Rasadkhaneh, Maragheh Sayili

THE OBSERVATORY I N ISLAM
AND ITS PLACE IN THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE OBSERVATORY
BY
AYDIN SAYILI,
PH. D.
PROFESSOR ORDINARIUS, CHAIRMAN OF THE DIVISION OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE, FACULTY OF LETTERS, ANKARA UNIVERSITY
TURK TARIH KURUMU BASIMEVI, ANKARA -1960
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THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM
truments such as celestial globes ((Mat at kursi), armillary sphere, complete (tam) and nisfi (half) astrolabs, and shuà` which were found there.' In one of the manuscripts of this book, "parallactic ruler" is recorded on the margin instead of the last named instruments, i. e., shu`d`. 2 The armillary sphere and parallactic ruler were among observatory instruments. It is to be wondered therefore if one would be justified to speak of an Alamilt Observatory as has been done on at least two occasions, viz., by Lenormant and Barthold. 3 Our sources do not seem to contain any specific statement concerning the existence of an observatory at Alamut. Moreover, there is no reference to a program of observation or to any group of astronomers working there, and nor is there any knowledge of astronomical tables prepared at Alamut. I have followed Lenormant and Barthold, however, and tentatively included Alamut here as possibly the scene of a minor observatory. For in addition to the existence of astronomical instruments there, an outstanding astronomer, Nasir al Din al Tusi, was at Alamilt at the time. According to certain sources,' Nasir al Din was an unwilling guest at that stronghold, but this may not be relevant to our topic. He was about fifty five years old when Alamut fell to Hulegu and had already achieved great fame. In fact, as we shall presently see, his name is said to have been suggested, in China, to the emperor Mangu Khan (1248-1257), Hulagu's brother, who wished to found a large observatory probably in Peking or in his capital Qaraqurum, as the best person to direct the execution of that project.
THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

