Chapter 21 Reaction, Revolution, and Romanticism: 1815-1850 Learning Objectives 1.

. Be able to discuss the order which the victorious powers imposed upon postNapoleonic Europe and why it was so successful for such a long period of time. 2. Describe the way the major powers dealt with liberal and nationalistic uprisings in various parts of the continent during the nineteenth century. 3. List the primary tenets of the liberalism that challenged the conservative establishment throughout the century, and determine how successful it was in the challenge. 4. Explain the reasons for and the consequences of the revolutions that swept the continent in 1830 and 1848. 5. Discuss the major assumptions and characteristics of Romanticism, and show how its various representatives affected literature, music, and art. 21.1 Due Stamp: Complete One Page Review for Chapters 18, 19, and 20 Bring Chapter 21 Handouts Reading: Spielvogel 590-593 IDs: 1. Congress of Vienna 2. Klemens von Metternich 3. principle of legitimacy 4. balance of power 5. Edmund Burke 6. Joseph de Maistre In Class Lecture: Congress of Vienna Activity: Congress of Vienna Presentations 21.2 Due Finish presentation preparation In Class Activity: Congress of Vienna Presentations Recap the Congress of Vienna 21.3 Due Reading: IDs: Stamp:

Stamp: Spielvogel 593-598 7. Concert of Europe 8. the congress system 9. Greek Revolt 10. Britains Tories and Whigs 11. Corn Laws and the Peterloo Massacre 12. Louis XVIII 13. Charles X 14. Germanic Confederation 15. Burschenschaften 16. the Decembrist Revolt 17. Tsar Nicholas I The Voice of Conservatism: Metternich

In Class Reading:

Activity:

Conservative Domination of Europe Stamp: Spielvogel 598-602 18. classical economics 19. Thomas Malthus 20. David Ricardo 21. John Stuart Mill 22. utopian socialism 23. Charles Fouriers phalansteries 24. Robert Owens New Lanark 25. Louis Blanc 26. Flora Tristan The four main Isms Isms posters Stamp: Spielvogel 603-610 27. Frances July Revolution of 1830 28. Reform Act of 1832 29. revolutions of 1848 30. Frances Second Republic 31. Frankfurt Assembly 32. Louis Kossuth 33. Giuseppe Mazzini and Young Italy

21.4 Due Reading: IDs:

In Class Lecture: Activity: 21.5 Due Reading: IDs:

In Class Quiz Discussion: 21.6 Due Reading: Writing:

The Revolutions of 1830 Stamp: 1848 Primary Sources France and Hungary For each of the four documents, create an APPARTS Chart

21.7 Due Reading: IDs:

Stamp: Spielvogel 610-617 34. serjents, bobbies, and Schutzmannschaft 35. Romanticism 36. Goethe 37. Sir Walter Scott 38. neo-Gothic architecture 39. Mary Shelley 40. Percy Bysshe Shelley 41. Lord Byron 42. William Wordsworth

In Class Art Day!

21.8 Due Notebooks In Class Mystical Choice Test 21.9 Due None In Class Essay Test Outline I. The Conservative Order (1815-1830) A. The Peace Settlement 1. The Principle of Legitimacy 2. A New Balance of Power B. The Ideology of Conservatism C. Conservative Domination: The Concert of Europe 1. The Principle of Intervention 2. The Revolt of Latin America 3. The Greek Revolt D. Conservative Domination: The European States 1. Great Britain: Rule of the Tories 2. Restoration in France 3. Intervention in the Italian States and Spain 4. Repression in Central Europe 5. Russia: Autocracy of the Tsars II. Ideologies of Change A. Liberalism 1. Economic Liberalism 2. Political Liberalism B. Nationalism C. Early Socialism 1. Fourier 2. Owen 3. Blanc 4. Female Supporters 5. Tristan III. Revolution and Reform (1830-1850) A. Another French Revolution B. Revolutionary Outbursts in Belgium, Poland, and Italy C. Reform in Great Britain 1. The Reform Act of 1832 2. New Reform Legislation D. The Revolutions of 1848 1. Yet Another French Revolution 2. Revolution in the Germanic States 3. Upheaval in the Austrian Empire 4. Revolts in the Italian States 5. The Failures of 1848 E. The Maturing of the United States IV. The Emergence of an Ordered Society

A. New Police Forces 1. French Police 2. British Bobbies 3. Spread of Police Systems 4. Other Approaches to the Crime Problem B. Prison Reform V. Culture in an Age of Reaction and Revolution: The Mood of Romanticism A. The Characteristics of Romanticism B. Romantic Poets 1. Love of Nature 2. Critique of Science C. Romanticism in Art 1. Friedrich 2. Turner 3. Delacroix D. Romanticism in Music 1. Beethoven 2. Berlioz E. The Revival of Religion in the Age of Romanticism 1. Catholicism 2. Protestantism

Delegates to the Congress of Vienna of 1815 At the Congress of Vienna, the monarchs and princes of Europe redrew their boundaries, to the advantage of Prussia (in Saxony and the Ruhr), Austria (in Illyria and Venetia), and Russia (in Poland and Finland). British conquest of Dutch and French colonies (S. Africa, Ceylon, Mauritius) was recognized, and France, under the restored Bourbons, retained its expanded 1792 borders. The settlement brought 50 years of international peace to Europe. Prussia Hardenberg, Prince Karl August von (1750-1822) , chancellor of Prussia (181017), who reformed the Prussian state and played a leading role in the coalition that defeated Napoleon. Born on May 31, 1750, in Hannover, Hardenberg entered the service of the king of Prussia in 1792. In 1795 he negotiated the Treaty of Basel, ceding Prussian territory west of the Rhine to revolutionary France. He was foreign minister from 1804 to 1806, when Napoleon, after defeating and occupying Prussia, had him removed from office. Appointed chancellor in 1810, Hardenberg carried out extensive reforms, imposing a uniform system of taxation, abolishing restrictions on internal trade, easing the condition of the peasantry, and granting equality to Jews. His attempt to establish a consultative representative assembly, however, was thwarted by opposition from the aristocracy. After Napoleon's hold on Europe was weakened by the failure of his Russian campaign, Hardenberg formed an alliance with Russia (1813), beginning Germany's War of Liberation against the French. In 1814-15 he represented Prussia at the Congress of Vienna, where the allies redrew the map of Europe after Napoleon's downfall. His collaboration with Great Britain and Austria in opposing Russian plans for the annexation of Poland was repudiated by Prussia's King Frederick William III, but he secured compensation for Prussia, which

