FIRDAUSI I.Y. ABBAS, Ph.D.

[1] (The author is the Sultan of Lanao, Chair of the Bangsa Moro Party (BMP) which was founded by the Conference of Bangsa Moro Islamic Organizations (CBMIO)}, composed of Fifty Eight National Moro Organizations in 1985 and the President Emeritus of the Muslim Bar Association of the Philippines, Inc.(MUSBARAP).He is the former General Legal Counsel of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF),Legal Consultant to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) when Ustadz Salamat Hashim was Chairman and still considered by the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) which is now called the Organization of the Islamic Co-operation as permanent MNLF delegate to the Tripartite Conference among the MNLF - the Philippine Government (PG) and the OIC.)

Today the Bangsa Moro (Moro People) must once more decide, this time whether or not to support the MILF and trust the President. Atty. Marvic Leonen, erstwhile chair of the Philippine panel negotiating with the MILF, who is now an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court at the Malacaang press conference on October 8, 2012 emphasized that there must be sincerity and trust for the proposed agreement to succeed. We of the Bangsa Moro Party (BMP) are in full agreement. Indeed these factors coupled with honesty and competence are sine qua non for a propitious conclusion. SEEDS OF DISTRUST Already one MNLF faction accused President Benigno Aquino lll of insincerity and even betrayal because the negotiations between the MNLF and the PG are still on-going under the auspices of the OIC which recognizes the MNLF as the sole Bangsa Moro representative. Further, past events have made the militant Moro groups skeptical. In 1976, the Tripoli Agreement was signed between the MNLF and the PG to establish Bangsa Moro autonomy in the south. President Ferdinand Marcos unilaterally implemented it and created two farcical autonomous regions - Regions lX and Xll and empowered his yes-men. President Corazon Aquino vowed to give the Bangsa Moro real autonomy and created the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) which turned out to be spurious. President Fidel Ramos signed the Jakarta Agreement with the MNLF in 1996 but the problems persisted. Even worse, the government itself maliciously projected the Philippines as a target of Muslim Arab terrorists allegedly aiming to sow destruction and chaos in many Philippine cities and consequently several Arabs were arrested, incarcerated and charged. The MUSBARAP proved that the prosecution evidence were planted by the police and the Arabs were acquitted. President Joseph Estrada handled the MILF with an iron fist and launched a crusade that left dozens of Moro fighters and AFP elements dead with thousands of innocent Moro men, women and children left homeless. Under his watch in 2000, several establishments and places in Metro Manila were blown up which were blamed on the MILF. The MUSBARAP successfully caused the charges to be dismissed against Salamat,Murad,et.al. The same pernicious scheme of blaming the MILF for a series of bombings which were masterminded by the government itself to tag the MILF as an international terrorist organization by the United Nations was perpetuated under President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. OBJECTIONS TO THE 2012 FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT Sincerity, trustworthiness and honesty were dubious with the past Presidents mentioned vis-a-vis their policies toward the Bangsa Moro. We examined the Framework and the pronouncements of Atty. Leonen and found that the elements which he emphasized are necessary to succeed are wanting.

In the Framework Agreement they coined the word - Bangsamoro. The Moros never used this word. What was and is used is the term Bangsa Moro which consists of two words - Bangsa which in Malay and in the Moro languages of the Maranaos, the Tausugs, and the Maguindanoans means race or people and Moro which means an inhabitant of Mindanao, Sulu, Zamboanga and Palawan who has historical presence. He may be a Muslim, a Christian, a Jew, a believer of any faith or even an atheist because Moro is not synonymous with Muslim. Moro connotes a historical affiliation with Mindanao, Sulu, Zamboanga and Palawan and a political identification with the Bangsa Moro while Muslim connotes religious adherence to Islam. This term began to be used but was not generally accepted till the late sixties. It was regularly used and popularized by the Dawatul Islam, the newspaper of the Bangsa Moro Revolutionary Movement in the late sixties and early seventies under the UIFO[2] which paved the way for the concretization of the Bangsa Moro revolutionary agenda. 1.CONFUSING ART I. Sec 1. The Parties agree that the status quo is unacceptable and that the Bangsamoro shall be established to replace the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The Bangsamoro is the new autonomous political entity (NPE) Here it means the government. Sec 5. The parties recognize Bangsamoro identity Their descendants whether of the mixed or full blood shall have the right to call themselves as Bangsamoro Here it means the individual. Art. II Sec.1. The Bangsamoro shall be governed by a basic law. Here it means the people. The several meanings attached to the word Bangsamoro make it confusing. Consider the statement, Bangsamoro is the government of the Bangsamoro to which Bangsamoro can identify himself. It should likewise be noted that the MILF does use Bangsamoro in its title, but Moro. Art I. Sec.4. The relationship of the Central Government with the Bangsamoro Government shall be asymmetric. Sec.5. .their descendants whether of mixed or full blood shall have the right to identify themselves as Bangsamoro by ascription or self-ascription. Definitely the laymen do not know these words asymmetric, ascription and self-ascription. Many professionals including lawyers have to look up their meaning in the dictionary. These words further add to the confusion. Art VI. Sec.4.The Central Government shall ensure the protection of the rights of the Bangsamoro people residing outside the territory of the Bangsamoro Are the Bangsamoro not Filipino citizens protected by the Bill of Rights of the PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION?