BACKGROUND AND GENERAL DESCRIPTION One of the most important observatories of Islam, and probably the most important of them all, was built shortly after the middle of the thirteenth century in Maragha, a city of Adharbayjan to the south of Tabriz. The observatory was built outside of the city; its foundations are still extant. As just mentioned, certain sources report that the initial incentive for the foundation of this institution came from Hulegu ' s brother, Mangu. Mangu and his successors were generally good patrons of science and learning. Two important madrasas of Bukhara were probably built during Mangu's reign. They are the Khani and the Masùdiya Madrasas. Each accomodated a thousand students a day. Àla al Din al Juwayni says that the Khalil Madrasa was built by the son of Quyi Bey. This may refer to Kuyuk, who was Mange ' s father and predecessor. The Masùdiya Madrasa was built by Mas'ud Bey, son of Yalwaj, who was Mange ' s governor. The passage where these two madrasas are mentioned deals mostly with Bukhara under the rule of Mangil. 5 Mangu had a lively interest in mathematics and astronomy. He is reported to have mastered difficult passages of Euclid by himself. The plan of constructing a large observatory at Peking was conceived by him. The execution of this project reached its stage of realization only under his successor Qubilay (1257-94), however. Mang y had intended to found an observatory probably in his capital Qaraqurum also. According to certain sources Mangu was informed that the person who should be entrusted with this task was Nasir al Din al Tusi. Mangu thereupon asked his brother Hulegu to send Nasir al Din to him as soon as the Isstrongholds were subdued. Mangu was busy with certain conquests, however, at the time of the fall of Alamut. Moreover, Hulegu came to have great appreciation for Nasir al Din, and
Schefer,
' Juwayni, vol. 3, pp. 269-270, 214, 186. x Juwayni, vol. 3, p. 270, note. Lenormant, part 2, pp. 144.145; Barthold, 1912, p. 256. ' Wassaf, ed. Hammer, p. 58. Mirkhond also makes such a statement (see, Carra de Vaux, vol. 2. p. 223).
Chrestomathie,
vol. 2, p. 126, Notes, p. 172.
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he decided to have him set up the observatory in his own IIkhanid state.' It is stated in certain other sources, on the other hand, that it was Nasir al Din who took the initiative in this matter and that he suggested to Hulegu to found an observatory. 7 It may be that Nasir al Din preferred to have the observatory founded in Islamic territory and that he used his influence to this effect and to this extent with Hulagti. This would more or less contain and reconcile both versions of the story. In fact, Khondmir, one of our authorities for the first version of the story, speaks of the encouragement of Nasir al Din as a factor in the foundation of the observatory. s According to Al Safadi, Al Kutubi," Wassfif, 11 and Khalifa, 12 Nasir al Din himself states that the construction of the Maragha Observatory (the rasa) started in the-month of .Jumada'1 ula in the year 657, i. e., in April-May,(1259. Now, Mango died in 1257, and by this time Alamftt had already been captured, the date of this event falling close to the end of 1256 ( Dhii'l-ga`da, 654). 13 According to one report, it was early in 1260, however, that Hulegu received the news of Mangu ' s death," and he heard of Qubilay ' s coronation in 662 (126364). 1 ' It was therefore after the construction of the observatory had started at Maragha that Hulago heard of Mango's death. Thus the decision not to send Nasir al Din to China but to have
s Rashid al Din, Jami al Tawarikh, pp. 324-327; Khondmir, 1271, vol. 3, pp. 35-36; Blochet, 1910, p. 163; Jourdain, pp. 48-50; Wiedemann and Ruaka, pp. 295, 296; Kopriilii, Maraga Rasathanesi, pp. 212-217. 7 Wassaf, ed. Hammer, pp. 99-100, India, pp. 51.52. Mirkhond mentions both versions of the story (Mirkhond, vol. 5, p. 83). See also, Kopriilii, Maraga Rasathanesi, pp. 212-217. " Khondmir, 1217, vol. 3, p. 36. " Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182. Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. " According to Kopriilii ( Maraga Rasathanesi), pp. 216-217. " Heji Khalifa, Fliigel, vol. 3, pp. 561-562, Yaltkaya, vol. 2, p. 967. s " Rashid al Din, Jami a! Tawarikh, pp. 214, 215. " Wilber, p. 8. 1s Rashid al Din, Jami al Tawarikh, p. 400.
him found an observatory in the Ilkhanid state instead, was not taken as a result of Mangu ' s death, as it is sometimes supposed. It may be added here that in the beginning of the Zij-i Ilkhani Nasir al Din speaks of the foundation of the Maragha Ob-
servatory as due to Hulagft ' s initiative.
According to Rashid al Din and Khondmir, Mangu had ordered a certain Jamal al Din Muhammad ibn Tahir ibn Muhammad al Zaydi al Bukhari to undertake the construction of the observatory he wished to found, but Jamal al Din was unequal to this important task. And when the same authors speak of Mango's decision to charge Nasir al Din with the execution of this project, their phraseology implies that it was not through Jamal al Din that Mang-if had heard of Nasir al Din. There is, on the other hand, a person called Cha-Ma-Lu-Ting, mentioned by Chinese sources, who presented to Qubilay, Mango's successor, models or pictures of astronomical instruments, in 1267. It is not clear whether or not there are any unambiguous statements in the sources to the effect that Cha-Ma-Lu-Ting arrived in China in 1267, in which case his identification with the above-mentioned Jamal al Din, who was already ts there during Mango's reign, would be impossible. The Cha-Ma-Lu-Ting of the Chinese sources is represented as an astronomer who was an instrument maker, and the making j of instruments was considered to be the most important profession connected with the creation of observatories. The instruments of Cha-Ma-Lu-Ting were Cmostlyportable and therefore of a 1)g-11y _auxiliary kind as far as observatories were concerned; 17 and it is true that in Islam there was a tendency to differentiate sharply between large observatory instruments and the small portable ones, such as the astrolab, which were based upon more complicated mathematical theories. 18 It is of special interest therefore that Jamal al Din is said to have been unable to construct an observatory for Mangu.
Hartner, 1950, pp. 184-185, 192-193. See also, Needham, p. 372. Hamner, 1950, pp. 185-192;`Needhain, pp. 372-374. IS Sayih,-Mansur's Poems, p. 441. See also above, p. 83, note 143.
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It would be preferable not to have to imagine that within less than twenty years, two Moslem scientists of the same profession and bearing the same name should have been in the Mongol service. There are, nevertheless, the above-mentioned difficulties in identifying them as one and the same person, and the name Jamal al Din is a sufficiently common one. At any rate, it seems difficult to reach a definite conclusion in this respect without further source information. There was also a certain Jamal al Din ibn Mahfiz whose years of activity agree quite well with these circumstances. He made a catalogue of 72 stars in 1285. 19 There is no evidence that either of these two men had ony connection with the Maragha Observatory. There is mention of an astronomer called Husam al Din, whom Mangu had sent in the company of Hulagu so that he might advise the latter on choices of times for encampments and other military undertakings2 0 This astronomer is said to have advised Hulagu not to attack Baghdad 21 and not to kill the Caliph, 22 warning him that should his advice go unheeded untold catastrophes would visit the earth. Nasir al Din is reported to have contradicted these prophecies. This brings to mind the question of contact between Islam and the Fareast. Conversely, Chinese astronomers were brought to work in the Maragha Observatory; so that conditions were very favorable for the passage of influence in both directions. The question is undoubtedly complex and has not been studied in a sufficiently detailed manner. In the field of astronomy influence proceeding from Islam seems to have been of greater dimensions. According to M. C. Johnson, contact between Islamic and Chinese astronomy was negligible until the time of the Mongols, E3 while in this era too the Chinese seem not to have paid much attention to the aspects of Islamic astronomy ' b Needham, p. 373, note a. ' 20 Rashid al Din, Jami al Tawarikh, pp. 260, 261; D Ohsson, 1834, p. 224. Rashid al Din, Jami al Tawarikh, pp. 260-262. 2L Khondmir, 1271, vol. 3, p. 37. 23 Johnson, pp. 27-43.
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which were not automatically adaptable to their own system of astronomy.24 Rashid al Din tells us that Hulagu was very much interested in construction works. He is also said to have valued "philosophy " very highly and to have encouraged scientists to bold discussions on the email sciences. The same author tells us that Hulagu alloted salaries and pensions to scientists and philosophers and had his royal residence embellished with their presence. The emphasis here seems to be on pseudo-sciences such as astrology and alchemy. Indeed, there is ample evidence concerning the astrological side of that interest, and Rashid al Din informs us that Hulagu had a special inclination toward alchemy and dwells at some length on his wasted confidence on the alchemists. He says that they kindled much fire, constructed many a vessel, employed bellows of various sizes and consumed immeasurable amounts of materials but that although they caused the expenditure of immense sums of money they did not produce a particle of silver or gold and it all came to naught and resulted in no benefit to anyone except that these impostors thereby secured a livelihood for themselves. 25 It seems probable therefore that Maragha was also the scene of alchemical activities of considerable extent. The Maragha Observatory was located on a hill in the vicinity of the city of Maragha. The length of this hill lies along the meridian, and the flattend top of the hill has a length of about 400 meters and is about 150 meters in width. 26 Water was raised to the observatory hill with the help of special devices and water wheels. These, as well as a mosque and a special building for Hulagu' s residence, were built - by Muayyad al Din al 'Urdi. 27 Upon this hill there was an observatory building which is described as a "marvel " and a " treat to the eye", and reference Hartner, 1950, p. 192; Needham, pp. 374-375. Rashid al Din, Jami al Tawarikh, pp. 400-403. A similar statement occurs also in the Ladd al Tawarikh, ms., p. 64b (see below, p. 357, note 34). 26 Seemann, pp. 116-117. L7 Seeman, p. 71.
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is also made to a high tower. 28 There apparently were other building$__ also, some of an auxiliary nature. AI Safadi" and Al 30 Kutubi describe the observatory building as huge; they also speak separately of a dome and of the observatory library containing over 400000 volumes. The phraseology of Al Safadi and Al Kutubi would seem to indicate that the library was in the main observatory building and that_ there was, in addition, another building which had a dome. This domed building was one of the main attractions of the institution. It is mentioned by several authors, although they do not specifically refer to it as an auxiliary building. There was a hole on the top of this dome through which the rays of the sun entered. The image thereby formed served for the measurement of the mean motion of the sun in degrees and in minutes; the elevation angle of the sun in different seasons and various times of the day were also determined with the help of this device. The arrangement was such that the solar rays fell upon the "threshold" on the first day of spring. In the inside of the building there were representations of the celestial spheres, of the different epicycles and deferents, and illustrations of the phases of the moon and the signs of zodiac. Likewise, there were terrestrial and celestial globes; maps of the seven climes, and illustrations concerning the length of days and nights. 31 A metallic celestial globe constructed in 1279 (or 1289) by Muhammad ibn Muayyad al Din al 'Urdi, obviously a son of the above-men3e These occur in a poem by Qeidi'l Qudat Nizam al Din al Isfahan who was a contemporary of Nasir al Din (Sayili, Khwaja Nasir-i Tusi, p. 13, p. 3, note 10). . 3a Safadi, vol. 1, p. 179. 80 Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 149. Wassaf, Hammer, p. 100, India, vol. 1, p. 52; Mirkhond, vol. 5, p. 83; Khondmir, 1271, vol. 3, p. 36; Jourdain, p. 52; Sedillot, 1884, pp. 201-202; Sedillot, 1847, p. XCVIII; Seemann, p. 120. a3 This information, for which I rely on my memory, was given by Professor Mustafa Jawad of Baghdad in his communication at the Nair al Din ala Tasi Congress held in 1956 in Tehran. His source is, I believe, Al Fuwati 's Talkhis Mu'jam al Algab, which is not accessible to me, and Professor Jawad 's paper has apparently not been published.
tioned Muayyad al Din al 'Urdi, and apparently constructed for the Maragha Observatory, has come down to us and is preserved in Dresden.
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From a statement of Al Safadi and Al Kutubi it is seen - that the armillary sphere of the observatory was fixed on the ground. The details given by Al Ùrdi also indicate that the instruments were generally placed out in the open air. In fact, the site of the observatory contains traces of the places occupied by the instruments, and apparently most, if not all, were placed in 35 the open. Thus the trace of a wall which is placed in the meridian is clearly discernible. The mural quadrant too must therefore have been placed on the ground, a conclusion which is perfectly consonant with the details given by Al truments of the observatory.
`
Urdi concerning the ins-
The construction of the instruments of the Maragha Observatory by Al 'Urdi started before 660 (1261-62) and it ended after that year; this is the way Al 'Urdi himself expresses it The main activity of construction took place therefore in 660, but there are no definite dates here concerning the beginning and the end of this work. As we have seen, certain sources state, on the authority of Nasir al Din, that the foundation of the observatory started in 657 (1259). 3, This indicates that the construction of the observatory was a rather slow process. Indeed, we know that Al 'Urdi did not actually construct all the instruments of the observatory and that several instruments listed by him were constructed after he wrote his well-known book on them.
33 See, e. g., Stevenson, vol. 1, pp. 30-31; Seemann, p. 114; Destombes, Globes Celestes, p. 320. 94 Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. 3' I visited Maragha on my way back to Ankara from the Nasir al Din al Tusi Congress in Tehran, and the description of the site of the observatory given here is based on my own observations. I am thankful to the Tehran University authorities for having made all arrangements to facilitate this trip. 3 ' Seemann, p. 27. 37 See above, p. 190, notes 9-12. See also, Kopriilii, Maraga Rasathanesi, pp. 216-217; Pope, vol. 2, p. 1047; Wilber, pp. 100, 107.
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There was a terrestrial globe made of paper pulp.
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Rashid al Din reports that in 662 Hulegu came to Maragha and made a strong appeal to his astronomers for the early com33 Quatremere translates the word rasad pletion of the "rasad" . here as observatory. On the basis of this meaning of the passage it would be necessary to infer that the construction of the observatory had not as yet been completed in that year. This would mean a construction activity lasting for more than five years. It is probable that the word rasad here refers to observations. Wassaf, Mirkhond, and Khondmir, all three, state that "the building of the observatory " was still incomplete when Hulegu died (1265). 39 It seems likely that these statements are not independent and that they reflect a confusion between the two meanings of the word rasad. It is possible too that because of Mange 's death and the possibility of his being succeeded by Hulage, the construction of the observatory at Maragha was not prosecuted with vigor for a certain time. It should be noted that work in the observatory could start before the full completion of construction activity. There is a rather elaborate network of caves, starting with a comparatively roomy entrance section, on the south side of .the hill near the flattened top. These are referred to as Nasr al Din ' s observatory by the inhabitants of the district. 90 There has been some speculation as to their possible relation to the observatory. 41 Godard favors the view that they date from the time of the observatory and not from earlier times as others have argued. He believes that they may have served as place of work for the astronomers. Indeed, leaving out the system of inner tunnels, the com paratively wide entrance section may be compared to the "small-scale observatory " which formed an appendage to the later Istanbul Observatory of the sixteenth century. The niches in the walls which may have housed bookshelves and the raised platform
se Rashid at Din, Jtimi al Tawdrfkh, pp. 401-403. se Wassaf, ed. Hammer, p. 101, India, vol. 1, p. 52; Mirkhond, vol. 5, p. 83; Khondmir, 1333, vol. 3, p. 36. 95 Godard, p. 20. 4' Godard, pp. 20-22; Kopriilii, Marfiga Rasathanesi, pp. 208-211.
resembling a desk fit well into this picture and have their coun42 terparts in the Istanbul Observatory. The southerly exposure of the opening of the cave would make possible minor observations with portable instruments, and this, likewise, seems to have been one of the functions of the "small observatory" in -Istanbul. According to Ghiyath al Din al Kash', the astronomers around Ulugh Bey had answered his query concerning the Maragha Observatory by saying that 'it was the place underneath the top of the hill where people sit. ' 43 There apparently is a reference here to the entrance section of the caves. It is true that Al Kash' does not refer to this assertion in an approving manner, but this is natural as the main observatory was of course on the flattened top of the hill. Nevertheless, his implied disapproval of the statement in question should not prevent us from looking upon this item as an evidence in favor of the conjecture that the rooms carved in the hill constituted an additional "small observatory " at Maragha. According to a local tradition, the reason for the choice of Maragha as Hulage ' s capital was that a valley in its vicinity was shaped like a scorpion and that this was considered to constitute a propitious omen 44 The same local tradition contains the report that there was a well which formed part of the observatory and that day-time observations of stars were made from it. There is also a sixteenth century record concerning the existence of such a report. 45 This may possibly refer to the underground section of an instrument 4s THE INSTRUMENTS OF THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY We have already spoken of a domed building which contained a device or instrument serving to make measurements related to the sun. The nature of this device or ins42 4' 44 46 4s
See below, pp. 294-295, note 124. Giyath al Din, Letter, p. 512a.. Wilson, p. 77. Wilson, p. 77; Sayili, Observation Well, p. 150 and note 8. See below, p. 199, note 53, p. 257, note 89, p. 277, notes 51-52.
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trument is not clear. Seemann believes that the descriptions of two distinct places have by mistake been superimposed here. 47 Al Ùrdi says nothing concerning it. His silence should apparently be interpreted to mean that this instrument, which seems to have formed a part of a building, was not constructed by him but probably by the architect of the observatory. In fact, AI Ùrdi clearly states that architecture and the construction of buildings lay outside of his profession eventhough he was obliged to do some work of this nature, viz., the construc48 tion of Hulagu ' s residence and of the observatory mosque. Thus, the fact that the instruments listed by Al Ùrdi seem to have all been placed in the open does not necessarily exclude the possibility of the existence of important instruments housed in the observatory buildings and thus affecting their architecture. This brings to mind the suds-i Fakhri, to which the above- mentioned domed device bears partial resemblance in a vague manner 4 9 It is of interest therefore that Ghiyath al Din Jamshid al Kashi speaks of a " geometrical pulpit, called suds-i Fakhri" of six gaz (about 3 m.) radius; which stands in the middle of the observatory building of Maragha " .50 The latter phrase within quotation marks may possibly be translated also as "which stands in the middle of the constructions (tire&rat) of Maragha" , and in this case it could refer to the mural quadrant there, to some modified from of it, or to another distinct construction. At any rate, this statement of Ghiyath al Din is somewhat strange, 51 and the existence of suds-i Fakhri at Maragha is very unlikely in view of an assertion of Nizam-i Nishaburi which is relevant to the present question. Nizam lived shortly after Nasir al Din, in the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century, and he was very much interested in Nasir al Din' s books for many of which he wrote commentaries. He Seeman, p. 120. as Seemann, p. 71. ae Tekeli, p. 319. so Giyath al Din, Letter, p. 512b. 51 See below, pp. 285-286, notes 79-81.
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says that up to his time the suds-i Fakhri had not been cons52 tructed by anyone after Al Khujandi. The description available on this Maragha instrument would seem to fit best the little detail known concerning the main instrument of the Sharaf al Dawla Observatory of Baghdad as given by Al Birilni. 53 As both are vague and incomplete, however, it is impossible to reach any final decision in this matter. Al Ùrdi gives a rather detailed account of the instruments he constructed or whose construction he recommended for the Maragha Observatory of which he was the main instrument designer. The instruments mentioned by him are the following. 59 1) A mural quadrant with a radius of about 430 centimeters. It was raduated down to the minutes. It was perhaps the first instrument to be constructed in Maragha. For it was with it that a careful determination of the latitude of Maragha, as well as of the obliquity of the ecliptic, was made. 55 It had an alidade equipped with two sights. 2) An armillary sphere with five rings and an alidade. The outer radius of the outermost ring, the meridian ring, was slightly below 160 ems. Al Ùrdi says that he made only a model of this 55 instrument; that one was actually constructed is seen, however, from the statement of a later visitor who speaks of an armillary sphere he saw at Maragha. 57 3) A solstitial armilla, consisting of a circle with 250 ems. diameter, placed in the meridian and equipped with an alidade. 4) The equinoctial armilla. This was a meridian ring on which an equator ring perpendicular to it was fixed. 5) The instrument with two holes, for the measurements of the apparent diameters of the sun and the moon and the observation of eclipses. 6) Azimuth ring with two quadrants equipped with alidades for the measurement of angles of elevation. Al Ùrdi does Nizam-i Nishaburi, Sharh-i Tadhkira, p. 180b. See above, p. 116, note 131. Seemann, pp. 28-104. See also, Tekeli, passim. 5s Seemann, p. 43. 55 Seeman, p. 35. 5 ' Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, 151.
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not give the dimension of this instrument but says that it should be as large as possible. In fact, he speaks of having made only a model of this instrument." But the instrument was apparently constructed at Maragha after the time when Al 'Urdi wrote his book. For as we have seen, Taqi al Din and Ghiyath al Din al Kashi both mention this instrument as one which was set up at Maragha. 58 'Abd al Mun'im al 'Amili too speaks of this instrument as existing in Maragha, adding that itwas located near the water wheel 80 7) A parallactic ruler, the measurements made with it being equivalent to those made on a circle with a radius of 250 ems. 8) An instrument for the determination of azimuths and the sine of the complement of the angle of elevation. 9) The sine and versed sine instrument, i. e., an instrument serving for the measurement of azimuths and the sines' of the angles of elevation. Al 'Urdi says he only made a model of this instrument, 61 but, as we shall presently indicate, there is evidence that this instrument was actually constructed at Maragha after Al 'Urdi completed his book. 10) The perfect instrument (al ala al kamila). This is similar to instrument No 7, except that it was not fixed in the meridian but could be revolved around a vertical axis. Al 'Urdi does not say that he actually constructed this instrument at the Maragha Observatory. Several instruments for which Al 'Urdi says he only prepared models are seen to have been actually constructed. This gives the impression that Al 'Urdi was not the only instrument making astronomer of the Maragha Observatory, and it also suggests that he may not have remained at that institution for a long time. In addition to these main instruments, there must undoubtedly have existed a considerable number of auxiliary portable ae Seeman, p. 71. See above, p. 73, notes s Abd al Mun'im, p. 27. et Seemann, p. 93.
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instruments at the observatory concerning which no specific 62 information has come down to us. Our previous conclusion that these instruments were placed on the ground does not seem to be entirely in agreement with the general plan of the-site of the observatory as conceived and drawn by A. H. Schindler. 83 Certain details contained in this plan would seem to confirm our conclusion, however, when taken as isolated items. There are four circular traces in Schindler's plan which are of particular interest. They apparently correspond to the circular traces of the foundations of instruments No 6, 8, and 9, the fourth one being probably that of the tower at the observatory. This shows not only that instrument No 9 was actually constructed but also constitutes further evidence that the instruments were placed in the open. It may be noted here that certain differences seem to exist between the instruments of the AI Afdal-Al Bataihi Observatory of Cairo and those of Maragha from the viewpoint of techniques and materials of construction. Thus marble seems to have been used more abundantly in the former case, B4 while wood is employed in._tbe latter; and if the large ring at Cairo was actually an azimuth ring, Al 'Urdi's method of construction would have eliminated all difficulties resulting from its weight. Indeed, according to Al 'Urdi, this ring need not be particularly sturdy. lt i is even not necessary to cast it all in one piece; for it rests on a solid foundation. 86 'Abd al Mun'im al 'Amili uses both techniques, but the one-piece cast ring is used for another version of the instrument which was probably intended to be of smaller size. 68 For one advantage of making the instrument rest on a circular wall was that it could thus be made of rather large dimensions.
02 See, Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. There is mention here also of an astrolab of one dhira' diameter which may have been used for important observational work. " Wilber, figure 5. 64 This brings to mind Al Ma'am and the Dayr Murran quadrant. 62 Seemann, p. 74. 88 Abd al Mun'im, p. 32.
98, 99.
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THE ASTRONOMERS OF THE OBSERVATORY AND THEIR WORK It is related that when Hulagu heard of the great expenses that the construction of the observatory would necessitate, he had a talk with Nasir al Din concerning the usefulness of such an establishment. Ile apparently pointed to the difficulty of confirming the idea of the utility of astrology in view of the argument that since prediction is based on the i mmutability of events nothing can be done to change what is predestined to happen. Nasir al Din ' s answer was based on an example illustrating the convenience of an awareness or prescience of future events even if nothing could be done to circum67 vent them. I have mentioned this story more fully in an earlier chapter. se This story clearly shows that the main purpose for the foundation of the Maragha Observatory was an astrological one. The
with it. When Hulegu's notables saw him do this, they went in and reported it to the sovereign. After continuing these ,, operations for some time, Nasir al Din asked the notables about Hulagu and his whereabouts. They told him he was in his quarters. He then inquired about his health, and when they told him he was well he prostrated himself on the ground offering thanks to God. He repeated his query concerning Hulagu's health and well-being several times and received the same answer each time, but he did not seem satisfied and said he would like to see the Khan with his own eyes. This was at a time when Hulagu received no one, but they informed him of Nasir al Din ' s request, and Hulagu ordered him admitted. When Nasir al Din saw the Khan he prostrated himself and remained in that position for some time. Hulagu asked what was going on, and Nasir al Din told him that the ascendent of the time indicated an extremely calamitous situation for the Khan and that he had therefore burned incense and performed acts and prayers appropriate to the situation, to the best of his knowledge, asking God to turn the calamity away from the Khan. He then beseeched the Khan to dispatch orders to all corners of the realm, setting free those who were in chains and forgiving those who were to be punished, so as to incur the favor of Almighty God in the hope that he might divert the impending calamity from the Khan. The trick worked, and AI Juwayni was spared. 70 Hulagu and his successors all had great reliance on astrology, and this undoubtedly helps explain their continued interest in the Maragha Observatory. It is said that Hulagu asked Nasir al Din's advice in every affair and never took a trip without consulting him 7 1 It is also related that when Hulagu died, his oldest son Abaqa was un ' willing to become his successor to the throne but that his hesitation was dissipated as a result of an astrological report concerning future events prepared by Nasir al Din. He then sat on the
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Ilkhani
Zij too confirms this impression, One should perhaps at times differentiate between the beliefs and predilections of the rulers and those of their astronomers. According to Rashid al Din, historian, physician, and vizier, when Nasir al Din was asked to comment on Husain al Din's prognostications related to the meditated offensive against Baghdad, he had the feeling that his loyalty was being tested. The following anecdote is of interest in this respect. Al Safadi and Al Kutubi, in their identical passage on Nasir al Din, relate that Hulagu had ordered Àla al Din al Juwayni to be put to death, whereupon Àla al Din's brother went to Nasir al Din and asked his help. Nasir al Din pointed out that when Hulagu issued an order it was impossible to have him rescind it, especially when it had become public, and said that it would be necessary to resort to a stratagem. He then set out toward Hulegu ' s encampment with a staff and an astrolab in his hand and followed by a man carrying a censer, incense, and fire. When he arrived at the gate of the encampment he rekindled the incense and raised the astrolab, making observations
07 69
Safadi, vol. 1, p. 179;
Kutubi, vol. 2, pp. 149-150; Suter, 1900, pp.
147-148.
See above, p. 39, note 98. " Rashid at Din, Jdmi al Tawdrikh, pp. 262, 261.
09
Safadi, vol. 1, pp. 179-180; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 150. Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151.
204
205
throne at the propitious moment as determined by that astronomer. 72 It is likewise reported that when Arghun rebelled against Takudar, he chose tHe most opportune moment as determined by the astrologers, for his declaration of hostilities. 73 Again, after Ghazan Khan's death, Uljaytu came to the throne at the moment chosen by consulting the stars. 74 The main achievement associated with the Maragha Observatory is the compilation of the Ilkheinf. Tables. This was com pleted in 1271. 75 There is also mention of the astronomical tables prepared by Muhyi al Din al Maghribi. According to Hasan Rumlu, these tables contained corrections to the Ilkhenf Tables and brought them to completion. 7s This work of Muhyi al Din must have been done in Maragha. For as will be indicated below, Al Wabkanwi and Rukn al Din al Amuli refer to his work and enumerate him among the astronomers who remained at work until perhaps the very end. 7f It is reported that when, in the course of deliberations connected with the foundation of the Maragha Observatory, Hulagu found out that the observations needed for the construction of the projected tables, would, "in accordance with the recommendation of astronomers of earlier times", take about thirty years, corresponding to a complete revolution of Saturn, the planet with the longest period, he was so disappointed that the original projeet .had to be abandoned and a new observation program of twelve years had to be adopted. 75 It is clear that Hulagt was anxious to have the tables completed in his own lifetime and in as short a period as possible so that he could personally benefit from the results obtained. Hu1agu died in 1265, i. e., before seeing the end product of this
72
shorter program of work, and Nasir al Din died in 1274, not long after the completion of the Ilkh6nf Tables. Reference has already been made to the large collection of books assembled in the ` library attached to the Maragha Observatory. These books are said to have been collected from Baghdad,- Syria, and Al Jazira. 79 This is the first case wherein the existence of an observatory library is specifically mentioned by our sources. Clearly, however, this hibrary is worthy of being described as an independent institution by itself. It undoubtedly facilitated the literary productivity of the scientists gathered at Maragha. For writing of books figures prominently among the activities of the astronomers of the observatory. An impressive number of scientists were attached to the Maragha Observatory. These were Nasir al Din al Tusi, Àli ibn Ùmar al Qazwini, Muayyad al Din al Ùrdi, Fakhr al Din al Akhlati, Fakhr al Din al Maraghi, Muhyi al Din al Maghribi, Qutb al Din al Shirazi, Shams al Din al Shirwani, Najm al Din Dabiran al Qazwini, Àbd al Razzaq ibn al Fuwati (or Futi), the librarian, and Kamal al Din al Ayki (or lki). This list is not complete. There were others to whom references will be found in different parts of the present chapter. They are the two sons of Nasir al Din, i. e., Asil al Din and Sadr al Din, Athir al Din al Abhari, Husain al Din al Shami, Shams al Din ibn Muhammad ibn Muayyad al Ùrdi, and the Chinese Fao-Mun-Ji. Other names too appear in certain lists. 80 Most but not all the above-mentioned persons, however, were at Maragha at one and the same time. Some of them seem to have been later additions to the staff. Shams al Din ibn Muhammad al Ùrdi, Husam al Din al Shami, and Athir al Din al Abhari, e. g., were probably not included in the original staff, while Qutb al Din al Shirazi and probably Fao-Mun-Ji and Muayyad al Ùrdi were not at the observatory in the later periods.
Safadi, vol. 1, p. 179; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 149. "0 Nakhjaweni, Tasis-i Rasadkhdnand, pp. 213-214.
Mirkhond, vol. 5, pp. 90-91. Mirkhond, vol. 5, p. 112. 04 Mirkhond, vol. 5, p. 142. 7 ' Brockelmann, G. A. L., vol. 1, p. 511. Hasan Rumlu, vol. 11, p. 64b. 77 See below, Ip. 214-215, notes 117, 119. Nasir al Din, Zij, F-300, p. 4a, Ankara, p. 7b.
206
207
Muayyad al Din al Ùrdi, Najm al Din al Qazwini, Fakhr al Din al Maraghi, and Fakhr al Din al Akhlati are mentioned by the sources as the astronomers brought together by Nasir al Din for the foundation of the observatory. These were therefore the senior members of the staff. This list of names is given by Nasir al Din himself, but it is of course incomplete. It is of interest that Fakhr al Din al Akhlati, from Anatolia, is cited among the latest astronomers of the observatory, so that he seems to have served all through the life-time of this institution. Muhyi al Din al Maghribi too, who worked there nearly to the end, seems to have been a prominent member of the staff already before Nasir al Din ' s death. Qutb al Din al Shirazi is said to have been a student of Nasir al Din's, and this gives the impression that he was among the junior members of the staff. He must have been a former student of Nasir al Din's, however. For he was apparently one of the influential astronomers of the observatory already before the death of Hulagu. The following anecdote testifies to this fact. According to Khondmir, Nasir al Din and Qutb al Din were one day in the presence of Hulagu. In the course of conversation Hulagu told Nasir al Din that, were it not for his fear that the observations would remain incomplete, he would have had him killed, whereupon Qutb al Din made the strange remark that he could complete the work in the absence of Nasir al Din. When they left Hulegu ' s presence, Nasir al Din criticized Qutb al Din for his remark and told him that his joke was not appropriate at all. Qutb al Din retorted, however, that he had not joked but had spoken in earnest. s' We shall have another occasion to refer to the important place Qutb al Din seems to have occupied among the astronomers of the observatory, to his personality, and to his relations with Nasir al Din. It is said that Hulagu had a number of Chinese astronomers brought to the Maragha Observatory, among whom was one
Khondmir, 1333, vol. 3, p. 40.
Fao-Mun-Ji. Through them a knowledge of Chinese astronomy and of Chinese calendar is said to have been obtained. 82 As Sarton remarks, this indicates the internationalism of the Maragha Observatory; in turn, the Ilkhani Tables are said to have been popular not only in Islam but also in China. sa With its large scientific staff and its huge library, the Maragha Observatory was thus not only an institution for research in astronomy, but it also had the characteristics of a scientific academy with excellent opportunities for scientific contact and exchange of ideas. In addition to the above-mentioned astronomers, its staff undoubtedly contained technicians and personnel connected with administrative work. The details given so far are sufficient to indicate that the Maragha Observatory was a quite outstanding institution. But over and above all these Maragha is remarkable especially with respect to the following three features: its financial administration; its relative length of life; its activity of instruction in astronomy and the awdil sciences in general. FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION As far as is known, Maragha is the first Islamic observatory which benefited from wagf revenues. s4 Wag f was, theoretically at least, a permanent and inalienable endowment which was completely harmonized with religious law and Moslem ideologies; and it was with its help that institutions of charity and public assistance such as the mosque, the madrasa, and the hospital enjoyed uninterFupted existence. The endowment of the observatory with wag,f was therefore important not only as a mere source of income, but it also constituted a sign of a more complete integration and harmonization with Moslem culture and civilization. The first hospital known to have been endowed with wagf revenues was that constructed by the Turkish Ahmad ibn Tulun, founder of the Tulunid Dynasty (868-905), in 872 or 874, in Cairo.
Wiedemann and Ruska, p. 299; D ' Ohsson, 1834, vol. 3, p. 265; Sarton, vol. 2, pp. 1005-1006; Needham, p. 375, note d. sa Sarton, vol. 2, pp. 1005-1006. '' See, e. g., Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151.
n
208
209
Concerning the first library to be so endowed, I have been able to find only the statement that it antedated 'Adud al Dawla (949-982). 85 No similar and direct statement seems to exist in the sources to the effect that Maragha was the first observatory to be so endowed. W e cannot be certain, e. g., that the Malikshah Observatory did not have wagf. The statement that an immense amount of money was spent for it does not clarify this point. It would seem quite certain, on the other hand, that the Al Afdal-Al Bataihi Observatory did not have waqf. For in this case we have specific information concerning the manner in which payments were made and the necessary construction materials procured. It is also known that at least one other observatory founded after Maragha had waqf revenues, suggesting that had any previous ones too been so endowed the sources would probably have contained references to the fact. This situation too favors the conclusion that with the Maragha Observatory a new policy was introduced with respect to the financial administration of the observatories. It appears quite likely that Nasir al Din was personally responsible for the establishment of this tradition. Moreover, it seems that Maragha itself was not endowed with waqf at the very start, but that such an endowment was secured for it sometime after its foundation. For there are statements indicating that funds were at first secured piecemeal and as need arose. At the beginning, Nasir al Din warned Hulagu that the foundation and the functioning of an observatory would be very costly, and he obtained the needed funds from Hulagu in successive stages. 86 Apparently Nasir al Din was well-versed in financial matters; 87 and although he is said not to have been charged with the administration of the financial affairs of the state, he was given the title of vizier 8 8 Certain sources report, on the other
Ibu al Athir, vol. 10, p. 483. Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151; Wassaf, ed. Hammer, 100, India, vol. 1, p. 51; Mirkhond, vol. 5, p. 83; Khondmir, vol. 2, p. 36. Minovi and Minorski, pp. 755-789. ' Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151.
88 tl6
hand, that Nasir al Din was the director of the Ilkhani waqf revenues. 89 According to Al Safadi and Al Kutubi, one tenth of all state waqf revenues was attached to the Maragha Observatory, and twenty thousand dinars were spent for its instruments alone, exclusive of all other expenses. 90 Although according to a statement related from Shams al Din al Ùrdi, the funds secured from Hulagu by Nasir al Din were so immense that no one but God could express it in numbers or words, 91 the above-mentioned one tenth of all the state waqf revenues sounds exaggerated. According to Abu'l Faraj, the waqf revenues of the state were placed under the direction of Nasir al Din who drew the financial needs of all the madrasas from these funds e2 It appears probable that the attachment of waqf to the Maragha Observatory caused some criticism and complaint. Ahmad Takudar, Ilkhan ruler (1281-84), is said to have referred to abuses of waqf revenues and their assignment to astronomers in a letter he wrote to the Sultan of Egypt and to have spoken of his intention to rectify the situation, and also of having done so es There is perhaps an allusion here to the Maragha Observatory as M. Fuat Koprulii has pointed out, for at the time no other institution connected with astronomy is known to have existed from whose waqf revenues astronomers could profit. According to certain sources, the reference in Takudar ' s letter was to non-Moslem astronomers and physicians. 94 This version of the story makes it probable that only the payment of waqf revenues to a few non-Moslem astronomers had met with disapproval. According to Khondmir, Takudar deprived Christian and Jewish physicians and astronomers from waqf revenues
89 Abu ' ! Faraj, tr. Budge, p. 451; Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151; Wassaf, ed. Hammer, p. 100, India, vol. 1, p. 51; Kopriilii; Mardga Rasathanesi, p. 215. d0 Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2. p. 151; Haji Khalifa, Fliigel, vol. 3, p. 469, Yaltkaya, vol. 1, p. 907. 92 Abu ' l Faraj, tr. Budge, p. 451. sa Wassaf, India, vol. 1, p. 114; Kbprulii, Mardga Rasathanesi, p. 222. Khondmir, vol. 3, p. 41; Koprulu, Magdra Rasathanesi, p. 222. 14
210
211
and appointed a certain Kamalss al Din Àbd al Raliman al Rail as director of waq f endowments. There are references to abuses in the administration of wag f during the period of the Maragha Observatory, and this situation may make our particular problem appear rather magnified. In the poem of Nizam al Din al Isfahan referred to above, e. g., line eighteen seems to be connected with a complaint about the affairs of wagf, 90 but this is both vague and general. Fakhr al Din Ahmad, a son of Nasir al Din, was killed by the order of Ghazan Khan because of his abuses in Anatolian waqf funds. 84 Speaking of the Tabriz foundations of Ghaian Khan, Rashid al Din says that endowments made by him were submitted to the approval of various religious authorities who officialy testified to their rigid conformity with the religious law " so that no slanderer could object to them " . Various copies of these waqf documents were then deposited with proper authorities in different i mportant cities. 99 It is seen that the type of objection specifically referred to here by Rashid al Din concerns the question of whether the property tied up as waqf was the rightful possession of the person making the" endowments, and this may be relevant in connection with the Maragha Observatory. We have, indeed, very little information concerning the exact nature of Maragha ' s endowment. There is no doubt that it benefited from the "waqf revenues of the state " , but it cannot be ascertained whether or not any particular sources of income were specifically and inalienably attached to it in accordance with legal formalities. The Tabriz Observatory of Ghazan Khan, which came into existence at a time when Maragha was still functioning, was also endowed with waqf revenues. It is reasonable to think therefore that the objection to endowing observatories with waqf was not a very serious one, if indeed such an objection existed at all. It is very likely then that the Maragha Observatory was never deKhondmir, vol. 3, p. 41. N Saydt, Khwaja Nasir-i nisi, p. 13. D7 Safadi, vol. 1, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. ss Rashid al Din, Tdrikh-i Mubdrak, p. 215.
prived of its waqf revenues, and in case it was, it may have been done so for a short time. It will be noted that Takudar's reign itself was quite short. Whatever its nature, the endowment of Maragha with waqf was certainly of great importance. Undoubtedly, the fact that Maragha had a quite long life compared especially to earlier observatories of Islam was partly a result of its endowment, and this fact could also be considered as an indirect evidence suggesting that it was not deprived of its waqf funds. LENGTH OF LIFE This brings us to the second feature of the Maragha Observatory which we shall study in some detail. Maragha was exceptional not only for its long life as expressed in number of years but also in that it is the first Islamic observatory to clearly survive its founder. After the ' death of Hulagu it continued functioning during the reigns of not less than seven rulers. These are Abaqa (1265-81), Ahmad Takudar_ (1281-84), Arghun (1284-91) Gaykhatu (1291-95), - Baydu, Ghazan Mahmud (1295-1303), and Uljaytu (1303 . 1316); Ghazan Khan visited the observatory several times and' showed great interest in it, ss and in 1304-5 Uljaytu appointed Asil al Din, one of Nasir al Din's sons, as director of the observatory. I" As Uljaytu showed active interest in the observatory, we may consider it reasonable to assume that it survived up to 1316, the end of that monarch 's reign. This year would - seem to be of i mportance for another similar reason also; it happens to coincide with the year of Asil al Din's death, 101 the last person known to have directed that institution. The reign of Abu Said Bahadur (1316-36), Uljaytu's successor, was marked with much internal disorder. Abu Said was the last ruler of his dynasty, and his reign may be characterized as the period of dissolution of the Ilkhani state. Rashid al Din, Tdrikh-i Mubdrak, pp. 104, 131, 173, 174. Browne, 1920, p. 48; D ' Ohsson. 1834, p. 483; Kopriilii, Maraga Rasathanesi, p. 224. lOt Asil al Din died in 715 (1345-1316). See, Rashid al Din, Letters, p. 60, note 2.
100 D8
212
213
Al Wabkanwi, who dedicated his zij to Abu Said Bahadur2 Khan, speaks of the Maragha Observatory as a thing of the past.' 3 Al Wabkanwi was among the astronomers of Ghazan Khan.' 104 He states that he observed the skies durings some forty years; in his zij he allows for a difference of 31 ' for the precession of the equinoxes as compared with the fixed star positions in the Ilkhani Tables. 105 He started writing his zij during the reign of Uljaytu. toe Al Wabkanwi's statement concerning the Maragha Observatory shows that the life of this institution came to an end early during the reign of Abu Said, if not before. A clear but not surprising statement comes from Hamdullah Mustawfi al Qazwini; he saw the observatory in ruins in the year 1339. 10 The fifteenth century astronomer Rukn al Din ibn Sharaf al Din al Amuli writes in his Zij-i Jdmi`-i Sa'idi that after Nasir al Din' s death the astronomers of the Maragha Observatory, such as Athir al Din al Abhari, 108 Muhyi al Din al Maghribi, Najm al Din Dabiran, and Fakhr al Din al Akhlati, "sat" up to thirty years until one revolution of Saturn was completed and 109 made the necessary corrections on the Ilkhdnf Tables. As Nasir al Din died in 1274, the details given by Rukn al Din al Amuli indicate that work at the observatory continued up to the year 1304 when Asil al Din was charged with the direction of that institution. Al Amuli ' s statement does not neces110 sarily imply, however, that work came to an end at that date. Al Wabkanwi, on the other hand, says that none of the astro"2 Wabkanwi, pp. 6a, 2b-3a. 103 Wabkanwi, p. 2b. 104 Wabkanwi, p. lb. los Wabkanwi, p. 127b. The value of precession adopted by Al Wabkanwi is 1 in sixty years (Wabkanwi, p. 50b). 108 Wabkanwi, p. 6a. for Qazwini, Nuzha al Qulub, Gib() Series, part 1, p. 87, part 2, p. 88; Supplement to Siydsatnama, p. 219. See also, Barthold, 1935, p. 166, note 7. loa See, Suter, 1900, p. 145. 100 Amuli, p. 2. 110 Rukn al Din ' s statement may refer, on the other hand, to the completion of thirty years including Nasir al Din's period of work. The expression is not very clear in this respect.
nomical tables prevalent in his time was accurate because none of them had been completed, i. e., based upon thirty years of lil and this statement would seem to contradict observation, that of Al Amuli. No reference to any activity in the Maragha Observatory seems to have come down to us for the years following 1304-5. All that can be said with certainty is therefore that the life of the observatory came to an end not earlier than 1304 and not much later than 1316; but it is quite possible that the observatory did not survive until the latter date. The life of the Maragha Observatory, including the period of its construction, then, was at least forty five years and at the most about fifty five or possibly sixty years. Sharaf-i Rami visited the Maragha Observatory some time 112 Apparently this after the middle of the fourteenth century. was a visit of its ruins. Seeing that the site of the observatory bears traces of the foundations of its instruments and buildings still in our day, one may conclude that the observatory must have fallen into ruins in a gradual manner and that much must have remained standing there for a considerable length of time after the life of the institution had actually come to an end. Indeed, Ulugh Bey (1394-1449) visited the Maragha Observ113 atory during his childhood, and, as previously mentioned, Ghiyath al Din Jamshid al Kashi speaks of the " geometrical pulpit" which "stands" in the midst of the observatory building at Maragha. Again, Àbd al Mun'im al Àmili, writing in 1562-63, speaks, as we have seen, of the circular foundation wall of the azimuthal quadrant of Maragha as standing near the water wheel. The fact that Isma'Il I, Safawid king of Persia (1502-24), planned to have the Maragha Observatory revived or reconstructed, 114
Wabkanwi, p. 2a. See also, Haji Khalifa, Yaltkaya, vol. 2, p. 969. Sharaf-i Rami, pp. 2-3 (Courtesy of Professor Mojtaba Minovi). This visit took place during the reign of the Jalairid ruler Shaykh Uways Bahadur. Shaykh Uways conquered Adharbayjau in 1358, and in 1364 he annexed Musul and Diyarbakir to his realm (see, Halil Edhem, p. 391). 113 Giyath al Din, Letter, p. 512a. 14 Kopriihi; Maraga Rasathanesi, p. 225.
112 111
214
215
also shows that the remains of this institution were quite substantial at that time. In 1274 Nasir al Din went to Baghdad and died there. This year may mark therefore the end of the most active period of the observatory. According to Al Safadi and Al Kutubi, Nasir al Din was accompanied or followed by a large number of his 115 students when he journeyed to Baghdad for the last time. It is to be wondered therefore whether Nasir al Din did not intend to return to Maragha. Bar Hebraus says, however, that Nasir al Din's journey to Baghdad was undertaken for the purpose 116 of visiting certain places in that district. According to Al Wabkanwi, while the Ilkhani Tables are largely dependent upon the Tables of Ibn al A'lam and Ibn Yunus, the Zij of Muhyi al Din al Maghribi is more truly representative of the work done at Maragha. Al Wabkanwi also states that Muhyi al Din was busy observing at Maragha after Nasir ' al Din s death and that he completed the Maragha observa117 tions. Reference was previously made to Muhyi al Din's work and to a disagreement between the values found by him and by Nasir al Din for the precession of the equinoxes) . " It is to be noted that Al Wabkanwi seems to contradict here his statement previously referred to to the effect that none of the astronomical tables existing in his time was complete as none had been based upon observations lasting for thirty years. We may thus attach greater credence to the words of Rukn al Din al Amuli, according to whom, as we have seen, the astronomers of the Maragha Observatory actually did complete an observation program of thirty years after the death of Nasir al Din. Rukn al Din gives some details concerning this activity of observation. He says, " As is well-known, Nasir al Din ... had made certain mistakes in the Ilkhani-Zij and had willed that these misSafadi, vol. 1, p. 183; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. us Abfi'l Faraj, tr. Budge, p. 451. 119 Wabkanwi, p. 3a. 119 See above, p. 78, note 125; Qadizada, p. 29. See also, Schirmer,
pp. 59-60.
takes be rectified and the tables contained in the Zij be corrected by Asil al Din in collaboration with Qutb al Din al Shirazi... Now, the Khwaja (Nasir al Din) had mentioned the names of the astronomers of the observatory in the introduction to the Ilkhani Tables and had passed away, and had not included the Mawlawi' s (Qutb al Din) name among them. Because of this, Qutb al Din did not busy himself with the correction of the tables. Upon Asil al Din's insistence he merely indicated on the margins .. . that in using the mean positions of the planets from the tables, 30 ' should be added to the mean position of the moon and 7 ' to the center of Saturn ' s epicycle, that Jupiter's epicyclic configuration should be increased by 1 21 ' , and that 1 30 ' should be added to the center of Mars' epicycle and the same quantity(?) subtracted from that of Venus, but he did not make any references to the sun and to Mercury. "After the death of the Khwaja, the astronomers of the observatory waited (sat) up to thirty years until the revolution of Saturn became complete. Each one of them, such as Athir al Din al Abhari, Muhyi al Din al Maghribi, Najm al Din Dabiran, and Fakhr al Din al Akhlati, prepared astronomical tables and treatises on Euclid and the Almagest, and it was ascertained that, as before, three minutes should be subtracted from the " sun 's distance to the apogee of its eccentric so as to bring about the necessary agreement between the calculated and observed positions)" Does this mean a new edition of the Ilkhani Tables, the main author this time being Asil al Din? Or could the details given by Rukn al Din be considered as more or less equivalent to Al Wabkanwi's and Hasan Rumlu 's statements concerning Muhyi al Din al Maghribi ' s Astronomical Tables? The clarification of these questions, will have to await further detailed information and monographic work. An entirely new additional zij produced at the Maragha Observatory and based upon thirty years of observation may even be implied here, but other sources would have contained clear references to such a zij, had it been in existence)
1
120
Amfili, p. 2. A copy of the Ilkhani Zij with Asil al Din ' s handwriting exists in the
216
217
We have the report of a certain Hasan ibn Ahmad al Hakam who visited the Maragha Observatory at a time when Nasir al Din' s son Sadr al Din was its director. Shams al Din Muhammad ibn Muayyad al 'Urdi, Shams al Din al Shirwani, Kamal al Din al Ayki, and Iiusam al Din al Shami were at that time working 121 in the observatory. Moreover, as we shall presently see, it appears that the number of students at Maragha had apparently not decreased to any considerable extent, in spite of the report that a group of them followed Nasir al Din to Baghdad during his last trip. It may therefore be concluded that the activity at Maragha did not suffer seriously upon the death of its first director, but further detailed and specific information is needed on this point. The information concerning Qutb al Din contained in the passage quoted above from Rukn al Din is of interest. As Qutb al Din was a highly esteemed scientist who survived Nasir al 122 Din by about thirty five years, it is of importance that he did not stay on the Maragha staff. Qutb al Din remained in the Ilkhan service, and served for Takudar, Arghun, Ghazan Khan, and UljaytiI, in addition to Hulagu and Abaqa. He acted as a kind of ambassador sent by Takildar to the Mamluk sultan Qalaun and apparently was the 128 bearer of Takudar's letter mentioned above. He was also given the post of some kind of an extraordinary governor of a boundary province by Takudar. He lived in Asia Minor for a considerable time, and he presented a map of the Mediterranean to Arghun in 1290, from which Arghun examined the route to be followed by his Genoese envoy Buscarello di Ghizalfi whom he was sending to the Pope and the kings of France and England 124 in 1292.
Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris (ms. No 779). See, Blochet, Manuscrits Persans, vol. 2, p. 56. 121 Safadi, vol. I, p. 182; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. 122 Sarton, vol. 2, p. 1017. See also, Rashid al Din, Letters, p. 57, note 1. It is stated here that Qutb al Din lived to be nearly ninety years old. From the date of birth given by Sarton, however, he died when about seventy five years old. 12s Sarton, vol. 2, p. 1017. lay Sarton, vol. 2, p. 1018; Togan, 1942, pp. 45-48.
During the reign of Arghun, Rashid al Din sent a rather long 115 letter to Qutb al Din from India, and in a letter to his son, he granted a sum of money, as well as a fur and a horse with saddle 126 to Qutb al Din. Of course this need not indicate that at the time Qutb al Din did not receive funds from the state treasury or from waqf. An identical grant was made on this occasion to 127 Nasir al Din's son Asil al Din also. It is of interest that Ra128 shid al Din did not believe in astrology; we have seen that his opinion of at least the alchemists of this time was, likewise, very low indeed. After Nasir al Din ' s death two of his sons became directors of the observatory, although none of them seems to have been quite as distinguished, as astronomers, as some of the other members of the staff, e. g., Qutb al Din al Shirazi or Muhyi al Din al Maghribi. This may bring to mind the possibility that the direction of the observatory was not unrelated to the administration of its endowments. The office of the administrator of waqf revenues was sometimes hereditary. Such an arrangement would usually imply, however, that the waqf revenues came from the personal properties of Nasir al Din, and although our knowledge concerning the endowment of Maragha is scanty, it is quite certain that Nasir al Din had not endowed it. It is not very likely therefore that his sons were automatically entitled to any such priority in the administration of its waqf revenues. There still remains the possibility that the supervision of the waqf revenues of the observatory was granted to Nasir al Din on a hereditary basis. We have referred to the report concerning the work which was to be continued after the death of Nasir al Din by his son Asil al Din in collaboration with Qutb al Din. This suggests the possibility that Nasir al Din had willed that this son should succeed him as director of the observatory. If so, however, Asil al Din would have become the second director of the Maragha Ob12s 125 121 125
Rashid al Din, Letters, pp. 159-168, 161. Rashid al Din, Letters, p. 57. Rashid al Din, Letters, p. 60. Rashid al Din, Letters, p. 300.
218
219
servatory, and this apparently was not the case. For as mentioned before, according to E. G. Browne, Asil al Din Hasan was appointed director of the Observatory by Uljaytft in 1304-5. 129 We know that Sadr al Din Àli too occupied that post. For as we have seen, a certain Hasan ibn Ahmad visited the Observatory at a time when Sadr al Din was its director. Presumably, therefore, after Nasir al Din ' s death, first Sadr al Din and then Asil al Din assumed the direction of the Observatory. In fact, Al Safadi and Al Kutubi state that first Sadr al Din and, after his death, his brother Ail al Din assumed the direction of most of the posts occupied by their father. 1S0 The same sources state, on the other hand, that Asil al Din lost his prestige toward the end of Ghazan Khan' s reign and that his life came to an end without having been rehabilitated,'" and this further complicates our somewhat confused picture of the situation. Nasir al Din ' s third son, Fakhr al Din Ahmad, does not seem to have been connected with the Observatory. THE ACTIVITY OF INSTRUCTION The third outstanding feature of the Maragha Observatory is seen in the important activity of instruction which took place in it. There is no doubt that earlier observatories too were helpful in the transmission of astronomical knowledge and of the await sciences in general. For as the await sciences were as a rule excluded from the curricula of the madrasas, the transmission of knowledge in these subjects had to depend upon private instruction, and at least a limited number of private students and apprentices of astronomers must have had access to the instruments at the disposal of their masters. This would serve to supplement theoretical teaching by practical instruction, and practical astronomers at least probably received the best part of their education when they had access to the observatories in the capacity of assistants. As astronomers needed assistance both in making their observations and for calculation work, there must have existed a
1" Browne, 1920, p. 48; Koprulu, Maraga Rasathanesi, p. 224. 'as Safadi, vol. 1, p. 183; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151. '3' Safadi, vol. 1, p. 183; Kutubi, vol. 2, p. 151.
number of students in every private observatory. Observation with the larger instruments especially was, on the other hand, of necessity, the result of the cooperation of several persons. The more elaborate royal observatories could afford to employ an array of full-fledged astronomers, and they may not have felt the need of having student helpers. At any rate, we have no clear evidence that any of the earlier royal observatories, with the possible exception of the Al Afdal-Al Bataihi Observatory, had any students or apprentices on their staff. As we have seen, in the latter institution both Sahlun and his disciple Aba Nasr are mentioned among the astronomers of the observatory. As to the Maragha Observatory, it apparently incorporated a veritable school of astronomy and the await sciences in general. This, at least, is the impression gained from the fact that our sources associate large numbers of students with this observatory. Our information concerning the degree to which this activity was organized and institutionalized is not very clear, however. The instruction in Maragha does, nevertheless, show signs of having been official and not to have consisted merely of an extention of private teaching. We are told, in fact, that Abaqa granted financial assistance, repeatedly and generously, to nearly one hundred students who tsa had been disciples of Nasir al Din. This would seem to indicate that the waqf of the observatory contained no provisions concerning funds to be made available to students, but it also shows that the instruction of "Nasir al Din ' s students" was not interrupted by his death. It is clear at any rate that they should not be conceived as his private students. We may infer, on the basis of the same report, that the group of students who followed Nasir al Din to Baghdad, when he journeyed there, must have returned to Maragha after his death. Aba'l Faraj is known to have taught geometry and astronomy in Maragha. He lectured on Euclid ' s Elements in 1270 and on Ptolemy's Almagest in 1272. According to Nau, the latter, i. e., the courses on astronomy lasted from 1272 to 1279. laa
'sa Mtrkhond, vol. 5. p. 91; Kopriilii, Maraga Rasathanesi, p. 219. According to Abu' l Faraj, Nasir al Din allotted stipends to teachers and pupils who were with him, and this most likely refers to waqf revenues (See below, p. 222, note 143). 'sa Nau, p. IV.
220
221
Abell Faraj (Bar Hebraus) is sometimes considered as one of the astronomers of the Maragha Observatory, 134 but there seems to exist no conclusive evidence showing that he was officially in the staff of that institution. There is no doubt that he lectured 135 on geometry and astronomy in the city of Maragha; but it is not clearly stated in our sources whether he lectured in Arabic or in Syriac, and nor is it specified whether the courses were given in the observatory or in the monastery of that city. The monastery is mentioned in one of the passages wherein reference is made to his instruction, however, and although the connection between them is not clear, Assemani and Nau have concluded that his courses in geometry and astronomy were 135 given in Syriac in the monastery. Nau's contention is based also on the fact that an astronomical work of Bar Hebraus, The Book of the Ascension ... , written in Syriac, contains fragmentary evidence concerning his teaching. According to Nau, this book must have been directly connected with that activity of instruc137 tion and it probably grew out of his lectures. Nau also points out that the details of the celestial globe constructed in Maragha and preserved in Dresden correspond to those given by Bar Hebraus in his Book of the Ascension, and he sees in this correspondence an additional evidence of connection between Bar Hebraus' Syriac book and his courses.'" This globe, which was constructed by Muhammad ibn Mu13s ayyad al Ùrdi, a son of Muayyad al Din al Ùrdi, apparently belonged to the observatory. For there should be no doubt that this Muhammad was no other than Shams al Din Muhammad ibn Muayyad al Ùrdi, who was, as we have seen, a member of' the staff of the observatory. Moreover, according to Nau, there is close similarity between Bar Hebraus ' book and Nasir al Din 's
'34 Dreyer, History, p. 248; Wiedemann and Ruska, p. 298; Johnson, p. 31; Sarton, vol. 2, p. 1005. 138 Assemani, p. 253; Abbeloos de Lamy, col. 444; Nau, pp. III, IV if., 105; Sarton, vol. 2, p. 975; Hitti, p. 683. 134 Assemani, p. 253; Nau, pp. III, IV. 187 Nau, pp. III, IV, VII. '38 Nau, pp. VII-VIII, note 4 on p. VII. 138 See above, pp. 194-195, note 33.
and we know that Bar Hebraus also wrote in Arabic. These items give evidence that Abu'l Faraj had close relations with the Maragha Observatory and bring to mind the likelihood that he lectured in that institution in Arabic. There is, in one of the Istanbul libraries, a manuscript volume containing a collection of various mathematical and astronomical texts which belonged to Abu'l Faraj; it bears his signature as well as a phrase of identification in Syriac. The treatises of this collection include some works of Nasir al Din, and they would seem to constitute a very useful collection for courses in geometry and astronomy such as those given by Abu'l Faraj. The various treatises contained in the volume bear successive dates and they seem to have been written, at least partly, in Bar Hebraus' own handwriting. 141 It would seem that this collection could be characterized as more representative of the courses given by Bar Hebraus than his above-mentioned Syriac book, and the presence of such a collection would seem to offset the thesis that Abu'l Faraj taught in Syriac and in the Maragha Monastery. Arabic was the prevailing scientific language at the time, and students existed in the observatory in large numbers, where, in addition, excellent facilities for instruction were available; there was a huge library and, very likely, auxiliary instruments of smaller size concerning which no information has come down to us. Moreover, his religious duties took Abu ' ! Faraj to different cities such as Baghdad, Musul, and Tabriz, and Maragha was 142 not his only headquarters. It was only in Maragha, however, that he lectured on astronomy and related subjects. It may be noted in this connection too that no other examples of instruction in astronomy or mathematics given in monasteries or churches within Islamic lands seem to be in existence. On all these grounds it would appear likely that Abu'l Faraj gave his courses in Arabic and in the Maragha Observatory,
Tadhkira,
Nau, p. VII. Sayil1, Khwaja Nasir-i nisi, pp. 10-12; see also plate on page p. 16-17 (inverted). Professor Franz Rosenthal kindly brought this manuscript to my attention. 142 See, Nau, p. III; Sarton, vol. 2, p. 975.
141 140
140
222
223
although there is no conclusive evidence for either alternative. The following statement of Abu'l Faraj too is of interest in this connection. Speaking of Nasir al Din, Abu'l Faraj says, "And there were gathered together about him in Maragha, a city of Adharbayjan, a numerous company of wise men from various countries. And since the council of all the mosques and the houses of instruction (i. e., colleges) of Baghdad and Assyria were under his direction he used to allot stipends to the teachers and pupils who were with him. About this time, having set out for Baghdad to visit various places, he died in Baghdad. And certain men have reported that he was blind." 74s The last sentence in this passage makes it seem that Abu'1 Faraj had no contacts with the Maragha Observatory and that he had not even seen Nasir al Din. But this possibly refers to Nasir al Din's last days only and in that case it would not mean that Abil'l Faraj did not know him personally. According to Haji Khalifa, Muhyi al Din al Maghribi wrote his epitome of 144 the Almagest upon Abu'l Faraj ' s request and recommendation so that they were apparently well-acquainted with one another. The above-mentioned manuscript collection too shows that Abu'l Faraj was quite well-informed on the newest books and treatises written by the astronomers of the Maragha Observatory, and we have mentioned other items indicating that he was probably in contact with that institution. CONCLUSION As will be noted, we are in possession of no clear evidence that any of the previous observatories had libraries of any considerable size, whereas we have already referred to the huge library of the Maragha Observatory. It is reasonable to think that previous observatories too were equipped with libraries containing appropriate books. They may have been of modest or moderate sizes, and this is probably the reason why no references occur to them. In fact, the only other observatory in connection with which there is clear evidence of the existence of a library is the Istanbul Observatory
Abu ' l Faraj, tr. Budge, p. 451. '" Haji Khalifa, FHigel, vol. 5, pp. 389, 387, 1595; Suter, p. 155.
144
of the sixteenth century. This much seems to be clear at any rate that none of them had any library comparable in size to that of of the Maragha Observatory. We have seen that, as in earlier observatories, the main work done in Maragha was the preparation of new astronomical tables, and it seems quite clear that, for its royal patron at least, the primary incentive in creating this institution was of an astrological nature. Like its library, the staff of this observatory too is seen to have been quite impressive. In fact, it is clear that in many respects, Maragha surpassed all previous observatories of Islam and that in its financial administration, as well as with regard to instruction in astronomy, it introduced important innovations. These factors, and also the consistency with which the Ilkhan rulers supported astrology, were undoubtedly responsible in great measure for the exceptional length of life of this observatory. The two main observatories which were founded after Maragha, namely the Samarqand Observatory of Ulugh Bey and the Istanbul Observatory of Murad III, were quite comparable to Maragha in splendor; these three would seem to fall generally in the same class. The Maragha Observatory thus set a new standard for the observatories of Islam. The policy of supplying observatories with waqf was further developed in the Tabriz Observatory of Ghazan Khan, but there is no evidence that it was continued in the later observatories of Islam. Maragha was likewise surpassed by the Tabriz Observatory with respect to the organization of scientific instruction, but otherwise the observatory of Gillian Khan was only of minor importance. In Samarqand the teaching of astronomy and mathematics was pursued with vigor in the madrasa of that city. This madrasa, which was older than the observatory, apparently constituted some kind of a prelude to it and paved the way for it. It t is not known to what extent the observatory itself was accessible to students, however. The connection of observatories with instruction in astronomy too seems, nevertheless, to have constituted one of the lasting traditions and permanent features 14s of the Islamic observatory.
14'
Yaltkaya, vol. 2, pp. 1596,
See below, p. 231, note 25.
THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY and constructed in the best manner possible in that age. Now, CHAPTER VII in other cases through compulsion and harshness; but kindness is more effective when it comes from kings and coersion can be exercised only by them.
"
225
there is no doubt that to assemble the masters of this art from all corners is possible sometimes by showing kindness to them, and
THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY AND MINOR OBSERVATORIES
Shortly before the construction of the Maragha Observatory Muayyad al Ùrdi complained that no royal patron sufficiently
interested in astronomy was available and that therefore systematic observations, on which any serious work in astronomy
.
Thus for the purpose of the invention of astronomical instruments, the establishment of methods for making observations with them, and for discovering expedient and dexterous ways for their manipulation and utilization it is necessary to bring together wise men from all corners so that their experience and knowledge will be pooled together; the realization of the projected observations will thus become more certain and the results obtained will come closer to the truth.... " 2 It is certain that in Islam royal initiative and patronage were factors of primary importance in the construction of observatories. The fourteenth century does not seem to have been particularly rich in observatories. This probably had something to do with the fact that the foundation of an elaborate observatory and the completion of reliable astronomical tables, i.e., the Maragha Observatory and the Ilkhani Zij, had made it unnecessary to build new observatories, for some time at least, or even to keep the existing one alive.
had to be based, could not be undertaken) Shortly after the Maragha Observatory, Hasan ibn Muhammad Nizam al Nlshaburi, commenting on the statement of Nasir al Din al Tusi that " in no age which was without a great and
world-controling king has it been possible to build observatories " ,
writes as follows: "It is fixed in the minds of intelligent people that the works of kings are kings among works. This is especially true of observ-
ation programs. For this is a matter which cannot be accomplished except by the nod of approval of kings. This is not merely due to the fact that great expenditures are necessary for the
creation and the functioning of observatories and for equipping them with instruments. For if this were the only reason, people well-versed in these matters could call upon the assistance
of wealthy personalities.
"For the erection of an observatory there is need for the presence of accomplished and skilful masters who can convert
the instruments from the conceptual state into the actual. As this is an extensive work and requires long time for its completion, it is impossible to limit oneself to and to be satisfied with the
Ghazan Khan stands out as an interesting figure of the fourteenth century, although his patronage was probably not altogether fruitful. It is likely that the most important observatory of this century was that of Ibn al Shatir. But very little information is available at present concerning this side of Ibn al Shatir 's activity. Another factor which seems to have gained some importance by this time is a tendency of building minor " observatories". It is difficult to make a clear definition of the word "minor" in this context, but probably these minor observatories could best be conceived as a new type which came close to the office of the muwaqqit. They may roughly be characterized as places from which
2
presence of a few only of these masters. It is necessary on the contrary, to bring together all the masters of the time so that
every one shall make manifest his own particular art; and moreover, by seeking the confirmation and approval of other experts in each case, all these instruments shall be attended to
Urdi, Kitdb al Hay' a, p. 90a.
Nizam-i Nishaburi, Kashf, Bursa, pp. 6a-6b.

