Aspects of Socialization for Aggression in Sambia Ritual and Warfare Author(s): Gilbert Herdt Source: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol.

59, No. 4, Culture and Aggression (Oct., 1986), pp. 160 -164+200-204 Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317329 Accessed: 12/08/2010 10:00
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ASPECTS OF SOCIALIZATION FOR AGGRESSION IN SAMBIA RITUALAND WARFARE

GILBERT HERDT The University of Chicago Selectedaspectsof aggressionaredescribed amongthe Sambiaof theEasternHighlands, Papua New Guinea.Twotypesof aggressivebehaviorare studiedin thedevelopmental cycle ofSambia: instrumental aggression,in whichthe agentproducesdistressin othersto achieve pragmaticgoals, and hostileaggression,in whichhurtingthe otherperson is an end in itself and servesto establisha power balancebetweenagent and object.Initiationceremoniesare here viewedas the main mediatingmechanismin changes in aggressivebehaviorbetween childhood and adulthood. Some discussion of the Sambia findings in contrast to other Melanesian societies is providedas a broaderareal focus. The anthropological study of aggression (1973) and Read (1954) have suggested that the generalized ethos of Melanesia and the New Guinea Highlands is dominated by images of aggressiveness, and I have taken a similar view in a recent work (Herdt 1987). Yet this ethos and the values underlying aggressive behavior may shape people's lives in different ways in childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Children, reared in the safety of what Lawrence (1966) referred to as a "security circle," are somewhat removed from warfare violence, for example, even though they sometimes suffer from it as victims. The transition from adolescence to adulthood, however, seems to entail the person's increasing involvement in planning, staging, and carrying out aggression, especially that related to group warfare. In this sense, initiation rites, a critical component of transition from childhood to adulthood, transform nonresponsible, passive victims to responsible, active agents who can aggress. The recent studies in RitualsofManhood:Male Initiation in Papua New Guinea (Herdt, ed. 1982) underscore this point, and I have taken the same perspective in my work on masculine development among the Sambia, a hunting and horticultural people of the Eastern Highlands, Papua New Guinea (Herdt 1981). Initiation is a type of aggressive training regime for males. Ritual tasks expose boys to new challenges and dangers, such as hunting, scaling tall trees, and journeying on long treks in unknown territory. Initiation also actively teaches boys, in a vicarious way, about the images and dangers of enemies in other tribes and pseudo-enemies in nearby villages. Masculine values are introduced and reinforced for fighting,

in Melanesia has focused on three behavioral forms: warfare, sorcery, and in-group interpersonal violence. The complexity of these behaviors and their diverse cultural contexts has made it difficult to generalize about their causes and consequences for Melanesia as a cultural area. Few observers agree completely, for instance, about the ultimate, let alone the proximate, causes of warfare in New Guinea societies (see Hallpike 1973; Meggitt 1977; Sillitoe 1978; reviewed in Brown's and Ross's papers in this volume). Warfare as a culturally-constituted form of aggressive behavior defies any simple categorization into biological,"essentialism"or social "environmentalism," although in New Guinea the accounts of war appeal to sociocultural factors as critical determinants of the boundary conditions, target goals, and the quality of the aggression involved. One aspect of these cultural factors that has been emphasized by a few observers is socialization for aggression (Brown 1978b; Langness 1972; Mead 1935; Read 1954). In this paper I will concentrate on ritual socialization for aggression in line with these previous accounts, but I also offer a somewhat differentperspective which stresses the systematic introduction of different forms of aggression across the developmental lifespan in order to understand how training in ritual and warfare were inextricably linked, particularly with regard to male development. One approach to understanding socialization for aggression is to contrast the variable forms of training for or implicit reinforcement of aggressiveness in different stages of social development. Schwartz

