The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation By David M. May*

ABSTRACT The symbol for the "mark of the beast" originated within the numismatic environment of the first-century Roman world. Many of the images and symbols in the book of Revelation were also prominent motifs on Roman imperial and provincial coinage that served to distribute imperial theology and propaganda into every part of the Empire. The "mark/' itself, is implicitly linked with the imook operial economic system. In chaotic periods of revolution and civil war, one of the most visible and widespread ways that aspirants to demonstrate authority and gain support for being the next emperor of Rome was by circulating countermarked coins. The historical referents for the "mark" were special countermarks, perhaps the Capricorn associated in Roman imperial ideology with Emperor Augustus, stamped on Roman imperial coins, especially those circulated in Asia. John may have seized upon the visually prominent countermarked Roman coinage as the mark of the beast in order to advocate a radical rejection of this mark along with the entire economic system it represented.

* David M. May is Professor of New Testament at the Central Baptist Theological Seminary in Shawnee, Kansas, and a member of the editorial board of Review & Expositor.

83

In Rev 13:1, John presents a vision of a beast arising from the sea. He describes it as having ten horns, seven heads, ten diadems upon its horns and a blasphemous name upon its heads. Associated with this beast is a The cryptic phrase "mark of the beast" occurs only twice mark. The cryptic in the book of Revelation; phrase "mark of however, it has become an the beast" occurs only twice in the enduring and tantalizing Apocalypse (16:2; 19:20); however, it has image for both popular and scholarly interpreters of become an enduring and tantalizing image Revelation. for both popular and scholarly interpreters of Revelation. Mary Stewart Reife in her book The New Money System 666 discovered, through an elaborate system of investigation, that the Uniform Product Code (UPC), that is the ubiquitous bar code, represents the mark of the beast.1 It is slightly humorous to assume one can find the antichrist in the nearest dairy freezer or in the grocery aisle with chips and dip. Unfortunately, not all strange interpretations of the mark of the beast are so innocuous; some fascinations/obsessions become tragic. In 2001, Andrea Yates took the lives of her five children. After her arrest, she requested a razor to shave her head in order to reveal "the mark of the beast" that she believed was on her scalp.2 While no guarantee, grounding the meaning of the mark of the beast in the The symbol for the "mark of historical context of the first century could the beast" originated within the help prevent bizarre and ludicrous numismatic environment of the interpretations. My thesis is simple: the first-century Roman world, and the historical referents for the symbol for the "mark of the beast" "mark" were special originated within the numismatic countermarks placed upon environment of the first-century Roman Roman imperial coins. world, and the historical referents for the "mark" were special countermarks placed upon Roman imperial coins.

84

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

The Revelation of John Versus the Coins of Roman Propaganda

APOCALYPSE

Christopher Rowland in his book The Open Heaven points out that compared to other WINTER 2009 contemporary apocalyptic writings Revelation stands out because of "the profusion of imagery which confronts us in virtually every chapter.. ."3 I suggest the excessive imagery of Revelation is partially due to the numismatic environment in which it was conceived and written. This proposition may seem strange since only one explicit numismatic reference exists in Revelation: "A quart of wheat for a denarius and three quarts of barley for a denarius . . ." (Rev 6:6).4 The fabric of Revelation's language, however, contains numerous implicit references to the numismatic environment of the first-century world. Many of the images and symbols in Revelation, e.g., thunder, eagles, horses, stars, sun, moon, lamb/ram, serpent, women, diadem, altars and thrones, to name only a few, were also prominent motifs on Roman imperial Many of the images and symbols and provincial coinage. Richard Oster in Revelation, e.g., thunder, eagles, horses, stars, sun, moon, writes, "The iconographie technique of lamb/ram, serpent, women, the Revelation . . . is mirrored in the diadem, altars and thrones, to contemporary visual language of coins name only a few, were also which utilized many of the same prominent motifs on Roman imperial and provincial coinage. symbols and images to communicate related ideas/75 One should also keep in mind that symbols on these coins reached the widest audience in the most continuous way.6 For example, during the reign of Vespasian it has been estimated that 357.6 million denarii (silver coins) were minted, an average of 37.6 million per year.7 Add to this number the aurei (gold coins), sestertii (large bronze coins), dupondii (brasscopper coins), cuadrantes and asses (small denomination copper coins), and also the provincial coinage minted by large cities currying the favor of Rome and the imperial family, and one gets a better sense of the ever ubiquitous circulation of coinage in the Roman Empire.