MISLEADING Art. I. Sec 2. The Government of the Bangsamoro shall have a Ministerial Form. This provision again exemplifies why the PGs honesty is doubtful. Here the attempt to conceal the real meaning as agreed upon by the parties is apparent. There is no ministerial form of government! The forms of government as to who exercises authority are: (1) Monarchial Absolute or Limited, (2) Aristocratic, (3) Dictatorial, (4) Socialistic, (5) Communistic, and (6) Democratic. The forms of government as to the extent of powers of the Central or National Government are: (1) Unitary and (2) Federal. The forms of government as to the organization of government are: (1) Presidential (2) Parliamentary. The meaning of MINISTERIAL is the absence of discretion or judgment (Gonzales v. Securities and Exchange Commission, SP 03247 Aug 26, 1985). But this is not what the parties meant otherwise it would be no different from the farcical and sham autonomies. What they agreed upon is that the head of the NPE will be called Chief Minister and his cabinet members will be called Ministers. Why did they not say so outright? With these titles, one might ask whether these Ministers are officials of another state, or of a state within a state. PERNICIOUS Art. I. Sec 5. The Parties recognize Bangsamoro identity. Those who at the time of conquest and colonization were considered natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago and its adjacent islands including Palawan. Conquest and colonization of who and of what? Of the people of the north called Indios by the Spaniards? Of Luzon and the Visayas? But this has no relevance in the determination of Moro identity. If it refers to the Bangsa Moro and their homeland then it is a travesty. This is a gross distortion of history which records that the Bangsa Moro were never conquered and have the distinction that among all the Malay peoples only they humbled the foreign invaders. This historical distortion is debunked by historians who aptly pointed out: CONQUEST OF MINDANAO AND THE MOROS was pursued by the Spaniards for over three centuries to no avail. The Moros retained their faith, culture and institutions. (Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands) As late as the 1930s, the Filipino leaders in Manila were still conspiring to colonize Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. On June 16, 1936 President Manuel Quezon of the Philippine Commonwealth laid down the governments Mindanao policy: The time has come when we should systematically proceed with and bring about the colonization and economic development of Mindanao. A vast and rich territory with untapped natural resources is a temptation to enterprising nations that are looking for an outlet for their excess population if, therefore, we are to conserve Mindanao for ourselves and our posterity, we must bend all our efforts to occupy and develop it Even when the Americans administered Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan, the American government still acknowledged sovereign attributes of the Sultan of Sulu as duly documented in the letter of Governor General Frank W. Carpenter to the Director of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes on May 4, 1920: It is necessary that there be of

official record that termination of the temporal sovereignty of the Sultanate of Sulu within American territory is understood to us to be wholly without effect or prejudice as to the temporal sovereignty, ecclesiastic authority of the Sultanate beyond the jurisdiction of the U.S. government, especially with reference to that portion of the island of Borneo, which as dependency of the Sultanate of Sulu, is understood to be under lease by the chartered company which is known as the British North Borneo Company. Under international law, only a sovereign can have a dependency. This provision is pernicious. It negates the legacy of the Bangsa Moro. The MILF negotiators who are professionals, with lawyers among them, could not be ignorant of Moro history. The MILF leaders concurrence to this perversion is plain perfidy and an outright sell out. Historian PETER GOWING in his book MUSLIM FILIPINO HERITAGE AND HORIZON wrote: ARMED INVADERS SPANIARDS, AMERICANS, JAPANESE, AND CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS always outgunned the Moros but the invaders never succeeded in crushing the indomitable spirit of the Moros. They never subjugated the Moros. Everyday thousands upon thousands of Moros in hundreds of mosques and countless homes kneel in abject surrender to ALLAH. No lesser power, certainly no power on earth can ever bring them to their knees. This is their heritage. ERRONEOUS Art. III. 6. The customary rights and traditions of Indigenous Peoples shall be taken into consideration in the formation of the Bangsamoro justice system. Art. lV. 3. Indigenous Peoples rights shall be respected. These provisions suggest that Moros are not indigenous which is utterly preposterous. There were no other peoples before them in the Bangsa Moro homeland. The cited provisions perpetuate the scheme of President Marcos to downgrade the patrimonial claim of the Bangsa Moro by equating them with the so-called indigenous peoples. Before the advent of Islam in the 13th century, the Moros, like these so-called indigenous peoples were pagans but already had a high degree of culture and civilization. They interacted with the other Malay peoples of Southeast Asia and with merchants from China. The epic of the Maranaos, the Darangan which is pre-Islamic is the Philippine national epic. The Moro dance, the Singkil dazzled millions the world over. Islam further developed the culture and civilization of the Moros and gave them consciousness that they belong to a greater community (Cesar Majul, Muslims in the Philippines). The Bangsa Moro which is a collective people of Moro nations, of the Tausug, Maranao and Maguindanao peoples number by the millions and whose civilization and culture were recognized by other nations of the world long before the great global powers emerged. The mightiest powers of their day, Spain, Great Britain, Portugal, and the United States of America entered into treaties with the Moro sultans. There never was such a recognition bestowed on these so-called indigenous peoples which are actually tribes[3] who co-existed with the Moros in some areas of the homeland in Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan but who were never on the same level as the Moros - politically, culturally and socially. The special considerations, positions and concessions given by the government to these tribes in the negotiated agreements with the Moro fronts is not right. While the Moros respect the indigenous tribes and lived with them for centuries, they believe that there must be a separate policy for them. MISREPRESENTATIONS

The assurances of Atty. Leonen that the law provides or could expand the jurisdiction of the Shariah Courts and exercise criminal jurisdiction further compound the insincerity and the dishonesty of the government. This is a blatant misrepresentation. Criminal jurisdiction can never be conferred on the Shariah Courts. Shariah criminal law is based on the Holy Koran. If a man steals his hand will be cut off. An adulterous wife will be stoned to death. A man guilty of a capital crime will be beheaded. These are categorized as cruel and unusual punishments which the Philippine Constitution prohibits. Even Malaysia, a Muslim state does not apply Shariah criminal law. He vehemently stated likewise that the MILF-PG agreement will not require any constitutional amendment. The changes however which the proposed agreement exacts on the present political structure in Muslim Mindanao are not only substantive but also radical. For one, the new entity will now be called Bangsamoro. The MILF will definitely assert inclusion of the word Bangsamoro in the constitution. These vociferous declarations of Atty. Leonen, are further muted by the following provision: Art. VII. 4. (b) Functions of the Transition Commission. To work on proposals to amend the Philippine Constitution for purposes of accommodating and entrenching in the constitution the agreements of the parties whenever necessary. Very clearly, based on this article, the constitution may not only be amended but may be amended whenever necessary which connotes not just a single instance but several occasions. On the basis of these confusing, misleading and offensive provisions, the BMP and other militant Moro groups definitely cannot support the proposed agreement. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS The opposition against this proposed pact is not fueled by an inveterate animosity towards the MILF leaders. It is not anchored simply on the above-mentioned provisions but more importantly on the absence of any concrete assurance to establish real autonomy and provide genuine economic opportunities. There must be assurance that the autonomous government shall have political stability and continuity. It must be shielded against illegal, capricious and whimsical postponement of elections in the autonomous region. There must be fiscal autonomy to enable the AG to survive even with modest budgets from the national government and therefore must be guaranteed authority to raise funds primarily within the region supplemented by foreign assistance. But primarily the AG must be run by competent and dedicated Moros in a free elections which will truly reflect the Bangsa Moros choice and not by handpicked sycophants of the President presented as victors in a rigged and simulated electoral process. It is imperative that the Moros be assured of a better and prosperous future to secure for themselves and their posterity a brighter tomorrow. To achieve this, it is paramount to have access to basic capital assets and the inability to do so according to a study is the main cause of poverty - a major underlying problem of peace which has the highest incidence in the Moro regions. These essential capital assets are namely Human, Financial, Natural and Physical (The European Community-Philippines Strategy Paper 2007-2013). 1. HUMAN CAPITAL. Human capital means literate or educated human resources. Out of 100 children starting in Grade I, only 69 are able to become elementary graduates or 31% drop out for various reasons not because of intellectual incapacity but principally due to economic reasons. (Under-Secretary Bartolome Carale, Educators Speak, Manila Bulletin February 11, 2000).This incidence is much higher in the Moro regions where only a small percentage of the children finish the six years elementary education.