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FOR AGGRESSIONIN SAMBIARITUAL SOCIALIZATION bravery, autonomy, and aggressiveness in general. Sambia, like similar peoples in New Guinea, have a complex, multistage initiation sequence, which is begun for boys at ages 7 to 10, and which continues over six stages of initiation, spread over the next 15 years or so, until males are in the mid-twenties, are married and have families. During these successive initiations, the men are trained in warriorskills, planning and fighting, and their training culminates in long-distance raids, the most dangerous and daring of warfare activities, and also the most aggressive and deadly. And yet, these males begin life in the security circle, primarily attached to their mothers and protected by them. As children, they are dependent, emotional, and given to temper tantrums; they are unaggressive and generally avoid adult violence. Indeed, the men perceive them as too "soft"-like their too much enmeshed in the wives-and women's world and values to be of help in warfare. Thus, initiation resocializes them, retrains them as warriors. In this sense, ritual not only "undoes" the boys' childhood training, but it anticipates the context of warfare in which the boys must prove themselves competent. What the men's view overlooks, however, is that aggressiveness of a different form is already present during the boys' childhood. We may see this earlier developmental form as antecedent to the adult form; these two faces of aggression go hand in hand, I will argue, but they are expressed in different situations and have divergent consequences. Two Forms ofAggression For the sake of brevity, we may refer to two forms of aggression identified by the psychologist Hartup(1974) in a classic study of Minnesota school children. He labeled these types "hostile" and "instrumental" aggression. Hartup found that in instrumental aggression, children produce distress in others to obtain something they want, whereas in hostile aggression, hurting the other person becomes an end in itself (see Maccoby 1980:147). Both behavioral forms are goal-directed; in both, a latent potential for aggression is expressed, usually with intentionality. Yet the manifest aims of these two kinds of aggression diverge. Develop-

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mentalists have found that instrumental in freaggression generally decreases quency with age, whereas hostile aggression is stable over the life-course. Hostile aggression, moreover, assumes meanings associated with power. In effect, hostile attacks become a means of restoring a balance in power between two persons, the working out of which represents cognitive, symbolic, and emotional mastery in the child, entailing a clearer sense of self and an understanding of one's status position in the power and symbolic hierarchy. My aim is to explore such types of aggression in the socialization of Sambia males, particularly as ritual anticipates warfare. My presentation must be preliminary. Many of the methodological issues besetting the historical study of aggression in Sambia warfare, a now defunct institution which was forcibly stopped in 1964-65 by the colonial government, are beyond the scope of this paper. (Meggitt [1977] addressed these issues in his masterful study of Mae Enga warfare, in the Western Highlands of New Guinea.) Specifically, I will show that the "instrumental/hostile" distinction illuminates Sambia male development across the lifespan; indeed, Sambia culture capitalizes on the potential for aggression by situationally exploiting both forms of attack in different ways. Sambia today number 2,400 people dispersed in small nucleated villages over a broken rain forest terrain. Initiation rites are still performed to recruit and train boys as warriors, for warfare was chronic throughout the region of Sambia and of their Anga neighbors. Marriage to members of sometimes hostile groups created intense sexual antagonism, which complicated early childrearing, and facilitated ritual cult secrecy as a means to enhance male solidarity (see Herdt 1981). Aggression and its control are central themes in male development. I have argued elsewhere (Herdt, 1987) that boys are unruly and uncontrolled moral agents. They are often allowed to act out instrumental aggressive acts before they are initiated. Mothers, young siblings, and peers are the primary targets, but the main object of hostile aggression is parental authority, the mother

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ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY prospective homosexual partners-whom they can "pay back" for their ritual "pain" by "stealing" the bachelors' semen, hostility confined mainly to the erotics of the flute ceremony.2 First-stage initiation thus reveals a profound transformation in the masculinity of boys, coupled with both forms of aggressivity. The implicit"message" of these rites "speaks" to the prior stage of childhood in the boys' developmental histories. Their impetuous, unmanly behavior draws out retaliation in the men, and boys are given some channel of response to the trauma of the initiation violence. The hostility of homosexual activity is a theme which carries over into adolescence, for here, aggression is sexualized and put into the service both of heterosexual repression and of conditioning for a generalized erotic dimension of certain male/male ritual cult hierarchical relationships (Herdt 1987). The sexualization of this hostile aggression has implications, moreover, for the form of "sexual antagonism" which occurs among the Sambia (see Herdt and Poole 1982). Finally, these public ritual activities, which are observed by women and boys (whereas the secret flute ceremony is hidden) send an important "message" to the uninitiated that men are capable of aggression, and that uninitiated boys have this fate lying in store for them. Following first-stage initiation, no overt aggression towards older village males is permitted, and boys are punished for transgressions. Instead, the targets for aggression- especially hostile aggressionare members of two generalized categories: "enemies" (particularly members of other and women (particularly of tribes, ikumamulu) neighboring villages who are potential brides). At this stage, however, aggression towards either is merely imagined by the boys. By puberty, and third-stage initiation, this social fantasy is transformed into behavioral reality. Bachelor-initiates journey on warraids to kill and loot enemy groups, and, on occasion, to bring back women as wives. Thus, both hostile and instrumental aggression are expressed, both to obtain desired things and to inflict damage as an end in itself. At the same time, severe nose-