received parts of Saxony and the Rhineland. in Germany he agreed to a confederation of states under the presidency of Austria. Hardenberg died in Genoa, Italy, on November 26, 1822. Frederick William III (1770-1840), king of Prussia (1797-1840) . He was the son of Frederick William II, born in Potsdam. He was given military training in his youth and from 1792 to 1794 fought against France during the French Revolution. In 1797 he succeeded to the throne and set about rebuilding the economy and the army, which had suffered during the reign of his father. He kept Prussia neutral in the Napoleonic Wars until 1805, when persuaded by Russia and the aroused spirit of his people, he joined the allies against France. Prussia was defeated at Jena and Auerstdt in 1806. By the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807, various Prussian territories were ceded to France. Through the efforts of the administrators Baron H. F. K. vom Stein, Count A. N. von Gneisenau, Prince K. A. von Hardenberg, and G. J. D. von Scharnhorst (1755-1813), the Prussian army was reconstituted between 1807 and 1812 and participated in the victorious campaigns against Napoleon from 1813 until 1815. In this period Frederick William promised the Prussian people a constitution. At the close of the war in 1815, however, he joined the Holy Alliance and participated in the alliance's repression of liberal movements in Europe. Within Prussia, he accomplished the reorganization of parts of the administrative system and consented to formation of the Zollverein, or customs union. Russia Alexander I (of Russia) (1777-1825), emperor of Russia (1801-25) , son of Emperor Paul I (1754-1801). He abolished many barbarous and cruel punishments then practiced and in 1802 introduced a more orderly administration of government by the creation of eight ministries. He improved the condition of the serfs and promoted education, doubling the number of Russian universities by establishing those at Saint Petersburg, Kharkiv, and Kazan. Alexander was for a time the ally of Prussia against Napoleon of France. In 1807, however, after the battles of Eylau and Friedland, Alexander allied himself with the French. He broke the alliance in 1812, and later that year Napoleon invaded Russia, only to lose his army in a disastrous retreat from Moscow. Alexander was prominent thereafter in the European coalition that led to Napoleon's fall. In 1815 Alexander instituted the Holy Alliance of Austria, Russia, and Prussia. The purpose of the alliance, as it was conceived, was to achieve the realization of high Christian ideals among the nations of Europe, but it soon ceased to have any real importance. The last years of Alexander's life and reign were reactionary and despotic. He was succeeded by his brother Nicholas I. France Talleyrand-Prigord, Charles Maurice de (1754-1838), French statesman and diplomat, who flourished through the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars and played a major part in the outcome of the Congress of Vienna. He also had a remarkable ability to survive in the turbulent period of the French Revolution, the Napoleonic wars, and the restoration of the monarchy. On the darker side, Talleyrand was not above playing both sides of the political street to be assured of coming out on top. Through bribes and speculation he amassed a huge fortune. Talleyrand was born in Paris on Feb. 2, 1754. From either birth or accident he had a clubfoot. Educated in theology at the seminary of Saint Sulpice, he was ordained a priest in 1779, became abbot of Saint-Denis, and in 1780 was appointed agentgeneral of the French clergy. In 1789 Talleyrand was named bishop of Autun. Two years later he resigned his see, after subscribing to the new civil constitution of the clergy drawn up by the national constituent assembly, and was subsequently excommunicated. In 1792 he was sent by the French government to London, where he conducted informal negotiations for a British-French alliance. After the overthrow of the French monarchy in September 1792, Talleyrand returned to England as a private citizen. Following the outbreak of hostilities between France and Great Britain in 1793, he was listed as an migr by the French authorities, and

after being expelled from England in 1794, he went to the United States. Talleyrand was permitted to return to France in 1796, and the following year he was appointed foreign minister under the Directory. in July 1799 he resigned this office, and subsequently he was instrumental in effecting the coup d'tat of 18 Brumaire that established the rule of the Consulate under the first consul Napoleon Bonaparte. Talleyrand served as Bonaparte's foreign minister from 1799 to 1807, when he resigned because of his opposition to the wars against Austria, Prussia, and Russia in 1805-6. After the fall of Napoleon, he represented France at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-15, where he obtained advantageous terms for France from the victorious Allies, including the restoration of the boundaries of 1789. Austria Metternich, Prince Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar, von (1773-1859), Austrian statesman and diplomat, who was the dominant figure in European politics between 1814 and 1848. Metternich was born into an aristocratic family on May 15, 1773, in Koblenz, Germany, and attended the universities of Strasbourg and Mainz. His family fled the revolutionary French armies to Vienna in 1794, and Metternich there married Countess Eleanor Kaunitz (flourished 1795-1825), whose family was prominent at the Austrian court. He served the Habsburgs first as an envoy to the Congress of Rastadt (1797) and then as ambassador to Saxony (1801), Prussia (1803), and Napoleonic France (1806). In 1809 Metternich was appointed minister of foreign affairs for the Habsburg state, then in disarray following several defeats by the French army. He arranged the marriage of the Austrian archduchess Marie Louise (1791-1847) to Napoleon, but he planned to renew the war with France when the opportunity arose. After Napoleon's disastrous Russian campaign in 1812, Metternich played a leading role in the formation of a new European coalition that two years later defeated the French emperor. At the Congress of Vienna (1814-15), which redrew the map of Europe after Napoleon's downfall, he blocked Russian plans for the annexation of the whole of Poland and Prussia's attempt to absorb Saxony. He succeeded in creating a German confederation under Austrian leadership but failed to achieve a similar arrangement for Italy. His attempt to make the postwar Quadruple Alliance (Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria) into an instrument for preventing revolution in Europe also failed. As chancellor of the Habsburg Empire (1821-48) he was, however, able to maintain the status quo in Germany and Italy, and he remained Europe's leading statesman until driven from power by the Revolution of 1848. He died in Vienna on June 11, 1859. Metternich equally resented liberalism, nationalism, and revolution. His ideal was a monarchy that shared power with the traditional privileged classes of society. He was a man of order in an increasingly disorganized world of rapidly changing values. Conceited and indolent by nature, he often assumed responsibility for policies he had not himself formulated. Some have judged him a reactionary who tried to stop progress. To others he was a constructive force, misunderstood by contemporaries and historians alike. Great Britain Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, Viscount (1769-1822), British statesman, born in county Down, Ireland, and educated at the University of Cambridge. In 1790 he entered the Irish parliament as a Whig, but he joined the Tory party when he entered the British House of Commons in 1795. A year later he was created Viscount Castlereagh, a courtesy title. As chief secretary for Ireland from 1799, he energetically supported the attempt of the British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger to bring about the political union of Ireland with Great Britain. Pitt's proposed legislation, known as the Act of Union, was carried in the Irish parliament in 1800, largely through Castlereagh's skill in bribing parliamentary members. Soon after the act became law (January 1, 1801), Castlereagh resigned from office because

of the opposition of King George III to the passing of a Catholic emancipation act, which Castlereagh had hoped would follow the Act of Union. Castlereagh was a member of the House of Commons from 1801 until his death, serving as leader from 1812. As secretary of state for the war and colonial department during most of the period from 1805 to 1809, he helped plan British campaigns in the Napoleonic Wars. From 1812, as foreign secretary in the Tory cabinet of Robert Banks Jenkinson (17701828), 2d earl of Liverpool, Castlereagh played a leading part in the coalition of nations against Napoleon, keeping it united during the critical campaigns of 1813-14. He represented Great Britain at the Congress of Vienna (1814-15), which redrew the map of Europe after the Napoleonic Wars. At the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle (1818), he resisted Russian attempts to draw Britain into a European league to oppose revolution. In 1822, suffering from depression, Castlereagh committed suicide.