2. FINANCIAL CAPITAL. There are few private banks in the Moro areas which do not easily give loans to the Moros who are considered high risk. The government banks which service the Moro areas are neither accessible for loans. More than ninety (90%) of the residential lots are without titles which render them non-viable as collateral. Generally lands in the Moro regions cannot be titled because these have been declared military reservations by the commonwealth government. Personal or housing loans are not available either and the western oriented commercial banks serve mostly for deposit or checking accounts. 3. NATURAL CAPITAL. This refers to accessibility to natural resources. Lands for commercial purposes are limited if not scarce. There is no visible government assistance for cottage industries such as furniture making despite the abundance of trees and bamboos in the Moro lands. The centuries-old art of brassware production called galang in Taraka, Lanao del Sur ormalong weaving among the womenfolk have not been recipients of much needed help to sustain or develop the industry. Government assistance in cultivating the fish industry in Lake Lanao is nil which is a waste of this rich natural resource. Pure mineral springs are plenty but again the needed financial capital is not obtainable. Pearls of the finest grade abound in the Sulu sea which could be a major industry but this has not been developed. The awesome Turtle Islands of Sulu is another wastage of a rich commercial and tourism resource. The Liguasan Marsh which is believed to have rich oil deposits has neither been harnessed. The agricultural lands are becoming unproductive due to lack of agricultural implements and equipment that can increase productivity. The regions rich timberlands are exploited by non-Moros who have exclusive logging permits and pour no capital to develop the area. 4. PHYSICAL CAPITAL. This refers to basic necessities such as electricity and water. Maria Cristina Falls in Iligan, Lanao del Norte derives its source from Lake Lanao in Lanao del Sur. The government hydro-electric plants which harness the power of the falls supply electricity to the whole of Mindanao but many municipalities and towns in the province have no electrical service. They have no lights. Even Marawi City has poor electrical service and the rates paid by the residents thereat are even higher than those of the other provinces benefiting from the electricity generated from the falls. Drinking water which is another basic need was not a problem to the Maranaos of Lanao until recently when the water in the lake became severely polluted by the hydroelectric plants. Tens of children as well as several pregnant women have been ill. It now appears that the water from the lake may no longer be potable due to contamination and has also been observed that the abundant fishes in the lake have suddenly diminished considerably because the pollution has seriously affected spawning. Health services are scarcely available in the Moro rural areas. The public hospitals are few, the accommodations are inadequate, the staff is undermanned and needed facilities and medical equipment are lacking. Infant and child mortality as well as maternal mortality rates are still high. The number of unvaccinated children is increasing while malaria and tuberculosis are still prevalent. It is quite clear that the inaccessibility to the named capitals which cause poverty are either due to inimical government action, deliberate inaction or gross negligence. This government indifference and apathy to and neglect of the Moros is the primary reason for the absence of good primary and secondary public education, economic opportunities, employment (unemployment has remained at 11% since the year 2000 which is higher in the Moro areas) and income opportunities, social services and of peace and order. Economic and social development of the Moro regions must be systematically and continuously implemented which equate to Social Justice a mandate imposed on the state by the constitution. It requires the state to adopt measures that guarantee the right of the people to equal opportunities in all fields of human endeavor and to equitable sharing of the fruits of social and economic development with special emphasis on measures that will ameliorate the standard of living of the underprivileged groups. These measures are duties of the government imposed by constitutional fiat and require no negotiated pact with the Moro groups for execution. The economic and

social amelioration of the south and the Moros is an immediate concern of the state which is long overdue and must be speedily and efficiently effectuated thru programs that shall not be advantageous to only a few as in the past but substantive, extensive, viable, productive and beneficial to the Moro masses.

ACCOMMODATIONS The Moros have witnessed negotiations and agreements between the MNLF and the PG before which were always accompanied with so much festivity and boisterous heraldry of a peaceful and prosperous beginning for the Bangsa Moro. After a while sobriety creeps in and reality orchestrates once again the staccato sounds of gunfire and the hapless Moro civilians are once more consumed by anxiety of anticipated turbulent circumstances. The so-called agreements were actually mere accommodations of the MNLF leaders. Presidents Marcos and Corazon Aquino accommodated MNLF commanders who surrendered in exchange for government positions, power and wealth but the problem instead exacerbated. President Fidel Ramos accommodated Nurrulagi Misuari who was made Regional Governor of the ARMM for five years. Only he, his family and a handful of his loyalists benefited. The corruption, incompetence and negligence that characterized the ARMM did not change during his term. Painfully the opportunities for reforms have been wantonly squandered. And the fighters who sacrificed terribly experienced no betterment in their lives. Their brothers who died on the battlefields are not even remembered much less honored by their leaders. And those who were determined to persevere waved another banner-that of the Abu Sayaff. The present negotiations between the MILF and the PG is another accommodation. Some of those who will benefit from such arrangements were never in the revolutionary movement. They faithfully served under the Marcos dictatorship and some even wronged many Moro quarters. Their only link to Chairman Murad is that they are also Maguindanaon. The same is true with the MNLF that have negotiators who unabashedly declare that they are not MNLF but simply lawyering for the MNLF. INCOMPETENT REPRESENTATION A careful reading of the Jakarta Agreement immediately exposes the evident flaws which are imputable to legal incompetence, ignorance of Moro history and lack of understanding of Islam. Lamentably the Moro negotiators are at fault. In RA 9054 which is basically based on the Jakarta Agreement of 1996 between the MNLF and the PG, the MNLF agreed to the provisions on the so-called indigenous peoples which negates the Bangsa Moro as indigenous and even provides for the creation of Tribal Courts and an Appellate Tribal Court which have civil and exclusive criminal jurisdiction over members of the indigenous communities. (ARTICLE Vlll, SEC. 19, RA 9054) One of the important provisions of the said law is that on Shariah (Islamic law). This is under ARTICLE VIII, Administration of Justice. Consider the following provisions under this ARTICLE, SECS 11 and 18. The qualifications for Judges of the Shariah Circuit and District Courts as well as the Shariah Appellate Court are the same qualifications for Judges of Regional Trial Courts, Metropolitan Trial Courts and Municipal Trial Courts. In addition, they must be learned in Islamic law and jurisprudence. A Shariah Court is an Islamic Court presided over by a Muslim judge who adjudicate civil conflicts between or among Muslim litigants. Based on the qualifications of Shariah judges and justice under the said provisions, a Christian, a Jew or even an atheist can qualify because the phrase learned in Islamic law and jurisprudence is not synonymous with being a Muslim. There are many Christians, Jews and even atheists who are learned in Islamic law and jurisprudence. SEC. 23 provides: Bases for Interpretation of Islamic Law:

Subject to the provisions of the Constitution, the Shariah courts shall interpret Islamic law based on sources such as: a. Al-Quran (The Koran) b. Al-Sunnah (Prophetic Tradition) c. Al-Qiyas (Analogy) and d.Al-Ijima(Consensus). This section is replete with many errors. It opens with the provision that Islamic Law shall be interpreted by Shariah Courts subject to the constitution. First, Shariah Courts do not interpret the Shariah but simply implement it. They have no authority or competence to interpret Shariah, and it has been decreed a long time ago that interpretation of Shariah or the Koranic verses has already ceased.Second, Shariah cannot be subject to the Philippine Constitution. Shariah which is primarily based on the Koran is the law from ALLAH, GODs law and cannot be subject to man-made law such as the Philippine Constitution. The Christians will neither accept that Canon law or pronouncements of the Pope shall be interpreted in accordance with the Philippine Constitution.Third, it further provides that Shariah shall be interpreted based on sources such as: a. Al-Quran (The Koran) b. Al-Sunnah (Prophetic Tradition) c. Al-Qiyas (Analogy) and d. Al-Ijima (Consensus). These sources, per this section are mere examples.Such as means precisely for example. A decision of the Supreme Court or an opinion of the President could therefore be also sources of interpreting the Shariah. This is simply outrageous. Fourth, Al-Sunnah is translated as Prophetic Traditions. This is wrong. In Islam, there are many recognized and beloved prophets such as Nabi Isa or Prophet Jesus, but when it comes to understanding the Holy Quran, only the customs and traditions of the Prophet Mohammad (S.A.W.) can be used as basis. AlSunnah must be translated as the Customs and Traditions of Prophet Mohammad (S.A.W.). Fifth. It is not Ijima. It is Ijma. Sixth. Ijma is the consensus of opinions of the companions of the Prophet, and the decisions taken by the learned Muftis or the Jurists on Islamic matters. Al-Qijas is the legal principle introduced in order to derive at a logical conclusion of a certain law on a certain issue that has to do with the welfare of the Muslims. In exercising this however, it must be based on the Quran, Sunnah and Ijma. Clearly Ijma is a source that precedes Al-Qijas and must be letter (c). Identical and similar errors are visible in the 2012 Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro.

How can these groups or persons therefore legitimately speak on Islamic jurisprudence, moro history or represent the Bangsa Moro? This is absolutely a gross anomaly. GOVERNMENT COMPLACENCY Agreements with the MILF and MNLF will not solve the problem in the south without the participation of the other Bangsa Moro sectors. These forces combined are not even 0.5 percent of the Moro People. Even if the MILF surrenders its firearms peace will not follow. The MNLF did this in 1996 but war broke out in 2002. The arms of the MNLF and MILF which is roughly from 15 to 20 thousand is not even five percent of the arms in the hands of the Bangsa Moro. The AFP assisted by the MILF cannot force the Moros to give up their arms. The Moros will not surrender their armaments. It is their protection. It is part of the Moro culture and a way of life. The government is aware of these facts. Furthermore the government admits that the problem in the south is complex, that it is multi-dimensional military, political, religious, cultural, social, economic and traditional which necessitates a holistic approach but it is however complacent and despite these indisputable premises it insists on pursuing the futile negotiations. Like the

previous exercises which President Aquino refers to as failed experiments, his own test will suffer the same fate because it is the same policy, the same hypothesis. LACK OF MORO UNITY The fault is not however exclusive to the PG. The Moro fronts and the incumbent Moro political leaders share the blame. At the height of its popularity the MNLF rejected the participation of other Moro groups and falsely claimed to have originated the revolutionary struggle. It obviated the UIFO which internationalized the Moro issue, negotiated for foreign assistance and commenced the training of Moros including the top MNLF leaders. There would be no MNLF without the UIFO. The MNLF also blamed the Moro political leaders for the sufferings of the Moros but it was the moro leaders private armies who fought the soldiers who fired the first protest shot against martial law a month after it was imposed in the historic Marawi uprising. Today the MILF has the same divisive arrogant posture. They reject the status quo and negate the MNLF achievements - the Tripoli and Jakarta Agreements. R.A. 9054 which is based on the latter accord has many positive and beneficial economic provisions, but the MILF insists on its own independent and totally new agreement with the PG. Like the MNLF it wants to obliterate the past but the incontrovertible fact is that without the MNLF there would be no MILF. The MILF should build on the gains of the MNLF and exemplify better leadership. Then there are the Moro political leaders. They have not supported the MNLF and the MILF in their pursuit of Moro autonomy either because of a different political agenda or belief that this is the task of the Moro fronts which is erroneous. Their participation in this enterprise is in fact crucial. The great Palestinian Yasser Arafat told Moro leaders in Tunisia in 1982, Autonomy is the task of politicians. Revolutionaries fight for independence. The Moro political leaders must now perform their role and call for the immediate implementation of provisions in RA 9054 such as the appointment of qualified Moros in the organs of the state to capacitate Moro participation in national policy formulation. And despite the clearly correct and necessary holistic approach which will unite the Bangsa Moro neither the MNLF nor the MILF advised the President to adopt it. Obviously the Moro fronts are wary that on the same forum with other Moro leaders, their ignorance and incompetence will be exposed. And the President will neither take the initiative because apparently the PG does not really want to terminate the tumult and end the conflict for it serves a lot of interest and offers tremendous benefit. The armed groups justify the huge military budget, the intelligence funds allocated to the Office of the President, the considerable financial assistance from the U.S., the European Union and of course from Malaysia which fears a Moro armed force, especially one close to its shores. PROPOSED SOLUTION The solution to the Moro problem is not military nor in the hands solely of the MNLF or MILF. It has many facets and is in the hands of all the sectors of the roughly twelve million Moros. The proposed agreement between the MILF and the PG is contemplated to be the Bangsa Moro basic law and shall be the basis of the new organic act amendatory of RA 9054. It shall be the constitution of the new autonomous political entity. This is unacceptable - a constitution for the Bangsa Moro proposed and formulated by a handful of Moros who have arrogated unto themselves the authority to represent the Bangsa Moro with a handful of selected officials by Malacaang, brokered by Malaysia which is motivated by its own interest that is inimical to the Tausug people. It is as repugnant as the 1987 constitution which is the product of fifty handpicked Filipinos. Bangsa Moro Constitutional Convention Let this law be acceptable to the Bangsa Moro. Let them be proud of it as their legacy. Allow them to enact this constitution in a convention which Congress shall convoke wherein all the Moro sectors shall be guaranteed appointed representatives and together with freely elected delegates duly constitute the congregation who shall