Now?

85

These ever-present coins effectively distributed imperial theology and propaThese ever-present coins effectively distributed ganda into every imperial theology and part of the Empire. propaganda into every part Ernest Janzen notes of the Empire. well the connection between Revelation and its numismatic environment, . . . the occasion of the Apocalypse was largely prompted by the ideological clash between claims of the Imperium and those of the Christian community of the Apocalypse living in Asia Minor. The coins were not only source material for the wording of John's counter-claims, but in part at least, the very cause of the ideological clash in the first place.8 The author of Revelation was engaged in over-striking the image of the Imperium as personified by the emperor and represented in imperial coinage. Even if individuals are not convinced that the author of Revelation is directly engaging the empire's ideology/theology represented by the numismatic environment in his writing, the particular phrase "the mark of the beast" as a reference to coins has supporters. For example, the numismatic background to the mark of the beast finds support in Rev 13:17a: "no one can buy or sell who does not have the mark . . . . " This economic indicator has caused some interpreters to posit the mark as a reference to imperial Some interpreters posit "the coins bearing the emperor's image and mark of the beast" as a reference to imperial coins inscription. As J. Nelson Kraybill states, "It bearing the emperor's would have been impossible for merchants image and inscription. to enter the international marketplace without handling the 'mark' on money, since many Roman coins carried impressions alluding to the imperial cult."9 Kraybill is not alone; other commentaries also grant a numismatic background for this mark.10 While some evidence supports a general numismatic background for the mark of the beast, this perspective can also be supported and

86

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

strengthened by even more specific numismatic evidence: countermarked imperial coins.

APOCALYPSE

Imperial Countermarked Coins

Now?
WINTER

In the area of numismatic studies, countermarked coins have received little attention. The first major study devoted to countermarked coins appeared in 1985 by C. J. Howgego entitled Countermarks: Studies in
the Provincial Coinage of the Roman Empire. The only other major work

2009

appeared in 2003 in Italian (but with extensive English summaries) by

Rodolfo Martini and is entitled The Pangerl Collection: Catalog and Commentary on the Countermarked Roman Coins (Augustus-Vespasian).11

Many problems exist for assessing the role and function of countermarked coins in the ancient world. As Howgego notes, "There are no documents from antiquity which mention countermarks, let alone indicate how they were used. The coins themselves provide the only clue."12 Because coins are the only evidence, assessing their function needs to be done with caution. Most numismatic scholars, however, suggest that countermarked coins were struck either for local or imperial occasions. As Howgego writes, "The majority of occasions for countermarking will have been local rather than imperial events and they are largely obscure to us."13 This essay, however, is most concerned with one specific type of countermark: the imperial countermarks struck under the authority, or the purported authority, of the Roman Empire. Imperial countermarking of Roman coins occurred in only two periods: (1) from the reigns of Tiberius (14-37 CE) to Vespasian (69-79 CE), and (2) during the fifth and sixth centuries.14 The fact that in the first period the latest countermarking occurred around 69-79 does not mean Revelation was written at this time period, although several scholars suggest this early dating.15 It could also have been written in the late 90s following the more traditional Domitian dating around 95-96 CE. Countermarked coins, like all coins, could have a long circulation in the Roman Empire. For example legionary denarii of Marcus Antonius were "still circulating in the early third century, 240 or 250 years after they had entered circulation."16 The equivalent today would be attempting to buy an Apple iPod with a 1757 English shilling bearing the portrait of King George the II.

