Leah Avery July 2012

Uncovering Informal Laws in Urban Public Space: Anak Gesibu in Bandung, Indonesia

Abstract and Thesis: This paper will combine relevant anthropological literature and information gathered during a 4 week intensive period of field work in the urban public space of Gesibu, located in Bandung, Indonesia. It will contribute to a body of literature identified as lacking: in-depth understanding of public space organization. It will reinforce the argument of Mariana Valverde's 2009 Laws of the Street, in which she states that understandings of urban space are insufficient, and also Simone's 2010 book which identifies urban development knowledge as inadequately engaging local histories in relevant ways (Simone 2010:7-8). By identifying all of the legal forces converging at the street corner of Bloor and St. George in Toronto, Ontario, Valverde illuminates a whole array of municipal legal tools which are largely invisible, yet influence how spaces and activities are organized (Valverde 2009:163). Like Valverde's, this paper argues that if we want to understand urban norms and urban order, we need to undertake systematic studies of the everyday, largely unpublicized workings (Valverde 2009:163). And while Valverde advocates for greater legal understandings of urban space, this paper will consider informal1 organization of pubic space. Although easily overlooked, informal organization is highly structured and legitimate, encompassing both economic and social relationships. This will both complicate and reinforce Valverde's argument, and reiterate Simone's concept of people not pipes: emphasizing that it is the people themselves- often those living in the margins- who create the infrastructure of cities; and not urban planning, legal and/or formal infrastructure (ibid; Simone 1
Informal organization: economic engagements not subject to government regulation (Gallaway 2002: 314).

2010: x-xi). A sweeping overview of the scope of both informal and formal organization uncovered in Gesibu will allow for an understanding of the complexity of networks which may be at work in one public space. For the purposes of this paper, these networks will be categorized as: governmentofficiated actors, companies/NGOs/organizations, and unofficial/informal actors. Additionally, an indepth case study of informal anak Gesibu will be used to provide more textured context of informal organization in this urban public space. Literally translated, anak Gesibu means child of Gesibu. The word anak in bahasa Indonesian is sometimes used to note belonging, and so in this context, anak Gesibu means those often-homeless individuals who derive belonging and legitimacy from Gesibu: be it through work (garbage collecting and begging), residence (homelessness) or social relations. In this paper, I aim to transform ones rather blank-slate conception of an unknown public space into an awareness of the invisible and complex networks of formal and informal organizations that work to shape public realities.

Context: The research site of Gasibu is identified by many in Bandung, West Java, and in Indonesia more broadly as an icon of West Java. The area has a rich and textured history which persists in the public memory of Bandung in a number of manifestations2. It is located in the North of Bandung3, which while once inhabited by Dutch colonists, now houses the middle and upper class. Since the 1970's, a large traditional market named Pasar Tumpah4 or Pasar Kaget5 occupies Gesibu and surrounding streets on Sunday mornings. Additionally, large events and concerts are regularly held in Gesibu, and many street food vendors known as 'PKL' occupy the space to profit from, and serve people who
2 One example of the many manifestations of this textured history are regarding hantu (ghosts) which dwell in Gedung Sate. This location was one cite of many battles of Independence from the Dutch. The hantu which frequent Gedung Sate and many other old, colonial buildings in Bandung are bule (white people). 3 The 'North' and 'South' regions of Bandung are separated by train tracks. During colonialism, the North was kin to an exclusive luxury city for the colonial settlers. People would often spend their weekends in Bandung, enjoying the cooler climate and European amenities. The South was, and still is where the asli (Indigenous) Bandung Indonesians resided. 4 Translated: A bazaar which spills onto the streets. 5 Translated: A bazaar which 'shocks', as it occurs only once a week/infrequently/spontaneously.