reflect in this fundamental law the historicity, identity, aspirations, sentiments, hopes and dreams of the Bangsa Moro. This is the holistic approach. The Bangsa Moro yearn for peace and live normal lives. The fiery cry for secession has been tempered by the acceptance of autonomy long ago but it is as elusive as independence. Now is the chance to do right-establish real and meaningful autonomy and resolve the age-old conflict in the south. Now is likewise the moment to rekindle hope and unfold the vision of a verdant dawn. Today the Bangsa Moro focus on the President-on the crucible of his political will. If he is guided by a sincere, competent and resolute concern, then he must listen to and grant the Bangsa Moro the freedom to charter their political course and mold their own destiny under the aegis of the Philippine Republic.

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[1] Firdausi I.Y. Abbas was the Editor of the Dawatul Islam, the official newspaper of the Moro Revolutionary Movement under the Union of Islamic Forces Organization (UIFO) from 1969 to 1972, member of the UIFO Executive Council and Chair of the Committee on Youth and Student Affairs. He initiated and led the MNLF special team to Indonesia who met and asked Vice-President Yusuf Kalla in Jakarta on August 17,2007 to recommend the resumption of the MNLF-PG-OIC tripartite meeting. It was resumed in December 2007 in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. He represented the Bangsa Moro in the first international symposium of the OIC in a non-Muslim state in Seoul, South Korea and in the World Muslim League Conference in Madrid, Spain in 2008. He was also a special guest of the Ministry of Haj of Saudi Arabia in the Conference on Islam and Islamic Culture in Mecca last September 2012. He was formerly a Senior Professorial Lecturer in the graduate program in Industrial Relations at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City and a member of the PHI Kappa Phi International Honor Society. Presently he practices law.

[2]The UIFO headed by Sultan Rashid Lucman of Bayang, Lanao del Sur who was then Congressman of the mentioned province and Atty. Macapanton Y. Abbas, Jr., Chairman and Secretary-General respectively clandestinely met with Malaysian officials headed by Tun Abdul Razak, then Information Minister who were sent by Tungku Abdul Rahman, then Prime Minister of Malaysia in Penang in 1969. Soon after the said meeting, the UIFO sent the first and last batch of Moro youth to Sabah, Malaysia for military training. This batch known as the top 90 was headed by Datu Abul Khayr Alonto, Vice-Chairman of the UIFO Committee on Military Affairs, Chaired by Datu Udtog Matalam, Jr., which included Nurrulagi Misuari aka Nur Misuari and Sultan Punduma Sani. It turned out that the Malaysians just wanted a leverage against the Philippines on the Sabah claim and gave the names of the Moro revolutionaries to President Marcos, which resulted in the arrests of many UIFO leaders including Atty. Abbas, Jr.

[3] A tribe as defined is a group of individuals generally few in number, who cannot be counted in thousands, living simply, crudely and even primitively as a distinct portion of a people from a common ancestor. (P.D. 705)

Tomorrow, October 15, 2012, a supposedly historic event will happen at Malacanang the formal signing of a Framework Agreement between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) with no less than the Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak, Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC)