87

Reasons for Imperial Countermarks

The imperial countermarking of coins typically occurred for four reasons. First, coins were countermarked in order to "extend the A BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL geographical area in which the coin would be 17 accepted as legal tender." In provinces along the Rhine where the Roman legions served, coins minted in Rome or Lugudunum (Lyon) would be countermarked to 18 illustrate their continuing authority as legal tender. This countermarking was necessary because imperial bronze coins, which were the most frequently countermarked coins, were typically only struck for use in Rome and Italy.19 Often these countermarks were in the form of the emperor's abbreviated name sometimes accompanied by his title.20 Roman legates also occasionally countermarked coins to authorize their usage. This category also includes countermarks on provincial imitations. These coins imitated the imperial coinage and were labeled barbarous because Rome did not authorize them. In far-flung provinces where coinage was sometimes scarce, unofficial minting occurred. Roman representatives would officially sanction these imitations as viable for exchange with countermarks such as, PRO (Probatus, "approved"), PROB ( for Britain), BON (Bonus, "good"). 21 A second reason for countermarking coins was to downgrade the value of worn coins. For example the abbreviation DVP or DV, representing the denomination dupondius, would be struck upon worn sestertii. Upon worn dupondii would be struck the letters AS representing the denomination as. These downgrades were by half. The countermarking would extend the life of the coin, guarantee its value, and cut the cost and time for minting new coinage.22 A third reason to countermark was to refresh the memory of people related to imperial authority. As Richard Baker writes, The first emperors of Rome found it necessary to remind the populace of their authority while at the same time creating a visual link with their predecessors. By countermarking the coins of their predecessors they saved the time and expense of minting new coins while still conveying the all important messagenamely who controlled the power.23

88

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

An example would be the countermark NCAPR. The interpretation of this common countermark APOCALYPSE struck during the reign of Nero is uncertain. It Now? may be, however, a revalidation of the coins of Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, or a congiarium, WINTER 2009 i.e., a dole given out mainly to troops after Nero came to the throne. Either way, it would be a tangible reminder that this particular coinage jangling in one's purse comes from the emperor, and that each recipient is beholden to this greatest of all patrons of the Empire. The fourth reason for imperial countermarks has the most bearing upon understanding John's usage of the phrase "the mark of the beast/' Coins were countermarked during times of revolution and civil war. During a period of instability in the Empire, "the names, monograms, or mottos of revolting generals and legions were countermarked by their adherents upon the available coinage."24 The death of Nero in 68 CE plunged the Roman Empire into a civil war in which five individuals (Vindex, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian) competed for the purple.25 In this chaotic period, one of the most visible and widespread ways that these individuals attempted to demonstrate authority and gain support for being the next emperor of Rome was by coins. Some of the coins minted during the civil war even portray coining tools with inscriptions that proclaimed salvation and vengeance, VOLKANVS VLTOR (Vulcan the Avenger). These coins, as Andrew Burnett notes, imply that "their coinage would free them from and avenge them for the hateful images on the coinage of the tyrant Nero."26 During a time of crisis when expediency was especially valued, countermarked coins were a quick and tangible reminder of the power, During a time of crisis when ownership, and legitimacy of the one expediency was especially valued, countermarked coins whose stamped name they carried. These were a quick and tangible countermarks would be recognized and reminder of the power, understood by all who saw them. As ownership, and legitimacy of Howgego writes, "It is necessary to the one whose stamped name they carried. remember that in the context in which they were applied the countermarks would have been common, and easy to recognize "27 and interpret.

89

Countermarked Coins and the Mark of the Beast The Mark of the Name
Several aspects of countermarked coins between the years 68-70 CE suggest that the original Several aspects of audience of Revelation would have countermarked coins between easily recognized and interpreted the the years 68-70 CE suggest that phrase "mark of the beast" as a reference the original audience of to the Roman Empire as represented by Revelation would have easily recognized and interpreted the the emperor. In two passages from phrase "mark of the beast" as a Revelation, the mark is explicitedly reference to the Roman Empire connected to a name (13:17 and 14:11).28 as represented by the emperor. The most prominent characteristic of Roman countermarked coins is the stamped name of the pretender to the throne. The name is typically found in an abbreviated Latin or Greek form. Not only did a pretender to the throne use his name, he often added a title in the form of a monogram or ligature. The title was typically IMP for Imperator. While much has been made of the beast having a "human number" (Rev 13:17), little attention is placed upon the name in relationship to the mark itself. For example, it is interesting that David Aune in his threevolume commentary on Revelation supports the mark as being a brand. The examples he cites for support, however, ignore that the mark is specifically associated with a name.29 Robert Mounce suggests that because the mark "was also used for the likeness or name of the emperor on Roman coins. This may be the reason why . . . the mark is placed on the hand as well as When imperial countermarks on the forehead."30 were applied, they were affixed When imperial countermarks were most frequently on the obverse applied, they were affixed most side (the heads side), and when stamped by some pretenders to frequently on the obverse side (the heads the throne, they were stamped side), and when stamped by some directly upon the portrait head pretenders to the throne, they were of the emperor. stamped directly upon the portrait head