migrate en masse to the space each weekend. Directly to the South of Gesibu stands the famous provincial government offices named Gedung Sate. From the North side of Gesibu, a narrow recreation area lined with palm trees named Taman Monument (Monument Park) spans two city blocks North to meet the massive 'Monument Perjuangan Rakyat Jawa Barat' (West Java Citizens Independence Monument), also known as 'Monju'. Beyond this area is a kampung (lower-income housing area), part of which was evicted by the Suharto government to make space for the Taman Monument around 1995. Upon arrival to Gesibu on any normal weekday, one sees nothing but a large, empty, and rather dilapidated running track. It is scattered with garbage leftover from the weekend festivities, and is largely abandoned save for a couple PKLs and the odd passer-by. Although Gesibu may seem largely abandoned on weekday afternoons, a short 4 week research period was enough time to uncover a wide array of both formal and informal networks which govern and organize the space. And while it is easy for foreigners to be amazed by what they are not able to see at first, what made these revelations more significant was that even my local Bandung research partners, who are trained in urban design and architecture, were largely unaware of the extent and complexity of the majority of these networks,networks which are effectively invisible to the passive viewer of the space.

Overview of Networks: These many informal and formal mechanisms which govern Gesibu could be organized in a great number of ways, but in order to provide a brief overview for the purposes of this paper, they will be organized according to the following categories: government-officiated actors, companies/NGOs/organizations, and unofficial/informal actors. The case study of anak Gesibu will fall under the category of unofficial/informal actors, and will be explicated after the following overview of networks in Gesibu. 1) Government-officiated actors

i. Gedung Sate officials: These officials reside in the offices of Gedung Sate, are employed by the Provincial government and circulate outside of the offices during special events. Those wishing to host a weekend event in Gesibu must obtain official permission from Gedung Sate before proceeding. ii. Demonstration Police: Weekly, there are between 2 and 10 demonstrations in front of Gedung Sate, as it is the provincial office of West Java. Before the fall of Suharto in 1998, demonstrations were not permitted, and so it is a relatively recent phenomena. Every demonstration must be approved and scheduled in advance. A demonstration polt?? in to on stand by with their crowd control gear, in case of unrest. While some demonstrations are staged by NGO's hired by politicians for strategic reasons, many are real citizens organizations wishing to push the government to reevaluate policies. iii. Traffic Police: Stationed permanently in a tent to the South East of Gesibu, these officers monitor traffic and are on-call if trouble should arise in the area. Paid what they consider to be a low wage, it is not uncommon for traffic officers to pull cars over to extort money from drivers and supplement their income (although there is evidence that this is becoming less common as a greater fear of incrimination for such practices circulated in the Post-Suharto era). In his book City Life from Jakarta to Dakar, Simone explicates how extortion became normalized in the new order (2010:75). Those with money to be extorted are more likely to be of interest to police officers. This logic helps to explain why drug abuse, homelessness and poverty in Gesibu are largely 'unnoticed' by the police who are stationed just meters away (as the homeless have no money be extorted). iv. Security Guards: Employed by a provincial government 'agent' or increasingly, private security companies, security guards are stationed in front of the Gedung Sate gates, Monju, and throughout Gesibu during special events. They are mandatory according to law and provide security, although are not permitted to arrest people.

v. Satpol PP: When the Asian economy crashed in 1998, many people sought new jobs in the informal market selling food and other wares in the street (Morrell et aal. 2011:50-53). Street food vendors, known collectively as Pedagng Kaki Lima (PKL), are the most visible aspect of the informal market, and are often blamed as to be a main cause of increasing pollution, traffic and garbage in Indonesia (ibid). As they are identified as a problem in Indonesia, PKL are now policed by a special citizens police force named Satpol PP; which enforce anti-PKL bylaws regarding times and locations for business, etc., although they do not have the power to actually arrest people.6 In Gesibu, the Satpol PP regulation of PKL is inconsistent. Their interactions with PKL is refereed to as kucing-kucingan (a game of cat and mouse), as PKL may up and move their mobile vendor stations just as Satpol PP arrives, and Satpol PP will sporadically evict PKL stands, drive them far away, confiscate their gerobak (carts/snack wagons) then sell them back to the owner (approximately Rp 150,000) to make cash which then supplements their income. 2) Companies/ NGOs/ Organizations i) Events: Most every weekend, one will witness a large-scale event or concert in Gesibu, in front of Gedung Sate, and/or in front of Monju. These events are hosted by wealthy companies and organizations such as Suzuki, coffee companies, or clubs comprised of car and motorcycle owners etc. Paying a high price for various permits, organizations such as those listed above begin to set up and dominate in the public space as many as 3 days before their event. This phenomena is one of the main features of the space of the Gesibu, and it significantly shapes the possible uses and conceptions of the space. ii) Ormas: In Indonesia, social interactions provide the connections necessary to increase access to resources, opportunities and belonging. Ormas is a manifestation of this, as organizations and individuals are often affiliated with an 'Ormas' (Organisasi masyarakyat: citizens organization), 6
Satpol PP is a new manifestation of a similar force which began during the Suharto era.