Modern History Sourcebook: Prince Klemens von Metternich: Political Confession of Faith, 1820 Prince Klemens von Metternich (1773-1859) was the leading figure in European government up until 1848. As political master of the Austrian Empire, he was the architect of an alliance system among the European powers after Napoleon's defeat a system which tried to undo the damage to traditional dynastic politics wroght by the French revolution. From Prince Klemens von Metternich. Political Confession of Faith (1820) The Source of the Evil Man's nature is immutable. The first needs of society are and remain the same, and the differences which they seem to offer find their explanation in the diversity of influences, acting on the different races by natural causes, such as the diversity of climate, barrenness or richness of soil, insular or continental position, &c. &c. These local differences no doubt produce effects which extend far beyond purely physical necessities; they create and determine particular needs in a more elevated sphere; finally, they determine the laws, and exercise an influence even on religions. It is, on the other hand, with institutions as with everything else. Vague in their origin, they pass through periods of development and perfection, to arrive in time at their decadence; and, conforming to the laws of man's nature, they have, like him, their infancy, their youth, their age of strength and reason, and their age of decay. Two elements alone remain in all their strength, and never cease to exercise their indestructible influence with equal power. These are the precepts of morality, religious as well as social, and the necessities created by locality. From the time that men attempt to swerve from these bases, to become rebels against these sovereign

arbiters of their destinies, society suffers from a malaise which sooner or later will lead to a state of convulsion. The history of every country, in relating the consequences of such errors, contains many pages stained with blood, but we dare to say, without fear of contradiction, one seeks in vain for an epoch when an evil of this nature has extended its ravages over such a vast area as it has done at the present time. The progress of the human mind has been extremely rapid in the course of the last three centuries. This progress having been accelerated more rapidly than the growth of wisdom (the only counterpoise to passions and to error); a revolution prepared by the false systems, the fatal errors into which many of the most illustrious sovereigns of the last half of the eighteenth century fell, has at last broken out in a country advanced in knowledge, and enervated by pleasure, in a country inhabited by a people whom one can only regard as frivolous, from the facility with which they comprehend and the difficulty they experience in judging calmly. Having now thrown a rapid glance over the first causes of the present state of society, it is necessary to point out in a more particular manner the evil which threatens to deprive it, at one blow, of the real blessings, the fruits of genuine civilisation, and to disturb it in the midst of its enjoyments. This evil may be described in one word - presumption; the natural effect of the rapid progression of the human mind towards the perfecting of so many things. This it is which at the present day leads so many individuals astray, for it has become an almost universal sentiment.... The causes of the deplorable intensity with which this evil weighs on society appear to us to be of two kinds.... . . . We will place among the first the feebleness and the inertia of Governments. It is sufficient to cast a glance on the course which the Governments followed during the eighteenth century, to be convinced that not one among them was ignorant of the evil or of the crisis towards which the social body was tending. France had the misfortune to produce the greatest number of these men. It is in her midst that religion and all that she holds sacred, that morality and authority, and all connected with them, have been attacked with a steady and systematic animosity, and it is there that the weapon of ridicule has been used with the most ease and success. Drag through the mud the name of God and the powers instituted by His divine decrees, and the revolution will be prepared! Speak of a social contract, and the revolution is accomplished! The revolution was already completed in the palaces of Kings, in the drawing-rooms and boudoirs of certain cities, while among the great mass of the people it was still only in a state of preparation. The scenes of horror which accompanied the first phases of the French Revolution prevented the rapid propagation of its subversive principles beyond the frontiers of France, and the wars of conquest which succeeded them gave to the public mind a direction little favourable to revolutionary principles. Thus the Jacobin propaganda failed entirely to realise criminal hopes. Nevertheless the revolutionary seed had penetrated into every country and spread more or less. It was greatly developed under the rgime of the military despotism of Bonaparte. His conquests displaced a number of laws, institutions, and customs; broke through bonds sacred among all nations, strong enough to resist time itself; which is more than can be said of certain benefits conferred by these innovators. From these perturbations it followed that the revolutionary spirit could in Germany, Italy, and later on in Spain, easily hide itself under the veil of patriotism We are convinced that society can no longer be saved without strong and vigorous resolutions on the part of the Governments still free in their opinions and actions. We are also convinced that this may yet be, if the Governments face the truth, if they

free themselves from all illusion, if they join their ranks and take their stand on a line of correct, unambiguous, and frankly announced principles. By this course the monarchs will fulfil the duties imposed upon them by Him who, by entrusting them with power, has charged them to watch over the maintenance of justice, and the rights of all, to avoid the paths of error, and tread firmly in the way of truth. Placed beyond the passions which agitate society, it is in days of trial chiefly that they are called upon to despoil realities of their false appearances, and to show themselves as they are, fathers invested with the authority belonging by right to the heads of families, to prove that, in days of mourning, they know how to be just, wise, and therefore strong, and that they will not abandon the people whom they ought to govern to be the sport of factions, to error and its consequences, which must involve the loss of society. The moment in which we are putting our thoughts on paper is one of these critical moments. The crisis is great; it will be decisive according to the part we take or do not take.... Union between the monarchs is the basis of the policy which must now be followed to save society from total ruin.... The first principle to be followed by the monarchs, united as they are by the coincidence of their desires and opinions, should be that of maintaining the stability of political institutions against the disorganised excitement which has taken possession of men's minds- the immutability of principles against the madness of their interpretation; and respect for laws actually in force against a desire for their destruction.... Let [the Governments] in these troublous times be more than usually cautious in attempting real ameliorations, not imperatively claimed by the needs of the moment, to the end that good itself may not turn against them - which is the case whenever a Government measure seems to be inspired by fear. Let them not confound concessions made to parties with the good they ought to do for their people, in modifying, according to their recognised needs, such branches of the administration as require it. Let them give minute attention to the financial state of their kingdoms, so that their people may enjoy, by the reduction of public burdens, the real, not imaginary, benefits of a state of peace. Let them be just, but strong; beneficent, but strict. Let them maintain religious principles in all their purity, and not allow the faith to be attacked and morality interpreted according to the social contract or the visions of foolish sectarians. Let them suppress Secret Societies, that gangrene of society. In short, let the great monarchs strengthen their union, and prove to the world that if it exists, it is beneficent, and ensures the political peace of Europe: that it is powerful only for the maintenance of tranquillity at a time when so many attacks are directed against it; that the principles which they profess are paterllal and protective, menacing only the disturbers of public tranquillity.... To every great State determined to survive the storm there still remain many chances of salvation, and a strong union between the States on the principles we have announced will overcome the storm itself. From Prince Klemens von Metternich, Memoirs of Prince Metternich, 1815-1829, ed. Prince Richard Metternich (New York: Howard Fertig, 1970; photoreprint of a Scribner and Sons 1881 edition), Vol. 3, pp. 456-463, 469-471, 473-476.

