Chapter 1 Introduction One comes across a Jat, A Brahmin, an Dhir, a 'Punjabi' or a 'local' in Haryana but it is difficult to meet a Haryanvi

in Haryana. It has yet to acquire a distinct identity of its own. This unfortunate state has acquired Strategic importance but failed to acquire its own identity. Haryana grew in the shadow of Delhi & hence its growth has remained stunted. Though Haryana surrounds Delhi from three side, its presence in the metropolis is hardly felt. People from different states like Bengal, Kerla, T.N., etc. living in Delhi have their own sociocultural organization & institution while Haryanavis have none. One is constrained to observe that the major contribution that Haryana seems to have made to Delhi is in the form of providing drivers, conductors of the DTC. Whether it is a rally to celebrate the birthday of an important leader at Delhi or one to be addressed by some figure of consequence, Haryana has to provide manpower. The development model followed by Haryana govt. so far has created serious imbalances. Gurgaon, with its majestic malls, high rises & swanky residential complex, resembles New York or Paris. However, at a small distance from it ppl in Mewat are living under prime time conditions. Every state has its own rhythm and psyche. On academic front not much effort has been taken to reflect the systems & psyche of Haryana. In the attempt here tend to present Haryana in the light of greater theme of feudalism as State party System in Haryana. The Indian federal system underwent a change over the past fifty years. The hold of the central government on the polity has weakened. The development which helped to transform India's federation can be briefly summed up as The evolution of linguistic states in the early 1950s and 1960s The restriction on the use of Article 356 (President rule) by Supreme court in Bommai case in 1994. The central control over the economy began to decline after the liberalization of the economy in 1991.

The growth of permanent and significant state-based parties has eroded the national parties' grip over the states. The aforesaid factors led to the 'Regionalization of Indian Polities'. The phenomenon

of regionalization taken up new shape with the proliferation of state-level parties or regional outfits. In 1989 general elections the number of state parties was 20, which doubled in 1999 general elections to 40, and there were 49 recognized parties which contested election. The state parties have come to play a very crucial role in national politics since neither the congress nor the BJP is in apposition to prove majority on their own in a house of 543 seats. In the field of electoral politics, there has now been much more emphasis on the study of the elections at the local/state level. This trend started with the bifurcation between the assembly and the Lok Sabha elections in 1971. The introduction of the periodic regular elections for the local bodies after the implementation of the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment acts also brought the local into focus. State electoral politics as an area of study never received adequate importance in the first years of independence as the whole focus was on the study of the electoral politics at the atimal level. Pan-Indian perspective on political economy and political sociology were undertaken. The possible factors responsible for India being a homogenized political structure for a considerable period of time after independence were defined by a dominant party system a similar sociological origin of leadership with shared political ideology based on ;deas of democracy, development, welfarism and secularism. During the initial years of its independence, India had a limited/elitist form of democracy in the sense that nascent democratic structures / institutions that had been set up without having a historical legacy or experience. Procedural democracy was established with a hope to realize democracy in its substantive form. On economic front, Indian state had opted for a statist model of development based on command/planned economy approach. Wherein, Indian economy got a pyramidal shape under "command economy' with centre being a major actor at the level of making, execution, implementation and assessment of the public policy at the federal level with the help of planning commission, finance commission and national development council. Apart from these factors, the partition legacy and nation- building agenda further fostered the pan Indian perspective. So, under the development planning

model, there was a homogeneous picture as far as the political system and its working was concerned and as a result most of the analysis of Indian politics was undertaken at the national level. Further, Indian politics was considered a segmented polity as Iqbal Narain argued that the experiences of one state did not compare with the other states. However, the situation changed after 1967 which marked the watershed impact on Indian politics. It was for the first time noticed that Congress no longer remained the coalitional, rainbow party with its preponderance both at the national and state level, as the decline in its political prospectus already had started and from than onwards it was not able to retain its social base because its social coalition was being broken. Although, Congress was able to retain its political space (its dominance at the national level throughout 1.980's) but at the state level it had already started producing diminishing returns. For the first time in 1967, Indian states witnessed nonCongress governments. Although, these non-Congress coalitions did not last long but the foundation of non- Congress governments and coalition politics had taken roots for the first time. Further, there was ideological and institutional decline within Congress party as there was over-centralization and personalization of political power due to populist politics of Indira Gandhi who was out to consolidate her position vis a vis her rivals within the party. Over centralizing tendencies and shrinking democratic space within the Congress provided growing space for the regional/state level parties. The electoral space of Congress was being narrowed down further by the ways it handled the state ministries in 1977. The regional pressures were too strong to overcome. So, the emergence of regional parties as independent forces at the state level was being seen as a logical consequence of Congress policies during 1970s. In some states, regional parties became so strong that they compelled Congress to come at par with them and Congress too had no choice but to compromise and adjust with them to avoid its ouster from the political space of those states. As a result of the over-centralization accompanied with the decline of social coalition of Congressional social base, centre-state relations underwent a radical change which culminated not only in resolutions and demands for decentralization and economic devolution, but also in autonomist and secessionist demands. It was the resentment that was lapped up by various political groups leading to the fragmentation of the polity. The resentment against the traditional urban elite extended to a rejection of all that the elite stood for, including the notion of the Indian identity over-riding sub- national identities. The world

of political possibilities in India seems to be simplifying into the frightening choice before most of the modern world's political communities craft imperfect democratic rules by which increasingly mixed groups of people can carry on together an existence, or the illusion of a permanent and homogeneous, unmixed single nation, a single collective self without any trace of a defiling otherness. The fragmentation of India's polity undoubtedly was an outcome of the feeling among very large sections of the population that they had been left out of the development process. Indian polity during 1970s and 1980s witnessed the assertion of intermediate dominant castes especially in north India due to the impact of green revolution, implementation of land reforms measures and electoral politics being the numbers game. As new emergent groups demanded political power which resulted into the shifting of balance of Indian polity from urban to rural areas, more aptly, Indian polity witnessed regionalization and realization processes. Also took place the processes of fragmentation or federalization of Indian polity, party system. Strong regional/state parties and groups came up on the horizon. In 1977 general elections, regional/state level parties came along with the national parties to form a coalition in order to oust Congress and for the restoration of democratic institutions and civil liberties. In 1977, regional actors merged their identities in the Janata coalition for the larger interest. The merger was driven by the pragmatic concern of ousting Congress rather than on the basis of ideology. Not surprisingly, the Janata experiment did not iast long. During 1989 these forces again challenged the Congress on the basis of anti-Congress sentiment, but this time they retained their identities. In both the cases, national parties remained dominant actors but the real assertion of the regional parties became possible in 1990s. In 1996, National Front government was formed, which was essentially a coalition of various regional parties with their own regional agendas. The 1996 elections marked the arrival of regional political formations on the national scene as they due to the strength of their electoral performance came to share political power not only at the state level but also became indispensable at the centre as well. The decline of the Congress became the reason for the emergence of regional parties to till the gap created by Congress while withdrawing from its political space throughout 1980s. The majorities gained by Congress during 80's could not avoid its decline. It was the realization of incapacity of national parties to form the governments on their own that forced them into active alliances with regional political parties. Besides the numerical strength of regional parties in terms of

their representatives in the legislative bodies, they also captured a sizeable vote share. They aiso emerged in the large number of states. The rise of regional political formations in a way coincided with the socio-economic developments along with the breakdown of Congress led social coalition as well as national consensus, as witnessed over the years, after fourth general elections. After 1967, the peasant middle castes like the Jat Sikhs in Punjab, Hindu Jats in Haryana, Lingayats and Vokaligas in Karnataka, Yadavs in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, Kammas and Reddies in Andhra Pradesh, Patel-Patidars in Gujarat, and Maratha-Kunbis in Maharashtra dominated the political scene especially at the state level. The logic of deepening of political consciousness not remained limited to dominant peasant castes which had challenged the dominance of upper caste. This process in fact went further and many backward castes challenged this growing power of dominant peasant castes. It was the third stage of mobilization, which strengthened the regional outfits both within and outside the Congress. During 1980's backward castes backed non- Congress parties signified the erosion of Congress. Congress also suffered due to the decline in terms of interna! democracy and the absence of a mechanism to ensure constant recruitment of the leadership within the party, thereby witnessing the circulation of the same elite with the similar sociological background, naturally the middle/intermediate castes especially the landed peasant castes looked for their own party in order to empower themselves. The same logic led to the emergence of what Kanchan Chandra calls the ethnic caste based parties representing the OBCs and the Dalits. The decade of 1990s witnessed the culmination of the processes of politicisation, which eventually brought the various dormant and marginalized sections to the political arena. The democratic churning of massive electorates over the years has changed the political scenario entering first at the state level and than at the national level. This churning resulted in the politicisation of every social and caste group. Indian democracy thus no longer remained confined to the educated, urban, upper castes and elitist sections of the population, which further gave rise to several state political parties. The democratic process has been instrumental in the politicization and mobilization of new and underprivileged social groups into politics, assertion of ethnic regional identities and movements based upon caste. The acceleration of this process since the 1980s accompanied by the decline of the Congress and constantly shifting alignments have contributed in the 1980s to unstable coalition governments at the centre dependent for support on allies based

on the states. The process of state-led economic ^py^lopment; planning and the goals of equitable growth were conceived as part of this process of gradual democratisation of state and civil society. However, the lack of implementation of many programmes and the inability of the states to tax and maintain fiscal discipline and populism contributed to the financial problems in the early 1980s. The states could no longer depend upon the centre to provide them funds for development and welfare. The implementation of the new economic policies, which was based on the idea of fiscal /monetary discipline, saw the gradual withdrawal of the central state from the economic arena. Today, the states enjoy much greater autonomy from the centre due to their being partners in the governance at the national level. The state level leadership and the parties are now directly involved in the negotiation with the corporate sector looking for bringing in the domestic as well as foreign investment. Now, they have greater financial freedom and following liberalization can independently enter into negotiations with foreign countries for technological collaboration and aid. As on the economic front, states on the electoral front also have emerged as the effective units of electoral choice during 1980s and afterwards, while playing decisive role in national governance. Political loyalties, opinions and even social identities started getting crystallized at the state level. The process underlined a gradual shift of power from single centre to many poles located in the states, though this has not been a continuous process. The balance of power has shifted back and forth over these phases between the centre and the state. It has been a multidimensional process visible in the emergence of regional consciousness spread of electoral process, political mobilization, functioning of the federal structure and the party system. The coalitional mode of politics has ensured that the regional/state level parties not only ask for greater incentives for the states they represented but also asked for the lucrative portfolios. The rise of states as the major area of political and economic power is not a new phenomenon but the pace has been accelerated during the last two decades. The post- 1991 India has witnessed the emergence of the 'post-Congress polity' in much bigger way, as Congress no longer remains the first or the 'natural' choice of electorates and also not remaining one of the main contenders in many states. The most important structural shifts during 1990s were marked by the 3 M's of Indian politics namely Mandir, Market and Mandal. The first led to the rise of Hindutva Politics in the form of rise of BJP and

demolition of Babri Mosque in 1992. The second involved the implementation of new economic polices or liberalization as a result of failure of planned/command economy. The third process resulted in Ambedkarization of Indian politics due to implementation of recommendations of Mandal commission. Review of Literature: Haryana has been infortunate in matter of writing & research. Haryana has as many as half a dozen universities. However, none of them has organised any increase project that avoid produce seminal work of the state. Most of the writings about Harayana have been in the form of comments in newspaper, journals & seminar. The relevant literature for the purpose of the present study has been categorised into three different kinds of studies. The first kind includes the literature that caters to the themes of Indian electoral democracy, politics and party politics. For the purpose, the present study mainly focuses on the literature to developments, which have taken place in Indian

politics in the last decade of century. The second kind includes the literature that is related to state politics in general. The third kind of studies deals with the literature on electoral politics mainly relating to the state of Haryana.

Zova Hasan in her edited volume on party politics in India has focused on a number of issues in the Indian politics and placed them within broader debates concentrating on politics, society, economy and culture. The authors in general have made an attempt to understand and examine the Indian political and democratic discourse while focusing theoretically upon the intricate interaction of social-economic forces, political processes and the dynamics of social configuration and political conversion in the post -1947 period. Essays in the volume examine the processes of state formation and theorise the options chosen by the leadership out of the available alternatives. The essays aim to explore the course of the state action from the view point of social change experienced under democratic conditions and also examine the reasons that might have made and mired this transition. Besides, the specific themes the volume also aims to examine are the three themes that have dominated the course of the Indian states in the first fifty years after independence. These issues have closely been linked with the limitations 'imposed by the class project of bourgeoisie on economic development". The volume also highlights the "state's failure to

'carry out its transformative agenda to its logical end, the increasing tension between a strong centralizing government and decentralizing tendencies and finally the increased participation in electoral politics of groups long considered peripheral which has exacerbated pressures on the cohesion of political part ies and the response of the state to the political battle for equity, for justice." The volume consists of five parts. First part essays deal with the historical evolution of the Indian state and observe the evolving relationship between class power and state power along with the changing relationship between state and society and how the state has come to dominate, not to serve the civil society. The essays focus on the post-colonial India. The second part includes the essays that address the issues of state and planning in order to inquire how planning could become an instrument of politics and power. The section also traces the changing role of the state in economic development and further examines the challenges posed by liberalization and globalisation. The third part essays examine the crisis of Indian state both in ideological and institutional terms. The essays in this part also analyse the struggles of domination and opposition at the national level to describe the basic causes of the inclination towards centralization of power. The fourth part discusses the processes that have resulted into the reformation and domination of state power. It also explores the shifting public opinion regarding the state policy of affirmative action and its effect upon the state transformation. The relationship between the state and minorities has also been discussed. The fifth part critically examines the profound linkages between the bureaucracy and the local elite and also explores the practice of corruption at the local government institutions. The volume edited by Ajay K. Mehra et. al. provides a comparative perspective on party and party systems in Germany, EU and India while keeping in view the undergoing collaborating and federalizing experience. The essays in the volume aim to explore the existing and upcoming political processes which shaped and transformed the life of ordinary citizens along with their political organizations in their respective states. The volume also examines the complex political communications and alliances in the backdrop of ongoing process of changes taking place at various levels namely, the national, state and local level. The volume aims to analyse the emerging trends in the party system in India. First, it focuses the position and courses of political parties as well as issues and key questions which determined the party system in India. Secondly, it evaluates and analyse the texture and pattern of political

alliances from the perspective of national parties. Thirdly, it reviews and analyses the processes of forging alliances from the viewpoint of the regional political players. And finally, it examines the parties and party politics in small states and at the local level especially after the implementation of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. The volume highlightes the significant changes that have taken place within the political party system along with the electoral behaviour. These changes have ineradicable influence over the Indian polity. Two prominent processes which have impacted over the party system and polity were the politicisation and mobilization of the dormant identities along with the federalization of the party politics. These changcs have marked a power shift both at the social and political front of Indian polity. Zoya Hasan in her another more recent edited volume on the theme of electoral and party politics has included the seminal writings of the eminent scholars including Rajni Kothari which still remain useful in making sense of the party politics of the Nehruvian India. The essays in the volume have undertaken the study of the parties and party politics in India right from the beginning of the journey of Indian republic to the end of 1970s. The volume essays were concerned with wide range of issues related to working of parliamentary or more appropriately with electoral democracy in India. Section one has taken up the overarching theme of the dominance and decline of the Congress. The Congress party dominated Indian politics for the first four decades. Rajni Kothari in his classical essay on 'Congress System describes Indian party system as 'Congress system5 or 'one party dominant system' rather than one party systern as Congress dominated the Indian politics for the four decades both at the centre and state level. Pradeep Chibber and John Petrocik in their article present a different picture while suggesting that the federalization of Indian party system was the decade of 1960s. They have also points out that support base of Congress depended on definite social base. The social support base varies from one state to another state. Kochanek point out that the dominance of Congress party under the leadership of Mrs. Indira Gandhi in the post-1969 period, was a relatively different system from the dominance of Nehruvian era. The centralized style of command of Mrs. Gandhi had its own dilemmas and tensions. Yogendra Yadav and Antony Heath in their article titled 'The United Colours of Congress: Social Profile of Congress Voters, 1996 & 1998'based on NES 1999,CSDS survey findings argues that the Congress party was no

longer the pole against which every political formation was defined. In other words, Indian