which may provide legitimacy, 'protection', 'security', and a sense of belonging to a group, etc. For every activity which is hosted in Gesibu, an 'Ormas' is normally hired or affiliated, tying together large social networks which emanate far beyond the specific event or space. 3) Non-Government Officiated Actors i) Parkirs: The hundreds of people who frequent Gesibu for recreation or work must park their motorcycle or car before entering the space. It is standard practice to pay a 'tukang parkir' (parking attendant) between 1000 and 5000 for providing security and organization in parking spaces, which are often very crowed. These individuals are not formally employed by the state, but are part of a larger network of informal power holders in the spaces and neighbourhoods in which they work. As such, it is rare for them to work alone, and while attendants may print their own official 'tickets' to justify their power in the space, they are often associated with a wider informal power structure sometimes referred to as premanisme. ii) Premen: Simone defines premen in part as the 'unattached gangster' who mediates violence and access to space (2010:75). While interviewees in Gesibu imparted that If you are Indonesian, you know what premen means, there is much ambiguity surrounding these informal power holders. One example of this ambiguity is the undeniable relationship between 'premen', 'tukang parkir' and police officers. It is widely believed that tukang parkirs are also preman, or that they are part of the preman hierarchy- maybe working as 'anak buah' (subservient) to larger, more powerful preman. Similarly, many preman are believed to be police officers who temporarily have a presence on the streets, but without their uniforms. In Gesibu, preman are part of an intricate hierarchy which indicates who dominates which spaces, what money they are legitimized to extort from people in the space, which preman are more powerful etc. Those wishing to utilize Gesibu, such as PKL or event planners, must obtain legal permission from the government, but they must also maintain a working relationship and pay various preman who lay claim to the space within which they operate. Preman are an Indonesian phenomenon which

has persisted hundreds of years. They ostensibly provide 'security' to those individual, businesses, or neighbourhoods that they exist in relationship with, but within in this concept of 'security' also exists the possibility of violence and vulnerability to violence if payment for security is withheld. As well, preman help to perpetuate the status quo. People believe that as long as preman are paid and respected, no trouble will be made, but that as soon as new structures are imposed upon them which attempt to infringe on their system, they will utilize their prolific social connections and wreak havoc. In Gesibu, preman play a dominant role in the organization and governance of the public space. iii) PKL Organizers: Aside from Satpol PP and premen, who charge a type of rent to many PKL owners, those who work and live in Gesibu are also part of an informal network with governs and organizes them. A branch of this informal governance works to organize the PKL. There is a complicated power hierarchy in which leaders overlap with preman, and likely police and other power holders as well. Those who sleep in and/or work in Gesibu are part of an organization called 'Gabungan Anak Gasibu'. Power holders in this group require entrance fees and other yearly and/or monthly fees from members, in exchange for 'security' and membership. 'PKL organizers' help settle conflict in Gesibu which arises from interactions such as inter-PKL, PKL-premen, or PKL-Satpol PP. (great!) iv) Kampung Leaders: Those recognized as holding power in various kampung districts close to Gesibu and Taman Monument must be appeased and paid off before various events can take place in Gesibu. Kampung Leaders are affiliated with ormas as well, and if they are crossed may utilize social networks to demand respect. In one interview, it was relayed that in the kampungs near Taman Monument, many leaders oppose the Pasar Tumpah and Saturday night concerts. One leader in particular ignores the voices of other kampung leaders (as it is not a democracy or majority vote system) and profits from payoffs, water and electricity sales to those wishing to use the space. Many in the neighbouring kampung find the events in Gesibu