Timeline -Revolutions of 1848 1846-1849: Economic depression was spread throughout Europe. It was marked by rising food prices after a poor harvest and the recession that followed the industrial expansion in the early 1840s. February 22, 1848: One of many banquets to protest the government's inflexibility was planned, but he government banned it. Crowds began to gather in the streets and minor skirmishes with police erupted. Workers who could have never afforded tickets to the banquet constructed barricades. The revolution had begun. February 24, 1848: After the National Guard refused to cheer for their king, Louis Phillipe, he abdicated to his grandson. The Second Republic was declared from the Hotel de Ville. The cabinet was confirmed by a crowd outside the hotel. March 3, 1848: Lajos Kossuth called for a representative government in front of the Hungarian Diet. March 3, 1848: Revolution broke out in the Rhineland. March 12, 1848: Revolution broke out in Vienna. March 15, 1848: Revolution broke out in Berlin. March 18, 1848: Revolution broke out in Milan. The papal states were given a constitution and the Milanese defeated the Austrians. March 22, 1848: Revolution broke out in Venice and the Venetian Republic was reestablished. All of these revolutions followed the same pattern: The news of revolution in France would attract excited crowds, groups of men (mostly journalists, lawyers, and students) met to discuss the rumors. The government, in fear of revolution, would call out the army, which would begin to skirmish with the citizenry. Barricades would come up and mob action would ensue. It is important to note that these revolutions took place in one city and that not all of the countries involved declared a republic, only their capitals did. March, 1848: 600 delegates meet in Frankfurt in a preparliamentary assembly and called for a universal manhood suffrage election to form a national assembly to govern a unified Germany. May, 1848: 830 delegates met in Frankfurt, mostly from the small states in the liberal West. Began to form a democratic constitution that gave the assembly itself executive control over a unified Germany. May, 1848: As Hungary began to gain autonomy, Austrians began to demand a representative government. Metternich resigned and universal manhood suffrage

was granted. May, 1848: As unwilling parts of the Hungarian Republic, the Croats, Czechs, and Romanians begin to demand a similar autonomy as that granted to Hungary. May, 1848: Piedmont declared war on Austria with a papal blessing and his troops, but Pius IX soon pulled out saying he could not fight a Catholic Austria. The Piedmontese seemed overwhelmed, but had managed to win a battle by the end of May. June 24-26, 1848: after the government dissolved the national workshops, the lower class revolted and was crushed by republican troops. Over a thousand people were killed in three days and thousands more were sent to prison or exile. This conflict between classes is known as June Days and was the evidence that proved to Karl Marx that democracy couldn't work. June, 1848: The pan-Slav congress met in Prague after the Czechs refused to send representatives to the Frankfurt Assembly felling that Slavs should not be subject to the will of Germans. July, 1848: Austrians attack Piedmont and overwhelmingly defeat it. Troops march into Milan. September, 1848: Riots erupt in Frankfurt. The Assembly is forced to call for Prussian and Austrian aid to restore peace. October, 1848: Austrians use Croatian sentiments for autonomy to march into Vienna and beat it into submission. November, 1848: Appointed Prime Minister of the Papal States Pelligrino Rossi is assassinated and the pope flees to Genoa. The Romans take this opportunity to declare the Roman Republic. December, 1848: Nation-wide elections in France give Louis Napoleon Bonaparte 70% of the popular vote. December, 1848: Prince Felix von Schwarzenberg fills Metternich's post and convinces Ferdinand I to abdicate to his 18 year old son Francis Joseph I. January, 1849: Austria invades Hungary, is pushed back. March, 1849: Piedmont declares war on Austria. A strong Austrian victory places Italy firmly back into Austria's hands. March, 1849: The Frankfurt Assembly finally completes the German constitution and elects Frederick William IV of Prussia as German emperor. When he refuses to rule the revolutionary state, the Assembly dissolves. New revolutions arise in the Rhineland, Saxony, and Bavaria. May, 1849: Neapolitan armies retake all of Sicily. The Roman Republic bows to French troops and is restored to the pope. June, 1849: With the aid of Prussian troops, Austria quashes the revolutions in the Rhineland, Saxony, and Bavaria. June, 1849: Russians intervene and seal the fate of the Hungarian Republic, which is plagued by constant onslaught from the Austrians and dissentions from the Croats, Slavs, and Romanians. August, 1849: The Venetian Republic falls to Cholera and starvation.

Revolutions of 1848 Documents: Modern History Sourcebook: Percy B. St. John: The French Revolution in 1848 Percy B. St. John was an eyewitness to the events herein described, and the following were taken from his notes compiled at the time. Tuesday, February 22. The journals of the opposition appeared with the notice, in large letters, at the head of their papers, that the banquet was given up, and an appeal to the population of Paris to keep order, formed a very prominent part of the announcement. The Left were evidently alarmed, while ministers were confident and their journals sang a triumphant song of victory. From an early hour detachments of municipal guard, troops of the line and cavalry, were seen moving toward the boulevards and the Chamber of Deputies; it became known that heavy squadrons of cavalry had entered Paris during the night, while others were concealed within the Hippodrome, or were bivouacked round the fortifications. The spies of the government reported during the night that there was a total absence of conspiracy.... The weather was disagreeable, even wet. A somber and threatening sky hung over the town, but from six in the morning the boulevards presented an animated appearance. Crowds of workingmen, of shopkeepers, began to move toward the Church of the Madeleine, in front of which the procession was to have met and formed. Many were not aware that the banquet was given up, and went to witness the departure of the cortege, while those who knew that the opposition had abandoned their intention of holding the meeting, went with a vague desire to see what would happen. Hundreds went with a settled determination to bring things to an issue; for early on Tuesday morning I saw swords, and daggers, and pistols concealed under the blouses of the workingmen....... Between nine and ten I walked to the Place de la Madeleine. It was covered with knots of men and women of all classes, talking, whispering, looking about with a vague air of uncertainty and alarm.... The neighborhood of the Chamber of Deputies were then occupied militarily. A strong

