History Compass 7/1 (2009): 121, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00560.

British Colonial Education in Africa: Policy and Practice in the Era of Trusteeship
Aaron Windel*
Bowdoin College

Abstract

Historians continue to debate the role of the colonial state in the history of Africa and whether and how the state addressed problems of social welfare. In the early twentieth century, plans for Native Education were central to the construed mission of the state to serve as Trustees for native peoples. This article surveys the theories, aims, and practice of British education in Africa, focusing on the period between WWI and WWII when the colonial state took an unprecedented role in crafting an education policy for the whole of its African territory. It examines the role of American philanthropy, the controversy of English vs. vernacular language education, the relationship between settler communities and African labor, and African and metropolitan social movements in forming and executing education policy.

Historians today continue to be interested in the history of education in Africa particularly for the ways in which education in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries gives insight into several larger histories that are considered crucial to understanding the past and present relationship of Africa to the West. It is commonplace, for instance, to place the nucleus of a modern, educated African elite that would one day be the vanguard of national liberation struggles in the mission schoolrooms where they read in English and were thus trained in careers that put them at a distinct advantage as Africa underwent drastic changes in economy and the structure of society during the first half of the twentieth century.1 Especially in the late 1960s and 1970s, historians turned to studies of colonial education as an important compass for finding the right path toward the future of independent Africa. Depending on how one viewed colonial education systems, education in the post-colony should either further the development that had begun in the early twentieth century under British initiative or repudiate the vestiges of an education system that had been wholly designed to maintain the exploitative colonial relationships between white Europeans and black Africans. More recently, historians have taken a renewed interest in colonial education in efforts to understand the origins of the development idea for Africa, since welfare initiatives today constitute one of the key points of interaction between independent African states
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2 British Colonial Education in Africa

and the western powers. By looking at the earliest community welfare initiatives, which often focused on education, historians can examine the motivations for this new form of intervention into the economic, social, and cultural lives of Africans. Whether development is the new civilizing mission that seeks gain for the West under the guise of good intentions and philanthropy remains a pressing concern for historians.2 A broad history of education in colonial Africa can be roughly broken into three phases. The first phase, from the waning years of the nineteenth century until around World War I, was one dominated by missionary education and a civilizing mission. Government institutions in London and in the various colonial contexts usually steered clear of the work of missionary societies. The bulk of this article considers a second phase between World War I and World War II that is best characterized by official programs that sought to adapt education to what was then understood by experts to be traditional cultural practice and the unique African mind. Projects were designed to provide education at little cost to the state and to address welfare concerns in an era of global depression, but they were also meant to forestall political movements that threatened the colonial order. Missionary involvement in education in this period by no means ceased; in fact, most government education projects involved missionary societies and influential mission leaders at the planning stages. Often, too, government worked through the missions for recruitment of students for teacher training in government schools and also used grants to mission schools that would cooperate with government. After 1921, however, the British state took an unprecedented role in administering education in its colonies, protectorates, and in the mandates it had received after the breakup of the German empire at the conclusion of World War I. Before this period, there was no concept of British Education in Africa, as mission education undertaken by competing denominations lacked the cohesion of state policy. To be sure, the missionaries were British, and to the people of Africa the strengths and limitations of mission education were often considered in their evaluations of colonialism more generally. But between the wars there was a concerted effort to set out policy statements for all of Tropical Africa and to design programs and implement models of Native Education by Colonial Office officials in London, influential missionaries in Africa, veteran Government House administrators from each colonial setting, and representatives of corporate philanthropic organizations in the United States. It was in this period, too, that movements for African independence in education gained significant force, as some interwar state interventions in education were hugely unpopular with the people they were intended for. Interwar controversies over educational control point to a third phase in the history of colonial education, discussed here by way of conclusion, that is inextricably tied to various histories of struggle for national independence in the 1950s and 1960s.
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British Colonial Education in Africa