90

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

of the emperor.31 This stamp upon the head is very evident in the counter stamps of the early rebellion APOCALYPSE under Vindex and Galba. These countermarks Now? upon the coins of Nero attempted to deface the unpopular previous emperor. Vespasian, during WINTER 2009 his rebellion against Vitellius, attempted to portray himself as a successor, although not lineal, to the Julio-Claudians, and therefore his countermarks were typically placed in such as way as not to deface the portrait of the previous emperor.32

Geographical Circulation of Countermarked Coins in the East

Would John, who was located in Asia, have been aware of these various countermark coins thereby drawing his inspiration for the "mark of the beast"? While the rebellions of Vindex, Galba, Otho and Vitellius originated in the western part of the Empire, Vespasian's claim to the throne originated Would John, who was located in the East. His revolt against Vitellius was in Asia, have been aware of based in Antioch and was supported from these various countermark coins thereby drawing his the very beginning by Gaius Licinius inspiration for the ''mark of Mucianus, the proconsul of Syria. It was the beast'? "in Antioch that Vespasian struck the first coins of his as-yet-unofficial reign." 33 Antioch, therefore, has been suggested as one of the logical locations for the countermarking of Vespasian's coins.34 Another location, however, has also been suggested as a major center for countermarking of coins and is of particular interest for Revelation: Asia.35 Asia was one of two closed monetary systems in the Roman Empire, the other being Egypt. While the typical silver coinage throughout the empire was the denarius, in Egypt it was the tetradrachm and in Asia the cistophorus. In Asia the Romans inherited the coinage of the Pergamene kings in 133 BCE and kept it.36 Its silver quantity varied relative to economic stability, but it was minted from 133 BCE until Septimius Severus (193-211 CE). While cistophorii might circulate outside of Asia, for the most part silver minted in the East remained within this geographical area.37

91

The imperial countermarks occurring on cistophorii from the province of Asia are unique to only one pretender to the throne: Vespasian. It has been theorized that this countermarking took place specifically in Ephesus and happened A BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL early in Vespasian's reign. So in Ephesus, this prominent city of the Apocalypse, countermarked coins were stamped and circulated. One can also note that only Vespasian countermarked other older silver coins such as the denarii of the Republic, Marcus Antonius, Augustus, and 38 Tiberius. M *(87* mJj

The Beast and the Symbol of Capricorni

While most countermarks consisted of a name and/or title, one unusual countermark used during the civil war is of the Capricorn.39 The Capricorn countermark is typically found on eastern provincial coins and is The Capricorn countermark is associated with Vespasian. He is the typically found on eastern provincial coins and is associated only pretender to the throne to use a with Vespasian. He is the only countermark that could be understood pretender to the throne to use a as an image of a beast. Also later in countermark that could be Vespasian's reign his association with understood as an image of a beast. the symbol of the Capricorn continued. The commemorative coinage issued at Vespasian's death by his son Titus portrayed two Capricorns supporting a shield containing the letters SC (Senatus Consultum). Vespasian incorporated a Capricorn symbol that was used earlier during the reign of Augustus. Capricorn was the genethaliac (birth) sign of Augustus and was frequently struck on his coins. Oster writes that "Julius Firmicus Maternus, a fourth-century astrologer whose writings reflect longstanding theories, noted that the Roman king would be born under the sign of Capricorn."40 For this reason it has been suggested that the sign of Capricorn prophesied one who would restore and save the Roman state.41 The countermark of Vespasian could easily be his attempt to connect with the Augustus heritage in order to validate his coming to power. While Vespasian was not an heir by blood, he was heir via his action to restore