force was placed upon the Pont de la Concorde, and on attempting to pass, I and others were driven back by the military. No one was allowed to cross save deputies, who carried their medals, or persons bearing tickets. The other approaches to the legislature were equally well guarded. Between the Quai d'Orsay and the lnvalides, two regiments of the line and six pieces of artillery were stationed. Meanwhile, everywhere the crowd increased; all Paris seemed moving to the boulevards, to the Madeleine, to the Champs Elysees, and to the Place de la Concorde. As yet there was no menacing aspect in the masses, many artisans, with their wives on their arms, hung about looking on and listening. Not a policeman in uniform was seen, but many a mouchard face could be distinguished in the crowd. About ten o'clock, a considerable body of workmen, and young men belonging to the different schools of Paris collected on the Place du Pantheon, and set out for the Madeleine by the Rues St. Jacques, des Gres, the Pont Neuf, the Rue St. Honore, etc., crying as they went, Vive la Reforme, and singing the Marseillaise and the chant of the Girondins.... This procession, which had gradually swelled as it went, came out upon the boulevards by the Rue Duphot, and as they passed, it was impossible not to admire the courage of this body of young men, who, wholly unarmed, thus braved the strict orders of a government, backed by an immense army and whole parks of artillery. They were liable at every moment to be charged or fired on.... Having reached the Madeleine, the procession halted before the house in which the central committee of the electors of the opposition were in the habit of assembling, and asked for Barrot, who, however, was not there. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, up to the time this procession passed before its door, had the gate open, with soldiers standing before utterly unarmed.... An officer of dragoons advanced alone to a large group of spectators, who were collected in the basin of one of the fountains, and begged them to retire, which many of them at once did. A few persisted; but suddenly the water beginning to play, they jumped out amid loud laughter. In fact, with few exceptions, the crowd, amidst whom were many well-dressed ladies and gentlemen, were excessively good humored. The majority seemed persuaded that the vast display of unarmed Parisians who had turned out would induce the ministry to give way. The municipal guard, however, like the gendarrnes and Swiss of the July Revolution, seemed doomed to mar all. This body, detested by the Parisians as police, kept up continued charges upon the crowd as it gradually dispersed.... About twelve, passing by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I noticed, in the back court, a heavy detachment of dragoons, in addition to which, soon after, the front door was closed and guarded by numerous sentries. A powerful mob, with sticks and iron bars, strove to burst open the gate and inflict summary vengeance on Guizot. The windows were broken with stones. Loud cries of Vive la Reforme! were followed by a bas Guizot! A single municipal guard strove to get out at the front gate, as if to go for a reinforcement. He was pelted with stones and driven back within shelter of the hotel [i.e., the Ministry]. About this time a most imposing military force marched down upon the hotel, which assumed the air of a fortress. A line of soldiers, with their arms loaded and bayonets fixed, occupied the pavement. The long garden wall was guarded by a cordon of troops, and municipal guards on horseback stood before the door. These latter took

up their position with so much carelessness, as to knock down and severely wound one of the crowd. Shortly after, one of these police having rushed out to seize a rioter, was unhorsed and severely handled, after which he was taken to the same doctor's shop where was the wounded man of the people. From that moment all disturbance finished on this point for the day, and Guizot was able to go to the Chamber of Deputies. The passengers were in this neighborhood compelled to turn out on to the carriage way, the whole pavement being occupied by soldiers.... At this very time [about three], having returned to my residence to write a letter, I was witness to a scene, which described minutely, may give an idea of many similar events. My residence is situated in the Rue St. Honore.... Called to my window by a noise, I saw several persons standing at the horses' heads of an omnibus. The driver whipped, and tried to drive on. The people insisted. At length, several policemen in plain clothes interfered, and as the party of the people was small, disengaged the omnibus, ordered the passengers to get out, and sent the vehicle home amid the hootings of the mob. A few minutes later, a cart full of stones and gravel came up. A number of boys seized it, undid the harness, and it was placed instantly in the middle of the street, amid loud cheering. A brewer's dray and hackney cab were in brief space of time added, and the barricade was made. The passers-by continued to move along with the most perfect indifference.... Next door to me is an armorer's. Suddenly the people perceived the words Prelat, armourier, over the door. A rush is made at his shutters, stones are raised at his windows, and those of the house he occupied, many of which smash the panes in neighboring houses. Every window is, however, filled by anxious spectators. Suddenly the shutters of the shop give way, they are torn down and borne to the barricade, while the windows being smashed, the people rush into the warehouse. There are no arms! The night before they have been removed or concealed. Still, a few horns of gunpowder, and some swords and pistols are taken. Though the mob was through the whole of the vast hotel, a portion of which was occupied by the armorer, nothing but arms were taken away.... On Wednesday, however, it was impossible to conceal from the Iiing that the movement was general, that the people were flying to arms, that barricades were rising in every quarter, and worse than all, the colonels of the national guard reported, one after another, that their men demanded, nay, insisted on the dismissal of Guizot. The generals of the line were interrogated. Not one would answer for the troops if the national guard sided with the people. The saying of an artillery officer near the Hotel de Ville was reported "Fire on the people? No! Fire on the people who pay us? We shall do nothing of the kind. If we have to choose between massacring our brothers and abandoning the monarchy, there can be no hesitation." Louis Philippe saw the critical nature of the position, and hesitated no longer. Guizot and his colleagues were dismissed...... Toward seven o'clock, the general aspect of Paris was peaceable. On the Petit Bourse, near the Opera, the funds had risen forty centimes on the arrival of the news that the ministry had been dismissed. Aides-de-camp and general officers galloped here and there, proclaiming the intelligence. Everywhere the people delivered the prisoners made during the day, and then they went away rejoicing. Nevertheless, the barricades were not abandoned. The strongest and most artistically made were guarded by some hundreds of young men, between the Rue du Temple and the Rue St. Martin, and about the Rue Transnonain. Though repeatedly told of the dismissal of Guizot, they replied that they must have guarantees, and with this

they posted sentries at every issue, and prepared to bivouac for the night, many without food, many without fire. Among these were numbers of the better classes, who had placed blouses over their clothes and joined the people, to encourage and direct them. Between eight and nine o'dock, darkness having completely set in, the streets began to present an unusual aspect---that of an illumination. With rare erceptions, at every window of the lofty houses on the quarter of the Tuileries, candles or lamps were placed, and by their light could be seen ladies and gentlemen looking down upon the dense and happy crowd who filled the streets to overflowing. Loud cheers greeted the presence of the spectators, while groans and threats of demolishing their windows were the punishment of the sulky few who refused to join in the genera1 manifestation. They gained nothing by it but to let their ill will be seen, for the populace compelled them to follow the general example. All, however, was gayety and good humor. After witnessing the fine coup-d'oeil presented by the Rue St. Honore, the longest street in the world, I believe, I attempted to gain the boulevards by the Place Vendome. I found it, however, occupied by a dense mass of some ten thousand men, who were striving to force the denizens of the Hotel de Justice to light up. As no attention was paid to their demand, and Hebert [minister of Justice] was peculiarly hated, they began to break his windows, and even set fire to the planks which shelved off from the door, as well as to the sentry box. A heavy body of cuirassiers however, and several detachments of national guards came down, and using vigorous, but gentle measures, re-established order. To lessen the crowd, they drew a line across the Rue Castiglione, and allowed no one to pass. Standing in the crowd, I heard many republicans conversing. Their tone was that of bitter disappointment. They said that the people were deceived, that a Mol ministry was a farce, and that if the populace laid down their arms, it would be but to take them up again. Still, the majority rejoiced. To have carried this point was a geat thing, and no greater proof of the patriotism of the workingmen can be given. They gained nothing by the change but mental satisfaction, with which a vast majority seemed amply satisfied. But a terrible and bloody tragedy was about to change the aspect of the whole scene.... Wednesday, February 23d. About a quarter past ten, while on my way, by another route, to the boulevards, I suddenly, with others, was startled by the aspect of a gentleman who, without his hat, ran madly into the middle of the street, and began to harangue the passersby. "To arms!" he cried, "we are betrayed. The soldiers have slaughtered a hundred unarmed citizens by the Htel des Capucines. Vengeance!" and having given the details of the affair, he hurried to carry the intelligence to other quarters. The effect was electric; each man shook his neighbor by the hand, and far and wide the word was given that the whole system must fall. As this tragic event sealed the fate of the Orleans dynasty, I have been at some pains to collect a correct version of it, and I have every reason to believe those who were eyewitnesses will bear me out in my description. I went immediately as near to the spot as possible, I conversed to numerous parties who saw it, and myself saw many of the immediate consequences. The boulevards were, like all the other streets, brilliantly illuminated, and everywhere immense numbers of promenaders walked up and down, men, women, and children, enjoying the scene, and rejoicing that the terrific struggle of the day had ceased. The