secretary-general Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, and representatives of the International Contact Group and the International Monitoring Team as witnesses for the event. Four years ago, a Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) was pre-signed in Malaysia but was prevented from being formally signed and eventually declared unconstitutional by the Philippine Supreme Court. Although the MOA-AD and the Framework Agreement are basically the same just as the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity is practically the same as the new Bangsamoro autonomous political entity, everybody seems to be happy with this one yet was seething with venomous anger against the other. Why? WITH THE PRESIDENTS BACKING I understand why anti-Muslim autonomy politicians like Senator Drilon and Sec. Roxas are quiet. They are the stalwarts of the Liberal Party, the party of President Aquino III. I understand why even opposition politicians who are anti-Muslim autonomy advocates are quiet. They do not want to go against the dictates of Malacanang as they might lose their pork barrel. I understand why most of mainstream media are supportive of the Aquino- approved Framework Agreement. The Media Agenda is basically the same as the Malacanang agenda. I am not surprised why the Supreme Court who branded the MOA-AD as unconstitutional is silent about the new Framework Agreement. Their new Chief Justice was newly appointed by the President. But I am surprised why so many ordinary Christian Filipinos, who appeared ready and raring to join the Crusades against the Moros during the height of the MOA-AD controversy, are now silent and are even said to be pro-Peace, whatever that means. Could it be that left on their own, the Filipino masses would actually be pro-Peace and that they are just looking for cues from their opinion leaders? If that is so, then there is actually a possibility for peace in this country! The question then is, will the ruling elite allow lasting peace in the country? The No War No Peace condition has a lot of advantages for the powers that be. It helps them maintain their position of dominance and power both in Mindanao and in Metro Manila. TIMELINE This early, government functionaries have already said that the schedule for the finalization of the MILF-GPH peace talks will be in 2016. That would simply not work. In 2016, Aquino III will be a lameduck president. The opposition will not be afraid of him. His party-mates will be ready to abandon him. The Media will look for its own agenda. Ms. Arroyo thought that in 2008, she could still make the MOA-AD palatable to the majority. But she underestimated her unpopularity. The obvious rigging of the elections in 2007 and her attempts to have Martial Law through Proclamation 1017 which called for a State of Emergency gave chills down the spines of many Filipinos. The oppositions resistance to the MOA-AD gained overwhelming adherents. In the same vein, Mr. Aquino should not over-estimate his popularity. The removal of Supreme Court Chief Justice Corona and his replacement wit a young law professor who was Aquinos schoolmate in college does not go well with many critical-thinking Filipinos. As Senator Joker Arroyo remarked, by removing CJ Corona, Aquino effectively controlled the three branches of government thus having Martial Law powers without calling Martial Law. Recently, this September, the netizens of the country were up in arms against Aquinos Anti-Cyber Crime Law, calling the imposition of the law as e-Martial Law. His advisers/retinue who keep on trumpeting Aquinos alleged popularity must have been surprised at the peoples protest. With about a dozen petitions to the Supreme Court, the Court issued a Temporary Restraining Order on the governments implementation of the law. If Aquino and his party-mates are truly sincere in this peace process, they must start the ball rolling this early. They cannot presume that Aquinos popularity will remain as high as they say it is. A plebiscite in one and a half years time must be scheduled. The plebiscite should not be done beyond 2014. If that happens, then maybe there would be some hope for peace. As for the doubting Moros, it does not matter who represents the Bangsa Moro. What is important is what the representatives achieve for the Moros. The best thing we got so far, after struggling for more than 40 years, is the Tripoli Agreement. If the MILF can get something less than the Tripoli Agreement but can have it fully implemented favoring the Moros, then well and good. But for me, the Tripoli Agreement remains the basic autonomous agreement. Everything else is a part of the process towards its full implementation. HOWEVER However, and this is a big however, Im afraid all this hullabaloo is just for show. The Aquino administration is simply imitating the Arroyo administration. Like Arroyo, who lured the MILF to the negotiating table by dangling a Bangsamoro State carrot, Aquino is dangling the Bangsamoro autonomous political entity carrot while taking control of ARMM by appointing his own people Hataman et al and letting them run for office in the coming elections. This is being done in spite of Aquinos announcement that his team will be on a temporary capacity and will not run in 2013. (Remember when Arroyo said she wouldnt run in 2004?). He will extend the talks until near the end of his presidential term when it will meet extreme opposition from the Christian majority. On the other hand, the MILF will be glad to keep on talking and putting concepts on the table. The alternative is war in the battlefields. Any agreements will be bases for future agreements. The MILF can just bide its time while winning more local supporters as well as international supporters like the US and Malaysia. It probably also hopes that MNLF will somehow just disappear. It is really a win-win situation for Aquino and the MILF but a lose-lose situation for the people. At the end of Aquinos reign when the s##t hits the fan, therell be disaster. And this time, it might not just involve two commands of MILF rogue fighters but might involve a whole lot more. By that time, so many Moros would have

been made to believe that Aquino and the Philippine government are sincere, only to find out that they were just being had. (And pray tell, whatever happened to the Jakarta Agreement Ramoss peace pact with the MNLF? It also had the US imprimatur as well as the OICs.) Philippine governments peace negotiator Marvic Leonen said, The new autonomous political entity will be created through an organic act, drafted by a Transition Commission, enacted by Congress and effective upon ratification in a plebiscite. These are all difficult political tasks, almost impossible to handle by any government. But as shown by the Christian Filipino peoples response to the Framework Agreement, they would support whatever their leaders say so. If all these difficult tasks were to be done swiftly with the full support of the government, then we will be on the Road to Peace. But if they will be done willy nilly or and near the end of Aquinos term or done with a hidden agenda (like putting Aquinos Moro lackeys to govern the Bangsamoro) , then Aquinos road map will lead to nowhere, or worse, bigger war.

In the Name of God, the Beneficent, the Merciful FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT ON THE BANGSAMORO The Philippine Government (GPH) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) herein referred to as the Parties to this Agreement, HAVE AGREED AND ACKNOWLEDGED AS FOLLOWS: I. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE BANGSAMORO 1. The Parties agree that the status quo is unacceptable and that the Bangsamoro shall be established to replace the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The Bangsamoro is the new autonomous political entity (NPE) referred to in the Decision Points of Principles as of April 2012. 2. The government of the Bangsamoro shall have a ministerial form. The Parties agree to entrench an electoral system suitable to a ministerial form of government. The electoral system shall allow democratic participation, ensure accountability of public officers primarily to their constituents and encourage formation of genuinely principled political parties. The electoral system shall be contained in the Bangsamoro Basic Law to be implemented through legislation enacted by the Bangsamoro Government and correlated with national laws. 3. The provinces, cities, municipalities, barangays and geographic areas within its territory shall be the constituent units of the Bangsamoro. The authority to regulate on its own responsibility the affairs of the constituent units is guaranteed within the limit of the Bangsamoro Basic Law. The privileges already enjoyed by the

local government units under existing laws shall not be diminished unless otherwise altered, modified or reformed for good governance pursuant to the provisions of the Bangsamoro local government code. 4. The relationship of the Central Government with the Bangsamoro Government shall be asymmetric. 5. The Parties recognize Bangsamoro identity. Those who at the time of conquest and colonization were considered natives or original inhabitants of Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago and its adjacent islands including Palawan, and their descendants whether of mixed or of full blood shall have the right to identify themselves as Bangsamoro by ascription or self-ascription. Spouses and their descendants are classified as Bangsamoro. The freedom of choice of other Indigenous peoples shall be respected. II. BASIC LAW 1. The Bangsamoro shall be governed by a Basic Law. 2. The provisions of the Bangsamoro Basic Law shall be consistent with all agreements of the Parties. 3. The Basic Law shall reflect the Bangsamoro system of life and meet internationally accepted standards of governance. 4. It shall be formulated by the Bangsamoro people and ratified by the qualified voters within its territory. III. POWERS 1. The Central Government will have reserved powers, the Bangsamoro Government shall have its exclusive powers, and there will be concurrent powers shared by the Central Government and the Bangsamoro Government. The Annex on Power Sharing, which includes the principles on intergovernmental relations, shall form part of this Agreement and guide the drafting of the Basic Law. 2. The Central Government shall have powers on: a) Defense and external security b) Foreign policy