and surrounding areas to be most disturbing, yet attend the festivities and practice recreation during the week.

In the above brief and incomplete overview of the various informal and formal organizations governing Gesibu, it is apparent that even a legal inventory as comprehensive Valverdes' would not account for all of the networks of organization at work in this one urban public space. Although it can be that both the legal and informal systems in Indonesia are much different than those in Toronto where Velverde conducted her field work, it can not be denied that networks exist beyond the scope law in any urban public space. With this overview in mind, the networks amongst those homeless individuals who, for the purposes of this paper, are referred to as anak Gesibu will be explained with more depth in order to illustrate the complexity of informal networks in urban public space.

Case Study: Anak Gesibu Throughout the literature, it is reiterated that individual actors and their social relations play important roles in producing and appropriating urban spaces (Lim and Padawangiet 2008:307). A textured explanation of the interactions between poor, homeless anak Gesibu will exemplify Velverde's assertion that a particular group's identity politics can dominate the production of space (ibid). The social relations of anak Gesibu, although largely invisible, constitutes a dynamic layer of organization which shapes the reality of this particular urban space, and urban spaces more broadly in the city of Bandung and in Indonesia. This demonstrates Simone's argument that those forced into the poverty of urban periphery always work together in unexpected ways, illustrating that actions in daily life are always more than survival, even for the homeless (Valverde 2009:163; Simone 2010;37-38). Falling under the category of unofficial/informal actor, anak Gesibu refers to the very poor and often homeless citizens who reside in Gesibu; including beggars, garbage collectors, street kids, elderly and disabled individuals. In an interview with the pembersih bandar (boss of homeless garbage

collectors) , it was explained that there exists four separate categories of anak Gesibu7 in Gesibu: 1) pembersih/pemulung- cleaners/sweepers/garbage collectors; 2) anak jalanan- homeless youth/ street kids; 3) pengamen- those who perform in the street for money; and 4) pengamishomeless/elderly/disabled individuals who beg for money. While it was found that these categories can have considerable overlap, they will be utilized for the purposes of this paper, in order to navigate the complexity of a single grouping of informal organization in urban public space. 1) Pembersih In Gesibu and surrounding areas, an insufficient number of garbage cans, combined with the widespread habit of throwing garbage directly on the ground during weekend events, creates dozens of garbage collection jobs in both formal and informal capacities. In this space, there exists both 'wasteas-waste', and 'waste-as-ore'8 garbage collectors. Those who treat 'waste-as-waste' in Gesibu are formally employed by the provincial government to perform the service of removing and disposing of it, whereas those who treat 'waste-as-ore' operate in an informal capacity, have their own internal organization, and collect and gather reimbursement-generating recyclables to sell for money. They are referred to as pemulung (scavengers) or pembersih (cleaners) (Field Notes; Sicular 1991:138). Sincular explains that Suharto's New Order policy of rapid economic development fostered the circumstances necessary for individuals to perform this poorly paid, hazardous and low status job on a mass scale in Bandung (1991:141-142). In his research, Nas (2004) builds upon Sincular's distinctions, in recognizing that scavengers and formal garbage collectors are strongly intertwined in Bandung Indonesia: for example, municipal workers functioned as middle men who brought the 'ore' from the scavengers to sell it further to industrial companies) (Nas 2004: 339). Pembersih/pemulung in Gesibu collect and sell recyclables as a last resort and often rely on their meagre findings to buy their one meal for the day. Most collectors are single, homeless men, but it