footpaths were quite covered, while the carriage way, in part occupied by cavalry, was continually filled by processions of students, working men, and others, who sang songs of triumph at their victory. Round the Htel des Capucines, where Guizot resided, there was a heavy force of military, of troops of the line, dragoons, and municipal guard, who occupied the pavement and forced everyone on to the carriage way. A vast crowd, principally of accidental spectators, ladies, gentlemen, English, etc., in fact curious people in general, were stationed watching a few men and boys who tried to force the inmates to light up. For some time all was tranquil, but presently a column of students and artisans, unarmed, but singing "Mourir pour la patrie," came down the boulevards; at the same instant a gun was heard, and the 14th Regiment of Line leveled their muskets and fired. The scene which followed was awful. Thousands of men, women, children, shrieking, bawling, raving, were seen flying in all directions, while sixty-two men, women, and lads, belonging to every class of society, lay weltering in their blood upon the pavement. Next minute an awful roar, the first breath of popular indignation was heard, and then flew the students, artisans, the shopkeepers, all, to carry the news to the most distant parts of the city, and to rouse the population to arms against a government whose satellites murdered the people in this atrocious manner. A squadron of cuirassiers now charged, sword in hand, over dead and wounded, amid useless cries of "Mind the fallen," and drove the people before them. The sight was awful. Husbands were seen dragging their fainting wives from the scene of massacre; fathers snatching up their children, with pale faces and clenched teeth, hurried away to put their young ones in safety, and then to come out in arms against the monarchy. Women clung to railings, trees, or to the wall, or fell fainting on the stones. More than a hundred persons who saw the soldiers level, fell in time to save their lives, and then rose and hastened to quit the spot. Utter strangers shook hands and congratulated one another on their escape. In a few minutes, a deputy of the opposition, Courtais, now commanding the national guard, was on the spot and making inquiries into the cause of this fearful affair. "Sir," said he, warmly addressing the colonel in command, "you have committed an action, unworthy of a French soldier." The Colonel, overwhelmed with sorrow and shame, replied, that the order to fire was a mistake. It appeared that a ball, from a gun which went off accidentally, had struck his horse's leg, and that thinking he was attacked, he had ordered a discharge. "Monsieur le Colonel," added the honorable deputy, "you are a soldier, I believe in your good faith; but remember that an awful responsibility rests on your head." Tremendous indeed, for he had sealed the fate of the tottering monarchy! A word before we proceed. When the proclamation was made that the Guizot ministry had been dismissed, the military were gradually withdrawn, and wherever this occurred, tranquillity followed. No serious attacks were made upon any public building; in fact, the people contented themselves with breaking a few windows; everywhere the cry "Light the lamps," was not obeyed. Guizot, however, conscious of the intense hatred which was felt toward him, kept his house guarded like a fortress. The display of military force was tremendously imposing, both within and without the hoel. Had none been stationed outside, whatever he had in, the causes which kept crowds standing round, would have been removed, and the people would not have been irritated. It was the overcare of his own person shown by Guizot, which caused this frightful catastrophe. Like every other event of this great week, with all its momentous consequences, this is to be traced to the utter incapacity of Guizot, in politics....

Meanwhile, Courtais had hurried to the National office, while a body of men, now no longer hindered by the soldiers, proceeded to remove the heaps of dead and dying, whose groans must have been plainly heard by the ex-minister in his hotel. The wounded, and those bodies which were claimed, were borne to houses in the neighborhood, while some of the national guards in uniform were carried to their respective town halls, everywhere as the bloody banner of insurrections. Seventeen corpses, however, were retained and placed upon a cart. Ghastly was the spectacle of torch and gaslight, of that heap of dead, a few minutes before alive, merry, anxious, full of hopes, and perhaps, lofty aspirations for their country. Round about were men, no less pale and ghastly, bearing pikes and torches, while others drew the awful cartload along.

Modern History Sourcebook: Alphonse de Lamartine (1790-1869): History of the Revolution of 1848 in France Lamartine was a Romantic poet, a member of the provisional government, and a one-time presidential candidate. Here he recounts events in France in 1848. Initial demands were for liberal political reforms. Soon social and economic issues came quickly to the fore as an organized working class began to make demands. The 12th arrondissement [note: district]of Paris had arranged a banquet. The opposition had promised to verify the right by its presence, and the banquet was to take place on the 20th of February. The ministry did not oppose it by force. They merely proposed to certify the offence by a commissary of police, and to try the question by the courts of law. The opposition was unanimous for accepting the judicial debate on this ground. Everything was prepared for this peaceable demonstration. On the eve of it, the ministry, disturbed by a summons addressed to the National Guards, without arms, by the impatient republicans, declared at the tribune that they retracted their concessions, and would disperse the manifestation by force. M. Barrot summoned the constitutional opposition to his house to deliberate. It was proposed to keep aloof from the extreme resolution of the government, and M. Barrot and his friends yielded to this counsel. On the next day a second deliberation took place at a restorator's in the Place de la Madeleine, and M. de Lamartine, M. Berryer, and M. de Laroche-jacquelein were invited to attend. They went thither. About two hundred deputies of all complexions of moderate opposition were present. The course to be pursued was discussed. The discussion was long, varied and embarrassing, and no firm or worthy decision was reached in any quarter. If the opposition receded, it would destroy itself, dishonor its name, and lose its moral influence over the nation. It would pass under the Caudine yoke of the ministry. If it persisted, it would incur the risk of conquering too much, and giving victory to the party which desired-what it feared-a revolution. But revolution for revolution, the risk of an advanced revolution seemed more acceptable to certain minds than a backward revolution....