92

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

and be the savior of the Roman state. John may have seen this countermark symbol of the Capricorn for what it was, that is, a beast that had two horns like a lamb but spoke like a dragon (Rev 13:11). Vespasian was no "savior" of the world that position was designated for the Lamb (Rev 5:12-13). The Procedure for Countermarking Coins

APOCALYPSE

Now?
WINTER

2009

The procedure used for collecting coins in order to countermark them is unknown. As Howgego writes, "In no case can it be shown whether the coins were brought by the public to be countermarked or whether they were in public funds when countermarked."42 These two theories, however, are put forward by numismatists as options for countermarking coins. With this caveat of uncertainty, one can still speculate what the audience of Revelation might have experienced if coins were mandated by the civic authorities to be brought in and countermarked before reuse. It was bad enough to use coins pregnant with Roman gods and goddesses in everyday economic interactions, but to bring in one's coins to receive the stamp of the emperor was a tangible submission to the authority of the Empire. To refuse to participate in such a program could have placed an individual in some local situations at the economically disadvantaged position as visualized in Rev 13:17, i.e., neither being able to buy or sell. The act of providing coins for countermarking would have been an act of loyalty for citizens within the cities. It The act of providing coins represented loyalty to the empire and an act for countermarking would that generals-hoping-to-be-emperors would have been an act of want to see carried out. Suspicion could be loyalty for citizens within raised on anyone who chose not to participate the cities. in a collective countermarking of coinage. It is not too strong to say it would have been considered treason. Perhaps John's very presence on the island of Patmos stems from his rejection of the imperial monetary system and what it represented.

93

Conclusion The rejection of coinage was highly unusual in the Greco-Roman world. Rejection is also unusual in the contemporary world. As the old contemporary saying goes, "the only problem with tainted money is that there taint enough." Arrian in Discourses ofEpictetus writes, "Just as a banker or greengrocer cannot reject Caesar's coin, but if you show it, is obliged to take it, whether he likes it or not, and give over what he is selling in exchange for it, so it is with the soul."43 Even Jesus indicated submission in using Roman coinage. In his reply to the question about taxes to Caesar, and with a denarius for visual effect, he said, "Give to the emperor the things that are the emperor's, and to God the things that are God's" (Mark 12:17). The occasional refusal to honor or use Roman coins is known from literary evidence. Arrian also records that a man once was offered a coin bearing the image of Nero and declined it because it was rotten (sapros). Instead in its place he took a coin of Trajan, in spite of the fact that the Neronian coin was more valuable.44 As Burnett notes, "it is assumed that people would look at their coins, and make a moral judgement about their content."45 Perhaps this moral judgment is exactly what John made on the coins of Rome. An interesting legal opinion regarding one who rejects an imperial coin is found in the spurious work allegedly from the stylus of the Roman jurist Julius Paulus, Pauli Sententiae (PauVs View).46 This legal observation, while written in the late third century, probably illustrates earlier precedent:
A BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

. . . anyone who counterfeits gold or silver money, or washes, melts, scrapes, spoils, or adulterates any coin bearing the impression of the face of the Emperor, or refuses to accept it [italics are mine], unless it is counterfeit, shall, if of superior rank, be deported to an island [italics are mine], and if of inferior station, be sentenced to the mines, or punished capitally.47 Most interpreters suggest that John's sojourn on the island of Patmos is enforced and not voluntary. John writes that he is on the island because of the "word of God and the witness of Jesus" (Rev 1:9b). The specific

94

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

content of John's message was probably the APOCALYPSE catalyst for his deportation by the authorities to 48 the island of Patmos. His deportation to the Now? island is certainly understandable if his preaching among the seven churches demonized WINTER 2009 the Rome monetary system. If he seized upon the visually prominent countermarked Roman coinage as the mark of the beast, he may have advocated a radical rejection of this mark along with the entire economic system it represented.49 Although deported and isolated on the island of Patmos, John continued to overstrike the mark of the beast with what he had at his disposal: reed, ink, and papyrus.

1 2

Mary Stewart Reife, The New Money System 666 (Montgomery, AL: Ministries, 1982).