Although anak Gesibu was not the terminology used by the bandar, it will be utilized for the organization of this paper. These categories were developed by Sicular (1991) during a study of garbage collectors in Bandung, Indonesia.

is not uncommon to see women collecting, or for collectors to be supporting a wife and/or children (who are also homeless). These collectors often do not have shoes, do not wear a uniform and can be seen carrying a very large, dirty, industrial plastic mesh bag over one shoulder. They sell these reimbursement-generating recyclables in 1 kilo increments to their bandar, for the price of Rp 2000 ($0.20). The word 'bandar' translates as 'bookie', or boss, and refers to an individual responsible for giving and taking (often money and/or narcotics. In this case, the pemulung bandar does not seem to buy and sell drugs but is a middle man who takes and gives garbage between pemulung and an industrial agent. The boss lives with his 6 regular employees in a collection of homeless shelters in the North East corner of Gesibu (insert photo). At dusk, they often nongkrong (hang out) and smoke together. It is likely that the bandar also lends money if one day an employee does not make enough money to eat. While the bandar claimed that he refuses to pay premen in order to live and work in Gesibu, he confirmed that even homeless pemulung need to pay the many premen who operate in Gesibu. This suggests the ambiguous networks and relationships that exist in the space, which are not readily visible to the uninformed and unfamiliar spectator. Although this bandar is far from wealthy, he has a home, wife and kids in the South of Bandung. He lives in Gesibu with his employees because, as he said: You must be one of them and live like them to govern them. His job is to pay the pemulung in 1 kilo increments, manage conflict amongst them and sort the garbage into 13 different categories until he has 25 kilos. At this time he can sell the garbage to an industrial buyer who comes with a truck and pays different prices for each item based on the 13 categories. During the collection process, the bandar must guard the garbage as there are other communities of garbage collectors operating out of nearby parks and regions who may try to steal. If the bandar is a couple kilos short of garbage, he can buy garbage from neighbouring communities. These types of transactions can sometimes create conflicts between communities, as they are all struggling to survive off of limited found recyclables. While during the week there are only 6 garbage collectors in Gesibu, Pasar Tumpah draws as many as 60 collectors from neighbouring

organizations to clean up, and profit from the extensive mess each week. Pemulung garbage collectors can be seen all over Bandung but are a prominent fixture in Gesibu, because the weekend festivities provides more garbage than other places, and because they are largely permitted to live there as well. 2) Anak Jalanan Another community which is prominent in the Gesibu are anak jalanan, which is a common term to refer to homeless youth. In Gesibu, homeless youth sleep in a gazebo in the North East corner and play ukelele for money during the day. Anak jalanan ares known to abuse glue9, dextro and tramadol10. The size of this community in Gesibu fluctuates, as young teenagers move back and forth between home and homelessness because of broken homes, lack of jobs and education, lifestyle, and substance abuse. One interviewee claimed that the anak jalanan are allergic to the house, while another noted how annoying the music of the anak jalanan is, and sadly commented on the irony that anak jalanan annoy him because they are tragically homeless at such a young age. Anak jalanan interviewed and observed in Gesibu ranged from age 13 to 24. They expressed the sentiment that they were all one family, that no one was more of a leader than another, and that they shared their earnings and helped each other. It was noted that age transformed the faces of anak jalanan, and there was a distinct difference between the demeanour of a 16 year old and a 23 year old. With age an increased experience of the street, and maybe more full realization of a hard life to come, made more sceptical and weary the eyes. As they are youth, anak jalanan are inferior to those individuals who demand respect in Gesibu, such as various preman, bandar, tukang parkir, security guards, police officers, etc. While some youth can be heard expressing political themes in their songs when begging for money, many are not political at all, or claim to disengage in political themes, maybe because of disillusionment with authorities. One sporadically homeless youth tukang parkir in the Gesibu
9 Industrial glue is used as an inexpensive narcotic in many areas of the world. When inhaled from a cup for several minutes, the user assumes a foggy, out of body state which becomes addictive. 10 Prescribed in low doses as a cold medicine, dextrol is taken in 20 pill increments and sold for Rp 10,000-20,000 as an inexpensive stimulant and hallucinogenic narcotic in Indonesia. Similarly, tramadol is a cold medicine, which when consumed in high doses induces euphoria etc.