Night came without blood having been shed. It was silent as the day, disquieted as on the eve of a great event. However, the news of a probable change of ministry, which relaxed the danger, reassured the citizens. The troops bivouacked in the squares and streets. Some benches and chairs on the Champs-Elyses, set on fire by the children, lighted up the horizon with an irregular illumination. The government was everywhere master of Paris, except in that kind of citadel fortified by the nature of the construction and the narrow winding of the streets, near the convent Saint Mry, in the centre of Paris. There some indefatigable and intrepid republicans, who observed everything and despaired of nothing, were concentrated, either by a concerted plan of tactics, or by the same spontaneous revolutionary instincts. Even their chiefs disapproved their obstinacy and rashness. They were estimated at four or five hundred in number, more or less. Another detachment of republicans, without chiefs, disarmed during the night the National Guards of the Batignolles, burned the station of the barrier, and fortified themselves in a neighboring timber-yard to await the event. They did not attempt to dislodge them. At dawn the routes which led to the gates of Paris were covered with columns of cavalry, infantry and artillery, which the commands of government had collected. These troops were imposing, obedient, well-disciplined, but sad and silent. The sadness of civil war clouded their brows. They took successively their position on the principal streets branching off from the quarters which pour forth the population of Parts. The multitude did not fight en masse upon any point. Dispersed and floating bands disarmed only isolated stations, broke open the armorers' shops, and fired invisible shots upon the troops. The barricades, starting from the centre of the church Saint M6ry, were raised, branching out and gradually multiplying almost under the feet of the army. Hardly were they reared when they were abandoned. The troops had only stones to contend with,-It was a silent battle, whose progress was felt without hearing the noise. The National Guard, assembled by a tardy call, collected legion by legion. It remained neutral, and confined itself to interposing between the troops and the people, and demanding with loud voice the dismissal of the ministers, and reform. It thus served as a shield to the revolution.... Such was the state of Paris on the morning of the twenty-fourth of February. The troops, fatigued from seeing no enemy, yet feeling hostility on all sides, stood faithful but sad at their different posts. The generals and officers discussed with low voices the inexplicable indecision of events. Groups of cavalry were seen at the ends of the principal v streets, enveloped in their gray cloaks, with drawn swords in their hands, immovably stationed for thirty-six hours in the same place, allowing their horses to sleep under them, trembling with cold and hunger. The officers of ordnance gallop by every moment, carrying from one part of Paris to another orders and counter-orders. There was heard in the distance, on the side of the Hotel de Ville [note: City Hall], and the deep and winding labyrinths of the adjacent streets, some firing from groups of people, which appeared to subside and become silent as the day advanced. The people were not numerous in the streets; they seemed to allow the invisible spirit of revolution to fight for them, and that small band of obstinate combatants who were dying for them in the heart o Paris. It is said there was a watch-word between the masses of the people and that group of republicans-a silent signal of intelligence, which said to some, "Resist a few hours longer," and to others, "You have no need of mingling in the contest, and

shedding French blood. The genius of the revolution fights for all; the monarchy is falling; it is only necessary to push it; before the sun sets the republic will have triumphed." . . . The fate of the day was at the disposal of the National Guard. The government thus far had not wished to sound its equivocal disposition, by asking ii to take an active part in the affair, and fire on the citizens of Paris... The National Guards, called, in fact, on the morning of the 24th, to interpose between the people and the troops of the line, answered slowly and weakly to the appeal. They recognized, in the prolonged movement of the people, an anti-ministerial demonstration, an armed petition in favor of electoral reform, which they were far from disapproving. They smiled upon it in secret. They felt an antipathy to the name of M Guizot. His irritating and prolonged authority oppressed them. They loved his principles of government, perhaps; they did not love the man. They saw in him at one time a complaisance, at another an imprudent vexation, of England. They reproached him for a peace too dearly purchased by political servility in Portugal; they reproached him for the war too rashly risked, for the aggrandizement of the Orleans family at Madrid. They rejoiced at the downfall and humiliation of this minister, equally unpopular in peace and war. They wee not too much alarmed by seeing the people vote with musket-shot against the system pursued by the king.... A small number of combatants, concentrated in that quarter of Paris which forms by the crookedness and narrowness of its streets, the natural citadel of insurrections, preserved alone a hostile attitude and an inaccessible position. These men were nearly all veterans of the republic, formed by the voluntary discipline of sects in the secret societies of the two monarchies; trained to the struggle, and even to martyrdom, in all the battles which had made Paris bleed, and contested the establishment of the monarchy. Their invisible chief had no name nor rank. It was the invisible breath of revolution; the spirit of sect, the soul of the people, suffering from the present, aspiring to bring light from the future; the cool and disinterested enthusiasm which rejoices in death, if by its death posterity can find a germ of amelioration and life. To these men were joined two other kinds of combatants, who always throw themselves into the tumultuous movements of seditions; the ferocious spirits whom blood allures and death delights, and the light natures whom the whirlwind attracts and draws in, the children of Paris. But this germ did not increase. It watched in silence, musket in hand. It contented itself with thus giving time for the general insurrection. This insurrection was nowhere manifested. It needed a war-cry to excite it, a cry of horror to sow fury and vengeance in that mass of floating population, equally ready to retire to their homes, or to go forth to overthrow the government. Some silent groups collected here and there at the extremity of the faubourgs of the Temple and of St. Antoine. Other groups, few in number, appeared at the entrance of the streets which open from the Chausse d'Antin upon the boulevards. These two kinds of groups were different in costume and attitude. The one was composed of young men belonging to the rich and elegant classes of the bourgeoisie, to the schools, to commerce, to the National Guard, to literature, and above all to Journalism. These harangued the people, roused their anger against the king, the

ministry, the Chambers, spoke of the humiliation of' France to the foreigner, of the diplomatic treasons of the court, of the corruption and insolent servility of the deputies sold to the discretion of Louis Philippe. They discussed aloud the names of the popular ministers whom the insurrection must impose upon the Tuileries. The numerous loiterers and persons passing by, eager for news, stopped near the orators, and applauded their proposals. The other groups were composed of men of the people, come from their workshops two days since at the sound of musketry; their working-clothes upon their shoulders, their blue shirts open at the breast, their hands yet black with the smoke of charcoal. These descended in silence, by small companies, grazing the walls of the streets which lead to Clichy, la Villette, and the Canal de l'Ourcq. One or two workmen, better clothed than the others, in cloth vests, or in surt0UtS with long skirts, marched before them, spoke to them in low tones, and appeared to give them the word of command. These were the chiefs of the sections of' the Rights of Man, or of the Families. The society of the Rights of Man, and of the Families, was a kind of democratic masonry, instituted, since 1830, by some active republicans. These societies preserved, under different names, since the destruction of the first republic by Bonaparte, the rancor of betrayed liberty, as well as some traditions of Jacobinism, transmitted from Babeuf to Buonarotti, and from Buonarotti to the young republicans of this school. The members of these purely political societies were recruited almost entirely from among the chiefs of the mechanic workshops, locksmiths, cabinetmakers, printers, joiners, and carpenters of Paris. Parallel to these permanent conspiracies against royalty, the keystone of the arch of privilege, philosophical societies were organized, composed of almost the same elements,-some under the auspices of St. Simon, others under those of Fourier,-the former comprising the followers of Cabet, the latter those of Raspail, of Pierre Leroux and of Louis Blanc. These conspiracies in open day were alone spread by means of eloquence, association and journalism. Sects so far pacific, these societies discussed their opinions, and caused them to be discussed freely. The difference between these two kinds of revolutionists is, that the first were inspired by the hatred of royalty, the second by the progress of humanity. The republic and equality was the aim of the one; social renovation and fraternity the aim of the other. They had nothing in common but impatience against that which existed, and hope for that which they saw dawning in an approaching revolution. Towards ten o'clock in the evening, a small column of republicans of the young bourgeoisie passed through the rue Lepelletier; it formed a group in silence around the gate of the journal Le National, as if a rendezvous had been appointed. In all our revolutions, counsel is held, the word of command is given, the impulse comes, from the journal office. It is the comitia, of public union, the ambulatory tribune of the people. We hear a long conference between the republicans within and the republicans without. Short and feverish words were exchanged through the low, closed window of the porter's lodge. The column, inspired with the enthusiasm which had just been communicated to it, advanced with cries of Vive la refornie! bas les ministres! [note: long live reform! Down with the ministers] towards the boulevards. Hardly had it quitted the office of Le National, when another column of workmen and men of the people presented itself, and halted there, at the command of its chief. It seemed to have been expected. It was applauded by the clapping of hands from