polity, the}/ observes, might be dubbed as 'post-Congress polity'. The Congress vote or social base in the decade of 1990's was being re-defined by its opponent in the sense that Congress was no longer the catch-all support base. The BJP then has made significant headways in rural areas and also had extended its base among the lower sections of society. The formation of NDA in 1999 symbolizes its ability to come up as the single largest party in the parliament. The second section has taken up the theme of the rise and growth of Hindu nationalist politics aimed to analyse the Hindu Nationalist politics in general and rise of BJP in particular. BD Graham's article dealt with historical growth of Hindu nationalism in organizational and leadership development context. Christophe Jafferlot's analysis of BJP reveals that the party followed the agenda of its building wherein the main concern was to develop a strong organization along with the mobilization of masses. Oliver Heath in his article titled 'Anatomy of BJP'.s Rise to Power: Social, Regional and Political Expansion in 1990's', examines the relationship between BJP's entry into new regions and its alliance building on the one hand and the broadening of its base on the other. The article further reveals that the rise of BJP to power and a consistent rise in the vote share with every election since 1984 has been accompanied three dnnensional expansion in the 1990s. In geographic terms it has expanded much beyond its Hindi Heart land core and included Gujarat and Maharashtra as its core areas. In social terms, it has no longer been Brahmin-Bania, upper class, urban areas based party. It has also undertaken the mobilization and increased politicization of dormant identities. The article co-authored by Max Katzenstin, Uday Mehta and Usha Thakkar provides an analysis of the collective role played by Hindutva ideology and party organization which altered the Shiv Sena party from a party restricted to Mumbai to the major political force of Maharashtra state politics. The Third section has taken up the radical class politics of the left parties through an analysis of the communist parties and their politics. Javeed Alam concentrates on the early days of Communist Party of India to understand the current condition of the withdrawal of class politics. Amrita Basu examines the Parliamentary communism in democratic structure. The fourth section undertakes the study of the social diversity, party politics and the changes in party system. The Indian democracy witnessed some significant developments regarding the rise of social cleavage along the lines of caste and class. The rise in the state autonomy

due to over-centralization and personalization of political power also resulted into the rise of non-Congressional alternatives. Jyotirindra Das Gupta focuses his study on the political developments related to the Janata party phase of Indian politics. Zoya Hasan in her essay explores the creation of state parties due to rise of state politics, especially the BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party) in Uttar Pradesh (U P). Narendra Subramanian in his paper examined the approach and course of action of Anna Dravida Munnetra. Kazgham (ADMK) when it was in power from 1972-1977 in Tamil Nadu. The fifth and the final section essays take up the common theme of the party competition and transformation of the party system. The decline of Congress in institutional terms has given rise to the multiparty system. The rise of coalition politics has made state parties partners in the power. James Manor in his study presents an outline of the transformations in the party system from the 1960-70s to the 1980s. The author also provides an account of the ramifications of the decline of Congress party in organizational front. Eswaran Sridharan examines the process of party fragmentation in the evolving party system. He refers the factors responsible for the party fragmentation like the politicisation and mobilisation of the identity groups, lack of internal democracy within Congress, assertion of the regional aspirations based on language, caste etc. Balveer Arora's paper glances at the relationship developing amongst the Indian federalism, the changes in the political party system and the evolving trends in coalition politics. Rajendra Vora and Suhas Palshikar in their edited volume aim at developing a critical understanding of the set of meaning and practice of democracy in the post- independence period. The volume no doubt contributes to the ongoing debate and has examined how Indian democracy has survived the challenges posed by widespread illiteracy, poverty, secessionism and communalism. The contributors locate the reasons for the resilience of Indian democracy in its history. The essays in this volume, however, show that despite having stood the test of time, Indian democracy has not been a democracy in substantive sense. The economic policies of successive governments since 1985 had been basically anti-people. The rampant casteism, communalism and the use of money and muscle power had infiltrated the body politic. Mass mobilization has been empowered by hate, a feature more typical of an emerging neo-fascist state than of a democracy, proper representation and people's participation in decision making had remained a distant ideal.

The fifteen essays included in the volume under study have been divided into two parts following the introduction. Section one is titled "Re-appropriating Meanings" in which the essays included look at the various contrasting ways in which democracy has been understood in India and tried to assess the overall democratic experience in post-independent India. The section reveals that all the authors presuppose continuity in Indian democratic experience and also attempt to make an appraisal of the democratic experience/practices with the common objective of expanding its meanings to make the same, more substantive. The second section 'Practices: Expanding Spaces' focuses on four important developments that have dominated Indian politics since the beginning of I990's: the crisis of secularism, backward caste assertion, the volatility of party politics and the decline of social movements. The chapters in this volume directly or indirectly touch upon two central themes of Indian politics today, namely the grassroots civil society initiatives and the middle class appropriation of democracy. Both are relevant to the crisis of substance and contestations being witnessed currently. India at the Pol's: Parliamentary Elections in the Federal Phase (2003) a co-authorized work by M.P. Singh and Rekha Saxena examines the dynamics of parliamentary elections along with the party processes in India at an occasion when due to the evolution of Indian party system from single party dominance to a multiparty system, India's parliamentary system has become distinctly federalized. The study aims to explore Indian electoral practice through the three consecutive Lok Sabha elections held in 1996, 1998 and 1999. The authors suggest that the success of coalition government based on the support of regional allies at the national level indicate towards the growth of Indian federalism. They also argue that the emerging electoral trends clearly signify fragmentation and federalization of Indian party system. The essays, in the special number of Economic and Political Weekly (December 18, 2004), mainly based on the findings of the surveys undertook national election study (NES) of the Lok Sabha elections held in 2004. The essays present in-depth analyses of the elections. These essays include two different types of analysis. Firstly, state wise/state specific analysis and secondly analyses based on the collective understanding about the major structural shift in political competition in India at the national level. The essays focus on the various themes that the questionnaires of NES 2004 emphasized. The essays in this collection further attempts to make sense of the 2004 electoral verdict in the context of the structure of people's opinions about the economic reforms, their perceived impact on people's lives, the questions

of majoritarinism and religiosity. In other words, an effort has been made to contextualize the election verdict in terms of the deeper sentiments and expectations of the electorates, beyond mere partisan politics and personality issues. The special volume is also an intellectual enterprise that tried not only to study elections but was also a means to define the issues in Indian politics. The NES 2004 survey findings grasp the core issues before democratic politics in India. Yogendra Yadav in his article captioned 'The Elusive Mandate of 2004 argues that elections of 2004 marked continuities as well as discontinuities. With these elections, processes like participatory upsurge of lower caste and reconfiguration of party system, the remarkable features of 1990s, came to the completion point. States emerged as primary units of contestation. Congress became 'coalitionable' in the states like UP and Bihar where the party was relegated to third or fourth position, The emergence of state level parties, who on their own could not win elections but always got a small percentage of votes allowed the national parties to have alliance with the state level parties. BJP was the initial beneficiary having entered into alliance with regional parties to get a foothold in the states where it had negligible presence like with INLD in Haryana or with Janata Dal in Karnataka. However, UPA won the elections due to the arithmetic of electoral alliances. K C. Suri attempts to look at 2004 election results in relation to the economic reforms in the country using the NES 2004 data. He argues that the Indian electorates are divided and unsure of the path the country should take on for its economic development, it showed that there had been no consensus on economic reforms i.e. opinions were divided across classes, castes occupations and locations. Suhas Palshikar in his essay 'Majoritarian Middle Ground' argues that the verdict of 2004 polls should not be seen as a setback to communal forces due to the defeat of BJP. He further argues that BJP did not emphasize the Hindutva issue during its campaign and there was already some polarization among electorate over religion. The defeat of BJP, therefore, posed a challenge in interpreting the verdict in the best possible way. Partap Banu Mehta interprets the unclear electoral verdict of 2004 Polls, in his paper titled 'Constraints on Electoral Mobilization'. In his essay, Mehta suggest that "the political formations are unable to break the logjam of electoral strategy." The phenomenon in a way suggested that populism had its limits and it seemed that social cleavages in contemporary

India were more or less frozen then. Further, the process of reconfiguration that commenced with the decline of Congress appears to have reached its culmination and has left little scope for any other major transformation. Sridharan's paper on electoral alliances concludes on the note that coalition proved to be the deciding factor in the victory of Congress led UPA and the defeat of BJP led National Democratic Alliance in the Polls of 2004. He argues that the states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand contributed more than half of the seats in UPA under electoral alliances. The paper focuses on the participator}' norms and comprehendingly analysed the questions about mobilization of new social groups .The analysis shows that the pattern of participation in 2004 was in line with the pattern noted in the 1990s i.e. high turnout, higher than average turnout of marginalized sections. Steady increase at the levels of interest and involvement in electoral politics and an expansion in the proportion of active citizens. Yet, there was little in this trend that might have helped in explaining the reversal of electoral fortunes in 2004. The trend suggested stagnation of the participatory upsurge of lower orders and pointed to the emergence of a counter mobilization, as well as the continued overrepresentation of this group among the active citizens. Ritu Rao's paper based on an assessment of electoral system and electoral reforms reveals that despite persistent short comings/problem areas the overall picture was satisfactory. The electorates continued to retain faith in the system and the people's overall verdict on the electoral system was positive. Rajeshwari Deshpande in her paper analyses the pattern of voting by gender. NES ; 2004 data by gender showed that Congress has continued to enjoy an edge over gender representation in terms of the election held in 2004. Deshpande suggests and argues that the pattern of voting behaviour should be viewed from their structural / contextual location in terms of caste, class and urban rural context. The special number of Economic and Political Weekly includes a collection of articles on the theme of electoral politics in India from 1989 to 1999. Most of the articles are state-specific and took a close look at the trends and patterns being highlighted in the parliamentary and assembly poiis during the last decade of the century. Electoral outcomes have been examined in the context of structural attributes of state politics. Interpretations by various authors had been weaved with the CSDS survey (NES 1999) findings. The collection of essays contained

in the volume has some general articles that attempted to examine and explore the electoral process and political change at the national level during the decade of 1990s by focusing national parties; social groups are processes of caste and politics. The growing significance of state politics was underlined in almost all the articles whether state specific or general in nature. An article by Yogendra Yadav and the collection of other essays suggests that electoral politics in India had experienced a major change especially during the last two elections of the decade. The interplay of socio-economic and political processes more appropriately three M's of Indian politics in the last two decades put forward some of the remarkable structural changes on electoral front and signalled a break from the earlier patterns and trends. Due to these developments, the period has been symbolized and projected as third electoral system by Yogendra Yadav. I he state specific electoral developments highlighted the emergence of certain bipolarities in terms of party competition, either between two parties or between two competing alliances. The parties would iook for residual constituencies, which has not being mobilized and politicised by its opponents. Niraja Gopai Jayal in her article presents a critical analysis of working of Indian democracy and raised questions about the substantiveness of Indian democracy. She argues that an ineffective and uncritical view of democracy has made us complacent and discouraged us from reflecting on the limits of democracy or expanding our understanding of the conditions both institutional and social, under which democracy could be made more robust. The author identifies three dogmas of Indian democracy which needs to be addressed and critically examined. The first dogma, Jayal identifies is about the representation. She admits that although Indian democracy has become more representative in recent years yet the change has not been reflected at the public policy level. The second dogma she finds in the conviction that despite the adequate political mobilization as a result of the widening and deepening of democracy; electoral behaviour was even then being sought to be understood from the prism of caste. The third dogma the author referrers is about treating democracy as a "shibboleth and as self -referential and also related to the falsification of elections and considering democracy a holy cow." She argues that democracy is an instrument of governance; however, it is not an end in itself. Elections have been important for democracy but are not the only and most accurate indicators of democratic governance. Further, the two developments which she regards as the symbolic of substantive democracy in India are the reassurance of democratic ethos in the post- 1977 period in addition to the political assertion of dormant identities during the decades of 1970s and 1980s but all the more speedier in the

decade of 1990s. She views the more substantive ways of deepening of democracy in the processes leading to decentralization, achievement of right to information, National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, from right to education to campaign for right to food. She suggested that the success and substantiveness of Indian democracy needs to be judged on the basis of realization of social justice. Studies concerning state politics were not fashionable in pre-1967 period. It was only in the post-Congress polity that the academic interest in the state politics became significant. The first comparative volume on the state politics came in the form of a volume edited by Myron Wiener namely State Politics in India (1968). Wiener argues in his book that the states after 1967 elections had become very important as the dominance of Congress party came under threat, which enforced the need of studying the state level politics. He says that the study of state politics has become altogether more important due to Indian State being a developmental state wherein the states under the Bank-IMF agenda have been considered responsible for accessing, evaluating and implementing development policy performances which further necessitates the study of the developmental experiences of states. Wiener further argues that in order to contextualize and understand Indian politics in a comparative manner/mode, state level studies always has been important. He said that in post-1967 period, there were some significant developments and the most important of them were the change in the structure of party system accompanied with the change in the federal structure of democratic set up or the centre-state relations. For Wiener, three factors have been of prime importance which need to be addressed, namely the federal structure of the polity, the emergence of competition with the use of regional or state based parties and the performance of the state developmental experience of each state. The overall emphasis of the volume has been on the study of socio-economic processes, basis of conflict and condition for political stability in each state. For him state party system from 1967 onwards has became different from the party system at the national level, further he has been very much concerned with the process of institution building and the factor of political stability. His approach was political development approach. The essays in the edited volume on state politics by Iqbal Narain drew attention towards the central position occupied by the states in the Indian federal polity in terms of providing institutional, psychological and interactional determinants of its politics. He constructs a three dimensional framework namely contextual, structural and operational. In the contextual

dimension, he included six components, (i) history of a state; historical identity of state, its political status before and after independence (ii) the geographical locale (iii) infrastructure (iv) the level of economic development and (v) urbanization. The structural dimension according to him consists of formal constitutional structure. In the third category of operational dynamics the author includes the role orientation of the actors, political behaviour and functional dimension having a district connotation. The collaborative work/volume includes 16 case studies, has been predominantly descriptive in nature, stating the obvious empirically informative. The emphasis has been on structural analysis of development in specific states. The essays emphasize much on electoral politics and follow structural-functional approach. Democracy and Social Change in India: A Cross-Sectional Analysis of the National Electorate (1999) has been another co-authored volume on the theme by Subraia K. Mitra & V.B. Singh. The volume provides a critical analysis of the opinions and attitudes of a cross section of the national electorate. The work basically deals with the analysis of the postelection survey of 1996 (NES 1996) undertaken by the Centre of the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS). The basic issues that form the part of the analysis (survey) were related to democracy and social change, perception of the main issues facing the country and the interaction of democratic rights and political order. The main objective of the volume seems to present the values, beliefs, attitudes, popular perceptions, political preferences and information which underpin the choices of the electorate to the students of Indian politics. The volume on state politics in India, authored by Sudha Pai (2000), has been a collection of 13 essays veering around different issues related to state politics. The essays analyse the developments which took place in the decade of 1990s in the Indian states. The work highlights that during the decade of 1990s, certain crucial changes have occurred at the state level politics which have influenced the national politics in a big way. These developments, author suggests, included the changes in the party system from single party dominance to multiparty competition resulted into the formation of unstable coalition governments with the support of regional parties, assertion of identity politics at the regional level in terms of rise of new social/caste groups in politics had altered the nature of Indian politics and finally the politics of new economic policies. These processes were interconnected and had transformed the electoral politics and emerging party system. The underlying argument is that the developments taking place at the state level influenced the national politics in a much bigger

way than earlier. Papers in Part I discuss the transformation of the Indian party system. Part II examines changes taken place in the four states of Utter Pradesh, Andnra Pradesh, Punjab and Tamil Nadu, which have contributed to the transformation of party system. The concluding section discusses the issue of a framework for the study of state politics in the light of the changes in the last decade. Collectively, the essays try to provide a picture of Indian politics in 1990s. Pai argues that during the momentous decade of 1990s, states came to occupy a central position because the regional parties played crucial role in the formation of coalition governments at the centre and therefore they have come to enjoy much greater autonomy from the centre and have much financial freedom due to policies of liberalization. Furthermore, new social identities and groups based in states have asserted themselves leading to fresh political alignments. An edited volume on state politics by T.R. Sharma has attempts to categorize and analyse the challenges posed by the forces of modernization and political development on Indian politics. The editor in his introductory essay argues that state politics had gained importance with the end of 1960s and the study of state politics has facilitated the understanding of the dynamics of the nature of political power in India. State politics has been central for the understanding of national and local level politics as it represent the bilateral linkage between the two. The editor also describes the socio-economic backgrounds wherein the transformations have been taking place in the centre-state relations. The volume aims to analyse the politics of four states of India namely Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu & Kashmir. The study argues that the politics of these states in general present in a way the representative characteristics of the state politics in India as a whole. Nonetheless, the politics of each of these states possess its own peculiarity, which differentiates it from the others. Thus, there has been something common about the nature of the state politics in India and within something specific about each particular state. The book authored by Subhash C. Kashyap attempts to put forward the political discourse in the post-1967 general elections, followed by defections and counter- defections. It has been a phenomenon which at the time was somehow new to Indian democracy showing the onset of institutional decay. Part 1 of the study presents an analysis of the phenomenon of defections and of the resultant changing contours of the political power structure. Besides, the author also provides some general observations regarding the political system and the upcoming style in Indian politics. Chapter one as introductory chapter throws light upon the dimensions