Margaret G. Spinelli, "Maternal Infanticide Associated with Mental Illness: Prevention and the Promise of Saved Lives," The American Journal of Psychiatry 161 (2004): 1548-57. Christopher Rowland, The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity (New York: Crossroad, 1982), 61.
4 5 3

All references will be to the NRSV unless otherwise noted.

Richard Oster, "Numismatic Windows into the Social World of Early Christianity: A Methodological Inquiry," The Journal of Biblical Literature 101/2 (1982): 219. Clifford Ando, Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire (Berkley, CA: University of California Press, 2000), 215. Richard Duncan-Jones, Money and Government in the Roman Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 168.
8 Ernest P. Janzen, "The Jesus of the Apocalypse Wears the Emperor's Clothes," in 1994 SBL Seminar Papers, ed. Eugene H. Lovering, Jr. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994), 637-61. 7 7

J. Nelson Kraybill, Imperial Cult and Commerce in John's Apocalypse, Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series 127 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996), 138.

95

Catherine Gunsalus Gonzalez and Justo L. Gonzalez, Revelation, Westminster Bible Companion (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1997), 90. While the word "mark" (charagma) can mean a mark that is engraved, etched, branded, cut, or imprinted, it is interesting that a later Christian writer, Ignatius of Antioch, used the term charagma A BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL in relationship to coinage: "for just as there are two coinages, the one of God, the other of the world, and each of them has its own imprint on it, the unbelievers that of this world, the believers the imprint of God the Father through Jesus Christ in love;..." (Magnesians, 5:2). (William R. Schoedel, Ignatius of Antioch: A Commentary on the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch, Hermeneia [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985], 108). "P I m . , ^ ^ Rodolfo Martini, Collezione Pangerl: Contromarche Imperiali Romane (AugustusVespasianus) (Milano: Italy, 2003).
12 11

10

Howgego, 2. Ibid., 6. John Melville Jones, A Dictionary of Ancient Roman Coins (London: Seaby, 1990), 76See Stephen S. Smalley, The Revelation to John (Downer Grove: InterVarsity, 2005), 2-

13

14

77.
15

3. Richard Duncan-Jones, Money and Government in the Roman Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 205. Richard Baker, "The Countermarks Found on Ancient Roman Coins: A Brief Introduction," ACTA ACCLA (August 2004), online: www.accla.org/actaaccla/baker2.html (accessed 29 November 2008). H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum: I Augustus to Vitellius (London: British Museum, 1976), xxix. The standard abbreviation for this work is BMC, British Museum Catalogue.
19 18 17 16

Ibid., xxvii.

20 Augustus (AVG, IMP AVG); Tiberius (TIB, TIB C, TIBERC, TIB IMP, TIB AVG); Germanicus (CAESAR); Claudius (TI AV, C A, TICA, TIB CLAV IMP), see BMC, I, xxixxxxi. 21

Baker, "Countermarks." Ibid. Ibid. Ibid.

22

23

24

Gwyn Morgan, 69 A.D.: The Year of the Four Emperors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Charles L. Murison, Galba, Otho, Vitellius: Careers and Controversies, Spudasmata

25

96

The Empire Strikes Back: The Mark of the Beast in Revelation Review and Expositor, 106, Winter 2009

52 (New York: Georg Olms, 1993); Charles Leslie Murison, Rebellion and Reconstruction: An Historical Commentary on Cassius Dio's 'Roman History,'Books 64-67 (A.D. 68-96), American Philological Association Monograph Series, No. 37 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999); Kenneth Wellesley, The Year of the Four Emperors, 3rd ed. (London/New York: Routledge, 2000).
26 27 28

APOCALYPSE

Now?
WINTER

2009

Burnett, Coinage, 67. Howgego, 7.