Settler Colonialism, Expatriate Business, and Mission Education Before discussing the character of British education in Africa as it took form in the interwar period, it is worthwhile to sketch the pre-history of the formal colonial states involvement in education and the basic structure and character of British rule in Africa. Not every colonial setting in Africa had a substantial settler population, and for the early period of total missionary control of any education that could be considered British perhaps this did not matter. It made little difference in means and ends whether the missionaries were dealing within or without a multi-racial settler society; after all, souls were souls regardless of where they stood relative to Europeans. But the exigencies of settler and non-settler societies made a difference in how education systems developed into a more uniform colonial policy during the interwar period. Still, in the early missionary period as in the later more focused state development of education, European needs were at the heart of education initiatives. In parts of Africa where there was little by way of a settler population, European industrial and business interests had direct investments in mining and large-scale agriculture. British chocolate merchants like the Cadbury Brothers or the trading company United Africa Company relied heavily on the Gold Coast production of cocoa, and therefore African labor, to produce the raw materials for consumption abroad.3 In other locations in West Africa, the availability of rubber fueled expatriate enterprise which, whether it relied on methods of extraction from wild forests or from plantation cultivation, required large numbers of laborers.4 In Central Africa, Europeans ran large mining operations that over a relatively short time transformed physical and social geographies. In Northern Rhodesia, mining towns became magnets for people trying to make a living during the tumultuous years of forced integration into global market economies. In Nyasaland, large agribusiness competed with South Asian enterprise for their share of the global market in tea, and what labor was not used on Nyasaland plantations could be used as migrant labor for settler interests in Southern Rhodesia or even South Africa.5 White settlement in sites like Southern Rhodesia and Kenya gained momentum in the early decades of the twentieth century, and generally the history of settlement includes the appropriation and division of land (assumed to be too abundant for the uses of the indigenous inhabitants), the construction of railroads to link internal regions to coastal ports, and the reservation of some land for the natives.6 As the white population increased, so, too, did the confidence of colonial officials in the metropole to entertain ideas of autonomous rule. Southern Rhodesia was granted responsible government in 1923, and by the same period the question of granting political autonomy to the white-dominated government of Kenya was often argued amongst settlers and by colonial authorities in London. Racist assumptions about black Africans inability to rule meant
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that for the entire colonial period most Africans were effectively held outside the political body. Authorities who traditionally spoke for Africans were sometimes found and sometimes invented by the British; Native Authorities on the reserves were meant to rule in their limited sphere with relative autonomy. But the pressures of the introduction of a settler population or the European demand for labor in service of their agricultural, mining, and industrial operations meant that, while Africans political lives should stay on the reserves, they should be free to labor off the reserve and for the settlers. Settler economies like that of Kenya required cheap African labor, which, from the vantage point of the settler seemed to exist in overabundance, and its exploitation made more business sense than investing in expensive equipment.7 The story of white settlement in Kenya, officially sanctioned by authorities in the East African Protectorate by 1903, is in many ways one of expropriation and domination as white settlers seized with either the outright consent or the passive blind eye of colonial authorities in London the best land of the Kikuyu, restricted Africans to smaller native reserves and then offered minimal remuneration for laborers on plantations tending cattle and growing sisal, coffee, and sometimes tobacco. The better-paying jobs were taken by those who could speak English and act as middle men in the administration of agricultural enterprise or as clerks in growing cities like Nairobi. Incentive, then, for an education in English was built into the new economic orientation of the region for which settlers, more than any other group, were responsible. As the most politically empowered group in Kenya, the administration of Native Affairs, which included education, often bent toward settler interests.8 When settlers needed English-speaking Africans to help administer business, the mission schools provided them in the interest of literacy for reading the Bible. When settlers complained of the lack of skilled labor, a commission was led that inquired into the best educational model for the colony, and it came back with a decidedly industrial focus.9 Grantsin-aid were provided to mission schools out of Kenya government funds in return for assurances that school lessons would focus on fitting Africans with the technical knowledge needed to work as artisans for settlers.10 In Southern Rhodesia the economic attractions of gold and cattle and potentially cheap labor encouraged white settlement beginning in the last years of the nineteenth century. To gain access to the territory required violence wielded by the British South Africa Company, but settlers knew they could not rely on coercion alone to secure labor and peaceful cooperation from the people of Mashonaland and Matabeleland. The resolution of this dilemma produced an uneasy marriage between European missions, primarily in search of souls, and settlers out for fortune a collaboration that was duplicated in Kenya where the earliest missions were set up near the first company stations created by the Imperial British East Africa Company in the East African interior. In both Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, settler needs required a civilizing mission that would convert Africans,
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British Colonial Education in Africa