of the phenomenon of factionalism and the consequent impact on the governments at the state level. The most significant developments in the post-fourth general elections period have been the formation of many coalition governments of widely heterogeneous character and the constant process of shifting party affiliations by legislatures in large numbers thereby affecting the fate of ministries and the course of politics newer and newer combinations of groups and parties came into being in many cases, operation alliance and operation topple continued side by side. PartII comprises case studies of seven Indian states namely Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal. On a whole, these case studies offer an account of political histories of the respective states with special reference to the post-1967 period. Part III of the book reviews and analyses the struggle for power and dominance at the national level. Factionalism at the centre and other development led to the political crisis and split within the Congress party. State Politics and contemporary India: Crisis or continuity (1984), an edited volume by J.R. Wood, presents an analysis of more of Indian politics in general than the study of the politics of separate states in the context of their social factors. The volume is remarkable because it points towards the emerging dimensions of state politics in India. Wood argues that centre's intervention in the state politics especially during Indira Gandhi era had shaped the Indian politics. This trend was likely to be challenged by two factors, Wood argued. The first was the decline of Congress party and the rise of backward classes to the position of power at the state level. Wood argues that Indian politics over the years at the state level became more complex not only due to reorganization of more states but major developments like as the split in Congress and the de-linking of Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. Besides, the federalization of Indian party system, the experience of emergency and the coalition experiment of Janata party led government had altered the Indian politics. Further, significant changes in India at social and economic front had brought fresh and conflicting contexts for political behaviours in each state. The volume essays concentrate on focusing on the politics in the Indian states where the Congress faced major challenges. Among the remarkable literature on state politics have been two volumes edited by Fmnke! and Rao, which presents linkage between the electoral politics and party politics with the issues of resource control and domination. The party politics for the first time was being studied from the political-economic perspective. The mobilization of caste in the states like Utter Pradesh, Bihar and Maharashtra was being studied in relation to the changing economic

relationships in these states. The states were seen as autonomous units having their own model of caste mobilization changing caste and class relationships. There has been an absence of a coherent and systematic work on the electoral politics in Haryana. Most of the literature is of journalistic kind and lack in terms of analytical rigour. The following review of literature-both popular as well academic- also includes literature related to Dalits and gender, albeit in limited manner. A study by S. P. Shukla deals with the period from 1930 to 1945. It analyses the role of Haryana region regarding the national liberation movement. Shukla has pointed that during the period, the people of Haryana acquired a pro-British outlook, which was a cumulative result of various factors namely, weakness of Congress party to stabilise itself in the region, mobilization of peasantry by Unionist party and a constructed environment of British policies which enforced a sense of identity among peasant castes by projecting them as martial races along with the land laws. The book provides a good insight into the socio-political conditions of the region in pre-1947 period which has had a long-standing impact upon the political life of the state. The work provides an explanation regarding the relatively weaker presence of the national movement in the region despite the fact that the people of Haryana had participated in the revolt of 1857 with great zeal and fervour. His study also deals with the dynamics of Punjab politics as the compulsions of the Indian politics in totality. The emergence of identity politics in the region can be attributed to that period and environment. Prem Choudhary has analysed the role of Sir Chhotu Ram in the politics of colonial Punjab. She presents an overview of the socio-economic conditions of the period which was behind the political realities of Punjab with special reference to its southeast region which came to be known as Haryana. It highlights the factors which have gone into making the Unionist politics. The Unionist party politics basically addressed to the ioyalist factor to the imperial interests. The success of the Unionist party was made possible by Sir Chhotu Ram, who forged an enduring political alliance between the predominant unionist Muslims and Hindu agriculturalists, which proved instrumental in forming one of the most successful nonCongress ministries under the provincial autonomy. The book under study highlights the relationship of various castes and mobilization of dominant caste. Her analysis reveals as to how Sir Chhotu Ram emerged first as the leader of Hindu Jats of Rohtak and than gained acknowledgment by officials and others as leader of the Hindu agriculturalists of Punjab.

Chaman Lai Jhamb in an important academic work which is concerned with the modern history and politics of the state provides a chronological account of political events that took place during the reign of different Chief Ministers of the state after it came into inception. In other words, the book presents the biographical account of the terms of all the eight Chief Ministers of Haryana right from Baghwat Dayal Sharma to the current chief Minister BS Hooda. Bhim S. Dahiya in his book presents an account of Haryana politics from the time of Chaudhary Chhotu Ram, when it acquired a distinct nature, to the time of Chaudhary Bhupinder Singh Hooda, when it has come of age. Placed in the immediate context of the parent state of Punjab and viewed in the larger context of national developments, Dahiya's work offeres valuable insights into different types of political personalities, into different forms of sociological forces, and into different modes of human behavior, which combines to create the political milieu of a society. The book traces the complex character of the political growth of Haryana, with its various caste and community interests working at crosspurposes, determining the crooked course that makes and mars the fortunes of contending individuals. SS Chahar's
68

in his two volumes study of Haryana Politics deals with the contours of

electoral politics in Haryana, since 1967 to 2000. Volume I focus on legislative assembly elections from 1967 to 1972 and discuss the dynamics of electoral politics in Haryana from 1921 to 1977. The volume II presents a very detailed account of each and every aspect, related to assembly elections from 1977-2000, be it nominations, manifestoes, campaign and afterwards till the formation of government to the next assembly polls. The work focuses on electoral trends in reserved assembly constituencies. It also refers to the women participation and their performance. It has been the first ever detailed work based on Haryana electoral politics. SS Chahar's in his other scholarly work on Haryana electoral politics presents a cohesive analysis of social characteristics of Haryana legislature from 1972 to 2005. The socioeconomic dynamics of the state have also been taken into consideration. The work provides the analytical description of legislators belonging to the different castes and communities with special reference to leadership pattern among the scheduled castes along with the women. The study analyses the leadership pattern while taking into consideration the various

factors namely, age, education, prior experience, background (rural-urban), gender, caste and marital status. Ranbir Singh in his essay focuses upon the Lok Sabha polls of 1999. He has referred to the importance of social cleavages as the determinant of Haryana politics. He also points towards the changing political alignments of social groups and also the changing support basis of the parties. The author provides an analysis regarding the division of state into two demographic, three linguistic, and four caste groups. Similarly, Shivlal and Siwach also highlight the two main social divisions related to caste and class compositions in the state namely the agriculturist and the non- agriculturist. These divisions or cleavages had been viewed as a contribution of politics led by Sir Chhotu Ram. According to the authors, some of the castes in the state have set patterns of political behaviour. Siwach's study regarding social dynamics, defections, counter-defections which defines the initial period of the politics of the state indicates that politics of "Aya Ram and Gaya Ram" was essentially a manifestation of caste politics. The root cause of widespread defections in the state was an inadequate political representation of dominant castes at that time. He called it doing Haryana style. After 4th general elections, Indian polity has experienced a dynamic shift from a smooth kind of phenomenon. The politics of defections at state level provided new contours of Indian politics. Haryana represents a case of its kind, as it gave new contexts and terminologies to politics of "Aya Ram Gaya Ram". Subhash Kashyap saw it as corrupt and opportunist politics devoid of ideological concerns. He was of the opinion that the phenomenon of defections or loyalty and commitment to a particular party depends upon the nearness to the seat of power. According to the author, the strongest intluence on the people of this region has always been of caste. He also provides the causes of dominance of land owning classes, being their numerical strength, land ownership and mobilization by Unionist party and Sir Chhotu Ram. The dominant castes have enjoyed preponderance in electoral politics in recent decades. In other words, economically and socially privileged groups have greater access to political opportunities. Within the numerically strong and economically powerful peasant castes, the Jats have been the most dominant category. A study by D R Choudhary also reveals the gloomy picture of state of affairs in state politics especially in its electoral arena. Choudhary feels that state lacks in terms of a developed

political culture and the situation has been further worsened due to economic prosperity, which has taken the form of'jeep-gun culture'. While analyzing the verdict of Parliamentary polls of 1989, Choudhary maintains that democratic ethos is still to take roots in the state firmly. The state lacks all the necessary determinants of socio- political consciousness. For Choudhry, Haryana politics has essentially been witness to the interplay of a good economy and bad politics and Haryana society has lost its cohesiveness and is driven with sharp dissentions. Similarly Rajbir Prashar in his article points out that democracy along with economic development has failed to undo the social and cultural backwardness in the state and it seems that a common Haryanvi has forgotten the principle of peaceful coexistence. He also indicates that political parties for their electoral gains perpetuate social problems and issues. He demands a mature and responsible behaviour on the part of political elite instead of patronizing negative forces to the detriment of the democratic content of the state polity. Vinay Kumar Malhotra in his study points out that Haryana during 1990s hit the headlines for all the wrong reasons. He highlights the use of illegal electoral means in Haryana bielections and also the political instability during the period. While viewing the situation in the state; it seemed that politics had been experiencing the erosion of legitimacy on the part of political leadership. Its manifestation was seen in the form of anti-incumbency factor due to lack of a viable alternative. Ruling parties' kept on changing but the dismal states of affairs have remained the same. The rural Haryana for long has been experiencing serious social imbalance. Dhananjay Joshi and Parveen Rai in their analyses regarding the Lok Sabha polls of Haryana argues that the Congress won nine out of total ten Lok Sabha seats especially due to antiincumbency wave against INLD. The authors point out that the electoral verdict was an expression of state wide resentment against the autocratic ways of functioning of Choutala government-the reign of terror. Yogendera Yadav and Dhananjay Joshi, Nonica Dutta80 Ranbir Singh and Kushal Pal81 P.S. Verma82 and S.S.Chahar and Anu in their separate articles point out that the assembly polls verdict in 2005 in form of the landslide victory of Congress after loosing two consecutive assembly elections in the state was not the result of positive vote in its favour but it was due to negative vote polled against ruling INLD. The loss of INLD got translated in favour of the

Congress The erosion of legitimacy could be attributed to the fact that almost every established political party and leaders were -ccuscd of corruption, mishandling of governmental affairs. Ranbir Singh84 and Kushal Pal present an analysis Lok Sabha polls of 2009 in Haryana. The authors have pointed out that the Lok Sabha elections result indicated that people haven't yet forgotten the rule of INLD. Congress registered its victory despite intra-party differences and factionalism and also the presence of vote splinters like BJP. INLD, HJC and BSP. Electoral verdict was explained both in terms of development and governance. The impact of regional issues was more visible than national issues despite the fact that state located in the proximity/vicinity of NCR. The BSP although could not win even a single seat but emerged as the major gainer in the polls as it emerged the second largest party in terms of votes polled after Congress's has been able to penetrate in the votes banks other than SCs. Congress has been able to win due to clean image of B.S. Hooda. The election witnessed further consolidation of jat support base in favor of Congress. Kushal Pal and Parveen Rai8^ in their joint paper on Lok Sabha elections of 2009 in Haryana argues that clean honest and humble image of the Congress chief minister has helped the Congress to a great deal in repeating the previous electoral performance. The electoral verdict marked the reversal of the trend of strong anti incumbency factor prevalent in a state. The authors also point out that during the ejections the state level factor played more important role than the national factors and development was the major poll plank in the state. A study by Ashutosh Kumar86 regarding the Assembly polls of 2009 consists of two parts. Part I of the article deals with the peculiar characteristic features of Haryana electoral politics which distinguishes it from the other North Indian states. These features include lack of coherent and stable party system, weak support base of BJP in Haryana, adhocism in state party system or lack of stable opposition to Congress, lack of strong regional identity, lack of contiguous and meaningful electoral regions, lack of assertion of weaker sections of the society, dominance of middle class peasantry in the post-Mandal era and concept of Panchayati candidates The second part of the article analyses the electoral verdict of 2009 assembly elections. The author highlights that the opposition parties have had no substantive issues for wooing voters and the electoral verdict is to be seen in terms of lack of antiincumbency factor against the Congress. Congress formed the second consecutive

government with the support of independents and others. Congress was not able to attain 2/3rd on its own. The below expectations performance of the Congress was seen as the fallout of the lopsided nature of development limited to Rohtak region only, over-confidence of Congress leadership due to victory in Lok Sabha polls, factionalism, intra-party differences, unwise ticket distribution/selection of candidates, impact of delimitation of assembly constituencies, resurgence of otherwise lying low INLD. The verdict was also being viewed as a response to good governance and developmental works done by Congress government. T.K. Rajalaxmi87 in her article related to socio-political status of Dalits in Haryana reveals that the backward castes are landless, oppressed and marginalized in the state. They have been prone to discrimination and target of attack from dominant castes especially Jats and the traditional social institutions like khap panchayats and the state machinery including police. She views the situation as unique one. which distinguished Haryana from its neighbouring states. She points out that BSP including other mainstream parties of the state have not done much for them. Political parties have been more interested in making electoral gains rather than bringing out a qualitative change in their lives, or to ensure them a secure social status. She illustrated various instances revealing the atrocities committed upon Dalits by police and dominant caste. Time and again they have to pay the cost of their hard earned prosperity. P. Sainath88 in his article argues that people of dominant castes have not been ready to accept the changing power relations in the economic and the social arena. Ranbir Singh89 in his article argues that there have been many incidents which speak volumes of discrimination against Dalits in Haryana. He further points out that from the media coverage of the happenings at Jhajjar, Dulina (Sonipat), Harsola (Kaithal), Gohana (Sonipat) and Salwan (Karnal) the happenings have become quite clear. He underlines certain factors which have been responsible for the kind of treatment Dalits have been receiving across the different regions in the state. First, the breakdown of the Jajmani system has decreased the dependence of Dalits on Zamindars/Iand owners. Second, implementation of the 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution has led to certain amount of empowerment of the community. Third, the affluence of a section of the Dalits due to implementation of affirmative policies and actions of government including reservation, the role of Khap Panchayats, the lack of political assertion of Dalits, lack of unity among them, the lack of Dalit leadership at the state and so forth. However, the first three factors were of positive in terms of democratisation in the sense that they have led to the betterment among Dalits but

the newly attained betterment have become the contentious issue between the Dalits and dominant castes as Dalits are no more dependent upon them for their livelihood. Urbanisation, the small land holdings, the growth of other employment avenues has brought change in the traditional caste dominant-dependent relationship. In fact, some of the Dalit families are leading far better lives than the families of dominant castes. There are academic studies
90

related to political participation of women in Haryana politics

that highlight the limited role of women in political process of the state. It also has been indicative of lack of proper politicization and mobilization among women. The reason behind such condition in the slate which has one of the worst sex ratio in the country could be given in terms of highly patriarchal social structure and confinement of women's sphere to the task of household management and fanning activities. As far as electoral politics is concerned, an interesting fact is revealed that in case of a considerable number of women, the pre-condition to get registered as a voter has been considered marriage. Although some of the women representative are doing well but the number is essentially small. The reason behind the inadequate representation of women is given in terms of their lack of winnabiiity by various political parties. The study undertaken by Ranbir Singh91 highlights the role of women in Haryana politics. Besides, a very small number of women have came forward to become members of political parties and very few of them have shown the active involvement in active politics in terms of being office bearers and participating in public meetings and addressing them. Although, some of them have been able to become office bearers of women cells which exists mostly on paper. However, women working in the women organization having affiliations to leftist parties have been active. They have led the agitations regarding various social causes but due to limited support bases of these parties their participation and impact has remained limited and localized. Relevance of the Study It would be pertinent to argue that a study of a4eetora^n3i*?es of Haryana is relevant in many ways. First and foremost, there has not been any systematic and coherent study of the electoral politics of Haryana despite the passage of more than four decades of its creation. Most of the

studies that have come up are in the form of articles and have simply been too empirical in nature as they record the electoral verdict without analysing it or putting them in the theoretical context. Second, such a study would enable us to examine whether the emergent trends in the state electoral politics at all India level, briefly mentioned above, have been visible in Haryana or not. For instance, it has been argued that despite sizable population of the Dalits i.e. 19.75 percent of overall population in the state, their assertion in terms of share in political power has not been there. Likewise it has also been argued that in Problem Definition In the Indian scenario, the growth of multi-party coalition system remains incoherent. The emerging importance of state party system has become the potential determinant of the national party governance. This resulted in the democratization and decay (Manor, 1996; Palshikar, 2003 & 2004b ). This further flawed the essence of the democratic governance of by party system with the federal status of state party system kept at flux. The national parties like congress and BJP are gradually loosing their strong hold at state level. This opened of the debate for examining the peculiarities of the state party system along with the coalition effect. The existing gaps in the literature suggest the dearth of contextual studies on the proliferation of state party system in the Indian federation and neglected focus on the state party system by the empirical researchers. Aims & Objectives This research aims at examining the state party system in the state of Haryana in the emerging context of regionalization of Indian of Indian political governance and the transition into multi-party coalition system. 1.3.1 Research Objectives

To examine the significance of the National Party and the state party system from the

theoretical context.