This paper does not examine the enigmatic relationship between the name of the beast and "the number of its name" (Rev 13:17). This connection has a long history of interpretation and goes beyond the narrow focus of this study. David Aune, Revelation 6-16, Word Biblical Commentary 52b (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1998), 767. He cites support that has nothing to do with name (an owl, and a vine leaf). He also dismisses the idea of coins being the foundation for the imagery because "the mark is said to be made on the right hand and forehead of people, which would exclude coins" (p. 767). Robert H. Mounce, The Book of Revelation, rev. ed., The New International Commentary on the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988), 259.
31 Particularly the countermarks on Nero's coins by Galba demonstrate the defacing element. The objective of the countermark seemed to be the obliteration of the image of Nero. Vespasian's countermarks, however, were more strategically placed in order that the face of Nero or other predecessors were not defaced. See also Howgego, 6. 30 29

J. W. vander Dussen, "Some Countermarks & Other Manipulations on & with Roman Bronze Coins of Caligula and Nero," The Celator 19 (2005): 22. David L. Vagi, Coinage and History of the Roman Empire: c. 82 B.C.-A.D. 480, Vol 1: History (Chicago/London: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1999), 206. H. Mattingly and E. A. Sydenham, eds., The Roman Imperial Coinage, vol. I (London: Spink & Son, 1926), 15. Interestingly, there were provincial mints at six of the seven cities mentioned in the Apocalypse, the lone exception being Thytira; see RPC, 2: Part 1:24. While these cities minted provincial coins for local usage and not imperial coinage, nevertheless, they would be logical locations for the counterstriking of coins.
36 35 34 33

32

John Melville Jones, A Dictionary of Ancient Roman Coins (London: Seaby, 1990), 55Duncan-Jones, Money, 169. BMC, vol. I, xxviii.

56.
37 38

97

In Greek mythology, Capricorn is associated with the goat Amalthea that provided milk for the infant god Zeus. Capricorn is often thought of as a sea-goat and portrayed as being part goat and part fish.
40
A BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

39

Oster, "Numismatic Windows," 207.

K. Kraft, "Zum Capricorn auf den Mnzen des Augustus (Tafel 2)," Jahrbuch fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 17 (1967): 17-27. See also E. J. Dwyer, "Augustus and the Capricorn," Mitteilungen des archaeologigischen Instituts (Rmische Abteilung) 80 (1973) pl. 2, 59-67.
42 43 44 45 46

41

Howgego, 2. Arrian, Discourses ofEpictetus 3.3.3. Ibid., 5.17. Burnett, Coinage, 67.

Tony Honor, "Iulius Paulus," in The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 785. Pauli Sententiae is probably from the late third century.
47 Julius Paulus, The Opinions ofJulius Paulus, trans. Samuel P. Scott (Cincinnati: Central Trust Company, 1932), 5.25.1.

See G. B. Caird, The Revelation of St. John the Divine, Harper's New Testament Commentary (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 21-23. Adela Yarbo Collins links this rejection of coins with Zealot theology. As she notes, "The inability to buy or sell would then be the result of the refusal to use Roman coins. Such a refusal is analogous to the Zealots' refusal to carry, look at, or manufacture coins bearing any sort of image" (Adela Yarbo Collins, "The Political Perspective of the Revelation to John," Journal for the Society of Biblical Literature 96 [1977]: 253).
49

48

98

^ s
Copyright and Use: As an ATLAS user, you may print, download, or send articles for individual use according to fair use as defined by U.S. and international copyright law and as otherwise authorized under your respective ATLAS subscriber agreement. No content may be copied or emailed to multiple sites or publicly posted without the copyright holder(s)' express written permission. Any use, decompiling, reproduction, or distribution of this journal in excess of fair use provisions may be a violation of copyright law. This journal is made available to you through the ATLAS collection with permission from the copyright holder(s). The copyright holder for an entire issue of a journal typically is the journal owner, who also may own the copyright in each article. However, for certain articles, the author of the article may maintain the copyright in the article. Please contact the copyright holder(s) to request permission to use an article or specific work for any use not covered by the fair use provisions of the copyright laws or covered by your respective ATLAS subscriber agreement. For information regarding the copyright holder(s), please refer to the copyright information in the journal, if available, or contact ATLA to request contact information for the copyright holder(s). About ATLAS: The ATLA Serials (ATLAS) collection contains electronic versions of previously published religion and theology journals reproduced with permission. The ATLAS collection is owned and managed by the American Theological Library Association (ATLA) and received initial funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The design and final form of this electronic document is the property of the American Theological Library Association.