through what was recognized as a long process, into proto-Europeans who would peacefully co-exist with their tutors in civilization while inclining them toward the economic practices of modern capitalism i.e., individuated labor that was free enough from the obligations to land and community to be sold cheaply on the market.11 Education was a crucial point of interaction between the native and the settler, and European missions had independently begun to set up schools that they hoped would attract eager pupils. From the missionarys perspective, the most urgent purpose for native education had to be conversion and indoctrination in the tenets of Christian faith. In the kraal schools established by the missions, the rudiments of English would be taught insofar as they were necessary to teach the Gospel. Ultimately it was hoped that the fruits of evangelism would be born in the conversion of African disciples who could witness more effectively for being insiders. For a number of missions it was viewed as disadvantageous to teach English, since missionaries feared that too much fluency in English would alienate their African disciples from the base of prospective converts.12 And yet instruction in English was more often exactly what Africans wanted from European education. It was easy for many to see that the coming of Europeans especially when their numbers began to increase exponentially as white settlement began in earnest after 1900 meant that English was becoming the language of power and status. To advance in the economy being created meant that one needed fluency in English. In fact, in East Africa missions tended to set up schools in a piecemeal fashion, usually locating them near their central stations and expanding outward only when necessary to get local cooperation in their main mission to convert. But, as historian John Anderson noted in his seminal work on education in Kenya, Schools spread rapidly across East Africa only after the Africans had realized the significance of education, and took action themselves, which included giving land and labor for the construction of permanent schools.13 Still, education before the war was a largely ad hoc process with disconnected European interests sometimes finding common voice in the call for a civilizing education. The British Imperial state, however, was largely uninvolved. This was due partly to the limitations of communication over large spaces before World War I and the difficulties of administering so vast a territory from a central location. Administration of Britains African territories before the war relied almost exclusively on local authorities, from the Government Houses set up in a territorys principle town to the so-called man on the spot who would serve as representative for the British state and as cultural interpreter to authorities seeking to understand the seemingly inchoate territory under the British flag.14 However, events after the war made this administrative distance troubling for government in London, and from the early 1920s until World War I the administrative
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routine was drastically adjusted and more control taken by the Colonial Office in London. Between the wars, Native Education Policy became a major front in the battle of competing interests of the colonial state, missionary societies, international organizations and governing bodies, and Africans themselves. Interwar Adapted Education So what did the state, at its highest level in London, see in Africa and what were the colonial governments goals in more aggressively taking control of education after the Great War? African affairs were run out of the Colonial Office, which was peopled by a bureaucracy of experts in agriculture, industry, finance, and, of course, education. These administrators reported to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who was himself answerable to Parliament, though they almost never checked up on things. Not all of nominally British Africa was governed through this office, as the self-governing territories of Southern Rhodesia (as of 1923) and the Union of South Africa (1910) administered their own affairs with minimal interference from the metropole. Colonial policy in Africa was concerned with three broad regions, and increasingly from the 1920s administrators grouped these under the rubric, Tropical Africa. The regions included in this vague designation were West Africa (Gambia, Sierra Leone, Gold Coast, and Nigeria); Central Africa (Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland); and East Africa (Kenya, Uganda and Zanzibar and Pemba as colonies and protectorates and later Tanganyika after the Great War as a League of Nations mandate). For administrators, the demographic differences between these territories were striking. The West was much more populous, and there was only a very small number of European settlers. Central Africa had a small settler population, and European mining interests in the Copper Belt had helped to encourage the relocation of large numbers of people to mining towns. In East Africa, a larger white settler population, especially in Kenya, contended with the Indian Community and the native community for political and economic power. White settlers had their own interests in native affairs, and could sometimes be quite obstinate in asserting their claims even when they came into conflict with the Colonial Office, especially in matters pertaining to land rights. It is striking, given the particularities of the different colonial contexts in Africa, and the differences in demographics of which the Colonial Office was acutely aware, that the interwar period should see a concerted movement toward an unprecedented degree of policy uniformity in the administration of education. Part of this was no doubt due to the increased international attention focused on the colonies after World War I. The Paris Peace settlement had enshrined national belonging as a fundamental human right and even a natural characteristic of human
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psychology, and the League of Nations charter had highlighted the responsibility of European powers to act as Trustees and tutors-incivilization for colonial subjects until such a time as they could take responsibility for their own self determination.15 The Colonial Office responded to this pressure by assuming a more direct and active role in negotiating between industrial, business, and settler interests and what they understood as the requirements of native communities. Perhaps the most influential work at the time on issues of trusteeship was Lord Lugards 1922 book, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa. Lugards distinguished career in military and administrative service (in military campaigns in the Sudan and Burma and as Governor General of Nigeria from 1914 to 1919) positioned him as an authority on both the theory and practice of indirect rule a theory of administration that urged the co-optation of indigenous systems of authority for more efficient state management.16 The Dual Mandate provided a first-hand survey of colonial administration on the ground, and it forcefully made a case for the mutual benefit of British imperialism for Africans and Europeans. As trustees of Africa, Lugard argued, the British had a responsibility for Africans welfare, but the Tropics were the heritage of mankind and not the property of the British or the races which inhabit the continent. As trustees, the British had a responsibility to maintain an Open Door in Africa for commerce and industry that would benefit all nations and races. The merchant, the miner and the manufacturer, Lugard wrote,
do not enter the tropics on sufferance, or employ their technical skill, their energy, and their capital as interlopers or as greedy capitalists, but in the fulfillment of the Mandate of civilization.17