To examine the prospects and peculiarities of the state party system in Haryana.

To study the domain of coalition of the national parties in the regional context of

Haryana.

To study the status of the regional outfits in Haryana.

1.4 Hypothesis This study will provide a holistic view of the state party system in the state of Haryana. In spite of its negative impacts on the essence of true democratic governance, the coalition has performed well in the state of Haryana. The nation wide dominant wave of regionalization of state politics has not been able to culture a strong regional party system in Haryana. CHAPTER-2 Methodology 2.1 Research Philosophy This research has adopted a mixture of Positivism and Interpretive philosophies Positivism focuses on real life data which provides objectivity and value freedom. The real life data are based on established research works and theories, where the findings of the research can be tested against the established theories and empirical results (Saunders et al, 2007). The interpretive philosophy is based on the social construct and recognizes that individuals as social actors are in a continuous process of making sense from the world around them resulting in leading them to making adjustments of their own actions and meanings (Saunders et al, 2007). Interpretive philosophy helped in interpreting the expert's opinion. 2.2 Research Approach This research has adopted the optimal combination of Deductive & Inductive approaches. Deductive approach is based on measurable principles and is based on cause and effect relationship and emphasises on control, where as an inductive approach concerned with Haryana there are no specific social, cultural and geographical regions like in other states but there are administrative regions in electoral terms.

Third, the study investigates as to whether the politics of Haryana is in the form of 'satellite polities' that veers around the 'national' politics of Delhi. Fourth, the turbulent electoral history of Haryana has been marked by the politics of opportunism that has been witnessed in the recent period in other states also and has come to be known as the politics of 'Aya Ram and Gaya Ram'. Moreover, the state has been viewed with low level of political efficacy and involvement in terms of participation. Till its emergence as a separate state, it was merely an appendage on Punjab politics. However, all this has not come in the way of rapid progress of the state over the last four decades. So 'bad politics' or the unstable party system for a long period has not supposedly hampered the state's progress. Do we have similar situations in other states of India also? Such kinds of questions need to be addressed. The present thesis is a modest effort to undertake the task of looking for possible answers. Methodology For the purpose of the present research, a theoretical analytical approach was undertaken. The theoretical framework was grounded on the basis of empirical material for analysing the emergent trends in the electoral politics at state level in general and Haryana in particular. The study refers extensively to the Election Commission data. The data generated by the surveys undertaken by CSDS-NES survey has also been referred. This primarily library based study has undertaken a survey of the available relevant literature on the electoral politics concerning Haryana which has been academic as well as journalistic in nature. Both secondary as well as documentary sources have been referred. Besides, for the collection of primary data interviews of present and former MLAs belonging to the different parties as well as the academicians who have done work on Haryana have also been conducted to have a feel of the ground level concrete reality. The data was collected in a two years period from 2008 to 2010. Opinion related questions dealing with socio-economic and political situation of the state were included while conducting face to face interviews. Methodologically, the qualitative -c search techniques namely observation a: interview methods have largely been adopted. Interviews were based on the non probability sampling, designed on : hc pattern of the convenience sampling. Interview schedule with structured and open-ended questions was framed for the respondent legislators. A structured schedule was used as a means to ensure some consistency in the data gathered during the phase of

research. The former and present respondent legislators were asked about their sociological background. Then followed the factual and opinion based questions. Keeping in mind the state's scenario, a modest attempt was also made to ascertain and empirically analyze the views of legislatures on various socio-economic and political issues through opinion seeking questions. Although, the convenience sampling method was followed for the interview purposes, yet there was a conscious effort to make the sample as representative as possible. Efforts were also made to choose a robust sample. There was an effort to have proportional number of legislator respondents in proportion to the strength of the political parties in the Vidhan Sabha into consideration. In fact geographically speaking also, the selected legislators belonged to all the four administrative regions of the state namely Ambala, Hisar. Rohtak and Gurgaon. The interview schedule based on structured questionnaire took into cognizance the factors to ascertain sociological background information about socioeconomic and political profile of the respondents. Questions were asked pertaining to the party they belonged to, their constituencies, level of education, and experience in active politics and also about the general trends in the state electoral politics.

CHAPTER 2 STATE PARTY SYSTEM IN HARYANA The Party System in Haryana has been shaped by its historical, geographical, social, cultural and economic and political environment on the one hand and by the impact of National political party system on the other hand. We notice in Haryana's Party System both convergence and divergence from the National Party System. But despite its location on the threshold of NT of Delhi the party system of Haryana has acquired on autonomy of states. But at the same time it has not been insulated completely from it. Moreover the party system has been in a state of flux and has yet to acquire a stable pattern even five decades after the formation of the state of Haryana. At the time of the formation of the state Haryana had inherited the dominance of Congress party in 1966. As a matter of fact the opposition did not virtually exist in the state because the MLAs of the then non-Congress outfits-Repressive Independents Party, Haryana Lok Samiti and the SSP-had joined the Congress. Only the Jana Sangha had the status of a motional opposition party. But the post 1967 election developments brought about a qualitative change and the politics of defection pushed Haryana into a Bi-Polar Three Party System: the two poles being the Congress and the Vishal Haryana Party and the third party being the Jana Sangha. The 1968 midterm elections led to the emergence of the stable One Party Dominance. The Congress emerged as the majority party and the Vishal Haryana Party as the main opposition. But soon defections from the Congress by the supports of Bhagwat Dayal Sharma led to the emergence of stable One Party Dominance of the Congress as most of the oppositions MLAs defected to the Congress. At the same time, Haryana became an authoritarian one party dominant system under Bansi Lai. In 1975, Haryana was unveiled into one party with Non-Competitive Party system as the opposition was not allowed to function. But Youth Congress became more important than the Congress party under the leadership of Surinder Singh son of Bansi Lai. The Janata wave created n unstable One Party Dominance of the Janata Party under the leadership of Devi Lai and later on under Bhajan Lai till the split in the Janata party

converted Haryana into a Bi-polar three party system- the Janata Party, Jana Sangha and Congress. In 1980, enmass defections converted the state into a Two Party plus System-the Congress and Lok Dal as major parties and the Jana Sangha as a minor party. In 1982, Haryana started with a Bi-polar Three Party system the Congress, Lok Dal and BJP. But defections converted it into a Congress dominance System. In 1987, the Naya Yudh by Devi Lai, led to the emergence of a Unipolar three party system Lok Dal being the major pole and the Congress and BJP the minor two parties. In 1990, it was converted into an unstable Multi party system-the S.J.P as the major party, the Janata Dal, BJP and The Congress en the minor parties. The 1991 elections witnessed the emergence of the dominance of the Congress with SJP as the main opposition party and The BJP as the minor opposition party. The 1996 elections led to Bi-polar Multi party System. Haryana Vikas Party and INLD as the major poles, BJP (allianced with HYP) and Congress as the minor parties. The 2000 elections witnessed the emergence of INLD dominance system, The Congress as the opposition party and the BJP as neither in power nor in opposition. The 2005 elections led to the emergence of the One Party Dominance of the Congress and the marginalisation of the INCO and The BJP due to anti-incumbency factor. The 2009 elections have led to the emergence of a Bipolar Multiparty system. The Congres & the INLD as the main poles & the BJP & BSP as the minor parties. In 2014 elections, the polarisation b/w the Jats & the non-jats may led to the emergence of HJC & BJP alliances to power & may delegate the Congress to the third position if INLD is able to keep its vote bank among the Jats intact. This it amy be said that the party system is in a state of flux & has not been able to acquire a set pattern. In order to understand the present Haryana it becomes necessary for us to have glimps of its past though briefly as this work is focusing more on pol. dimensions of the state devided pol. history of Haryana in these parts. The times to ----- valley & the period, up to the present

times. The attempts is to analyse the malaise in the present Haryana as a consequence of its past legacy. The Haryana is a land of ancient civilization. Exacustion work was first of all undertaken by General Cunnigham in 1862. Since then many more attempts in this direction have been made by the Archeology Depts. of Punjab & Haryana govts. The Depts. of Ancient Indian History & Archeology of Punjab & Khurushetra Universities have undertaken excavation work at Banawali in Fatehabd district, Siswal in Hissar district Mitathal in Bhaiwani, Rakhi Garkhi Jind & Balu in Kaithal distt. Excavations at Agroha in Hissar district shows that the town was well planned. In papular belief it is held that it was the capital of Maharajo Aggrasen the only ruler form the Aggarwal Community Ashoka set up a stupa in Topra in Ambala district which was shifted to Kotta in Delhi by Ferozeshah Tuglaq in 1356. Proof of rice cultivation in Indus Valley Civilization in claimed to have been found in Daultpur village in Khurukshtra district. Sngh------ in Yamuna Nagar district deserves special mention to underscore the antiquity of Haryana. S---------- is mentioned by H--------------------- Tsiang, the Chinese pilgrim of seventh century, as a town of three & a half miles in circuit, the capital of a kingdom & a seat of considerable learning, both Buddhist & Brahmanical. General Cunn-------ingham in his Archeological Survey Report of 1863-64 describes the village of sang as one of the most removable postions that I have seen during the whole course of my research. Panipat is another town of antiquity in Haryana. Three most famous batttes of northern India known as Battles of Panipat. In 1738 nder Shahs invading hord------ swept over the area & defeated the Mughal army at karnal in 1739 & sacked Delhi. During the 18th, a part of the region was held by Mahammedan tribes of whom the chief were the Jo---- around H------------- & Bhatis around Ramia, Sirsa & Fathehbad. The Bikaner a------ tell of the struggle b/w the Hindu Raiputs writes the Johias------ & Bhattis for the possession of the tract around Sirsa. Another important historical event which needs mentions here in the context of Haryana is the revolt of 1857. The people of Haryana rose against the British is the uprising. After the uprising was quuelled, there followed a period of severe repression. A number of p------- put

to death in the reagion. The nawab of Jhajjar & Raja of Ballabhgarh were ex----- for organising resistance against the British Rao Tula Ram of Mahendergarh emerged as a new during the revolt. He escaped to Kabul where he breathed his last. Villages which participate in the uprising was heavily fined. The entire region was terrorised. Worse still , the region was detached from the Delhi provience & tagged to the Punjab region. Thus, haryana region became as socio-cultural backyard of Punjab region & was severly discriminated against in matter of deveopment till it acquired statehood in 1966. This explains Haryanas backward nature in terms of its socio-politico-cultural dimensions. Panipat is another town of antiquity in Haryana. Three most decisive battles of mother of India- the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi by Babar in 1526, the defeat of He-------- by Akbar in 1556 & Ahmedshahs victory over the Marathas in 1761. Delhi being the capital of the country, could not permit a powerful state to emerge on its periphery Bharatpur state being the only exeption. In the composite Punjab, the Punjab region had a number of comparatively viable states which Haryana region had a few nawabis, petty filefoms----------- emphemistically--------- describe as states in the gazat-------- of the British times. In 1901 Patiala, the -------nnab revenue of Rs. 57,11,549, Rs. 66,000 & Rs. 77,170 respectively. The rules of these states were in a state of perpetual crisis. Every horde of invaders was bound to pass through a part of Haryana region on the way to the battle ground of India at Panipat, with Delhi as the ultimate goal. Placed in the path of successive invassions the people shiffted endlessly. Thanesar-------- ws backed by Mohammed of Ghazni in 1014 A.D. Time----------entered into Hayana region from the side of Rajasthan. This March lay thorough Fatehbad, Tohana, across the Ghaggar, through Kaithal & Panipat to Delhi which he sacked on Dec 26, 1398. (the Imperial Gazetter----- of India)

STATE PARTY SYSTEM IN HARYANA: The region which is now known as Haryana was captured by the East India Company on 30 th December 1803 from Daulat Rao Scindhia.

During the first war of indepencence in 1857, people of Haryana played a very significant role. After the revolt was crushed and the British Empire was re-established, the Nawab of Jhajjar, the Raja of Ballabhgarh, and the Rao Tula Ram of Rewari was deprived of their territories and the territories were handed over to rulers of Nabha, Jind and Patiala of Punjab as a reward of their loyalty to the British Empire. Consequently, Haryana was separated from the north-western frontier province and tagged with Punjab in February 1858 as a political punishment for the participation of its people in revolt of 1857. As a result, Haryana remained a part of Punjab from 1858 to November 1966 till Punjab was reorganized on linguistic basis. As Haryana was aligned with Punjab by the British colonial regime, this administrative change could not bring out the socio-cultural and linguistic affinity of the former to the latter. The region has maintained its distinct identity in the sense that historically Haryana has never been a part of Punjab. Thus people of Haryana have never been Punjabis in the sense that people of both the states historically had a different kind of identity both in cultural and linguistic terms. The distance between the two regions also widened as the region comprising of the present state of Haryana was consistently neglected in terms of development as compared to the region of Punjab4 The colonial administration systematically neglected agriculture in the region in the sense that the irrigation facilities were provided in other parts of Punjab through the development of network of canals but the region of Haryana was neglected because the south western part of the state is almost a desert and considered beneficial for raising good quality cattle and also for a ensured continuous supply of soldiers to the British Army from a backward agriculture based economy.5 Initially the demand for separate state of Haryana was supported mainly by the political elites of Delhi. Pirzada Mohammad Hussein of Muslim League from Delhi was among the first who advocated the demand. It was further supported by Congress, although its support for linguistic reorganization of provinces was further motivated by its desire to weaken the support base of Unionist party in Punjab. Lala Deshbandhu Das Gupta, a Delhi based lawyer and Sir Chhotu Ram also supported the demand, although the latter's stance kept changing. It was Sir Chhotu Ram who gave the idea

of "Vishal Haryana" during the early phase of 20th century. According to him, Hindi speaking region was never a part of Punjab because from the day of its inclusion in Punjab, the region is lagging behind in political, economic and cultural terms. So, it was essential for the region to be recognized as a separate entity in the sense of a separate state. In a way if one goes by chronologically, the demand of a separate state for Hindi speaking areas was older than the demand for Punjabi Suba itself.6 Apart from the economic deprivation, the elite from Haryana region also felt deprived from their proportionate share in the power structure in undivided Punjab that came into existence after partition. The introduction of Sachar formula regarding declaration of Punjabi as compulsory for teaching in Hindi speaking region further accentuated the feeling of deprivation. The distinct proximity to Delhi and western Uttar Pradesh along with the feelings of relative political and economic deprivation led to the idea of Haryana Prant or enlarged province of Delhi during first quarter of 20in century. It was during this period that, the Akalis demanded the creation of a Punjabi Suba which was to be a territorial homeland for the Punjabis. As religion was not acceptable to be the basis for the separate statehood even then by the Congress, so they took recourse to the demand for a separate Suba in the name of the Punjabi speaking people. Although, the genesis of the demand for Vishal Haryana dates back to pre-Independence period, but it gathered momentum only in the post-independence period and it was the acceptance of the demand of Punjabi Suba backed by strong mass movement that led to the creation of Haryana. There was no strong mass movement for the demand of Haryana Prant and whatever support it had was mainly confined 10 articulate sections of peasantry and educated classes. These classes considered it essential for the advancement of their interest. It was, however, opposed by Jan Sangh and some factions of Congress who drew their support from the urban areas. Urban leadership considered the demand as detrimental for their interests. Thus, they supported the demand of Maha Punjab or enlarged state consisting of Punjab, PEPSU and Himachal Pradesh. The state of Haryana was constituted on the recommendation of the Sardar Hukum Singh Parliamentary Committee formed on 23rd Septemb er 1965. Acting on the recommendations of the Hukum Singh Committee the government of India on 23rd April, 1966 set up the Shah Commission under the chairmanship of Justice J. C. Shah, to divide and set up the boundaries of Punjab and Haryana. The Commission submitted its report on 31st May, 1966.