c) Common market and global trade, provided that the power to enter into economic agreements already allowed under Republic Act No. 9054 shall be transferred to the Bangsamoro d) Coinage and monetary policy e) Citizenship and naturalization f) Postal service This list is without prejudice to additional powers that may be agreed upon by the Parties. 3. The Parties recognize the need to strengthen the Shariah courts and to expand their jurisdiction over cases. The Bangsamoro shall have competence over the Shariah justice system. The supremacy of Shariah and its application shall only be to Muslims. 4. The Bangsamoro Basic Law may provide for the power of the Bangsamoro Government to accredit halal-certifying bodies in the Bangsamoro. 5. The Bangsamoro Basic Law shall provide for justice institutions in the Bangsamoro. This includes: a) The competence over the Shariah justice system, as well as the formal institutionalization and operation of its functions, and the expansion of the jurisdiction of the Shariah courts; b) Measures to improve the workings of local civil courts, when necessary; and c) Alternative dispute resolution systems. 6. The customary rights and traditions of indigenous peoples shall be taken into consideration in the formation of the Bangsamoros justice system. This may include the recognition of indigenous processes as alternative modes of dispute resolution. IV. REVENUE GENERATION AND WEALTH SHARING 1. The parties agree that wealth creation (or revenue generation and sourcing) is important for the operation of the Bangsamoro. 2. Consistent with the Bangsamoro Basic Law, the Bangsamoro will have the power to create its own sources of revenues and to levy taxes, fees, and charges, subject to limitations as may be mutually agreed upon by the Parties. This power shall include the power to determine tax bases and tax rates, guided by the principles of devolution of power, equalization, equity,

accountability, administrative simplicity, harmonization, economic efficiency, and fiscal autonomy. 3. The Bangsamoro will have the authority to receive grants and donations from domestic and foreign sources, and block grants and subsidies from the Central Government. Subject to acceptable credit worthiness, it shall also have the authority to contract loans from domestic and foreign lending institutions, except foreign and domestic loans requiring sovereign guaranty, whether explicit or implicit, which would require the approval of the Central Government. 4. The Bangsamoro shall have a just and equitable share in the revenues generated through the exploration, development or utilization of natural resources obtaining in all the areas/territories, land or water, covered by and within the jurisdiction of the Bangsamoro, in accordance with the formula agreed upon by the Parties. 5. The Bangsamoro may create its own auditing body and procedures for accountability over revenues and other funds generated within or by the region from external sources. This shall be without prejudice to the power, authority and duty of the national Commission on Audit to examine, audit and settle all accounts pertaining to the revenues and the use of funds and property owned and held in trust by any government instrumentality, including GOCCs. 6. The details of revenue and wealth sharing arrangements between the Central Government and the Bangsamoro Government shall be agreed upon by the Parties. The Annex on Wealth Sharing shall form part of this Agreement. 7. There shall be an intergovernmental fiscal policy board composed of representatives of the Bangsamoro and the Central Government in order to address revenue imbalances and fluctuations in regional financial needs and revenue-raising capacity. The Board shall meet at least once in six (6) months to determine necessary fiscal policy adjustments, subject to the principles of intergovernmental relations mutually agreed upon by both Parties. Once full fiscal autonomy has been achieved by the Bangsamoro then it may no longer be necessary to have a representative from the Central Government to sit in the Board. Fiscal autonomy shall mean generation and budgeting of the Bangsamoros own sources of revenue, its share of the internal revenue taxes and block grants and subsidies remitted to it by the central government or any donor. 8. The Parties agree that sustainable development is crucial in protecting and improving the quality of life of the Bangsamoro people. To this end, the Bangsamoro shall develop a comprehensive framework for sustainable development through the proper conservation, utilization and development of natural resources. For efficient coordination and assistance, the Bangsamoro legislative body shall create, by law, an intergovernmental body composed of representatives of the Bangsamoro and the Central Government, which shall ensure the harmonization of environmental and developmental plans, as well as formulate common environmental objectives.

V. TERRITORY 1. The core territory of the Bangsamoro shall be composed of: (a) the present geographical area of the ARMM; (b) the Municipalities of Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal in the province of Lanao del Norte and all other barangays in the Municipalities of Kabacan, Carmen, Aleosan, Pigkawayan, Pikit, and Midsayap that voted for inclusion in the ARMM during the 2001 plebiscite; (c) the cities of Cotabato and Isabela; and (d) all other contiguous areas where there is a resolution of the local government unit or a petition of at least ten percent (10%) of the qualified voters in the area asking for their inclusion at least two months prior to the conduct of the ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law and the process of delimitation of the Bangsamoro as mentioned in the next paragraph. 2. The Parties shall work together in order to ensure the widest acceptability of the Bangsamoro Basic Law as drafted by the Transitory Commission and the core areas mentioned in the previous paragraph, through a process of popular ratification among all the Bangsamoro within the areas for their adoption. An international third party monitoring team shall be present to ensure that the process is free, fair, credible, legitimate and in conformity with international standards. 3. Areas which are contiguous and outside the core territory where there are substantial populations of the Bangsamoro may opt anytime to be part of the territory upon petition of at least ten percent (10%) of the residents and approved by a majority of qualified voters in a plebiscite. 4. The disposition of internal and territorial waters shall be referred to in the Annexes on Wealth and Power Sharing. 5. Territory refers to the land mass as well as the maritime, terrestrial, fluvial and alluvial domains, and the aerial domain and the atmospheric space above it. Governance shall be as agreed upon by the parties in this agreement and in the sections on wealth and power sharing. 6. The Bangsamoro Basic Law shall recognize the collective democratic rights of the constituents in the Bangsamoro. VI. BASIC RIGHTS 1. In addition to basic rights already enjoyed, the following rights of all citizens residing in the Bangsamoro bind the legislature, executive and judiciary as directly enforceable law and are guaranteed: a. Right to life and to inviolability of ones person and dignity; b. Right to freedom and expression of religion and beliefs; c. Right to privacy;

d. Right to freedom of speech; e. Right to express political opinion and pursue democratically political aspiration; f. Right to seek constitutional change by peaceful and legitimate means; g. Right of women to meaningful political participation, and protection from all forms of violence; h. Right to freely choose ones place of residence and the inviolability of the home; i. Right to equal opportunity and non-discrimination in social and economic activity and the public service, regardless of class, creed, disability, gender and ethnicity; j. Right to establish cultural and religious associations; k. Right to freedom from religious, ethnic and sectarian harassment; and l. Right to redress of grievances and due process of law. 2. Vested property rights shall be recognized and respected. With respect to the legitimate grievances of the Bangsamoro people arising from any unjust dispossession of their territorial and proprietary rights, customary land tenure or their marginalization shall be acknowledged. Whenever restoration is no longer possible, the Central Government and the Government of the Bangsamoro shall take effective measures for adequate reparation collectively beneficial to the Bangsamoro people in such quality, quantity and status to be determined mutually. 3. Indigenous peoples rights shall be respected. 4. The Central Government shall ensure the protection of the rights of the Bangsamoro people residing outside the territory of the Bangsamoro and undertake programs for the rehabilitation and development of their communities. The Bangsamoro Government may provide assistance to their communities to enhance their economic, social and cultural development. VII. TRANSITION AND IMPLEMENTATION 1. The Parties agree to the need for a transition period and the institution of transitional mechanisms. 2. The Parties agree to adopt and incorporate an Annex on Transitional Arrangements and Modalities, which forms a part of this Framework Agreement.