is
226 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 227
observations of a definite nature and limited scope were made, and in contrast to the observatory they were apparently conceived to be permanent. More specific information would be needed to clarify this subject, however. connection with the observatory; funds set aside for the instruments and tools of this clock and for the observatory form one single item, and the clock is mentioned on this occasion. One may conclude therefore that the clock was at the observatory and was one of some complexity. Rashid al Din tells us that, in the spring of 1300, when returning from his Syrian expedition, Ghazan Khan stopped at Maragha and stayed there for some time. During this sojourn he visited the Maragha Observatory; he showed interest in every minute detail and asked many questions. He then ordered the construction of an observatory at his Abwab al Birr of Sham. He gave instructions concerning this matter and these contained ideas that were new and original. The construction was started in accordance with his instructions and brought to completion. In the course of his instructions Ghazan Khan is said to have specified the kind of work to be done at the observatory, but nothing in the nature of specific details is given concerning this matter. 7 This was not Ghazan Khan's only visit to the Maragha Observatory, and neither was it the first. He visited that institu9 tion several times on other occasions. Rashid al Din praises Ghazan Khan for his knowledge in different fields and his accomplishments in learning. According to him, Ghazan Khan was very well acquainted with the history of the Mongols; he had a very good knowledge of medicine and discovered a new drug called tirydq-i Ghdzdni; he could foretell the mineral and metallic riches of a district through his knowledge of geology; he was profoundly interested in astronomy; and he possessed mechanical ability and exhibited great skill in craftsmanship. 9 Rashid al Din speaks of Ghazan Khan's skill in the manual arts on different occasions, adding that experts were astonished at his proficiency in their own fields.
6 9
THE GHAZAN KHAN OBSERVATORY
According to Rashid al Din (1247-1318), the Ilkhanid ruler Ghazan Khan (1295-1304), after embracing Islam, decided to adopt the custom of Moslem kings of building mausoleums. He had one made for himself and surrounded it with a group of institutions of charity and public assistance. He chose Sham, a suburb of Tabriz, as the location of his future resting place and its complement of charitable institutions, and he was determined that it should Burp , s all previous ones in plendor. 3 The result was the {Abwab al Birr of Sham, -)which was also called the Shanb-i Ghazani. It contained, in addition to his Mausoleum, a mosque, a monastery, two or more madrasas, a hospice for sayyids, an observatory, a hospital, a library, a house of law, a house for the administrator of endowments, a place of ablution, a bath-house, and a primary school for one hundred children. The foundations were richly endowed, and the waqf revenues provided, in addition to the salaries of all employees and all expenses needed for maintenance and upkeep, for various other humanitarian purposes such as the following: funeral expenses for destitute persons dying in Tabriz, assistance to poor widows, care and education of orphans until they were taught a manual art, upkeep and maintenance of roads and bridges up to a distance of eight farsakhs from Tabriz, grain for birds when the ground is covered with snow, and assistance to servants embarrassed because of having broken their masters' jugs. 4 Ghazan Khan founded other charitable institutions also in various parts of his kingdom. There is mention of a clock in
Rashid al Din, Tdrikh-i Mubfirak, p. 210. Rashid al Din, Tfirikh-i Mubfirak, p. 131. 9 Rashid al Din, Tfirikh-i Mubfirak, pp. 104, 173. ' Tdrikh-i Mubfirak, pp. 171-174.
s Rashid al Din, Tdrikh-i Mubfirak, pp. 207, 208. * Rashid al Din, Tdrikh-i Mubfirak, pp. 209-217; Kiipriilii, Vakif MUessesesi, p. 21; Nakhjawani, Shan6-i Ghazan, pp. 81-97. s See, e. g., Rashid al Din, Tdrikh-i Mubfirak, pp. 215, 217, 324-325.
228 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY well as for a treasurer and several other employees; funds were also set aside for the benefit of students, and for the needed furniture, provisions, and other materials. 15 As other madrasas of Islam too generally had one mudarris, the teaching staff of this observatory should be considered as of a size not very different from the schools of higher education of the time. It is thus seen that this observatory officially included a school for the teaching of astronomy and the related awdil sciences (hikamiyiit). This represents a continuation of the tradition started at Maragha. It would seem also that that tradition is found here in a more developed state. For we have, in this case, clear evidence that funds were set aside in the waqf endowments especially for this purpose. There is a poem wherein Ghazan Khan speaks of the new calendar, called Khani, which was established by him. He says here that as different kinds of calendars were in use in his realm he decided to unify them, and this gave occasion to his new calendar. In his calendar the year started at vernal equinox." This calendar was adopted in 1302, and its beginning coincided with the first day of a Turkish month. 17 The Khani calendar of Ghazan Khan was solar and the same as the Jalali calendar of Malikshah except for a small detail connected with the beginning of the year. Here the year started on the day of vernal equinox if the equinox occurred before sunset; but if it came after sunset, then the next day was taken as the first day of the year. The names of months in the Jalali calendar were those of the old Persian months, whereas in the Khani calendar names of Turkish months were used. It is possible that the new calendar was based on work done at the new observatory, but there is no specific statement to this effect. Al Wabkanwi was among the astronomers who made the 1 new calendar, which was in use in official Ilkhani circles during
16 18
229
One such circumstance is connected with the construction and plan of the Tabriz Observatory. According to Rashid al Din,
Ghazan Khan invented a hemispherical instrument for solar observations. The astronomers declared it to be an entirely ori-
ginal invention and found it to be very well thought out but difficult to realize in actual construction. Their hesitations
concerning its construction were dissipated, however, after they heard specific instructions given by Ghazan Khan. Rashid al Din adds that the observatory "which now stands in the Abwab al
Birr of Sham" contains a domed structure which is based upon the principles of the design of the said instrument." No details are available concerning this device.
The passage dealing with Ghazan Khan ' s visit to Maragha, during which he decided to found his new observatory, indicates that the construction of Ghazan Khan 's Observatory was started in 1300 or shortly after. That the construction was com-
pleted before 1304, i. e., before Ghazan Khan's death, may be safely inferred from the details given by Rashid al Din, especially those concerning the wagf document prepared for the endowl ments. ' The statement of the same author referring to this
institution as the " observatory which now stands in the Abwab 12 al Birr of Sham," not only confirms the conclusion that the
construction was completed, but it also shows that the observ-
atory was still standing at the time when Rashid al Din wrote his book, i, e., in 1317. 13 Thus, the observatory seems to have
had a minimum life of about fifteen or sixteen years.
Ibn Batuta, who visited the Shanb-i Ghazani in 1331 or 1332, mentions the tomb of Ghazan Khan as well as a madrasa and a monastery there, but he speaks neither of the observatory
14
nor of the other institutions built by Ghazan Khan at Sham.
The waqf of this observatory provided revenues for the salaries of a professor ( mudarris) and an assistant ( muìd), as
10
11
Tarikh-i Mubarak, pp. 131, 173-174. Tarikh-i Mubdrak, pp. 210, 215.
11
Tarikh-i Mubdrak, p. 174. ' s Tarikh-i Mubdrak, Introduction, p. XIII. i4 Ibn Batilta, vol. 2, p. 129.
Rashid al Din, Tarikh-i Mubdrak, p. 210. Tagizada, pp. 296-297. Tagizada, pp. 297, 161, 163. is Wabkanwi, pp. 28a-29a. ' Wabkanwi, p. 2b.