According to the report the districts of Hisar, Mahendergarh, Gurgaon, Rohtak, and Karnal were to be a part of the new state of Haryana. Further, the tehsils of Jind (district Sangrur), Narwana (district Sangrur), Naraingarh, Ambala and Jagadhari were also included. The Commission recommended that Kharar tehsil including Chandigarh should also be a part of Haryana.'' On the basis of Shah Commission report, the Indian government passed Punjab reorganization Act, 1966 on 18th September, 1966. According to the Act, the area of the Haryana was to be as follows : The districts of Hisar, Rohtak, Gurgaon, Karnal and Mahendergarh The Jind and Narwana tehsils of Sangrur district The Ambala, Jagadhari and Naraingarh tehsils of Ambala district The Pinjore circle and also the part of the Mani Majra circle of Kharar tehsils of Ambala district

Table No. 2:1 Haryana's Area & Population in 1966 Districts Area Males Female Populatio Density s (so. km) Hisar n (people/k m)

13,891 8,27,65 7,12,85 15,40,50 111 8 0 8

Rohtak

6,040 7,51,22 6,69,16 14,20,39 235 5 6 1

Gurgaon

6,086 6,59,43 5,81,27 12,40,76 204 2 4 0

Kamal

7,964 8,04,76 6,85,66 14,90,43 187 9 1 0

Ambala

3,702 4,85,11 4,00,67 8,85,785 231

0 Jind

2,712 2,50,65 2,14,22 4,64,873 164 3 0

Mahendergarh 3,474 Totals

2,83,95 2,63,90 5,47,850 158 0 0 35,27,746 173

43,689 40,62,797 75.90,543

Source: Haryana-oniine.com Table No. 2:2 Basic Information about the State Date of Establishment Capital Area Area under Forest No. of Districts Largest City Latitude i i Longitude Altitude Population (2001) . [Population Density Male population ! Female population !Sex Ratio j 477/km 11,327,658 9,755,331 861 74 deg 28' to 77 deg 36' Varies from 700 to 3600 ft above Sea Level 21,082,989 01.11.1966 Chandigarh 44,212 sq. Km 1,553 km2 21 Faridabad 27 deg 37' to30deg35'

j Literacy Rate i Per Capita Income

68.59

Rs 15,721 (2003)

Per Capita Income (03- Rs 57621 04) Religion Hindus 78 percent, Sikhs 18 percent, Muslims 4 percent Official language(s) Urbanization Ratio Time zone Temperature i ^Average Rainfall i [National Highways i Source: http://www.haryana-online.com/History/history_ 1966-.htm Haryana was finally carved out on the linguistic basis after bifurcation of Punjab state on V [ November 1966 under the State Reorganization Act of 1956. The Hindi- speaking eastern region of Punjab state was declared as Haryana Prant and Punjabi speaking western portion remained as Punjab. Chandigarh has been declared as Union Territory and the capital of both the states. Although Kharar tehsil and Chandigarh was given to Haryana by Shah Commission, constituted to demarcate the boundaries of Punjab and Haryana. But, the than Prime Minister under pressure from Akali leaders who were not ready for the transfer of Chandigarh to Haryana was declared the joint capital of both the states. Again under pressure of Akali leaders according to Indira Gandhi Award, Chandigarh was rewarded to Punjab and Abhohar and Fazilka to be transferred to Haryana .Chandigarh was due for transfer to state of Punjab in 1986, according to Rajiv-Longowal Accord, but the transfer has been delayed, and pending. On the basis of the agreement, the parts of the Hindi speaking areas of Abohar and 656 km 455 mm (annually) Hariyanvi, Hindi. Punjabi and English 29 percent 1ST (UTC+5:30) Max 47 C; Min 5 C to 9 C

Fazilka which are currently the parts of Ferozpur district of Punjab to be transferred in Haryana in lieu of Chandigarh.9 The issue of capital was left unsettled by the union government in a way, which still continues as a bone of contention between both the states. Many commissions, awards and Punjab Accord followed by three commissions have proved almost futile to sort out the problem. Economy Haryana's economy has a significant agrarian component. Haryana is one of the largest contributors to the food grains pool of the central government. Cotton, sugarcane and oilseeds are the main commercial crops which have triggered the pace of growth of a number of agro-based industries. It is basically an agricultural state and about 70 percent of its total population depends upon agriculture for their living. State being a beneficiary of green revolution process of late 1960s is self-sufficient in food grains production and has taken a big lead over most other states in agricultural production especially of food grains as it contributes to the central pool 40 to 45 lacs tones every year, which is the second largest in the country.18 Its 73.9 percent of the net sown area is under irrigation. About 86 percent of the total geographical area of the state is cultivable, and out of which 96 percent has already been brought under plough. The cropping intensity in the state is nearly 170 percent.19 Haryana has Asia's biggest Agricultural University, known as Chaudhary Charan Singh Haryana Agricultural University (HAU) at Hisar. The institute has made immense contribution for the advent of 'Green Revolution'. Haryana, along with Punjab being called the 'Grain Bowl' of India." The major crops of Haryana are wheat, rice, sugarcane, cotton, oilseeds, gram, barley, com and millet. There are two main types of crops in Haryana, known as: Rabi and Kharif. The major Kharif crops of Haryana include rice, jowar, bajra, maize, cotton, jute, sugarcane, sesame and groundnut. For kharif crops the ground is prepared in April and May and the seeds are sown at the beginning of rains in June and harvested by the beginning of November. The major Rabi crops include wheat, tobacco gram, linseed, rapeseed and mustard. The ground for these crops being prepared by the end of October or the beginning of November and the crops are harvested by March

Irrigation There is a network of canals and an effective lift irrigation system for the arid areas of the state. About 75 percent of the total cultivated area in the state is being irrigated, wherein the lube wells or pumping sets contributes for about 50 percent. Canals are the lifeline of Haryana agriculture.22 Western Yamuna canal is the main irrigation canal of Haryana, which irrigates the areas falling in districts of Kurukshetra, Karnal, Jind, Sonipat and Rohtak. Besides, Gurgaon canal from the river Yamuna irrigate parts of Gurgaon and Faridabad districts. Further, the districts of Bhiwani and Mahendergarh are irrigated by the Jui, Bhiwani and the Jawaharla! Nehru canals. The Bhakra canal from the river Sutlej irrigates the districts of Hisar and Sirsa. The total area which is irrigated by canal water is 21.40 lakh hectares.2'Irrigation facilities in tbe state have been amplified by the government while providing subsidies on minor irrigation works. The number of tube wells and pumping sets has also increased; besides, sprinkler irrigation system has also been encouraged.24 Dairy Farming Dairy fanning forms an essential part of Haryana's rural economy. Haryana has been known as the 'milk pail' of India. Dairy products are a major part of the routine diet of Haryana's people. Animal husbandry is an integral constituent of diversified agriculture. In the state, a vast network of milk producer's societies has been set up in order to provide farmers a good price for their dairy products and to help them in marketing. About 1500 milk societies are currently working along with seven milk plants in the co-operative sector situated in Jind, Bhiwani, Ambala, Rohtak, Hisar, Ballabhgarh and Sirsa. Asia's best dairy research institute known as the National Dairy Research Institute (NDRI) is in Karnal and which has been upgraded to the status of 'Deemed University'. " Haryana is the habitat of the world famous 'Murrah' buffaloes. Buffaloes constitute 45 percent of the total livestock and contribute for 80.5 percent of the total milk production. Further the new breeds of 'Haryana' cow and 'Murrah' buffaloes are being developed by NDRI, Karnal and Central Institute for Research on Buffaloes, Hisar. Besides, the horticulture and vegetable farming are also being encouraged. According to 2001 census the state has shown a marked trend towards urbanization as tiie percentage of urban population has gone up to 29 percent by 2001, which was

24.6 percent in 1991. Faridabad is the most urbanized district whereas Mahendergarh is least urbanized. But this growing urbanization does not have much effect on the politics. The urbanization in Haryana is more a result of its proximity to national capital of Delhi and less to the autonomous process or internal economic growth as in Gujarat and Maharashtra. Haryana has two industrial towns of Gurgaon and Faridabad. The proximity of Flaryana to international airport, the four national highways passing through the state and the modern infrastructure available at the industrial estates contributes to make Haryana the first choice of entrepreneurs for their development projects .One third of state's area falls under the national capital region and even the farthest spot in Haryana is only 7 hours drive from capital. With its rapidly increasing population, Delhi has become a major consumption canter of industrial products coming from Flaryana. Haryana's economy is developing at a very fast pace. The structural composition of state economy has witnessed significant changes since the formation of Haryana as a separate state. There has been a considerable improvement in manufacturing sector which occupies the second important place in its economy after agriculture and allied sector." With 1.4 percent of the total area and less than 2 percent of the country's population, Haryana is one of the leading states in terms of per capita income.** Haryana's economy is constantly gaining strength and heading towards new heights of development. The structural composition of state economy has witnessed significant changes. Since its inception, there has been a considerable improvement in manufacturing sector which constitute the second important component of the state economy after agriculture and allied sector. Haryana has become one of the three most progressive states of India with an impressive track of achievements in the field of agriculture, business, tourism, information technology, automobile industry and overall development. Though it is a small state in geographical terms, and its compact size has also contributed in its development. The state has experienced sharp economic advancement, through development of agriculture; industries, trade and creation of good infrastructure. Its achievements in the industrial sector have also been quite exceptional during the four decades of its inception. The number of large, medium and small scale industries has gone up rapidly. Haryana produces more than 75 percent of total number of passenger cars, 50 percent of tractors and 60 percent of motor cycles manufactured in the country. Besides, it also introduces more than 30 percent of

refrigerators and 25 percent of bicycles and sanitary-wares manufactured in the country annually. The state also ranks first in all-over India regarding the production of passenger cars, motor cycles, tractors, sanitary wares, GI pipes, gas stoves and scientific instruments. Further, Haryana has been able to attract sizable investment from multinational companies, large business houses, foreign investors, non-resident Indians (NRIs) etc. The state already has more than 530 projects with foreign technical/financial collaborations. To mention only a few Maruti Udyog, Escorts, Hero Honda, Alcatel, Sony India, Whirlpool India, Proagro PGS India, Bharti Telecom, Perfetti India, TDT Copper, Carrier Aircon etc. Some major units in the public sector are HMT Ltd., National Fertilizers Ltd., Bharat Electronics Ltd., IDPL, among others. Since the beginning of economic liberalization and de-licensing policy of government of India during 1991, as many as 2313 industrial entrepreneur memorandums (IEMs) have been filed for setting up of industrial units in Haryana. Haryana is at sixth place in the country regarding filing of IEMs. Only five states namely Maharashtra, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh which are very big in size and have plenty of natural resources are ahead of Haryana. The percentage of implementation of IEMs in Haryana is about 48 per cent against an all India average of about 35 per cent.

Social Demography The state does not have a history of either caste-wars or any serious communal conflicts especially the rural population in particular never has been engrossed in communal violence. Similarly, caste conflicts also have never been very well-defined in the state.
29

Majority

population of the state is rural and the society is caste-ridden. Hie state population consists of two categories in terms of caste and class composition. Further, in class composition, we have the agricultural and non-agricultural divide. In terms of social demography the agriculturalist castes constitute the largest groups in Haryana society, as it comprises about 55 per cent of its total population. The Hindu Jats are the largest caste in this segment. They constitute more than 20 per cent of the population of the state. Other major castes according to Census 2001 in this group are: Ahirs five per cent, Gujjars three per cent, and Rajputs four

per cent. Of the non-agriculturist castes, Punjabis are also in considerable strength. Punjabis, the so called refugees, who migrated from Pakistan due to communal tension at the time of partition, constitute a major chunk of urban population. They are seven per cent of total population and are too perceived as a caste group of the non- agriculturist cases. Punjabis are also in considerable strength.31 Besides, as per the 1991 Census, the state has 5.8 per cent Sikh population. The total Sikh population in the state is 11, 70,662 as per 2001 Census, including 6, 18,558 men and 5, 52,104 women, and is largely concentrated in areas contiguous to Punjab. The Sikh population lived mainly in Dabwali, Rori, Ellenabad, Sirsa, Ratia, Fatehabad, Safidon, Jundla, Jagadhari, Yamunanagar, Sahabad, Pchowa, Naggal, Ghula, Assandh, Ambala City, Naraingarh, Nilokheri, Tohana, Kalayat, Indri and Thanesar. Political observers believe that Sikhs in the state are largely divided in to two groupsthe older lot which is anti-Congress and therefore pro-lNLD and the younger generation that is willing to go with anyone who helps in the creation of a separate Gurudwara Management Committee in the state.32 Further, according to the 1991 Census, the state has 4.6 per cent Muslim population. However, majority of them lived in southern Haryana popularly known as Mewat. Major source of their income is agriculture and they are mainly cultivating peasants. In the Mewat region Meos are the dominant community.33 Hathin, Touru, Ferozepur Zirka and Nuh assembly constituencies are Meo dominated constituencies located in the close vicinity of Delhi. Some Muslim presence is also found in Chhachharuii assembly constituency of Yamunanagar district along with Panipat district.34 In addition, 51.62 per cent of total Muslim population in Haryana found residing in Gurgaon district alone which accounts for 34.40 per cent of the total population of the istrict. Further, 19.68 per cent of them residing in Faridabad which is 10.17 per cent of the total population of the district. In caste terms, the scheduled castes constituted 19.75 per cent of the total population in Haryana as per 1991 census. 37 castes come under the category of SCs in Haryana and Chamars are the most numerous, Balmikis, Dhanaks, Mazhabi and Khatiks are the other constituent groups in the category. It has been observed that Chamars among SCs in Haryana dominate the scene because they have captured the number of seats in state assemblies. Their numerical strength, benefits drawn from government affirmative action and the subsequent better economic condition allowed them access to modem education and opportunities for mobilization and politicization.

Political Geography
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Territory wise Iiaryana is a small state. For administrative purposes, the state is divided into four divisions-Ambala, Rohtak, Gurgaon and Hisar and 47 sub-divisions. There are 21 districts, 70 tehsils, 43 sub-tehsils, 119 blocks, 81 cities, 94 towns and 6764 villages. Haryana is a landlocked state of north India and is surrounded by Uttar Pradesh (UP) from eastern side, by Punjab on its western side. Besides, Uttranchal, Flimachal Pradesh and Shivalik hills on located its northern side along with Delhi. Rajasthan and Aravali hills on its southern side. The 1,553 sq km of its area is covered by forest. Geographically Haryana has four key features namely: Shivalik hills are located to the northeast of the state and are source of the rivers like Saraswati, Ghaggar, Tangri and Markanda. Ghaggar Yamuna plains are divided in 2 parts - the higher one is called 'Bangar' and the lower one is called 'Khadcir'. These plains constitute the largest part of the state. Semi-desert sandy plains are located in the southwest of the state and comprises the districts of Sirsa and parts of Hisar, Mahendergarh, Fatehabad, Bhiwani and also shared border with Rajasthan. 4. Aravali hills are located in the south of the state. The state has 15 parliamentary seats namely 10 Lok Sabha and five Rajya Sabha along with 90 assembly constituencies. Out of which 2 Lok Sabha and 17 assembly constituencies are reserved for SCs. Earlier the state used to have nine parliamentary and 81 assembly constituencies but their number was raised to the current level by the Delimitation Order of 1976.