3. There shall be created a Transition Commission through an Executive Order and supported by Congressional Resolutions. 4. The functions of the Transition Commission are as follows: a. To work on the drafting of the Bangsamoro Basic Law with provisions consistent with all agreements entered and that may be entered into by the Parties; b. To work on proposals to amend the Philippine Constitution for the purpose of accommodating and entrenching in the constitution the agreements of the Parties whenever necessary without derogating from any prior peace agreements; c. To coordinate whenever necessary development programs in Bangsamoro communities in conjunction with the MILF Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA), the Bangsamoro Leadership and Management Institute (BLMI) and other agencies. 5. The Transition Commission shall be composed of fifteen (15) members all of whom are Bangsamoro. Seven (7) members shall be selected by the GPH and eight (8) members, including the Chairman, shall be selected by the MILF. 6. The Transition Commission will be independent from the ARMM and other government agencies. The GPH shall allocate funds and provide other resources for its effective operation. All other agencies of government shall support the Transition Commission in the performance of its tasks and responsibilities until it becomes functus oficio and cease to exist. 7. The draft Bangsamoro Basic Law submitted by the Transition Commission shall be certified as an urgent bill by the President. 8. Upon promulgation and ratification of the Basic Law, which provides for the creation of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA), the ARMM is deemed abolished. 9. All devolved authorities shall be vested in the Bangsamoro Transition Authority during the interim period. The ministerial form and Cabinet system of government shall commence once the Bangsamoro Transition Authority is in place. The Bangsamoro Transition Authority may reorganize the bureaucracy into institutions of governance appropriate thereto. 10. The Bangsamoro Transition Authority shall ensure that the continued functioning of government in the area of autonomy is exercised pursuant to its mandate under the Basic Law. The Bangsamoro Transition Authority will be immediately replaced in 2016 upon the election and assumption of the members of the Bangsamoro legislative assembly and the formation of the Bangsamoro government.

11. There will be created a third party monitoring team to be composed of international bodies, as well as domestic groups to monitor the implementation of all agreements. 12. At the end of the transition period, the GPH and MILF Peace Negotiating Panels, together with the Malaysian Facilitator and the Third Party Monitoring Team, shall convene a meeting to review, assess or evaluate the implementation of all agreements and the progress of the transition. An Exit Document officially terminating the peace negotiation may be crafted and signed by both Parties if and only when all agreements have been fully implemented. 13. The Negotiating Panel of both Parties shall continue the negotiations until all issues are resolved and all agreements implemented. VIII. NORMALIZATION 1. The Parties agree that normalization is vital to the peace process. It is through normalization that communities can return to conditions where they can achieve their desired quality of life, which includes the pursuit of sustainable livelihoods and political participation within a peaceful deliberative society. 2. The aim of normalization is to ensure human security in the Bangsamoro. Normalization helps build a society that is committed to basic human rights, where individuals are free from fear of violence or crime and where long-held traditions and value continue to be honored. Human insecurity embraces a wide range of issues that would include violation of human and civil rights, social and political injustice and impunity. 3. As a matter of principle, it is essential that policing structure and arrangement are such that the police service is professional and free from partisan political control. The police system shall be civilian in character so that it is effective and efficient in law enforcement, fair and impartial as well as accountable under the law for its action, and responsible both to the Central Government and the Bangsamoro Government, and to the communities it serves. 4. An independent commission shall be organized by the Parties to recommend appropriate policing within the area. The commission shall be composed of representatives from the parties and may invite local and international experts on law enforcement to assist the commission in its work. 5. The MILF shall undertake a graduated program for decommissioning of its forces so that they are put beyond use. 6. In a phased and gradual manner, all law enforcement functions shall be transferred from the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to the police force for the Bangsamoro.

The Parties agree to continue negotiations on the form, functions and relationship of the police force of the Bangsamoro taking into consideration the results of the independent review process mentioned in paragraph 4. 7. The Joint Coordinating Committees on Cessation of Hostilities (JCCCH) as well as the Ad hoc Joint Action Group (AHJAG) with the participation of the International Monitoring Team (IMT) shall continue to monitor the ceasefire agreement until the full decommissioning of the MILF forces. These existing coordinating mechanisms shall be the basis for the creation of a Joint Normalization Committee (JNC) to ensure the coordination between the Government and remaining MILF forces, and through which MILF shall assist in maintaining peace and order in the area of the Bangsamoro until decommissioning shall have been fully completed. 8. Both Parties commit to work in partnership for the reduction and control of firearms in the area and the disbandment of private armies and other armed groups. 9. The details of the normalization process and timetables for decommissioning shall be in an Annex on Normalization and shall form part of this Agreement. 10. The Parties agree to intensify development efforts for rehabilitation, reconstruction and development of the Bangsamoro, and institute programs to address the needs of MILF combatants, internally displaced persons, and poverty-stricken communities. 11. The Parties recognize the need to attract multi-donor country support, assistance and pledges to the normalization process. For this purpose, a Trust Fund shall be established through which urgent support, recurrent and investment budget cost will be released with efficiency, transparency and accountability. The Parties agree to adopt criteria for eligible financing schemes, such as, priority areas of capacity building, institutional strengthening, impact programs to address imbalances in development and infrastructures, and economic facilitation for return to normal life affecting combatant and non-combatant elements of the MILF, indigenous peoples, women, children, and internally displaced persons. 12. The Parties agree to work out a program for transitional justice to address the legitimate grievances of the Bangsamoro people, correct historical injustices, and address human rights violations. IX. MISCELLANEOUS 1. This Agreement shall not be implemented unilaterally. 2. The Parties commit to work further on the details of the Framework Agreement in the context of this document and complete a comprehensive agreement by the end of the year.

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