in particular, an image explicitly discussed in the discourse of ritual nose-bleeding (Herdt 1982).1 After initiation, the forms and direction of male aggression undergo significant change, for boys live only in the men's house. Adult men try to make boys accountable moral agents, who are reliable warriors and yet obedient sons. Warfare is ever present in the initiators' minds. Warfare and ritual are thus inextricably linked, both symbolically and behaviorally. Sambia themselves see initiation as socialization into the warrior role. The term "to fight," mulu, can be modified in any of four ways, though erut-mulu, "bow-fight," and pweiyu-mulu, "ritual fight," are the most salient of these. Ritual (pweiyu)involving any physical pain, such as thrashing or nosebleeding, is categorized as aggressive action. The Sambia Valley area boasts fightgrounds, where ceremonialized bow-fights take place, and dance-grounds, where ritual activities such as moonlight dancing are performed. These areas are located within a hundred yards of each other, and the symbolic conflict of ritual today sometimes spills over physically onto the nearby fight-ground. Paula Brown (1978b) has documented examples of such war and ritual links elsewhere in Highlands New Guinea. Sambia initiation is often violent and is experienced as traumatic by many boys. The actions of adult male initiators are highly dominating and instrumentally aggressive. Thrashing rites and severe nose-bleedings, stinging-nettle ceremonies and constant, frightening surprises make the atmosphere of initiation highly charged and "aggressive." Ritual teachings stress the "instrumental" aspect of this; the activities "toughen boys as warriors" and prepare them for spartan life in the men's house. Yet, nose-bleeding and related teachings express men's hostile aggression, mainly said to be "payback" punishment for the men's anger and humiliation at young boys' mocking of their ritual life. During first-stage initiation, the initiates are permitted only two forms of "aggressive" response. First, there is peer competition with each other to be "strong" warriorrecruits, expressed in the idiom ofjerundu,to attain status. Second, there is situational hostile aggression toward older bachelors--

SOCIALIZATION FOR AGGRESSIONIN SAMBIARITUAL bleeding is used again to reiterate that bachelors must not aggress against their seniors and must show strict obedience toward elders as authorities (Herdt 1982). Youths become increasingly verbally aggressive toward females. However, they completely avoid women, and all heterosexual activity is forbidden to them, meaning that the bachelor's aggression toward women is fundamentally "hostile" in nature. Interestingly enough, this is the developmental stage at which boys begin to express fears of hostile aggression from women in the forms of pollution and sorcery, a theme of sexual antagonism that continues throughout the remainder of the male lifespan. In adulthood, Sambia men are expected to be autonomous and self-controlled. This is a problematic posture because the ethos of Sambia condones aggression and yet rewards sociality (Herdt 1987). Their concept, jerungdu, which represents virility,valor and abundant semen, at first motivates instrumentalaggression to achieve prominence and allows hostile aggression to attain equivalence of power with others. Elders are not challenged, however; Sambia personality is far too authoritarian for that. Aggression of all kinds is played down in the village, wherein fears of sorcery symbolically substitute and are sometimes directed toward outside women (see Newman 1981). Shamanic rites are used to keep the village status quo intact. Women shamans provide the best example of female instrumental aggression, socially recognized and used by Sambia in the symbolic context of healing ceremonies (see Herdt 1987). Yet the self-possessed, toopowerful shaman can be done away with by his own group, and stories of past homicides emphasize the point. In this way, the overly aggressive shaman or the hot-headed warleader-key symbols of male aggressiveness-are threats to the hierarchical pattern; they are too uncontrolled, too aggressive, not enough "in balance," as Read (1959) argued for the Gahuku-Gama of the New Guinea Eastern Highlands. In this context, it should be added that the normative trend toward aggression in certain individuals finds its most exaggerated form in "wildman" temporary madness: hyper-aggres-