Assembly Seats: Lok Sabha Seats: Rajya Sabha Seats:

90 10 5

Table No.2:3 Assembly Constituencies 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Kalka Panchkula Naraingarh Ambala Cantonment Ambala City Mullana(SC) Sadhaura(SC) Jagadhri Yamunanagar Radaur Ladwa Shahabad (SC) Thanesar Pehowa Guhla(SC) Kalayat(SC) Kaithal Pundri Nilokheri(SC) Indri Karnal Gharaunda Assandh Panipat (Rural) Panipat city 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 Ellenabad(SC) Adampur Uklana(SC) Narnaund Hansi Barwala Hisar Nalwa Loharu Bhadra Dadri Bhiwani Tosham Bawani Khera(SC) Meham Garhi-Sampla -Kiloi Rohtak Kalanaur(SC) Bahadurgarh Badli Jhajjar (SC) Beri Ateli Mahendergarh Narnaul

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

Isharana (SC) Samaikha Ganaur Rai Kharkauda (SC) Sonipat Gohana Baroda Julana Safidon Jind Uchana Kalan Narwana(SC) Tohana Fatehabad Ratia(SC) Kalanwali(SC) Dabwali Rania Sirsa

71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90

Nangal Chudnry Bawal(SC) Kosli Rewari Pataudi(SC) Badshapur Gurgaon Sohna Nuh Ferozpur Jhirka Punhana Hathin Hodal (SC) Palwal Prithla Faribad NIT Badkhal Ballabhgarh Faridabad Tigon

Source: Haryana-online.com

Table No. 2:4 Lok Sabha Constituencies36 Ambala Kurukshetra Karnal Sonepat Rohtak Source: Haryana-online.com Regional Division of the State In Haryana, it is difficult to divide the entire state into geographically contiguous and politically meaningful regions. So, the administrative regions have been used to analyze the patterns of voting behaviour by the scholars. Haryana has 21 districts and four administrative regions and roughly five electoral belts. Mewat is 20lh district of Haryana, which was created from Gurgaon on 4th April 2005 in Haryana. It is bounded by Gurgaon on the North, Rewari on the West and Faridabad on the East. Mewat is populated by the Meo an agriculturalist caste. Palwal became 21sl district of Haryana which was a part of Faridabad district and earlier of Gurgaon district. Palwal has been declared 21st district of Haryana on 30th march 2008. Four administrative regions are as following: 1. 2. 3. 4. Rohtak Ambala Hisar Gurgaon Faridabad Mahendragarh-Bhiwani Gurgaon Hisar Sirsa

1. Rohtak Region - Jat Beit:- This region or division consists of Rohtak, Sonipat, Panipat, Karnal and Jhajjar (Jatland) districts. 2. Ambala Region i.e. Urban Region: - This region or division consists of Ambala, Kurukshetra, Panchkula, Yamunanagar and Kaithal districts. The second belt or

administrative region consists of the advanced areas along with grand trunk road(GT road) from Ambala to Faridabad, parts of Karnal. In terms of caste configuration it consists of Banias, Brahmins, Rors, Ahirs, Sikhs and refugees from Panjab (Pakistan).37 3. Hisar Region:- This region or division consists of Hisar, Bhiwani, Fatehabad, Jind and Sirsa districts. The third belt or administrative region known as Mewat in which As we would see, all these/clusters /Zones/electoral belts /administrative regions differs from each other in/6ne way or another in terms of electoral politics, although the complete compartmqntalization is not possible.

Haryana politics has certain peculiar characteristic features. During four decades of its electoral history, the state has not been able to develop the attributes of a coherent party system. In Haryana, be it the electorate or the politicians, nobody seems committed to a particular party. The electorates of the state lack a developed political culture in terms of their political choices and affiliations to different political parties/9 It's not the ideology which is important for their political alignments but the personality cult along with caste cleavage, rural urban divide and so on. Lack of a Coherent Party System The state has not experienced a stable party competition and a long term or stable alignment of voters to their particular parties, despite the high rate of electoral participation. Congress has been perceived as a weak force in the region especially during pre-independence period. However, Congress has ruled the state more than any other party. Flaryana has witnessed 12 legislative assembly elections. Congress has

Voting percentage in the state has always been higher than national average. The Peculiarities of the state party system in Haryana The most significant peculiar feature of Haryana party-system is the gxtra-^arty alliances that reflect the importance of Informal alliances.

There are some other peculiar features of the party system in Haryana: The organisational structure of all the political parties has been weak. Haryana has a non-ideological and pragmatic party system because except the BJP, no party has been ideology based in Haryana. Political parties are personality based The Congress means Hooda, INCO stands for Chautala and the HJHC for Kuldeep Bishnoi. Only BJP is not a personality based party. Political Families are very significant in the party system of Haryana. It is Hooda family in Congress, Chautala family in INCO and Bhajan Lai family in HJHC. Earlier it was Bansi Lai Family in HVP. Factionalism is an important feature of all the political parties of the state. Congress has Hooda, Birender Singh, Shailja and Rao Inderjit Singh factions. BJP hai in also faction ridden. Both National Parties Cong, and BJP are not autonomous in taking decisions. Whenever Cong, wins majority, the leadership issue is decided by High Command. Even the BJP unit is very weak. All major issues are decided by the Central unit of the parties. Monoculture political system in which all the power are concentrated into the hands and the Chief Minister and the members of his family. These peculiarities of the party system of the state have to be understood in the context of its historial, geographical, social, cultural, economic and political milieu. However, the 'Green Revolution' has not been entirely without its quota of problems, while it has helped in attaining self-sufficiency in food grains, it has not been able to bring about arrv desirable changes in the socioeconomic and political power structure in the countryside. Socio-economic inequalities still persist. The hope that with modernization and development there would take place a steady and rationalisation of policies and that the new identities would gradually take the place of caste dropped Devi LaFs main supporters Chand Ram and Mani Ram Godhara from his Cabinet. Politics of defections ultimately led to the imposition of President Rule on 22nd November 1967 as a result of dismissal of Rao's government

The game of defections was there to stay. During mid-term assembly elections of 1968, Congress again won the elections. But that time Congress high command appointed a relatively new Jat leader Bansi Lai as the new chief minister. B.D. Sharma along with his 15 supporters defected from Bansi Lai led government, which forced him to form a large size Cabinet.46 Besides, in 1977, when Janata party won with a landslide majority, the chief minister Devi Lai was asked twice to seek the vote of confidence.47 Above all, during 1980, Haryana state politics set new paradigms to defection phenomenon of electoral politics due to overnight defection of Bhajan Lai led Janata party government to Congress party which converted the Janata ministry into Congress ministry . Even during February 2005 and 2009 assembly polls, factionalism was on the forefront especially in Congress. Every district was having its own chief ministerial candidate. After 2009 assembly polls five of the six PIJC MLAs defected to Congress unconditionally and helped it to form government on its own48. The politics of "Aya Ram and Gaya Ram' was initially seen as corrupt practice and mere electoral opportunism for gaining office. In the opinion of the defectors, this was in fact not mere opportunism, but the course of electoral politics taking its natural shape in Haryana politics. And there seemed nothing wrong in it, if everybody wanted its share in political cake in tenns of representation especially in Haryana. Caste cleavage is a dominant factor in the politics of Haryana, which is comparable with Bihar . The main influences have always been of personality, caste and military service along with the sense of class-consciousness on the people, due to its being essentially a land of soldiers."' These influences can be explained in terms of their alignments with army and the importance attached to the caste in recruitment process. Jats and Ahirs have provided excellent soldiers and have developed a respect for strong/macho personality and caste solidarity. Despite being middle in the Varna system or caste hierarchy the Jats would qualify as the dominant caste as they are numerically strong and are land owners. Caste factor plays such an important role in the politics of the state. The same can also explain the reason why Mrs. Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin does not hold much importance for them because according to them "Jat Ke Aye To Jatni Ho Gayi'Y means that when a women get married to men belonging to a particular caste she ultimately becomes a member of that particular caste irrespective of her own caste or community before the marriage. Caste configurations have always played a key role in dictating and defining Haryana politics. Right from ticket distribution to casting of crew for canvassing to allocation of

portfolios, caste patterns have defined the designs of political masters. Besides, there have been cleavages like rural -urban, agricultural and non-agricultural and Jat versus non- Jat which are part and parcel of a broader process known as electoral politics process. Although these cleavages are no more as important as they were dufring the initial years of its politics. These days performance and good governance are also being taken into consideration both by parties and electorates. Agricultural and Non-Agricultural Divide The caste groups in Haryana consist of non-agriculturist high castes, the agriculturist castes, Backward Castes (BCs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs). The non-agriculturist high castes include Banias, Khatris and Aroras, which are mostly urban trading castes. These have been supporting either Congress or BJP and always opposed INLD and its incarnations considering it as a party of the rural based agriculturist castes in general and of Jats in particular. In Haryana most of the Brahmins are rural based peasants but they have been counted among non-agriculturist castes. A common saying in Haryana. further with the spread of Arya Samaj Movement among Jats. Because of this absence of upper caste dominance, the Mandal/Non-Mandal line is not drawn very sharply in the politics of the state. Finally, dalit population is not concentrated in one particular region. They are scattered all over the state. Dalits an not united in this context. Significance of the Caste: Next to Bihar caste exercise the single most important influence on politics of Haryana. Politics of Haryana has always been dominated by middle level dominant peasant castes, especially the Jats. Jats constitute majority of the total population in the state they are largest owners of agricultural land. All the chief ministers, except two, of Haryana hailed from this caste. Jats are numerically, large, economically strong, culturally confident and politically most powerful. Caste is the real player which determines the electoral behavior of the people. There is a local saying, "Jat ki Beti Jat Ko, Jat ka Vote Jat Ko", which reflects the psyche of Haryana's people. Caste considerations are very strong and are deeply rooted. Political organization are formed around the major castes.

Among the rural based agriculturist castes the Jats constitute about one fifth of the total population and is the major caste. Jats have been mobilized by Sir Chhotu Ram against Congress and in favour of Unionist party. Traditionally Jats perceived Congress as anti-rural, anti-agriculturist and anti- Jats party as well as pro-urban, high caste, backward castes and scheduled castes party on the other side. Out of the remaining agriculturist castes the Gujjars, Kambojs, Sainis, Rors and Rajputs have usually supported the Lok Dal due to the same reasons except when the Congress field a candidate belonging to these castes. Besides, Ahirs and Bishnois are the other agriculturist castes. Ahirs have been voting for Congress since the merger of Vishal Haryana Party in Congress in 1978. The Bishnois have been voting for Congress since 1980 after the defection of their leader Bhajan Lai into Congress from Janata party as he had been successful in projecting himself as a leader of non-Jats and served as chief minister from 1979 to 1986 and 1991 to 1996. Now they have his HJC (BL) to support. In agrarian socio economic environment of Punjab and Haryana, the socio -political and cultural trends were determined and decided by peasant land owning classes commonly known as Zamindars .The word Zamindar in Punjab and Haryana implies for any land owner however small even as the term in its literal meaning connotes the owners of very large estate. "The British administrators provided a constitutional basis for this usage and also enlarged the scope of its definition in 1900 by the enactment of the Punjab Alienation of Land Act which created 'statutory casteism' by designating certain castes as 'agricultural tribes', with the result, that the word Zamindar also came to stand for a member of any statutory caste."54 In this region, these Zamindars comprised of the Jats, Rajputs, Pathans, Sayyeds, Gujjars, Ahirs, Bilochs, Rors, Moghals, Malis, Togas, Sainis, Chauhans, Arains, Gaud Brahmins and Qureshis.55 I he agricultural and non-agricultural divide is mainly seen as a contribution or legacy of Sir Chhotu Ram
36

and the party led by him namely the Unionist Party, which mobilized

peasantry. That is why the agriculturist castes especially Jats and Ahirs for long remained anti-Congress. Initially peasant castes (especially the Jats) have been led by the Sir Chhotu Ram through Unionist Party. After reorganization of state, these peasant castes initially supported the Congress because they lacked in terms of a viable alternative. After the emergence of Lok Dal during 80's and its leader Chaudhary Devi Lai in context of protest against Rajiv- Longowal Accord through Haryana Sangarsh Samiti in the name of Nyaya

Yudh , the peasant castes got an alternative and start supporting it which led the decline of Congress. In Haryana, almost every caste has its own set pattern of voting behaviour and political affiliations. A good example can be the slogan "Jat Ke Beti Jat Ko and Jat Ka Vote Jat Ko" signifies that a voter in Haryana is first a member of a particular caste than anything else. It has been observed that the dominance of agriculturist castes elite in power structure of the state since its inception and even before could be attributed to their economic power, numerical strength, demographic distribution, political awareness and social status in rural caste hierarchy. Consequently, their dominant position in village sociai power structure has bestowed them with the capacity to exert influence upon the decision-making process to promote their own interests. Dominance of middle class peasantry has remained a distinct feature of politics of Haryana. Peasant classes have always been dominant in the state. Caste configuration always has played an important role in politics of India. Before 1967. upper castes have dominated the Indian political scene. After 1967 there were middle classes / castes but during the decade of 1990s and onwards it's the turn of lower castes which have assumed the central role and now it is common scenario in politics of India both at national level as well as state level. But when one talks about the politics of Haryana, caste configuration here represents a different kind of compilation. In the state there are no sharp lines between upper castes and lower middle castes unlike the other Hindi speaking north Indian states. The politics of state is never characterized by upper caste dominance of Brahmins and Rajputs. Due to socio-economic reasons there have been conflicts between Brahmins and peasant castes (especially Jats) as none of them were ready to accept the superiority or dominance of each other.^ Besides, whatever status the Brahmins enjoyed earlier went down further with the spread of Arya Samaj Movement especially among Jats during 1920s, which took them away from Brahminical roots. This particular aspect can explain for the weak basis of Brahmanical ideology and less appeal for ihe ideology of BJP to people of Haryana. The BJP or its earlier incarnation Bharatiya Jan Sangh have always been viewed as a parry of upper caste urban Hindus and that explains as to why the party finds itself unable to expand its base in the state despite the fact that majority population of Haryana is Hindu. The Mandir factor has also never worked in the state. Haryana remained unaffected even during early 1990"s when there was a pro- BJP wave in Hindu Heartland. Rath Yatra undertaken by BJP

related to Ram Janambhumi issue did not appeal to the people of Haryana. BJP is seen as a National party in Haryana and it needs to be regionalized in order to expand itself. Agriculturist castes have adopted the strategy of entering different political parties in general and Congress in particular, which have enabled them to gain dominance in power structure. It has been further observed that these castes during pre- reorganization period happened to be satisfied with one or two seats in Punjab government/cabinet have started struggling 10 attain number one position in every sphere especially alter the formation of state. In fact, the political game of' Aya Ram- Gaya Ram' along with drama of defections and counter defections can be explained in the light of this struggle of caste forces to occupy maximum share of political power. The agriculturist versus non-agriculturist castes divide for a considerable period of time was a major poll plank in Haryana politics. Due to emergence of inter-caste contradiction, however, it has lost its salience. Jats versus non-Jats divide has become more important. However, agriculturist versus non-agriculturist divide continues to influence Haryana politics to some extent due to shared common economic interests of agriculturist castes as peasants. Dominance of Jats as Dominant Caste Jats are the most dominant caste in the state. The community is scattered throughout the state but the main concentration is in districts of Hisar, Rohtak and Kaithal -the area referred as Jatland. Jats are politically dominant and the dominance is established mainly due to the ownership of land. The concept of Dominant caste illustrated by M.N. Srinivas60 suits well to the Jats of Haryana in the given context, as they are not only numerically and economically stronger than any other caste and also live up to another criterion of the dominance i.e. position in the social hierarchy as they do not correspond to a low ritual status. As for their numerical strength, Jats constitute about 20 percent of total population and also are the largest owner of the agricultural land. This caste has provided the state with maximum number of the chief ministers and MLA's. Besides, they are the biggest beneficiaries of the Green Revolution and implementation of the land reforms. In Punjab and Haryana which are mainly the agrarian states the category of dominant caste is being seen in relation to the amount of agricultural land possessed by a particular community. The other peasant lower ranked castes were "seen in relation of servitude to the land owning

Jats who were the single largest receivers of services from the other castes. Although the social status of Jats is difficult to determine in terms of Verna system or caste hierarchy as they are not considered the twice born castes. Among the peasant classes, Jats used to determine the contours of socioeconomic cultural and political life especially in rural Haryana .However, situation now has changed to a great extent. The respective caste strength of the major agricultural and non-agricultural castes according to the 1931 census was as follows: Table No. 2:5 Numerical Strength of different Castes in various Districts of Haryana in Terms of Percentage Population of the Total Population in 1931 District Hisar Rohtak Gurgaon Karnal Ambala Jat 28.48 36.80 11.45 15.20 16.28 Rajput 16.82 7.10 6.72 13.22 10.81 Chamar Brahmin Bania 9.55 9.15 12.73 9.00 11.48 5.62 9.67 7.95 8.58 5.57 7.46 5.95 4.38 6.32 2.24 Meo 0.07 0.02 19.54 0.08 0.29 Ahir 1.36 2.68 12.80 0.27 0.24

Source: Prem Chaudhary, Veiled Women: Shifting Gender Equations in Haryana, 1880-1990, OUP. The table demonstrates that Jats constituted the single largest caste group in Haryana region as a whole except one district i.e. Gurgaon which is a Meo and Ahir (both peasant Castes) dominated region. The peasant landless or small land holding castes have an allegiance to Jats except Rajputs who have followed different social ethos in social and economic relationships.63

Table No. 2:6 The Caste-Wise Break up of the Village Proprietorship for the Districts of Rohtak, Karnal and Hisar Hisar Rohtak Total of Three Karnal Percentage Caste Districts Rajputs (Hindu) Rajputs (Muslim) Christian Brahmins Banias Ruchadas Pathans Sayyads Bishnois Sheikhs