within the house.... A red flag floated amidst the smoke of torches over the foremost ranks of this multitude. Its numbers thickened as it continued to advance. A sinister curiosity became intent upon this cloud of men, which seemed to bear the mystery of the day. In front of the Hotel of Foreign Affairs, a battalion of the line, drawn up in battle array, with loaded arms, its commander at the head, barred the boulevard. The column suddenly halts before this hedge of bayonets. The floating of the flag and the gleaming of torches frighten the horse of the commander. Rearing and whirling on its hind legs, the horse throws itself back towards the battalion, which opens to surround its leader. A discharge of fire-arms resounds in the confusion of this movement. Did it proceed, as has been said, from a concealed and perverse hand, fired upon the people by an . agitator of the people, in order to revive by the sight of blood the cooling ardor of the struggle? Did it come from the hand of one of the insurgents upon the troop? In fine, what is more likely, did it come accidentally from the movement of some loaded weapon, or from the hand of some soldier who believed his commander was wounded when he saw the fright of his horse? No one knows. Crime or chance, that discharge of fire-arms rekindled a revolution.

Presentation of a committee of the Hungarian Diet to Ferdinand, September 9, 1848 [Source: Henry M. De Puy, Kossuth and His Generals (Buffalo: Phinney & Co., 1852), pp. 153-156.] [p. 153] [...] When, on the 9th of September, a committee of the Hungarian Diet presented to the king the bills that had been passed by his direction, to raise troops and money to suppress the rebellion of the Croats, they addressed him in the following language: [Introductory text in Kossuth and His Generals --jpn] In the names of the United States of Hungary and Transylvania we appear before your Majesty. With our constant loyalty, tried for centuries, we claim the support of our crowned king for the inviolate preservation of the rights of the country. A Ferdinand was the first of your Majesty's house, on whose brow Hungary placed voluntarily its holy crown -- Transylvania did the same for Leopold I. Hungary is not a conquered province: it is a free country, whose constitutional rights and independence your Majesty has secured and sealed by the inaugural oath. The laws which your Majesty, on the 11th of April of this year, sanctioned with your benignant approbation, only fulfilled the long cherished wishes of the Hungarian nation. With gratitude and with a vigor doubled by the extension of freedom, this nation was ready, with unaltered attachment, to shield the throne of your Majesty against the dangers which from more than one side threatened it.

But now several parts of the kingdom are disturbed by a rebellion, whose leaders plainly assert that they rise in the interest of the reigning house, and are [p. 154] rebels in your Majesty's name, against the freedom and independence, which your Majesty lawfully guaranteed to the Hungarian nation. One part of the Hungarian army sheds its blood in Italy, for the interests of the monarchy, and reaps there, on every battle-field, laurels of triumph; while another part of the same army is being instigated to refuse obedience to the legal government of the kingdom. This sedition in the lower parts of Hungary is reducing peaceful villages to ashes, and causing the massacre of innocent children and women in a more than barbarous manner. At the same time, a rebellion from Croatia threatens Hungary with hostile invasion, and, without any cause, has occupied the Hungarian port of Fiume, and the Sclavonian counties. The moving power of these seditions can be no other than the attempt of a reactionary party to destroy the consistency and integrity of Hungary, to annihilate the freedom of the nation, and to cancel the laws sworn to by the ancestors of your Majesty and by your Majesty yourself. Called upon by your Majesty to provide for the defense of the country, the Hungarian Diet assembled two months ago. This Diet now requests your Majesty to support it with the whole weight of your sovereign authority in the grand task of preserving the country unimpaired, which is identical with the unimpaired preservation of the throne itself. [....] Sire! the present moments are of so weighty an importance to the Hungarian constitution, that the loyal nation must dread more than ever, the dangers of delay. [p. 156] With the loyalty of faithful subjects we, therefore, entreat your Majesty to comply with our requests, and most especially to come to Hungary without deferring. We entreat this, with so much more energy, as we are deeply convinced of the pernicious effect of delay. If our entreaties are disregarded, the public trust will be shaken in the Hungarian ministry of your Majesty, and the ministry will thus be paralyzed in the application of lawful means, to uphold order and restore peace. On the immediate decision of your Majesty it depends to avert incalculable dangers. May your Majesty support with the weight of your sovereign authority, and thus assist the deliverance of the country! and the Hungarian nation will ever faithfully stand by the throne of your Majesty. Modern History Sourcebook: Alexander Petofi: The National Song of Hungary, 1848 [Tappan Introduction] Much of the Magyar poetry is thrilled with a burning love of country. Even the poems that have nothing to do with patriotism are marked by a certain intensity of feeling. No matter how light the subject or how graceful the touch of the author, it seems impossible for him to lay down his pen without adding some

line that changes a pleasant little rhyme into an expression of earnest thought. RISE, Magyar! is the country's call! The time has come, say one and all: Shall we be slaves, shall we be free? This is the question, now agree! For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! Alas! till now we were but slaves; Our fathers resting in their graves Sleep not in freedom's soil. In vain They fought and died free homes to gain. But by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! A miserable wretch is he Who fears to die, my land, for thee! His worthless life who thinks to be Worth more than thou, sweet liberty! Now by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! Men cannot nobler gems attain; And yet the chain we wore, oh, shame! Unsheath the sword of ancient fame! For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! The Magyar's name will soon once more Be honored as it was before! The shame and dust of ages past Our valor shall wipe out at last. For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear! And where our graves in verdure rise, Our children's children to the skies Shall speak the grateful joy they feel, And bless our names the while they kneel. For by the Magyar's God above We truly swear, We truly swear the tyrant's yoke No more to bear!

The sword is brighter than the chain,

Isms Chart An ism is an ideology, doctrine, belief system, or practice. In the 19th century, a number of political, social, and economic isms emerged that came to define the main conflicts of the century Ism Definition Example/Propone Symbol nt

Conservatis m

Liberalism

Nationalism

Socialism