expressed that the current president SBY (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) is responsible for many natural and supernatural bad things in Indonesia, such as the economic crisis and the low lying flood in Sumatra. Another homeless youth who does not sleep in Gesibu but who was passes through, expressed that democracy in Indonesia is bad, and also that youth homelessness and/or singing for money is somewhat of an emerging trend in Indonesian youth, as jobs for the un or under-educated become harder to procure. While most anak jalanan claim they are too busy looking for money to enjoy music and art, some expressed that they enjoy the free concerts which are held almost weekly in Gesibu, when they have time or when they are permitted to enter; (although many weekly concerts in Gesibu are free, they are often enclosed with a fence which deters PKL and visibly homeless individuals from entering the event). 3) Pengamen Similar to anak jalanan, pengamen also play music in the street to beg for money, but the title refers to a more broad classification of beggars of all ages who may or may not be homeless, as those who do have homes but need to supplement their income may also beg. When more wealthy Bandung citizens do not give money to beggars, the justifying rhetoric is usually that those people do actually have homes, and that they therefore do not really need to beg. In Gesibu, pengamen refers to those who sleep in Gesibu and perform for money, but who, unlike pengamis, another category of homeless people, are understood to have other options either now or in the future, and for whom homelessness is more of a 'choice' than a necessity. Pengamen can refer to women, men and children. If groups are formed, earnings will be distributed, while those who work alone or for family members are usually not accountable to redistribute their earnings. According to interviewees, these pengamen are known to abuse narcotics and alcohol, like the anak jalanan. One police officer explained that since 2010, when hard alcohol was made legal in Indonesia, there has been a rise in the instance of alcoholism and narcotic abuse. He attributed addiction both to the increase of crime in Indonesia and presence of homeless people in Gesibu. Occasionally, anak jalanan and pengamen can seen sniffing glue mid-day

in Gesibu. One interviewee conveyed that one never really knows when they are sober. As mentioned in the overview, inquiry into why this is permitted by the police, security guards, and even preman, who are stationed around and throughout Gesibu, revealed that there is more incentive to arrest or extort wealthy people. As homeless individuals do not have money to be extorted, they are often left to self-govern, and are not as heavily policed. 4) Pengamis The forth category of anak Gesibuare referred to as pengemis, and although the term is sometimes used interchangeably with pengamen, it speaks more specifically of those who are homeless and beg for money because they have no other choice. This category includes the elderly and individuals with mental and physical disabilities, who are not able to work and do not have family able to provide for them. Pengemis normally beg for money without performing and normally work alone, without any apparent internal organization amongst them. Sleeping places may be designed as fixed shelters like pemulung, pembersih, or found in a more sporadic fashion.

Conclusion While the case study of anak Gesibu, including pembersih, anak Jalanan, pengamen and pengamis provides insight into the complexity of informal networks which govern urban public space, a brief overview of both the formal and informal networks governing Gesibu paints the intended picture of a vast array of organizational networks which-although largely invisible to those unawareconstitutes uses, conceptions and realities of urban public space. These findings fortify Simone's concept that it is the people, not formal infrastructure, which governs the existence of urban life (Simone 2010: x-xi). Likewise, these findings illustrate Valdere's argument which states that there is insufficient understanding of urban norms and urban order, which need to be uncovered via systematic studies of the everyday, largely unpublicized workings (Valdere 2009:163). This paper contributes that although systematic studies of legal processes like Valdere's increases awareness of the organization of

urban public space, research methods which take into consideration informal, social, economic as well as the more formal processes, like anthropological methods, are more apt to provide in-depth understandings of dynamic organizational networks which govern urban public space.

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