Miscellaneous Source: Prem Chaudhary, Veiled Women: Shifting Gender Equations in Haryana,! 880-1990, OUP. The table shows the categorization of different districts of Haryana according to the caste of majority of proprietors. The table depicts the caste-wise break-up of the village proprietorship for the districts Rohtak, Karnal and Hisar whereas the record of Gurgaon and Ambala is not specified. Prem Chaudhary has provided Tehsil -wise data for Gurgaon (for 1903-1909) regarding proprietorship of different caste group's. The Ahirs were predominant in Rewari. Jats in Palwal, Meos in Nuh and Firozpur Zirka. Rajputs were scattered all over Gurgaon with more concentration in Rewari, Nuh and Palwal.64 Regarding Ambala district, tehsils of Ropar and Kharar were under the dominance of Jat proprietorship and in tehsils of Jagadhari and Pipli, Rajputs owned about l/4th of land. Besides, the land owned by Gujjars, Sayyads, Brahmins and others spread all over the region. In Ambala and Gurgaon districts, there were two or three large agricultural groups in tehsils and villages but they did not enjoy over-all dominance throughout the district. In Haryana, the socio-religious superiority of Brahmins did not exist as they were not as strong in Haryana as they were in other regions of India. The caste system in Haryana and Punjab is very complex. Peasantry especially the Jats perceive themselves as occupying the position of a giver, the one who provides grain to other communities and does not render any service in return.66 It was in this backdrop that middle class peasantry rejected to accept the Brahmanical superiority and project and perceive themselves as superior than every caste in the village hierarchy. Due to the weak position of Brahmins and the subsequent lesser influence of Brahmanical Hinduism,67 the socio-cultural ethos in the state created ample space for the evolution of its own kind in terms of its socio-cultural norms, practices and attitudes which were different from other regions of the country. The relatively weak status of Brahmins thus explains in a way predominance of the peasant castes like Jats. The remark in 1901 census that "there is no caste above Jat" retains its significance in rural Haryana even now. Such unique position enjoyed by a single caste i.e. Jats defined and shaped the attitudes and patterns practiced in rural Haryana. The customs (hegemony) followed by dominant castes has been adopted by almost all the castes and have acquired the

acceptance and projection of being the customary practices of the region. Although there existed and continues to exist the difference of attitudes as dominant peasant culture was not a homogeneous one. A combination of factors like landownership, relative prosperity and the extensive political mobilization in the pre-independence period helped the peasantry in general and Jats in particular in emerging as the part of ruling elite. Zamindars in common parlance in the state again are a very wide category consisting different peasant castes. These peasant castes namely Rors, Ahirs, Gujjars have a status equality (roti-beti ka rista)70 in the sense that they eat and smoke collectively. Thus, such ethos prevalent in the social set up of the state has created a distinctive dominant peasant culture. The acceptance of this culture as popular culture has accorded it a dominant position. Table No. 2:7 Caste Profile of Chief Ministers of Haryana Name B.D.Sharma Party INC Tenure I .11.1966 1967 Rao Singh Bansi Lai Banarsi Gupta Devi Lai Bhajan Lai Bansi Lai Devi Lai O.P. Chautala B.D.Gupta O.P. Chautaia Hukum Singh O.P. Chautala Bhajan Lai Bansi Lai JP JP INC 22.6.1977-28.6.1979 29.6.1979-5.7.1985 5.7.1985-19.6.1987 JAT BISHNOl JAT JAT JAT BANIA JAT JAT JAT BISHNOl JAT INC Das INC 22.5.1968-30.1 1.1975 J AT 1.12.1975-30.4.1977 BANIA Birender VHP Caste - 23.3. BRAHMI N

24.3.1967- 20.11.1967 AHIR

LOK DAL 17:7.1987-2.12.1989 JD JD JD JD JP INC HVP 2.12.1989-22.5.1990 22.5.1990-12.7.1990 12.7.1990-17.7.1990 17.7.1990-2.3.1991 22.3.1991-6.4.1991 23.7.1991-9.5.1996 1 1.5.1996-23.7.1999

O.P. Chautala B.S.Hooda B.S. Hooda

INLD INC INC

24.7.1999-5.3.2005 5.3.2005-2009 5.3.2009 onwards

JAT JAT JAT

Source: Vivek Yadav, (2003),'Haryana: Social Coalitions, Political Strategies, Journal of Indian Electoral politics in Haryana has remained centred around the slogans of agricultural versus non-agricultural and Jats versus non-Jats. While the Jats can take pride in stalwarts like Sir Chhotu Ram, Ch.Devi Lai and Bansi Lai and the only non-Jat who stands up to their stature is the three time Chief Minister Bhajan Lai. 0 P Chautala and now Bhupinder Singh Hooda are the leaders of second generation. During 4 decadcs of electoral politics, non-Jat chief ministers of the state hardly have completed their term, Bhajan Lai being a significant exception who remained the chief minister for 11 years despite coming from a small community of Bishnois, primarily confined to some pockets in Hisar, Fatehabad and Sirsa. Bhajan Lai was successful in cashing on an anti-Jat sentiments and rallying non-Jats around him. No surprise then that he and his family have won from Adampur segment repeatedly despite Jats being the dominant caste in Hisar. Besides, after Bansi Lai, B.S. Hooda is the only chief Minister holding the office for the second consecutive term. The significance of caste as a determinant factor in the electoral choice makes it imperative for parties to assess caste patterns before deciding a candidate. Aware of the factor caste groups drive a hard bargain.'1 Then there are sub-caste khaps who wield a lot of influence among the Jats and voting patterns hence have a bearing on electoral decisions. Not surprising, there are a sizeable number of assembly seats that see a particular community getting tickets in elections after elections. For instance, in 73 general category assembly constituencies in the state, the Jats usually have been candidates for all the parties in the fray for 25 to 35 constituency including Pai, Naultha, Kiloi, Meham, Badli, Naggal, Bahadurgarh, Kilana, Badhra, Rohat, Julana, Narwana, Uchhana kalan, Dadri,Tosham, Loharu, Bhattu Kaian, Ghirai,Dharba Kalan and Rori. Ahir candidates have been preferred in Jatusana, Rewari, Ateli, Salhawas and Mahendergarh constituencies. Meo candidates have been put up from Nuh, Ferozpur Jhirka, Taouru and Hathin. The Ror candidates have been contesting

from Nilokheri and Pundri, the Gujjars from Mewla Maharajpur and Samalakha and at times from Narnaul and Sohna as well. The Rajput candidates have been contesting from Gharaunda and at times from Rajaund constituencies whereas the Brahmin candidates have been contesting from Yamunanagar and Bhiwani. The urban constituencies of Jind, Rohtak, Panipat, Sirsa, Karnal, Sonipat Gurgaon and Hansi are normally reserved for Punjabis and Banias. Results buttress the rationale behind caste based distribution of tickets, though there have been exceptions when a minority candidate has scraped through due to division in dominant caste votes or of coming together of sundry minorities.72 There was a time when Jats constituting one fourth of the state's population in the state exploited the number to emerge as a powerful political entity which they continue to be but not solely on the basis of numbers. Haryanavi society, which is highly divided also have certain other divisions too, which defines the politics of the state. Rural-Urban Cleavage Haryanavi society demographically can be broadly categorized as rural and urban. Although, the state is mainly of rural character and only about l/5th of its population lived in urban areas. But the rural-urban divide regarding the political leadership used to be a major political orientation in the state as a legacy of pre-independence days. The urban voters have been supporting both BJP and Congress and the rural voters are divided between Congress and INLD. For the urban voters, INLD is pro- rural party and for rural voters BJP is a pro- urban party. However, Congress is now being perceived as a party which caters to the interests of both urban and rural voters.74 It is difficult to divide the entire state into geographically contiguous and politically meaningful regions. So, while using the constituency level caste break-up of population, scholars of electoral politics to analyze the patterns of voting behaviour have divided the state into four administrative regions. '"' These regions are:-rural - Jat, rural-south, ruralnorth, urban. The first region comprises of 35 assembly constituencies with high concentration, of Jat population. Even though Jats being the most dominant caste of the state were scattered throughout the entire region but their demographic concentration is in the districts of Bhiwani, Jind, Sonipat, Rohtak, Ihajjar and Hisar. The area is popularly known as Jatland.

Apart from this area, several tehsils and villages are being dominated by this caste throughout the state. Traditionally it was known as an anti- Congress bastion.^However, over the years the leadership composition of Congress has changed along with the political thinking and attitude of the people of the region towards the party. Congress is no longer known as the Brahmin -Bania and pro - Urban and pro- upper caste party and so the region is no more seems to be anti- Congress bastion ai least for the ongoing decade. Congress has done well in the state before 1977 than in 1991, again in Lok Sabha polls of 2004 and 2009 and assembly polls of February 2005 and 2009. The majority of Congress can be explained either as a result of anti incumbency, due to misrule of a particular government or the absence of viable alternative. Jatland can be seen as the newly acquired support base of the Congress. Because during pre-independence period Jats have been led by Unionist Party of Sir Chhotu Ram and afterwards by Lok Dal under the leadership of Ch. Devi Lai. This belt although placed centrally in terms of the availability of water and land resources but is very much awakened in terms of political participation and providing leadership to the state since pre-independence days. The second region or rural-south has a high number of Ahirs and Meos with some constituencies having a significant number of other castes like Gujjars. The region popularly known as Ahirwal is dominated by Ahirs or Yadavs which is an agricultural caste. The belt comprises Rewari, Mahendergarh and parts of Gurgaon districts. The Ahirs are the main landowning caste along with the dominant caste of the region, though recently have been declared as a backward caste. The Ahirs of the state have the equal social status as enjoyed by Jats, Gujjars and Meos or the Muslims. The Meo dominated constituencies are located in Faridabad and Gurgaon districts. The region known as Mewat, in which 62 percent of population is composed of Muslims, touches the boundaries of neighbouring states of Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. Their voting choice is determined mainly by their internal factions. Since electoral preferences are prone to change. The Rural-North or the third region consists of 23 assembly constituencies and has a relatively higher concentration of scheduled caste population. In some of the constituencies there is significant number of Sikhs. Besides, there are castes like Rajputs, Rors which are also influential in the region.

The fourth administrative region or urban area consists of the advanced areas along with Grand Trunk Road from Ambala to Faridabad, parts of Kamai. In terms of caste configuration or social demography consists of Banias. Brahmins, Rors, Ahirs, Sikhs and refugees from Panjab (Pakistan). It is traditionally a pro-Congress bastion. In a way all these clusters /Zones/electoral belts /administrative regions differ from each other in one way or another. The quest for power in Haryana is still restricted to those representing the rural elite, even if they are not living in rural areas but their identification still remains with the rural castes and communities. These castes and communities also do not disown them as their leaders. The antagonism between urban and rural population have reduced to great extent these days, which used to be a major electoral plank, on which Sir Chhotu Ram had emerged as an undisputed leader of peasantry in composite Punjab. The reason for the reduced antagonism can be explained in terms of expansion of urban sector and more and more rural masses migrating to the urban areas. The antagonism with time came to be represented by the opposition between the Congress and the Unionist party in Punjab. The Unionist party emerged as a strong political player in the politics of Punjab with its supporters mainly consisted of peasants both big and small. Ch.Chhotu Ram floated the idea of AJGAR, a united force of peasant castes combining Ahirs, Jats, Gujjars and Rajputs. In terms of rural-urban cleavage, state has regional patterns of voting. For instance Congress draws important support from both rural and urban areas but it always draws more support from urban areas as compared to rural areas as its urban vote is always higher by three percent from its rural vote. INLD case is different as along with its noteworthy presence in both urban and rural, it draws more support from the rural areas.84 As far as BJP is concerned, its base is more prominent in urban areas than the rural areas and draws its support mainly from upper castes. Although in Haryana, as mentioned above, there is lack of strong sense of party identification but amongst the available political outfits INLD or Lok Dal is mainly considered pro- rural, pro-Jat, pro-poor party and Jats are considered as its main supporters. The recent trends are somewhat different as a significant segment of Jat community are changing their alignmentsTNLD always gets more support from rural areas.

Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) is essentially a regional political party of the landowning Jats of Haryana in particular and of agricultural castes in general. There was a time when it was presumed in the state that if someone was a 'true jat', he/she always have to be a supporter of the INLD. But if a Jat supported the Congress, there was something wrong with the person. The above mentioned shift was first visible in February 2005 assembly elections. It is important to note that Congress drew its support cutting across the boundaries of caste cleavage, rural - urban and agricultural and non - agricultural divisions. Strong emergence of Bhajan Lai (a Bishnoi), provided Haryana with Jat versus Non Jat divide, who has served the state with his three terms of Chief Ministership. The Congress high command's decision regarding the appointment of jat Chief Ministerial candidate during 2005 and retaining the same in 2009, is the ample proof of the fact that how deterministic role Jat community has been playing in the politics of the state- Besides, Congress does not want to loose its newly acquired support base as the Jatland was traditionally referred as anti-Congress bastion. Absencc of Assertion of Weaker Sections of Society Assertion of dormant identities, which has been a defining feature of Indian politics during the decade of 1990's, is one of the aspect which distinguishes the politics of Haryana especially when compared with its neighbouring states namely Uttar Pradesh and Bihar as it has been absent in the state. Despite the sizeable population of scheduled castes i.e. 19.75, according to Census 1991, they are not dominant in the state, especially when compared with the peasant middle castes. The proportion of SCs in Jhajjar district is about 17.77 per cent. A large majority of them i.e. 82.29 per cent lived in rural areas. When compared with their counterparts elsewhere, fewer Dalits in Haryana have owned land. As compared to the national average of 28.17 per cent only 11.86 per cent of them were registered as cultivators in 1981. By 1991, this figure further came aown to 8.07 percent. Understandably, even those who own land are owners of small and marginal holdings. A large majority of them are landless and work as agricultural labourers. Invariably, they are also indebted to their upper caste employer farmers. Though, older structures of dependency, such as the jajmani system, have declined, but their dependence on the locally dominant castes still has not seen any radical change.

Notwithstanding the overall marginal status of the Dalits population in Haryana, there have been some important changes. The reservation policy has helped some of them to move into secure jobs. At the village level also, their representation in Panchayati Raj Institutions as a result of 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act (1992) has given them a sense of importance. Using these new opportunities, some of them have been able to move out of the villages. However, unlike neighbouring Punjab or Uttar Pradesh, Dalits of Haryana do not have any history of social mobility or political assertion during the pre-independence period. The area around Jhajjar was particularly under-developed until the separate state of Haryana was formed in 1966 there were few opportunities of employment outside the villages. Reformist movements like the Arya Samaj too did virtually nothing for them. IJniike in Punjab where the Arya Samaj is opened schools for Dalit children, the Arya Samaj movement in Haryana almost completely remained a Jat affair. Most of those, who espoused the cause of Arya Samaj in the area, were among the Jat peasantry, who had an experience of working with the Indian army or could get some education/ employment outside the villages. SCs have been considered the vote-bank of Congress for long but the elite of SCs have been persuaded by other political parties too in the recent years. The SCs are not a united force as they are sharply divided and demographically dispersed. Wherever they are in minority, they are prone to atrocities and exploitation of upper castes, especially of peasant castes. No single instance can be explained more nicely the situation than the carnage on October 15, 2002 or Dulina episode in which five Dalits were lynched to death in front of police post. Apart from this incident there has been a series of instances. Ethnic identities are more complex in the state due to stratified nature of caste system with its castes and sub-castes. The group constitutes a sizeable population of the state. Their numerical strength is large enough to exercise considerable political clout and can influence the decision making at various occasions in the political process. However, due to certain socio-economic forces they are not able to do the same. Socially and politically they are marginalized and prone to exploitation and discrimination from so called upper castes especially the middle class peasantry. BSP does not make very much presence in politics of the state and haven't been able to mobilize and protect the interests of Dalits. It lacks strong leadership in the Haryana, which is very important for proper mobilization of these castes. Although, there is Kumari Selja, who

