast Asia depend on the view of a dynamic regional institutions stress and why theorists and analysts as A. Ba, S. Eaton, R. Stubbs, and Katsumata H. Sarah Eaton and Richard Stubbs on one hand, for discussions between realists and neorealism came, on the other - to explore a constructivist approach. Theorists who try to identify the main differences between the two groups of ideas appropriate to the answer to the question 'Is ASEAN a strong structure? "And outlines a clear and significant differences in their interpretation of efficiency / inefficiency ASEAN role. Though relatively weak bilshn ASEAN experience and the inability to establish and develop cooperation influential regional institutions, they are trying to add and develop constructivist theory, including such important concepts they, like the concept of force. Alice Ba also use the concept in a study constructivist "tough duty" ASEAN to China. In particular, Ba explore issues of social interactive training and the impact on regional relations between China and ASEAN members. He argues that the uncertainty after the Cold War contributed to the process through Relations between ASEAN and China. In addition, positive changes in the relationship between ASEAN countries and China occur at several levels, and the differences of the ASEAN diplomatic Although affected behavior in relation to China, not ASEAN is forbidden to use the power of China. Ba study is a breakthrough in the scientific understanding of social discourse in various stages of the process of international development and constructivism as a theory of international relations. Giro Katsumata also

use a constructivist approach to assess the strategic role of the ASEAN Regional Forum. He criticized a realistic and liberal approach to understanding the causes of the forum and submit their arguments related to ASEAN members to implement the Cooperative Security in South Asia. Katsumata said that security cooperation in the region consists of two elements: the overall security way, who first identified the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and a code of behavior, which is associated with the Law "ASEAN", which plays an important role negotiation process and achieve consensus. Concluded that should be seen as an arena for discussion and implementation of security standards and cooperation, a more important organization than is traditionally assumed. Narine Shavn on opposite sides, which uses constructivist approach to the study of Southeast Asia. He observed that the existence of ASEAN can be best explained in terms of the British School of International Relations. Recognizing that there are some similarities between constructivism and British schools tezmayt some theories, he argues that British school has its own characteristics that cause them to be useful in the study of Southeast Asia since the establishment of ASEAN in 1967. And this thesis has a clear historical circumstances, as England has extensive experience greater part of Asia diplomatic development. Narine said that ASEAN members without prejudice to preserve its own sovereignty against all principles of the formation of such organizations as ASEAN, most clearly reflects a constructivist approach regionalization. He argues that ASEAN emphasis on issues of sovereignty and the principle of interference is more suitable to explain the nature of ASEAN is to put the English school, not in terms of constructivist methods. Important research, Narine theory shows how the achievement of the English schools can be used effectively in the new context of the regional level in other parts of the world, not just in Europe. Tsuyoshi Kawasaki also criticized the constructivist approach described as romantic and naive. He argues that the function takes ARF, mainly consisting in the implementation of the "ASEAN Way" - Regional Code of Conduct and establish confidencebuilding measures that basis the Programme of Action for the member countries, which aims to meet the interests of members. Therefore, according to researchers, the best analyzed using the "rational-institutional lens" [9, c. 224], as ARD institutions perform the functions of collaborative problem solving some experts and analysts of South East Asia is characterized as "a game with a guarantee." This is an excellent illustration of how effective a rational approach in the analysis of the leading institutions in Southeast Asia, and applications to the theoretical understanding of possible other areas. Tan Seng C also offers a constructivist approach to international relations in East Asia. He stressed that the scientist-Constructivists in Southeast Asia - a type of methodology and innovator concept, especially when it comes to new views on the creation of new regional institutions. However, Tang C Seng blame them in some academic conformism centric nationalism and the idea of perfect / normative determinism. From the perspective of researchers, many Constructivists share a rational tendency to unite sovereign formation, because he, like Kawasaki, consider them as anything that deviates from the ideal understanding of international order in explaining regional relations in South East Asia. Tan Seng C Constructivists emphasize the role, which went beyond traditional ideas about the role of government and the community in ensuring regional order. This research topics violate important problems relating to the development of the theoretical aspects of international relations in East Asia. This critical realism as a research method, which is considered the dominant approach in the review of the security problems in Southeast Asia in historical and comparative context. They also questioned the statement