20
the reign of Abu Said Bahadur (1316-36). Al Wabkanwi states, however, that it was not as yet used much among astronomers and that it was for the purpose of making it more widely known 21 that he adopted it in his own zij. According to Rashid al Din, in Tabriz, "There were gathered under the eyes of the pddishah of Islam (i, e., Ghazan Khan) philosophers, astronomers, scholars, historians, of all religions, of all sects, people of Cathay, of Machin (South China), of India, of Kashmir, of Tibet, of the Uyghur, and other Turkish nations, Arabs and Franks." 22 It is thus seen that the internationalism of the time of Hulaga as represented by the Maragha Observatory was still continuing in the time of Ghazan Khan. As in this case we witness some emphasis on the Turkish calendar, reference to Uyghur and other Turkish scientists is of interest. It may be added here that the Turkish calendar figures prominently in the Ilkhani Tables also,
It is not known whether any of these foreign astronomers worked at the new observatory. In fact, our sources have not specifically revealed so far any names of astronomers who were attached to this institution, and neither do we possess clear information concerning any work done there. This situation has, in fact, given rise to certain doubts concerning the nature of this institution. It has been suggested that this was not in reality an observatory and that it was a small-scale undertaking consisting of a school of astronomy. 23
It is clear at any rate that this observatory was not comparable in size or importance to the Maragha Observatory. As we have seen, the account given concerning Ghazan Khan 's instructions about the construction of the new observatory suggests that it was destined for certain specific kinds of work. In this respect, however, there is no clear information with the exception that its projected program of work included solar observations. It is possible that the observatory of Ghazan Khan was not con-
ceived as an elaborate observatory. Indeed, at no other time, were there two observatories in Islam functioning side by side; as we have seen, this is true for the time of Al Mamun also. It is significant that Al Wabkanwi, who worked on Ghazan Khan's new calendar, seems to say nothing about the Tabriz Observatory. This forms a clear contrast with his attachment of great importance to the Maragha Observatory and to the work done in it.24 The creation of an observatory was considered a difficult affair which could be realized only with the help of first-rate astronomers. This observatory and its main instrument, on the other hand, were constructed in conformity with the instructions of Ghazan Khan himself who was, at the most, an amateur in astronomy. It would seem likely therefore that the observatory was not .a success. It is certain, however, that the institution founded by Ghazan Khan was an observatory and not merely a school for instruction in astronomy. This is clearly borne out by the statements of Rashid al Din already referred to. Other sources also confirm this point. Wassaf speaks of Ghazan Khan ' s observatory and describes it as à place for the observation of the movements of the planets (kawakib) and for the instruction of students desirous of learning astronomy; as a center of activity on calculations and compilation of astronomical tables and the determination of the events of the time.' 25 Thus, according to Wassaf, this was a full-fledged observatory, and astrological work was among the functions assigned to it. It is true that this author is rather giving here a general definition for the observatory as such; but it is certain that even if he does so, he considers Ghazan Khan's Observatory as one which conformed to this ge 9a.eral description. Moreover, it is of interest that he considerediinstruction in astronomy, as well as astrological work, )among the standard functions of an observatory. Wassaf, Rashid al Din, and Khondmir, 26 all three, speak of a library at the Shanb-i Ghazan, but it is not said to have form24 2s 2
20 21 2
Wabkanwi, pp. 2b, 28a-29a. Wabkanwi, p. 3b. ' Rashid al Din, Jdmi al Tawdrikh, pp. 38, 39; Carter, p. 128. 2' Kopriilti, Maraga Rasathanesi, pp. 224, 225.
See, Wabkanwi, e. g., pp. 2b-3a. Wassaf, India, vol. 1, p. 382. Khondmir, vol. 3, p. 65.
232
THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY

233
ed a part of the observatory. It was apparently an independent foundation from which, needless to say, the astronomers of the observatory also could profit. 27 contact continued with any comparable intensity after Rashid al Din. The Maragha Observatory itself was a symbol of such contact of course, and Rashid al Din too speaks of this. He says that Nasir al Din profited from a Chinese scientist, who had come from Mongolia in the company of Hulagu, and obtained from him his knowledge concerning Chinese astronomy which he utilized in his zij, Further specific details too are available on these particular questions.34 As far as the history of the Islamic observatory is concerned, our present question can be treated only in a rather vague and general manner, and in doing so it is advisable to go further back to Saljuq times, i. e., to the Malikshah Observatory. For Islam ' s contact with the Fareast seems to have reached appreciable dimensions already with the advent of the Saljugs. And we have seen, on the other hand, that the Malikshah Observatory showed signs of representing one of the important stages of development of the Islamic observatory, although at present our information on this point is not sufficiently clear either. It is of great interest that with the Saljuq Turks the use of the signs of zodiac and of planets for purposes of decoration gained importance and became widespread in Islamic art both in Persia and in Anatolia. Moreover, these signs were not of the conventional type, but there appears also at this time the Chinese type of zodiac in the Saljuq art. 35 This indicates increased preoccupation with astronomy as well as an influx of Fareastern influence at the time of the Saljugs. It is apparenly within such a context that certain interesting observations of Al Birftni should be interpreted. Al Biriini divides the world civilization into two major parts, the Orient and
32 Unver and Golpmarh, p. 11; Adnan (Adivar), Isis, pp. 44-46; Minovi, Ulum-i Chini, p. 16. 33 Oliver and Golpmarli, p. 11; Minovi, Ulum-i Chini, p. 16. II ' See, e. g., Seemann, p. 119; Needham, pp. 50, 105, 372 if. as See, e. g., Diez, 1949, pp. 99-104. I owe this information to Professor K. Otto-Dorn, who is preparing an article on this subject.
in it, however, that no translations from Chinese had been made before his time, 32 and there is no evidence that this scientific
Finally, it should be added that, as we have seen, the property
whose revenues were attached to the institutions of the Shanb-i Ghazan is known to have been made up of the personal posses-
sions of the founder and that the waqf here was a perfectly orthodox and strictly legal one. 22
33
Gillian Khan 's vizier Rashid al Din too had a suburb constructed at Tabriz, and this was called Rab'-i Rashidi. It was a
center of intellectual activity with its schools, madrasas and hospital, and many facilities were provided in it in order
to attract scholars and seekers of knowledge. A certain structure at the Rab'-i Rashidi has brought to mind the possibility of the existence of an observatory there, but no record indicating
the foundation of such an institution has been found, and the existence of such an observatory does not seem likely at all. 2
POSSIBILITY OF INFLUENCES FROM THE EAST In speaking of the Maragha Observatory, it had been pointed out
that we had no conclusive evidence of Chinese influence upon Islam in the field of the observatory. 30 This is a good place to dwell upon this question in a somewhat greater length. For pos-
sibly, our conclusion on this matter may partly be due to insufficient information.
The Tanksugnama-i Ilkhani of Rashid al Din dealing with Chinese science, which was probably prepared during the reign 31 of Uljaytti, is a clear witness of the lively cultural contact of
Islam with China during the Ilkhan times. Rashid al Din states
" Concerning this observatory see also, Hammer, Geschichte der Ilchane, vol. 2, p. 153; Barthold, 1935, p. 166; Kopriilii, Mardga Rasathanesi, pp. 223225; Sayili, 1946, pp. 625-640. 23 Rashid al Din, Tfirikh-i Mubdrak, p. 215. See also above, p. 210, note 98. 2s Wilber and Minovi, pp. 254, 247-254. i0 See above, pp. 192-193, notes 23-24. i ' Inver and Golpmarh; Adnan (Adivar), Isis, pp. 44-47; Minovi, Ulum-i Chini, pp. 1-26.
234
THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
235
the Occident, and he considers the Chinese, the Turks, and the Indians as the representatives of Oriental civilization. For him Islam is a continuation of Greek civilization, and in his classification the world of Islam forms part of Occidental civilization. Al Birilni states that mankind, and especially science, has greatly profited from the spread of the Islamic civilization over wide areas as a result of the acceptance of the Moslem religion 3s by the Turks.
We have seen that there was much interest in the Turkish calendar in the Maragha Observatory and especially in the time of Ghazan Khan. The fact that scientists or scholars of the Uyghurs and other Turkish nations, other than those which had long been integrated into Islam, made their appearance around Ghazan Khan is also of interest in this respect. All this points to Central Asiatic and Fareastern influence upon Islam in certain aspects at least of the general field of astronomy. But whether this influence did actually extend to the realm of the observatory as an institution, only future research can be 7 expected to clarify 3 It would seem that, generally speaking, the Maragha Observatory not only served as a model for large Islamic observatories of later date but that it also made the observatory as an institution more widely known in the Moslem realm. Even the words serving to designate that institution became more numerous, more specific, and more widely known after the time of the Maragha Observatory. It is difficult, however, to clarify the connection between this situation and the appearance, or the increase in " number, of minor" observatories shortly after Maragha. Although difficult to answer it at the present state of our knowledge, it is clear nevertheless that the question of direct or indirect Fareastern influences upon the Islamic observatory constitutes a problem of considerable significance. Beginning with the Malikshah Observatory, and most certainly with the Maragha Observatory, Eastern Islam came to possess a much
Togan, Biruni, p. 638. " A collection of material on Turkish astronomy found in Turfan is available in print (see, Rachmati, 1936).
98
more highly advanced standing in the evolution of the observatory as compared with Spain and the Maghrib. Could this therefore be in any degree related to possible Fareastern influences? It would seem that no direct influences came from the Fareast as far as the observatory itself as an institution is concerned. There is no evidence that any Chinese observatory served as a model in the formation or the evolution of the characteristic features of the Islamic observatory. This does not preclude, however, the possibility of fruitful contacts of a more indirect nature which influenced the course of the evolution of the observatory in Eastern Islam. It is quite possible, e. g., that the extention of the magi system to the support of the functioning and the maintenance of the observatory was facilitated by the fact that the Ilkhans were rulers of foreign origin not thoroughly indoctrinated with Islamic traditions and customs and that they thereby contributed also to the lengthening of the life of the observatory. It is possible, again, that criticism of astronomy and astrology constituted a handicap to the development of the observatory as an institution and that this was overcome partly as a result of the Turkish-Mongol domination over Eastern Islam. In speaking of the Maragha Observatory I have touched upon the interest shown by Mangii, Hulegu, and his successors in astrology as well as in the awdil sciences in general. I shall append here a passage from the Qutadgu Bilig (the Knowledge that Brings Happiness) written in Turkish and in the Uyghur script about the time when the Malikshah Observatory was founded. This passage may be of interest to us here especially because it advocates a milder and more favorable attitude toward the astrologer and the sciences in general than that which had come to be prevalent among the circles of the learned in Islam. Speaking of men of various professions and how they should " be treated, Yusuf Khas Hajib says, Then come the astronomers. They make the calculations concerning the years, the months, and the days. Oh powerful man, this calculation is very necessary. If you wish to learn this, you must study geometry; then is it only that the door of arithmetic will open to you ... This is a
236 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY all erected by this patron, comprising a madrasa, a library, and a remarkable observatory which was filled with extraordinary contrivances for telling time and marking the calendar by ingeas nious and amusing methods." The authority for this information is given as Sir Percy Sykes,90 and the ultimate source is a sixteenth century history of the city of Yazd. I reproduce the passage in that source with some abbreviations: "THE INNER AND THE OUTER MADRASAS AND THE OBSERVATORY OF THE TIME AND THE HOUR First the Rukniya Madrasa which is the most imposing of all buildings. There is nothing equal to it in any country, just as in the case of the Observatory of the Time and the Hour the like of which exists in no other land and for which no traveller has reported an equivalent elsewhere. "The founder of both the madrasa and the observatory is the eminent lord ... Rukn al Din Ahmad ibn Nizam al Husayn. He was the foremost of the sayyids (descendent of the Prophet) and bearers of the turban. His acts of philanthropy are innumerable, and his madrasa building is a witness to the loftiness of his zeal. Its sublime portal is the subject of envy of the most prosperous of the climes, and its pair of tall minarets is unique upon the face of the earth. There is a world of beauty in the inside of the madrasa building with the design of its dome and the magnificence of its alcoves and niches. "And the Observatory of the Time and the Hour is like a firmament full of light, all stellar positions and periods having there been made to descend to the ground. It is the whole sky rendered solid and stately upon the earth. The eyes of perspicuous people are astonished by its sight, and the minds of sagacious persons are perplexed by its disposition and design. .. . "CONCERNING [THE OBSERVATOY OF] THE TIME AND THE HOUR Opposite the doorway of the madrasa stand two towers; they are located at the two corners of the madrasa's veranda.
9B
THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM 237
perfect test for a perfect person. ... Hold the firmament with its seven spheres in the palm of your hand as if it were a mere
chip. If you wish to learn more, learn algebra, and knock the door of Euclid with earnestness.
Whether it is a question of the affairs of this world or those pertaining to the life hereafter, you must know that the learned man rules over them through distinguishing them with the help of arithmetic. If the calculations are wrong, the worldly affairs as well as those of the other world become disturbed and upset.
"
When you wish to start doing anything, it is first necessary to inquire whether the time is favorable for it or not. There
"
are lucky as well as unlucky days and months. Inquire about them and choose the lucky ones, oh good-natured man. The learned and experienced old man expressed it very well. He said,
Always consult knowledge and act accordingly. ' "Accept it as true that if one starts with knowledge one will succeed in all undertakings. It is useful to always acquire
knowledge beforehand in every affair. If this knowledge follows ' one s affairs instead of preceding them, one will not succeed in his undertakings.
"Ask the advice of the astrologers, but do not be hasty in
believing in them. It is God who knows everything, and it is only in him that one should have strong trust. Treat the astronomers (or astrologers) kindly, however, and be in good terms with them.
Do not scold them, and do not hurt their feelings by harsh words.""
The fact that Malikshah was apparently more enthusiastic than his astronomers in the matter of founding a new observatory too is of interest in these connections.
THE "OBSERVATORY" OF THE TIME AND THE HOUR
In the city of Yazd, in Iran, a certain Rukn al Din founded a group of institutions in the first half of the fourteenth century. Arthur U. Pope says, " The badly damaged Masjid-i Waqt wa
Sa at ... was originally one of an important group of buildings
'
" Yusuf Khas Hajib, p. 316.
Pope, vol. 2, p. 1089. Percy Sykes, Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, note 2 (according to A. U. Pope).
London 1902, p. 421,
238 on the float. A small bowl which is suspended like a cup indicates the minutes. For each minute is struck on the bowl and a sound is thereby produced. A wooden lattice is constructed between it and the observatory wheel, and from this lattice water comes out in successive streams. "This clock was constructed by Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad Khalil, may God's blessing be upon him, and the completion of the observatory was in the year 725. "To the side of the Madrasa stands a lofty mosque with glazed tile, and another superb building located near the latter is called the House of Medicaments. Opposite the Mosque and the well of cold water there is still another structure on three walls of which the wagf endowments of the madrasa stand inscribed. There is also a splendid library containing three thousand books. "It is related that when Sayyid Rukn al Din had had this madrasa constructed the governorship of Yazd was in the hands of the Atabaks and that Atabak Yusuf-Shah became jealous when he saw the Sayyid build, in the vicinity of the Safwatiya Madrasa . .., another one which completely eclipsed the former. The Atabak had therefore the dome of the Safwatiya Mosque covered with green glazed tile and added a minaret to it; he also had the Safwatiya Madrasa renovated. And he wished to bring some harm to Sayyid Rukn al Din. " About that time a rich Christian had come to Yazd and settled there. He had a garden and a mansion set up inside the city near the Àta-Khan Madrasa. The garden is still there and is called the Garden of the Christian. In Ahristan (a place near Yazd) he built a mill which is known as the Mill of the Christian. He was very wealthy. " Bandits went to his bedroom one night; they killed him and took much of his belongings. Enemies of Sayyid Rukn al Din accused him and his people of having murdered the Christian. They held court, but no evidence whatever was found of any connection of Sayyid Rukn al Din ' s people with the murder. They then said that such superb constructions require much gold and that the Sayyid has undoubtedly been carrying out his building activity with money robbed from the Christian.
239
On one tower there is a bird made of copper. No matter from which direction the sun appears, this bird always faces the sun, and it moves around. Another object appears on the other tower at the five given times of the day when drums are beaten. On top of this tower at the midst of the observatory stands a wooden wheel. It is divided into 360 degrees. Every day, when the sun rises, its direction, whatever degree it may be, is indicated here with alphabetical numerals. " On the four corners of the wheel four circles are placed, each divided into thirty parts, and upon each circle are written the names of the Turkish, Greek, Arabic, and the Jalali months. With the passage of each day one of the divisions on the circles becomes black. From two openings above the wheel two birds bring their heads out and drop pewter balls into a vessel placed below, and the wheel begins to move. Thereupon, one of the twelve white boards which indicate the twelve hours falls and a black board comes to occupy its place. And at the five given points of time when the balls are dropped the drum-beating inside the observatory takes place simultaneously, and an object appears on top of the tower. " A circle is set up above the wheel, and thirty white circles are placed upon it; with the passage of each day of the month one of these circles becomes black. In the middle of each circle the details of the corresponding month are written in full. On another side and opposite the above-mentioned contrivance indicating the twelve hours twelve other boards are set up. With the passage of each hour of the night one of the twelve lamps placed there comes into appearance. ... The ecliptic and the ("forty seven ") mansions of the moon are also indicated by name. ... Above the circle of the moon details connected with each day are inscribed for each of the five planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, and Venus. " Inside the observatory there is a copper tank of twice a ' man s height. It is filled up with water every day. The tank is provided with a copper float to which a chain is attached. Around the bottom of the tank is placed a pewter astroblab through whose alidade water comes out of a hole. As the tank loses water the float sinks; the functioning of this device depends completely
the whole realm and made him judge-substitute for all the magistrates of the country; he also invested him with the rank of vizier and presented him with his personal garb, thus conferring upon him ranks of high dignity. The Sultan Abu Sa'id sent an envoy with a special royal mandate to Yazd for the release of Sayyid Rukn al Din, for his investiture with the rank of judge, and for the thorough punishment of his enemies. He also sent a robe of honor for him. " When the envoy arrived in Yazd the people celebrated the occasion and went to Khurmiz. When the Sayyid was being taken out of his dungeon a black snake was seen to have rolled itself up near Sayyid Rukn al Din; at that moment it got up and disappeared. After his release from the dungeon the Sayyid was installed upon the judge's seat in his own madrasa... . Rukn al Din performed the pilgrimage that year, and when he returned to Yazd he had water brought to the city. " He made it pass through the garden of the Hospital and by the door of the Wardan-Ruz Madrasa; from there the water passed near the door of the Friday Mosque and reached the Rukniya Madrasa. At the Madrasa itself he had a large basin constructed and made the water flow through it. ..." 41 Ja'far ibn Muhammad-i Ja`fari-i Yazdi, author of the Tarikh-i Kabir, gives the name of the person who constructed the 42 Observatory of the Time and the Hour as Khalil ibn Abi Bakr. As is seen, this passage, which has been quoted almost in full, is not always very clear, although it is quite interesting and detailed. One thing is clear, however, and this is that all technical details concern time and calendar determinations. There are no references to any observations or to the preparation of astronomical tables; no scientific staff of astronomers are mentioned either. This "observatory" seems therefore to have been a very elaborate mawaggit-khana, an exceptionally rich office of
muwaqqit.
There are several examples of elaborate clocks constructed in Islam; they have been left outside the scope of the present
41
"They arrested the Sayyid by trickeries and resorted to many threats but were unable to obtain from him the false confessions they wished to have. They finally began torturing and flogging him. In a period of two days they struck him nearly one thousand blows with the stick, and a quantity of skin came off from various parts of his body. They tormented him and made him go around the city riding a camel nude.... They finally took him to Khurmiz and imprisoned him in the fort's dungeon there. " During all these events his son ... Said Shams al Din Muhammad was in hiding ... in the house of Haji Àli-i Astarabadi. ... Khwaja Àli-Shah ibn Khwaja Àli-Shah saw the Prophet may God bless and keep him and his family in his dream and was told by him to go to the house of Khwaja Haji-i Astrabadi. `For', the Prophet said, `my son Amir Shams al Din is in hiding there. Give him your mule and one thousand silver dinars so that he may go to Tabriz. For his affairs will take a satisfactory turn there; your favor will soon be returned to you, and I shall intercede in your favor on the Day of Resurrection.' " Khwaja Àli-Shah went to the door of Haji's house and told him of his experience. Khwaja Haji refused to cooperate with him and declared that nobody was in his house. Khwaja Àli-Shah insisted and spoke once more of his dream, whereupon Khwaja Hap let him in. He saw there Sayyid Shams al Din and prostrated himself at his feet. He gave the Sayyid one thousand dinars and presented him with a fine mule. Sayyid Shams al Din left Yazd that very day and reached Nuhgumbad in one night. A few coupolas were in a ruined state there, and the fountain's water was not suitable for drink. The Sayyid was thirsty. He implored God, and God, he is exalted, sent rain, and all the fields became drenched with water. ... In six days he reached Awjan of Tabriz from Yazd and found a place of rest there. That night the Prophet appeared to Khwaja Ghiyath al Din Muhammad Rashid in his dream and said to him, `My son Amir Shams al Din has come to Tabriz. Tell his story to Abu Sa'id and put his affairs in order.' "The next day Khwaja Ghiyath al Din Muhammad went to the house of Sayyid Shams al Din and found him there. He took him to Abu Sa'id and extended to him the deputyship of
Ahmad ibn Husayn, pp. 133-139. Afshar, p. 147. Courtesy of Professor Minovi.
16
242 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 243 of a pious and charitable institution such as a mosque, a madrasa, a hospital, or an office of the muwaqqit. It is to be noted that both the Ghazan Khan Observatory and the Observatory of the Time and the Hour were built among a group of pious institutions of charity and social aid. If we could be certain that both these institutions and especially the latter one which is known to have enjoyed long life, were full-fledged observatories, this would indicate significant progress toward the acceptance of the observatory as an integral part of the Islamic civilization. There is some evidence, in fact, that a development of this nature actually took place; but if so, this was apparently achieved at the expense of creating minor observatories which were more akin to the office of the muwaqqit than to the observatory itself. Other examples which may be taken as evidence of the existence of such a line of development are unfortunately quite vague. One example has already been mentioned from the twelfth century, namely, the Tower of Star in Morocco:`,I shall now give the other examples which have come to my attention; they range from the thirteenth century to the seventeenth, and some of them are based merely on local traditions. Our knowledge concerning these " minor observatories " is not detailed enough to indicate whether all the examples mentioned represent one and the same type of institution. Their being here grouped together under the same heading is therefore partly for reasons of convenience. It is likely that most of them do not deserve to be called observatories, but in view at least of our lack of detailed knowledge concerning them it has been deemed advisable not to leave them out of consideration in a book dealing with the history of observatories. It is to be noted too that none of these is of , the same type as the "observation posts " of the ninth and tenth centuries. Those observation posts represented a stage or process of development leading to the emergence of the observatory as a specialized scientific institution, whereas the "minor observatories" constitute a backward step from the observatory as evolved in Islam. Moreover, the "minor observatories" do not represent nearly as vigor-
work, and the same is true for the offices of the muwaqqits, but the present case does probably deserve to be treated as an exception. In two previous examples, namely the Malikshah and the Ghazan Khan Observatories, the emphasis was seen to have probably been placed upon work on the calendar, i. e., on work and observations on the sun and the moon. The " Observatory" of the Time and the Hour was perhaps a case intermediary between this latter and a richly equipped muwaqqit-khana. It is of interest that this institution was actually called an " observatory". The name is Rasad-i Waqt wa (or Waqt-i) Saàt (or Saàt); i. e., the last word, " hour " , occurs both in the singular and the plural forms in our passage, and a similar confusion exists in the case of the word waqt; it is therefore impossible to find out which from was the correct name. I have accepted here the form which occurs also in the T6rikh-i Kabir of Ja'fari. As we have seen, the word rasad had been used very sparingly up to the thirteenth century; the present case seems to indicate that it had by this time come to be used in a rather broad sense. This " observatory" is said to have been completed in the year 725, i. e., about 1325 A. D., and this corresponds to the reign of the Ilkhan ruler Abu Said Bahadur (1316-1335), as stated in the passage. It is of interest that it did not suffer any damage during the time when its founder was in disgrace. Moreover, it is seen that it was still functioning during the lifetime of the author of our source. The details given in the begining of that book indicate that it was written in the second half of the fifteenth century, i. e., about one hundred and fifty years after the foundation of the "observatory". This minimum lifetime is already exceptionally long, and this corroborates our conclusion that it was not an observatory in the true sense of the word, but rather a muwaqqit-khana, an institution that can be more closely associated with pious foundations which enjoyed long life as a rule. Indeed, Rukn al Din suffered all his misfortune because of the jealousies he aroused by his very generosity and munificence as a founder. Two Islamic observatories, namely, the AI Afdal-Al Bataihi and the Istanbul Observatories, came to an abrupt end partly as a result of such jealousies. But a similar fate would not be expected in the case
ous a spirit of scientific research as did the earlier observation posts, and neither do they seem to have been as closely associated as the latter with pure astronomy. IBN AL SHATIR
QAL'A AL NAJM or THE CASTLE OF STAR
The fifteenth century writer 'AM al Rashid ibn Salih ibn Nuri al Yagiiti (Al Baqui ?) mentions this castle which was located on the Euphrates not far from the city of Halab. In its vicinity there was a place from which the phases of the moon were observed. 43 Both its name and its function bring to mind the Tower of Star in Morocco, but this seems not to have been merely a place used for the observation of the new moon at the beginnings of months. Qal'a al Najm was built or rebuilt by Nur al Din Mahmud 44 al Zangi in 541-69 (1146-74). Nur al Din founded several institutions of charity and learning. Our source for this item seems to refer only to the fifteenth century, however, and there is no evidence that the post for the observation of the phases of the moon dates back to Nur al Din's time. QALÀ RUZNAMA
About the end of the seventeenth century there was in Cairo a place called Qal'a Ruznama (The Castle of Ephemerides or Almanac). The head of this office was entitled Ruznamaji and his coworkers were scientists and astronomers who were in possession of astronomical instruments. It is likely therefore that the word ruzndmaji was a title given to the director of the astronomers who determined matters pertaining to the calendar and made chronologically arranged astrological predictions and that the Qal'a Ruznama was another "minor observatory". 45 There is, in fact, evidence for the use of the word ruzn&ma in the meaning of a calendar containing astrological indications of various 4e kinds.
4 4'
Àli ibn Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn al Shatir (1304-1375/6), who was the muwaqqit of the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, is among the most distinguished astronomers of the late medieval times and the author of several books including the New Astronomical Tables.'" He was not satisfied with the Ptolemaic system and devised a new one which, though geocentric, was 4e very similar to that of Copernicus. Ibn al Shatir speaks of having done much work on astronomical instruments, and he criticizes the instruments for their difficulty of construction and the difficulty of moving their parts relatively to one another. 49 This latter idea is seen in Tycho Brahe also and lies at the foundation of some of his most important achievements in the field of astronomical instruments. 50 Another muwaqqit, Sulayman ibn Mustafa ibn al Karnali, who was attached to the Valide Sultan Mosque of Istanbul, speaks of Ibn al Shatir as the owner of observatory (sdhib-i rasad) in his Mir'dt al Manzildt, written in 1200 (1785-1786). 51 This would seem to be corroborated by the statement of Taqi al Din who mentions Ibn al Shatir among those who had constructed a dhdt al samt wa 'l e., azimuthal quadrant. 52 No other information concerning Ibn al Shatir's "observatory" has come to my attention. It is possible that Ibn al Shatir had the most important observatory of the fourteenth century, and if he really had an observatory, this may have been the most efficient observatory of the Ottoman Empire from the standpoint of the work done in it. But our knowledge concerning any facilities at the disposal of Ibn al Shatir for making systematic observations is very meager, and any decision on these matters must await future research.
43
44
Guigne, p. 451; SSdillot, 1847, p. CVII. Rice, p. 41. See also, "Nesjimun" in the geographical index of A. Schul-
' Suter, 1900, p. 168. See below, p. 384, notes 146, 147. 4 Wiedemann, Beitrage, 57, p. 28. so Dreyer, Tycho Brahe, p. 317.
S1 s2
tens, Vita et res gestae Saladini..., 1775; Le Strange, 1890, p. 501. 45 Dorn, pp. 33-36. 9 ' See, e. g., Ruznama-i Shaykh Waft, ms., Istanbul, Millet Library, No 221.
Sulayman ibn Mustafa, p. 19b. See above, p. 73, note 99.
246 IN
THE OBSERVATORY
247
55
ISLAM ment erected at Sagres to the honor of that prince. Doubt too has been expressed concerning these institutions in general, and about the observatory in particular. ss The school of navigation itself rests apparently upon good evidence, but the observatory seems to be based on vague tradition. Nothing specific seems to be known concerning it, and the existence of a school of navigation would certainly not imply the foundation of an observatory. As we have seen, a similar tradition exists concerning the Maragha Observatory; and although it teaches us practically nothing new, it constitutes an example of a perfectly justified local tradition. In Istanbul too there seems to have been such a local tradition, connecting Àli Qushji of the fifteenth century, instead of Taqi al Din, with the sixteenth century Istanbul Observatory or the "observation well" there. Such at least is the 57 i mpression gained from the account given by Evliya celebi. This apparently represents a combination of the most important observation program which took place in that city with its most famous astronomer. There has been mention of a local tradition concerning the existence of an observatory in the city of Tire, in Turkey, and this has been recorded in a little pamphlet. 58 No sufficiently reliable evidence seems to be available concerning the existence of such an institution there, however. The alleged observatory building, a small annex to the Yavukluoglu Mosque, consisting of two stories, each containing a single room, is located at the extremity of the courtyard of the mosque. This little building may have been a muwaqqit ' s-office connected with the mosque, and this may have given rise to the rumor in question. But there is no reference to a muwaqqit's-office in the local tradition which 59 itself is rather vague.
55
OBSERVATORIES CLAIMED BY LOCAL TRADITIONS, AND BRANCHES OF SPECIALIZATION IN ASTRONOMY
There are a number of local traditions concerning the existence of old observatories, or madrasas where astronomy is said to have been taught and astronomical observations made. These local traditions are usually vague, and the most important among them seems to be the one in Kiitahya, Turkey, which centers around the person of Àbd al Wajid of the fourteenth century. In Europe two at least of such traditions have gained some credence. Thus Gunther says, " Tradition has it that the earliest astronomical observatory in Oxford was situated in the only spot that is definitely connected with the name of Roger Bacon. ... The original building was sacrificed in the eighteenth century to an ill-considered scheme of road widening. ... Friar Bacon ' s study stood on Folly Bridge ... Old drawings show us the house athwart the bridge and built over an archway that spanned it: it had evidently been erected for a gatehouse ... or as a watchtower for the defense of the city ... " According to tradition ... Bacon did sometimes use in the ` night season' to ascend this place ... and to take the altitude and distance of stars. " It would be difficult to find any situation in the city more favorably situated for the quadrant and astrolabe observations of the first astronomers of Merton College ... But of any regular observatory there is no record before the seventeenth century." 53 The " Observatory " of Prince Henry the Navigator (13941460) seems to constitute a similar case. This prince founded a very important school of navigation at Sagres (Cape of St. Vincent); but as to his " observatory" at the same place, it seems to rest upon no reliable records. Various authors speak of this observatory, 54 and its existence has been recorded on a monu''
s3
54
Gunther, pp. 74-76. See, e. g., Martin s, pp. 80.81; Beazley,