have emerged as a Congress leader the recent past belong to the same community. Even though things have changed over the last four or five decades and it is not easy to take Dalit voters for granted, rural life in most pockets of rural Haryana continues to be visibly Jat dominated. Dalit politics continues to be rather weak in the region. The BSP currently has one MLA (Deputy Speaker) in the state assembly and also had one MLA in the last assembly. Besides in 1998 it was able to get one of its candidates elected to parliament as well. However, the party has been able to perform well only in thos onstituencies where Jat domination is comparatively weak. For example, despite it being a reserved constituency, the performance of BSP has never been noteworthy in Jhajjar or the neighbouring districts which fall in what is locally known as the Jat belt along with other 16 reserved assembly constituencies. And it seems that BSP is more interested in its electoral gains rather than providing a qualitative change to their lives 90 BSP needs to opt for a more rigorous approach. The backward castes here as elsewhere are landless, oppressed and target of attack by the privileged sections of society, aiong with machinery of state. In a way one can say that the state of Haryana has not experienced what Yogendra Yadav calls the second democratic upsurge or the impact of Mandal commission on the politics. The power politics in Haryana has been dominated by certain families. Those who came to dominate the political space in Haryana were mostly the ones who became prominent at the time of advent of Arya Samaj movement in Flaryana and had participated in freedom movement. Although the families of Bansi Lai and Bhajan Lai are the exception as they came into prominence only after the formation of the state.91 The central factor responsible for the rise of these families to political prominence is the caste as all of them except Bhajan Lai belong to Jat community. Besides, all of them came from rural background except Bhagwat Dyal Sharma. Jat hegemony hardly left any space for the upper castes to play any significant role in state, politics. There arise an important question, v/hy could not even a single family of SCs or BCs, the second largest community of the state after Jats, attain the status of a noted family of Haryana, provided there being senior leaders from these communities and some of them being the contemporaries of these Lai's too. None of the Dalit leaders could make it to top position of the chief minister, even though, they had long political careers, had been the

members of both the state assembly and parliament and also became cabinet ministers both in the centre and in the state. Besides, these senior politician, there are other politicians from the community who could not even attain the status of strong Dalit leaders. Except Ch. Dalbir Singh, whose next generation is in politics, none other single leader could gain prominence in the politics of the state. These leaders have the credentials of elite education and long political experience. However, they also reached at the top position in party organization but for a short while. But none of them had been in position to seize top position in the state or dominate state politics. Electoral Participation of Women Women are enfranchised members of the political system, yet they have remained second class citizens in terms of political participation and as holders of power. They exercise voting right in large number, bdf when it comes to enjoying power positions or occupying prestigious political offices; they lag fir behind the men. Women's representation in parliament and in the state legislative assemblies has never gone beyond 8 per cent to 10 per cent respectively. They are at a great disadvantage in power politics. Their numerical strength is also marginal in decision-making. It is in this backdrop that the studies of political participation of women and factors which have relegated them to the marginalized position in political arena have become relevant. As far as the participation of women in Haryana politics is concerned, they play a very limited role in the political arena. The state is backward in terms of social progress as there is still the tradition of Purdah Partha (veil system) and child marriage along with the prevalence of Khap Panchayats and honour killings. One explanation can be given in terms of adverse effect of repeated attacks of invaders on the region due to which the state have developed a different kind of socio-culture pattern like the degraded status of women due to their confinement mainly in the four walls of house. The reason can explain to an extent the limited role of women in electoral politics. Haryana. was a backward region and continues to be a culturally backward society despite the tremendous economic development. The society is caste ridden and of feudalistic character. PS Verma is of the view that in Haryana politics the participation of women is very little. The Congress is the only national party along with some regional parties which have given tickets

to female candidates but CPI and CPI (M) have never sponsored them movement is limited only to some pockets of the state and has always remained weak. He further maintains that although the number of female political participants have increased over time but their entry and position in politics of the state still largely dependent and proceeded by the male members of the family. The study undertaken by Ranbir Singh98 entitled as 'Women Politics and Developing Nations- A Case Study of An Indian State Haryana' shows that a very small number of women have came forward to become members of political parties and very few of them have shown the active involvement in active politics in terms of being office bearers and participating in public meetings and addressing them. Although, some of them have been able to become office bearers of women cells which exists mostly on paper. However, women working in the women organization having affiliations to leftist parties have been active. They have led the agitations regarding various social causes but due to limited support bases of these parties their participation and impact has remained limited and localized. The agitations on social and political issues of general concern have been supported actively by the large number of women both from urban and rural areas. In some pockets of Kurukshetra, Bhiwani and Rohtak district women have supported actively the anti-liquor agitations launched in 1993 by Bhartiya Kishan Union, Arya Samaj, Khap and Sarvakhap Panchayats. But the movement failed to make an impact on decision-making due to lack of organizational and popular support and insensitivity (lack of political will) on the part of government. The pressure, however, made the Haryana HVP-BJP led government to impose complete prohibition in the state after 1996 elections. In 2005 also women especially from rural areas of Jind and Sonipat have participated in incidents/agitations and dharna (picketing) followed by Kandela (A village in Jind district) episode (in which people were agitating regarding the relaxation of electricity bills of farmers led by Bhartiya Kisan Union) and also in Bandh related to Gohana Sugar Mill (2005) they have participated with great zeal. But one thing was common and apparent in case of majority of women that whatever they were doing just doing on the guidelines given by their husbands or the elder male members of the family. Earlier also women had participated in a significant manner when Haryana Sangar$h Samiti under the leadership of Chaudhary Devi Lai being launched during 1985-87 against Punjab Accord as it was being considered the injustice done to Haryana.100 Further, women constitute the least politicized and mobilized group. The state has one of the worst sex ratio

in the country where males are buying brides for themselves from poorer states and it seems that the day is not more far when there would be 'Panchalis' (A wife with more than one husband) in their homes as they are in parts of Punjab. A state where women Sarpanch acts as mere rubber stamps having their Sarpanch Patis (husband) exercising their rights. Politics is not considered their arena, here | comes the distinction between public and private domain. Before the implementation of 73rd and 74th Amendment Acts the participation of women in the elections of local government institutions has mostly remained confined to voting actually. Moreover, females themselves too have been reluctant to contest elections. The situation seems to be changing in urban areas but in rural areas, they (women) still act as signing authority and everything else being taken care of by their husbands. Very less number of women could have headed the Gram Panchayats and Municipal Councils. However, the provision of 73rd a*id 74th Amendment Acts have enabled them to get 2/3 representation in the local bodies but could not made them to translate the representation in real empowerment in the sense that they hardly play any- significant role in decision-making. The role of women Sarpanch in majority of cases remains confined to voting in the elections of members of Panchayat Samiti and that of the women members of Panchayat Samiti and Municipalities to voting in the elections of office bearers of these bodies. They hardly participate in deliberations and decision-making process. The participation of women in assembly elections has increased in a significant way in spite of the reluctance of political parties to allot them party ticket due to perceived notion of lack of winnability of female candidates. Only a few women from politically influential families and those having linkages with influential political leaders at the national and state level could manage to get party tickets positive note, significant number of women contest election as independent tidates, even the criminalization of politics during 1987 and 1991 failed tomost of them. The number of females as independent candidates kept on Increasing elections to elections. The role of women in other activities such as vassing, addressing public meetings have also been very marginal. Recently they R have voters especially the female voters to exercise their voting fights and also acting as agents. The conservative backward political culture of 1,. yana has been the main barrier/bottleneck in the way of their active participation I 0 politics.

Over the years, the participation of women in voting has registered a noticeable crease. There was marked decline in the voting turnout of women in 1991 elections and ihe same can be explained in the backdrop of criminalization of politics during that period. But there was significant rise in their turnout in 1996. It was felt in the backdrop of 1996 verdict that a fairly large section of women voters have began to take independent decision while exercising their voting rights. But still majority of them especially in rural areas continued to vote in accordance with the direction given by the male heads of their families due to lack of their political articulation and economic subordination in Haryana's male dominated society. Further, political parties have begun to highlight the problems related to females in their election manifestoes and in election campaigns because they have come to recognize the need for wooing female voters. More interestingly the pre-condition for women to get registered as voters is considered marriage in most of the families.104 It is strange that after getting married suddenly the male members of family realized that the she also needs the representation in political terms (the voting right) but before marriage there was no
ne

ed for that even if she was more than 18

years already. Haryanvi women are least politicized and mobilized in substantial terms. However, women failed to get ^equate representations in the political sphere.
i-

Sidharth Singh, ( 2005), 'Voter's List Has Few Misses in Chief Minister Terf, Times of India, I January 3

ii-

The share of women in Haryana assembly during 1968-1996 has been 4.44 per cent to 8.64 per cent. There was a sharp decline in membership of women in Haryana assembly in 1972 elections but there was a marginal improvement during 1977 elections. Poor representation of women can be explained or may be seen as a result of failure of political parties to give adequate share to them in terms of allotment of party tickets for contesting elections. Women as independent candidates do have meagre chances to win.

iii-

An over view of proceedings of Haryana assembly reveals that women MLA's do not take active part in its deliberations. Among the women legislators there were only a few who have been active participants in the activities of the house. To name some of | them, Prabha Jain, Kartari Devi and Shanti Rathi of Congress Party, Sushmita Swaraj t and Kamla Verma of Jan Sangh/BJP, Chandravati of Lok Dal and Krishan

Gahlot of | HVP have been the active participants in the deliberations of the house. No women have ever become the Chief Minister of the State.
iv-

The chief ministerial system of government at the state level hardly leaves any scope for the MLA's to become the decision makers and especially for the female MLAs. The female ministers does not have much say in critical decision making whatever influence they exert depends upon their personal equation with the CM. The key decisions being taken by chief ministers, members of cabinet. It could be said that despite the increased political participation their share in political power has only been very restricted. That is why the women of the state could not get major benefits from the government.

v-

There are, however, some bright prospectus which may lead to empowerment of women in the state in the long run through the provision of free and compulsory education for girls and other incentives given for their development. As the state ol affairs stand today, the increased political participation has so far not able to made any perceptible change in the socio-political milieu of the state. The cases of rape, molestation, kidnapping, eve teasing, female infanticide and feticide, dowry death and neglect of female child have been very much an ugly and painful component of the experience of women in state.105 Despite the legal provisions the daughters are still have failed to get their share in the property of their parent.

vivii-

Saira Mehezes, (1993) 'Where is Susheel Kumari?'. Savi, July, pp. 80-83. y\part they (women) are the worst victims of Khap Panchayats (Panchayats which laid down the rule and regulations for the various castes to be followed) regarding "Gotra" (kinship) issue. They do not spare anybody be it Dharshna of Jondhi village in Thajjar or Sonia of Asanda or anyone else for that matter, same holds for owner flings, they care only for the maintenance of their so-called Bhaichara106 (Brotherhood) and Chaudhrahat (dignity and honour of Caste). They do not bother about the future of the family they are ruining because at times Gotra and caste becomes more important than someone's life. These so called Chaudhary's (elder males in villages) want to save their daughters as boys has already gone out of their hands.

viii-

The women need a proper kind of politicization and mobilization. Although, the women do exercise their voting rights but not with the sense of political efficacy which can make a difference for the betterment of women in the state. There is hardly any notion of substantive equality. The state of affairs can partly be explained by the

feudal culture of Haryana's caste ridden; male dominated traditional and conservative society. The subordinate economic status, backward political consciousness and weakness of women's movement in the state also account for the situation.
ix-

There are many factors responsible for such a disappointing state of affairs of women's participation in the politics of the state. Political roles are shaped by sociocultural nuclear/fabric in which people live and Haryanavi women have to encounter many obstacles because of traditions, prejudices and social conditions of the society. Due to age-old traditions and attitudes, women are disadvantaged and discriminated. Their role is mainly confined to their homes. Social traditions suppose them as a part of the households not as a part of the public life. Politics is still regarded as Men's affairs and political life remains a manly/masculine activity.108 In a male (Patriarchal and feudal) dominated society like Haryana, power is usually enjoyed by men in every field and at every layer of the society. A.s the political field is mainly concerned with power, naturally women are kept out of politics. It appears that men like to retain their monopoly of power and do not want to encourage women to join politics.109

x-

Prem Chaudhary, (2004), 'Caste Panchayats and the Politicizing of Marriage in Haryana: Enforcing Kinship and Territorial Exogamy', Contribution to Indian Sociology, Vol. 38, No.l & 2, January-August, p. 28. 107 ibid.

xi-

'08 Jharta Mohan, (2005), 'Marginalization of Women in Politics: A Study in Himachal Pradesh', ^search Journal Social Sciences, Vol. 13, No, November 1. pp.25-39. !09 ibid.

xii-

Most women themselves are also unwilling to get engaged in political activities. There is a certain role perception especially among the rural women that certain things are not proper for them to do and politics is one among them. Traditional and conservative outlook of women also confines them to the domestic chores. The environment of the housewives does not encourage them to take part in politics and the child rearing and family responsibilities hardly left time for their active participation in political activities.

xiii-

Keeping in view the low participation of women in active politics as legislators, it's imperative to understand the nature and scope of their participation in order to grasp a true picture of democratization process and to overcome the various hurdles coming in the way of women's participation. Emancipatory efforts on the part of government cannot be effective and adequate unless and until women themselves become more

conscious and aware of their rights and entitlements. Education can play a vital role in bringing desirable qualitative changes among them and make them well equipped in terms of knowledge and capacity.
xiv-

There is need to change attitude not only of women but also of patriarchal structure for the empowerment of women. We are living in a culture of silence but there is need to speak and change attitudes and mentality. Women's empowerment will foster decision-making and action through collective process enable women to make informed choices and to impart information of their rights and entitlements in society. Reservation of seats for women in the legislature and various decision-making bodies and its effective adoption and implementation with commensurate functioning power can be helpful to an extent. Political parties must encourage women to take part in political activities by providing them important offices in the party hierarchies, allotting them party tickets to contest and after winning including in cabinet while allotting important portfolios.

xv-

The political parties should also ensure a representative proportional inclusion of women at every level and in decision-making body of the party organizations. This will enlarge the scope of eligible women candidates and enhance their political efficacy. Further, women on their own should develop a positive attitude towards politics. Women should not confine themselves to the four walls of their houses but should corne out of their homebound commitments and the traditional role assignments and spare time to take part in political activities.110 There is need for

xvixvii-

Jartha Mohan, ioc. cit. qualitative changes in socio-cultural and political structure of the society so that more women take active part and interest in politics. It is hoped that in the due course of time the changes in the socio-political structure of society will take place and more and more women will compete with men to find a space for themselves in political arena.

xviii-

The women's representation in the 15th Lok Sabha has increased, as there are 59 MP's as compared to 45 in 2004. Their representation is a little over 10 per cent of the total strength of the 15th Lok Sabha; nonetheless, this number is too small considering the total population of India.111 Over the years, the gender ratio in parliament has not improved despite the political parties' tall claims to give greater representation to women.112

xix-

The Bill providing for 33 per cent reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and the state legislatures has been pending for years in the absence of an all-party consensus. When UPA government introduced the bill last time, regional parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Samajwadi Party played a spoilsport. This time also there is no dearth of opponents despite the fact that ruling UPA seems very much interested for the cause. On the positive note, the bill has been passed in the Rajya Sabha, but has a long way to go to become a reality.

xx-

There could be one more option apart from the constitutional amendment, for instance, if all political parties agree to reserve one-third of the seats for women in parliament and the state legislatures, a simple amendment to the Representation of the People Act will do. This could be the best possible way to empower women a formula which was approved by the Election Commission. We must have more women MPs and MLAs to help improve their status and give them their due in our male-dominated society.

xxi-

It has been argued that the pace of urbanization and modernization in the state is somewhat slow. The state has also been viewed with low levels of political efficacy. Till its emergence as a separate state, Haryana was merely on the periphery of Punjab politics. The state is also somewhat backward in terms of social progress.113 Traditional structures of caste communities, joint family system, and

xxii-

The Tribune 'Women in Parliament: No Major Change in the New Lok Sabha, (2009), Mav 21

xxiiixxivxxv-

ibid. Ranjana Kumari, loc.cit. Khap Panchayats are still having meir si v-.c I old over the electorates of Haryana and an independent youth power fret from t -esc U<nds ,:: > et to emerge. The most of the women voters still remains prox\ voters -is they vote on the guidelines given by their men folks. Over the years, the conversions from politics to business and viceversa has increased manifold and keep rising. Besides, electoral malpractices seem to have reduced considerably due to pro-active role played by election commission of India. The bogus voting and use of muscle power have reduced, but the money power still continues to play an important role in the whole mechanism of electoral politics of Haryana. Haryana's economy is doing quite fine but socially and politically lot needs to be done.

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The most positive side of the politics of Haryana is the absence of communalism. In Haryana there is no large Muslim population and whatever is there, is concentrated largely in Mewat region i.e. southern part of the state. In the state there is no history of communal violence and the same may explain the weak hold of BJP in Haryana, although it enjoy some clout among Pur iabi-Hindus. There also is a sizeable population of Sikhs in Haryana along the border of the state with Punjab. There is also no incidence of communal violence between Hindus and Sikhs. Reasons could be given in terms of contribution of Sir Chhotu Ram for the mobilization of different castes and communities. Besides, the lenders, who spearheaded the Arya Samaj movement and participated in freedom movement in the state, also contributed to the cause of communal harmony among different castes and communities.

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ibid.