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siveness for males and hypersexuality for females (Herdt 1986). In the normative development pattern of Sambia, three phases of change in aggression can be outlined. First is childhood, before initiation, in which hostile and instrumental acts are directed only toward members of one's in-group, especially the nuclear family. Second is the post-initiation period, from late childhood through early middle age. Here, instrumental aggression can be expressed and used vis-a-vis other males of different social statuses, especially those of one's in-group; whereas hostile aggression, done merely to harm, is expressed toward enemies or women, members of out-groups, mainly to express power or reassert a balance of power. The third phase is elderhood, during which verbal and symbolic action substitute for overt physical aggression. Elders are self-controlled and use their knowledge of ritual and sorcery to promote themselves and their groups. They can expect no instrumental aggression from very much younger males and compete only with each other. In this sense they use hostile aggressive behavior in magic and ritual as political directors of village activities, to achieve a power balance with other villages. Overall, the thrust of aggression and selfdiscipline in the lifelong structure of nosebleeding rites is to condition the autonomous, controlled, mature personality (Herdt 1982).
Conclusion

Aggression, like most other human behaviors, cannot be understood apart from the cultural context in which it occurs. Culture defines to whom people feel close or distant and delineates who is inside or outside the group, both of which are key contingencies of aggression. In this paper I have argued for the study of aggression in relation to the socialization regimes of a society. In contrasting instrumental with hostile aggression, I am suggesting that a developmental difference found in Western culture occurs also in New Guinea society, although put into the service of Sambian goals, values, and adaptation to an environment of warfare. To this developmental perspective I have

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ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Complementary schismogenesis among cultural dyads is like hostile aggression, in that one's action serves to restore a balance of interlocking powers, as between husband/ wife, bachelor/initiate, parent/child. Sambia and similar Melanesian peoples required the expression of aggression for militarydefense. To control the consequences of this in personal situations, they socialized for controlled aggression. They used ritual to transform childhood behavior into adult requirements and may have gotten more than they bargained for. The consequences of this aggression in childrearing and sex role performance are far-reaching, and sometimes even deleterious (Stoller and Herdt 1982). Yet, their ritual system did keep aggression in check inside the group, and hostile responses to the outside were tolerated and even encouraged so long as a complementary ethic of power assured village stability. NOTES
negatively reinforced for aggression as they mature; passivity and subordination are traits expected of Sambia females in many contexts. This change, however, occurs after separation of boys and girls, following male initiation, when the children are very young. Girls remain with their parents and are socialized into female tasks, mainly gardening and baby-sitting. Yet some female aggression does occur, especially of the hostile kind, for example, female-female rivalrybetween co-wives. 2 The bachelors, however, are also instructed by elders to "get back," for their pain and subjugation, by dominating and hazing the boys as sexual objects (see Herdt, ed. 1982).

added the component of ritual as a primary modifier of aggressive development. Ritual both reflects upon the childhood stage of Sambia males and anticipates the outcomes expected of them in socialization during adolescence and adulthood. Initiation is therefore the main mediating mechanism of developmental changes in aggressiveness, each "stage" of which prepares boys for reallife events of violence and antagonism. Support for the above model of Sambia development can be found in comparable Melanesian studies. Langness (1972) notes that the in/out-group distinction prefigured the technology and rules of war in New Guinea societies, with raw aggression directed outside. Joint initiation with an outside group limits hostilities between the two, and initiators are careful in the aggressions toward each others' sons, for fear of retribution (see Herdt, ed. 1982). Warfare and ritual thus clarify the boundaries of aggression in

these societies. In this light, it is interesting that Bateson (1958), in hisclassic Naven, generated his concept of schismogenesis fromNew Guinea materialson aggression in ritual,sex role relationships,and inter-group conflict.Bateson's notionsof schismogenesis was that cumulative interactions could distortand ultimatelydestroy a relationshipbeorsymmetrical tween twoagents. Unregulated schismogenesis, as in the escalating arms
race, is akin to instrumental aggression: titfor-tat threatens to destroy world order.

1 Girls are generally

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