p. 61;
Pledge,
p. 34.
Major, 1877, p. 192. See also, Major, 1868, p. 315. Mees, pp. 42, 50. See also, Martins, p. 81. 5'] Evliya celebi, vol. 1, p. 443. L'Administration de l'Evkaf a la V. Foire International du 9 Septembre 1 Izmir, Arts a Cultures, Urbanisme, Tourisme, Izmir 1935 (Marifet Press). A picture of the building in question is given on the back cover of this pamphlet. 5e See, Sayrh, Rasathane Konusu, pp. 683-689.
written by Nizam al Din Hasan ibn Muhammad al Nishaburi al Qumi, surnamed A'raj, to Nasir al Din's Ilkhdni Tables. Nizam al Din's book, which is called Kashf al Hagaiq (The Uncovering of Truths) and Sharh-i Zij-i Ilkhdni, 62 contains mathematical analyses and explanations of various operations and procedures occurring in the Ilkhdni Tables, and, needless to say, it is a different type of astronomical treatise, compared to Al Wabkanwi's Zij Al Wabkanwi states, in the introductory parts of his own sizeable book that he has brought about improvements in certain procedures and has made useful and practical innovations which will be of much help to the adepts in the profession as well as to beginners "so that the student will not be stopped by it and become perplexed as is the case with the book of one of the worthy scholars of our time who has written a commentary to the Ilkhdni Zij and has called it The Uncovering of Truths, which is one thousand times more difficult than the text it claims to explain and from which in reality no truth becomes uncovered. ,' 63 A marginal note of equal severity has been added at this point to the manuscript which seems not to be of much later date than the manuscript itself. The author of this note says, " Anyone who is experienced and skilled in the mathematical sciences and acquainted with the laws of geometry and arithmetic gains insight, through that work ( Kashf al Hagdiq), into the truth concerning the most difficult questions and the most profound problems imaginable, and he comprehends with its help the manner in which astronomical rules are derived on the basis of the laws of geometry, whereas neither from this book ( Al Wabkanwi's Zij) nor from any other of the widely known treatises is a trace of such sound knowledge obtainable. Denunciating that book is therefore due to nothing but a lack of facility for studying it, and its being found difficult arises from your being devoid of the knowledge prerequisite for it." sa
See, Nizam-i Nishaburi, in Bibliography. sa Wabkanwi, pp. 3b-4a. The title Wabkanwi apparently refers to the village Wabkan (or, Webkana) in the vicinity of Bukhara (see, Bartbold, 1928, pp. 132, 511). 84 Wabkanwi, p. 4a.
82
There existed a local tradition in Konya, central Anatolia, according to which Plato had an observatory there. This tradition concerning Plato's Observation Tower has also passed into the literature on Plato. 60 There is also a report concerning an " observatory" in Harran, Turkey. It may refer to an old temple of the Sabians, or possibly to a tower whose remains are still standing. This report, as it has reached me, consists of the statements of two persons from Urfa, separated by an interval of several years, to the effect that there is such a tradition, but at Harran itself nobody seems to have heard of it. The report is too brief and vague to be of much value. It has been mentioned here, however, in view of the possibility that further details on it may be discovered somewhere in the sources. For the subject would be of interest especially if it referred to pre-Islamic or early Islamic times. Harran was a pagan cultural center which had received strong Hellenistic influence, and it was, by the nature of its religious beliefs, interested in the study of celestial bodies. There is evidence indicating that, by the side of the more specifically Greek scientific heritage, the Mesopotamian scientific traditions too continued in Islam in various branches of mathematics and especially in algebra. 81 The methods of instruction prevalent in Islam would also seem to be of interest in this respect. This method was based mainly on the principle of making the student first memorize brief and concisely expressed items of knowledge; then gradually followed the process of explanation and understanding. Most zijs too, though generally not written for beginners, exemplify the concisely written type of books, while the custom of writing commentaries made possible a more thorough grasp of the contents of such Looks. At the first sight at least, the former category is reminiscent of old Mesopotamian and Egyptian scientific texts. Al Wabkanwi's Astronomical Tables may serve as a good example for us here. Shortly before this book a commentary was
Hasluck, Plato in Folklore, p. 269; Hasluck, Christianity and Islam, p. 193, plate. et See, e. g., Gandz, 1936, pp. 263-277; Gandz, 1938, pp. 405-557; Neugebauer, 1957, pp. 80, 146-147. See also, Levy, pp. 376-389.
250
T11E OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM
251
There were therefore astronomers who had a theoretical knowledge of astronomy without being calculators, as well as those who knew theoretical astronomy without having had practice in making observations. This is also borne out by a statement Al Kashi makes in this connection concerning Qadizada-i Rumi. For he adds that Qadizada, or certain others, could make calculations only by opening a book and following the instructions given there step by step and line by line. b6 It is seen, moreover, that there were astronomers who merely knew the practical side of applied astronomy, i. e., who were calculators, and others who had been trained in the scientific side of applied astronomy only, i. e., those who could make observations and use their measured quantities in relevant formulas without having a sufficient knowledge of theoretical astronomy. Fields of specialization seem, indeed, to have been quite narrow in Islam, beginning with the earlier centuries. A perusal of the titles given to the mathematicians and astronomers in accordance with their narrow fields of specialization serves to illustrate this point. The titles given to the mathematicians include the terms riyddi ( mathematician), hdsib (calculator), muhandis and handasi (probably two kinds of geometrician, or engineer and geometrician), and àdadi (arithmetician). Likewise, there were different titles corresponding to different fields of astronomy such as falaki (astronomer), munajjim (astrologer), rdsid (observer), and usturldbi (instrument designer). 87 There were, moreover, combinations not only of titles such as physician and poet (Al Tabib al Shk'ir) or pharmacist and astrologer (Al Saydalani al Munajjim), but also such combinations as Al Riyadi al Muhandis (mathematician and geometrician), Al Hasib al Falaki (calculator and astronomer), Al Riyadi al Falaki (mathematician and astronomer), and Al Hasib al Muhandis (calculator and geometrician). We have, on a previous occasion, quoted a statement of Àdud al Dawla to the effect that his teacher in the analysis of the
88
67
This duel of words seems to represent and symbolize a mutual lack of appreciation between two types of astronomers, the theoretician and those who had a working knowledge of applied astronomy and knew only how to use ready-made formulas without understanding their derivations and proofs. This situation seems to go beyond what is implied by our present-day classification and our differentiation between theoretical and experimental scientists. The following passage from Giyath al Din al Kashi helps us gain some insight into the situation that existed in Islam. Speaking of the group of scientists gathered around Ulugh Bey in Samarqand, he says, "Although there are many people here who are conversant with the mathematical sciences, none of them is such that he is acquainted with both the theoretical ("scientific") and the applied ("practical") sides of observations (rasad). For none of them knows the Almagest. One of them is Qadizada who possesses the theoretical knowledge contained in the Almagest but not its applied side. He has not done any work that pertains to the practical. ... "Applied astronomy too is divided into scientific and practical. The practical side of applied astronomy may be illustrated with the following example. Suppose that two stars have reached the first perpendicular at a certain condition. Elevation is measured with an instrument, and the latitude and longitude of one of these stars is known. It is required to derive the latitude and longitude of the other star from these data. "The knowledge of how to derive this, i. e., to know to multiply which quantity with which and to divide by what and how to proceed in order to obtain the desired result constitutes the scientific side of this operation (of applied astronomy). The scientific side of theoretical astronomy ("the absolutely scientific") is the knowledge of the science itself. The absolutely practical side of such a problem is the execution of multiplications and divisions, and the calculation of the signs, degrees, and minutes of the longitudes of the stars and the determination of their latitudes, giving their actual values. " 65
Giyath al Din, Letter, p. 516b. See also above, p. 83, notes 143, 144, p. 123, notes 155-163.
ea Giyath at Din, Letter, pp. 516a-516b.
252
253
Zij al Sharif was Ibn al A`lam and that his teacher in the science
the astronomers of Al Mamiin showed a degree of preoccupation with the precision of individual astronomical observations and the construction of good instruments which was absent in their Greek predecessors. The first appearance of such astronomers and instrument designers in Islam seems also to be rather sudden, ' and Ibn al Nadim's statement to the effect that in AI Mamitn s 99 time the best instruments came from Harran is of interest in this respect. There is no doubt that Islam benefited greatly from the local civilizations of the countries which were incorporated into the Islamic realm. Barthold sees the main singificance of the rise of Islam in its leading to the formation of a vast community in which the cultural cooperation of a considerable part of mankind became possible. 70 It is difficult, however, to extend this interesting observation to our specific topic, the history of the observatory. There are vague references to pre-Islamic observatories 71 but in Persia which will be mentioned on another occasion, at present our knowledge is insufficient for drawing any reasonably clear conclusions in these respects. THE JAJA BEY MADRASA OF KIRSHEHIR According to local tradition this madrasa, located in Kirshehir, Turkey, was a center of astronomical teaching. It is said, moreover, that there was an "observation well " at the center of the madrasa hall, directly under the circular hole of the dome, and that observations (day-time) were made from this well. The earliest printed record of this local tradition is from 1325 H. (1908-9 A. D.).72 This madrasa was built in 1272 A. D. by Nur al Din Jibril ibn Jaja, governor of the district during the reign of the Salquj ruler Ghiyath al Din Kaykhusraw ibn Qilij Arslan. There is also a statement to the effect that the minaret of this madrasa was
'9 See above, p. 74, note 105.
00 11 92
of the fixed stars was Al Sufi." Sources contain such references indicating specialization in teaching, and this, as well as the large number of "sciences " enumerated in certain books such as the Mawd i'at al ` Ulum of Tashkopriizada, again points to the prevalence in Islam of a tendency of going to extremes in subdividing the sciences into narrow fields of specialization. This situation very likely constituted one of the factors which were responsible for the appearance of large numbers of scientists in the staffs of the observatories. This exaggerated tendency toward the formation of narrow fields of specialization was probably related to the clumsiness of the prevalent methods of instruction, and it appears to have the earmarks of a legacy traceable to old Mesopotamia and Egypt. Further detailed study is necessary on these questions, but these speculations point to the possibility of local influences relevant to the field of the history of Islamic observatories. It is reasonable to think that the local cultures and traditions of the countries conquered by the Arab armies and incorporated into the Moslem realm had a considerable part in the emerging Islamic civilization which developed gradually in the course of the earlier centuries of Islam. Reference to any pre-Islamic local "observatories" would therefore be of great interest. For as we shall see, the earliest observatories of Islam, i. e., those of Al Mamnn, seem to have been far in advance of any earlier models to be found among the Greeks. In fact, there seems to exist a considerable gap between Ptolemy and AI Mamun ' s time in this respect. The stage of development in the observatory as an institution attained to at the very outset in Islam appears therefore as a rather sudden achievement, and one could wonder whether any intermediary stages of evolution exist concerning which we have no specific information. Although the 213 solstice observation appears to have served as a strong stimulus for the drive for the production of better instruments, it would seem that, independently of this factor,
According to Ebermann (see, Ebermann, p. 136). See below, pp. 356-358, notes 33-41. Ankara Salnamesi (1325) 1909; Ibrahim Ismail, p. 14; Tarim, p. 61; Igen, p. 225.
" See above, p. 106, notes 98, 99.
254