that the new theory of constructivism is established and universally accepted in the advancement of regional relations in Southeast Asia. If Ba, Eaton, Stubbs and Katsumata write constructivist point of view, Narine, Kawasaki and Tan, in turn, critical constructivist principles and theoretical ideas from the prone position known British School - neo-liberal institutionalism and critical theory. In fact this should be considered a long-awaited pluralism theory. It should be noted that an article critical constructivism, focusing attention on four issues. First, it should be emphasized that scientists Constructivists, who specializes in South East Asia regional relations, not so much because not a lot of research, analysis and peer review article. The main methods for the Study of Regional Policy and Regional cooperation is realism, which is based on the work of new concepts and theories, especially little constructivism, and they are not homogeneous. Despite the fact that all researchers recognize the importance of these factors and socialization level view of the regional policy analysis, they still differ in forecasting possible scenarios and model transformation within the existing regional order. Constructivists Although not all optimistic about the order in Southeast Asia, some critical views about certain aspects. Regional agenda realism bordering the stream. The second aspect is that the Constructivists do not necessarily idealist, what they often accuse opponents. At first glance, the criticism seems to be appropriate because Constructivists recognize the possibility of different forms of transformation in regional cooperation and give special attention to the new principles and ideas of regional cooperation. For example, Michael Leyfer criticized that approach Acharya ideology and sociology of international relations in Southeast Asia, said that he is "quite reasonably describes the challenges faced by ASEAN". In fact, the essence of the views and Leyfera Acharya is to understand the source of these challenges. If Leyfer explain the limits of their power, Acharya, but the thought of challenging the ASEAN level and quality socialization after expanding membership and efforts of member countries to adhere to the principle of non-interference. Hard to give at least a constructivist research, which can be considered an important contribution to the regional agenda expertise and risk prediction and maintenance scenarios. Supported, but said that still serve as an important instrument of socialization and setting standards at the regional level, and this statement removes doubts about the political domination and academia, the idea of balance of power. However, ironically, even if advised of the fact Constructivists involving regional powers and scope of the institution suffered crushing criticism. Third, researchers Southeast Asia is partly to blame excessive attention to centric nationalism and determination required. For example, the constructivist study of Southeast Asia, particularly the concept of "regionalism participation" Acharya indicated that in his writings on regional Constructivists to give weight social movements and community networking activities. Constructivists often described as the basic principle of state centralism can explain the Constructivists concentrations in elite socialization as early formation of ASEAN. However, this does not means the interpretation of this state as a single subject, the primary and most important. One thing is to focus on the state as the main object of research in the current international order, but quite different - to consider the continuous state and the final arbiter in regional environmental future orders. At that time, while the constructivist view of regional anarchy idea to change the regional order based on the active movements of different communities, will open the possibility of gradual socialization and exposure to new international standards on the South East Asian countries could lead to fundamental changes in regional can shake the dominant role of the

state. Impact of globalization, democratization and international standards of human rights to security in Southeast Asia only strengthens the trend in the region. Is it possible on the basis of the above claims that constructivism has the necessary determinism? Undoubtedly, the Constructivists interpret social norms and values very seriously, which shows their attention to the problem of regional identity, institutions, and interests. The main difference between constructivist and materialist approaches, such as realism and liberal institutionalism, is the second (materialist) to consider the source of the material (power or wealth), and then turn to the ideas to fill existing gaps. Constructivists, in contrast, focus on the norms and values that are consistent with its own rules. That is why they analyze the world idea, and then use the source material. In view of the fact that in the theoretical study and analysis of political and economic life in Southeast Asia for a long time dominated by materialist approach, the main task is to show the world the idea Constructivists in the region, not just the state of affairs. A summary of the theory of discourse analysis in regional research policy and regional cooperation in Southeast Asia, it should be emphasized that not Constructivists claim to universality conclusions and predictions, and also trying to get to the top in the discussion of regional order in East Asia. In light of the constructivist theory of interpretation and Constructivists increase public understanding of the Southeast Asian regional relations in three important areas. First, the contrast to the purely material approaches, they expand the understanding of the causes and regional factors order to acknowledge the importance of culture, values and social norms of identity. Second, they changed the static concept of regional order in East Asia. Of course, increasing the likelihood of change or transformation related to socialization, Constructivists submit regional concept relationships, which directly contradicts the perception that is not supported by the critical balance of power realists and neo-realism come. Third, the work is theoretical and open space for discussion of problems and contribute to the consolidation of the traditional approach to the study of Southeast Asia and the expansion of international relations theory. Lively discussion of new theoretical concepts among researchers, analysts and experts to explore relations in South East Asia shows that the discourse theory Southeast Asia regional policy should not apply either realism or constructivism. Constructivists who criticized the main points realist and neo-realism comes, has acquired its own critics. Undoubtedly, Southeast Asia is an important arena for regional relations research theory and international relations in general and the achievement of the basic theory of practical experience in Southeast Asia can be effectively applied in other parts of the world.

Conclusion The majority of analysts who examine the traditional regional policy through the prism of the Cold War can no longer use or interpretation realistically explain the reasons for collaboration programs in the region, a specific program of regional economic cooperation. Initial Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 1989, and also a key role for ASEAN member countries led to the fact that the main annual meeting of the Organization, to reinforce and strengthen the basis for regional cooperation. In addition, the 1992 summit. ASEAN Free Trade Area, the economic crisis in Asia, 1997-1998 and ASEAN +3 in East Asia regional economic cooperation led to a radical reassessment of research methods and analysis of problems and challenges in the region.

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