255
originally an observation tower used for astronomical purposes; this item is brought somewhat into prominence in certain publications. 73 The tradition is widely known in the locality, and the people of the district appear to have much faith in its truthfulness. 73 The waqf document of this institution has been studied. 75 It contains no record concerning astronomical activity; the inscription on the base of the minaret, the only inscription of the madrasa which could not be read, 76 has been deciphered by Kemal Edib Kii.rkciioglu, 77 Member of the Advisory Council of the Ministry of Education, Ankara, and it has no connection with astronomy (such a connection was expected by some local people); and no written records can be brought to support this local tradition. It would be difficult therefore to claim its veracity as far as the existence of an astronomical observatory is concerned. This does not preclude the possibility, however, that the local tradition contains some truth, e. g., that astronomy was at some time taught in this madrasa.
THE WAJIDIYA MADRASA OF KUTAHYA
The madrasa building has been designed so as to contain two distinct sections, each under a dome, and this reminds one of the possibility of the existence of two independent class-rooms corresponding to two distinct chairs. Examples of medieval madrasas with four chairs and four corresponding head-professors are known, and their architectural plans reveal this subdivision clearly. 78 It may be conjectured that the subdivision into two of the Wajidiya Madrasa represents the existence of two chairs there, one for the await and one for the Islamic sciences. From the thirteenth century on, in fact, there is a tendency of allowing the await sciences also to be included in the curricula of certain madrasas. The waqf document of another Kutahya madrasa contains the stipulation that its mudarris should be learned both in the Islamic and the await sciences. 79 The connection of Àbd al Wajid with this madrasa compels us to give some credence to this local tradition. It is likely that there was instruction in astronomy in it together with some practical applications, but that it was a full-fledged observatory so does not seem likely. OBSERVATION TOWERS AND OBSERVATION WELLS
According to a local tradition this madrasa served as an observatory, and Badr al Din Àbd al Wajid ibn Muhammad (d. 1434) is connected with this legend. The madrasa itself was built in 1308 A.D. by Mubariz al Din ibn Sawji, according to its foundation inscription. Àbd al Wajid must have been a very promiment head-professor ( mudarris) at this madrasa, as he gave his name to this institution; he was certainly not one of its first professors. Àbd al Wajid was an astronomer and author of several books on astronomy; some of these were written at the Wajidiya Madrasa.
73
Ibrahim Ismail, p. 14; Ankara Salnamesi, cf. Tarim, p. 61. " Sayth and Ruben, pp. 682-691. " Temir, see, bibliography. 76 Tarim, p. 60; Kunter, p. 434.
It is seen that some of the "minor observatories", including those claimed by local traditions, reveal connections with observation towers and "observation wells". We have already seen examples of towers used in the more important observatories. This was seen, e. g., in the Maragha Observatory. There are written reports, likewise, concerning the existence of an "observation well" at the Istanbul Observatory. The association of towers with "observatories " occurs specifically in the example of the Seville Tower, the "Observatory " of the Time and the Hour of Yazd, and the Tower of Star in Morocco. Such associations seem also to exist in a somewhat less clear fashion in the case of the Castle of Star near Aleppo, the Castle
7s
" The text is: Alldhumma'ghfir li sdhibihi sea hddha du' dun qad talaggdhu rabbund bi husn-i gabiilin qabla an yurfa'a's-sawt [Oh my Lord, forgive its
founder; this is a prayer, and our Lord will certainly receive it with consent even before sound is raised (up to the higher spheres)).
d0
Creswell, Origins of the Cuneiform Plan ... Sayih, The Wajidiya Madrasa, p. 672, note 27. Sayilt, The Wajidiya Madrasa, pp. 667-677.
found their way into some of the local legends and accounts concerning "minor observatories". The case of " observation wells" is even less clear. An " observation well" is said to have existed at the Maragha Observatory by the people of that district, but this is not mentioned in any source chronologically close to the lifetime of that observatory. The only source statement confirming this claim is one from the sixteenth century. It is stated in this same source that such a well is reported to have existed at Ulugh Bey ' s Samarqand Observatory also, but the writer is non-committal with respect to the veracity of these reports 8 9 Other references too exist, however, to the "observation well" of Samargand. 80
of Ephemerides in Cairo, and the Jaja Bey Madrasa of Kirshehir. It is natural and reasonable to associate astronomical observation with high places and towers, but here may also be found a clue for possible confusions. We have already seen an example connected with Hammer, wherein there apparently occurs a confusion between a minaret or a military observation post (or a tower in general) and an ob81 Speaking of the Gok Madrasa, or the Turumtay servatory. Madrasa, 8Z of Amasya, Turkey, A. D. Mordtmann refers to its minaret with the word "Observatorium", 83 and this choice of terminology which is apparently not based on any source statement could be misleading. Another example of this nature which has come to my attention concerns the Mazandaran district of Iran. Walter Bosshard, apparently relying on oral information given to him at the locality, speaks of a military observation tower there 84 and gives its picture; 85 that this is in reality the mausoleum of Qabiis ibn ss Washmgir is clearly seen from the accompanying photograph. In a Turkish translation of this book the words "military ob87 servation tower" are changed into "observatory " , however, 88 and as Qabus was actively interested in astronomy, this item of information in its Turkish translation could be very misleading especially in case it was not accompanied with the picture.
On the basis of these examples, one may easily imagine that mistakes due to a confusion between non-astronomical observation towers and astronomical observatories may easily creep into local legends and traditions. As the word rasad was used in both senses in Islam, such changes of meaning could easily occur in local transmissions. It is possible that such distortions have
"
tl2
See above, pp. 176-177, notes 49-51. See, Huseyn Hiisameddin, vol. 1, p. 295.
I have already referred to the assertion that Àli Qushji had an observation well in Istanbul. Such a well is mentioned more frequently in connection with the Istanbul Observatory and Taqi al Din. In addition to Turkish sources, there are European reports also concerning it; the European sources speak of a tower in this connection. 91 It is also stated in various sources that Taqi al Din had had recourse to such a deep well while he was in Cairo 92 and also that he had found it not to be of much use. It is thus seen that wells are mentioned in connection with the three major observatories of the later centuries, namely the Maragha, Samarqand, and the Istanbul Observatories, but the references are rather vague for the former two and especially in the case of the Maragha Observatory. The local tradition concerning the Jaja Bey Madrasa of Kirshehir somewhat emphasizes this feature, and there is a vague reference to such a well also in the case of the Wajidiya Madrasa of Kutahya. The function of the observation well is most frequently associated with the day-time observation of the stars, and such wells are generally pictured to have been dry. This does not seem to
99 This source is the A fit-i Rasadiya li Zij-i Shahinshdhiya. See, Sayth, The Observation Well, p. 150, note 8, p. 152, note 15. 9 See below, p. 266, note 14, p. 277, notes 51, 52. 91 Sayili, The Observation Well, p. 151; Sayili, Mansur's Poems, p. 434; Qarachalabizada, p. 462. 92 Sayth, The Observation pp. 450, 473-474.
Mordtmann, Anatolien, pp. 94-95. " Bosshard, p. 166, Fr. tr., p. 90. Mr. Bosshard has had the kindneses of sending me a copy of the French translation of his book. e" Bosshard, plate between pp. 160 and 161, Fr. tr., plate, p. 96-97.
" See, e.g., Pope, vol. 2, pp. 972-974. Hurriyet (Turkish daily newspaper), July 27, 1948, p. 2. " See above, p. 158, note 128.
Well, p. 152, note 15; Sayili, Mansur 's Poems,

17
258
CHAPTER VIII
be a universal claim, however, as can be seen from certain local traditions. There seems to exist the idea that these wells were water wells and that one could observe in them the reflected images of the stars.B3 Finally, the term observation well seems to have been used to designate the trenches dug to receive the underground portions of the Khujandi-type meridian ares, 84 and this may serve to throw light on some of the examples of "observation well " encountered in the literature, such as those of full-fledged observatories. Generally the observation well is conceived as a narrow and perpendicular shaft of considerable depth, however, and in the Paris Observatory it was associated perhaps mainly with zenith observations s5
THE SAMARQAND AND THE ISTANBUL OBSERVATORIES
The passage given in Appendix I below is very interesting in this respect. It is the most detailed text dealing with day-time observation, and it is, moreover, an astronomical text dealing with certain specific topics. It ties day-time observation with a device somewhat reminiscent of the suds-i Fakhri and with meridian observations. It would be desirable to have other texts throwing further light on this question as well as on other subjects touched upon in this anonymous tract.
3 Sayili and Ruben, p. 683.
" See below, p. 277, note 52. For a somewhat similar opinion of Fatin Gokmen, see, Adivar, 1943, p. 82, note 2. He believed " Observation wells"
to refer to trenches or hollow places into which astronomical instruments of large dimension were placed as a precautionary measure against the effects of strong winds. That Tycho Brahe was moved by such a consideration in the construction of the Stjerneborg Observatory is known (Dreyer, Tycho Brahe,
p. 104), but I have found no evidence indicating that this would be true in the case of the " observation wells" as they occur in the literature. 5 See below, p. 325, note 52.
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries we witness the continuation, in a rather remarkable manner, of the tradition of observatory building in Islam. There is an important observatory in each one of these two centuries, the Samarqand Observatory in the fifteenth and the Istanbul Observatory in the sixteenth century. These may even represent a more advanced stage of development beyond the Maragha Observatory, but our knowledge concerning this matter is insufficient at the present. Of these two institutions the Samarqand Observatory was, very likaly, the one which was of greater importance, both as a scientific institution and from the standpoint of its historical function. It seems to represent the highwater mark of Islamic achievement in this field of activity, and it is also probable that it constituted the most important link between Islam and Europe in the transmission of the tradition of founding observatories. By this time, contact with the Fareast had ceased to be of crucial importance in the evolution of the observatory in Islam, but the Islamic observatory itself seems to come into the lime light in this era as an institution destined to exert significant influence upon Europe. In the fifteenth century, Islam had a clearly superior status in this realm of activity as compared with Europe; it was in a position to exert important influence on Europe, and Europe was apparently eager to absorb such influence. At the time the Istanbul Observatory was founded, Islam had already begun to lose its leadership in the field, but this institution too may have been instrumental in the transmission of the Islamic tradition of observatory building to Europe. At any rate, remarkable parallelisms are seen to exist between this observatory and those of Tycho Brahe, which were contemporaneous with it, and this is indicative at least of the actual passage of important influences from Islam to Europe.

Rasadkhaneh, Maragheh Sayili

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THE OBSERVATORY I N ISLAM

AND ITS PLACE IN THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE OBSERVATORY

TURK TARIH KURUMU BASIMEVI, ANKARA -1960

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

vol. 2, p. 126, Notes, p. 172.

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

servatory as due to Hulagft ' s initiative.

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

Urdi concerning the ins-

There was a terrestrial globe made of paper pulp.

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

Safadi, vol. 1, p. 179;

Kutubi, vol. 2, pp. 149-150; Suter, 1900, pp.

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE MARAGHA OBSERVATORY

Yaltkaya, vol. 2, pp. 1596,

See below, p. 231, note 25.

THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY AND MINOR OBSERVATORIES

world-controling king has it been possible to build observatories " ,

Urdi, Kitdb al Hay' a, p. 90a.

Nizam-i Nishaburi, Kashf, Bursa, pp. 6a-6b.

226 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 227

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE GHAZAN KHAN OBSERVATORY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

construction was completed, but it also shows that the observ-

had a minimum life of about fifteen or sixteen years.

nor of the other institutions built by Ghazan Khan at Sham.

230 THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 231

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY

Finally, it should be added that, as we have seen, the property

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM

THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY

THE OBSERVATORY IN ISLAM 237