For Lugard, Africa would one day be suited for independence, but that day he assumed to be generations in the future. Lugard argued that a deft education policy was one of the most pressing demands of the new era of trusteeship. In the short term, too much education along European lines, which had been the missionary way, would reap little more than a class of rebellious youth dissatisfied with colonial rule but unprepared for responsible self-government. Thus, while government and commerce in Africa required at least a small class of literate Africans to fill administrative posts, an educational policy should not seek to add to the ranks of this minority. And besides, Great as are the claims of the minority, Lugard argued, they must not obscure those of the great majority who are content to live the life their fathers have lived in their villages.18 In keeping with their principles of trusteeship, the Colonial Office encouraged expert commissions to go to Africa and study the problems of Native Education. They were helped out to this end by the American philanthropic Phelps-Stokes Commission, the director of which, Thomas Jesse Jones, was a renowned educationist who was confident that he had found the solution to the problem of black poverty and discontentment
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in the rural U.S. south. Education, he argued, should be adapted to the racial proclivities of African Americans, which he extrapolated from what he believed about black Africans. In elaborating his theory of adaptation, he argued that Negro education should harness and enable the agricultural predispositions of black people and update their techniques to suit them for the conditions of modern life. As he developed his theory, Jones was encouraged by the progress of agricultural training centers in the U.S. like the Tuskegee Institute and the examples of black leaders like Booker T. Washington, who advocated an increase in support in agricultural training. However, he was criticized by black activist-intellectuals like W. E. B. DuBois for preferring good Africans who would remain rural and politically disengaged rather than politically conscious and perhaps violent towards the structures of the Color Bar that served to oppress black people worldwide. But it was Jones, a believer in the theory of the manifest destiny of the Anglo Saxon race and a firm advocate of white settlement in Africa, and not DuBois, who was invited to assemble a commission of experts on education and native affairs and to tour first West Africa in 1920 21 then East Africa in 1924. Additionally, each tour included stops in South Africa.19 The Phelps-Stokes Commissions, not surprisingly, came back with a report that called for more uniformity in education policy, a bolder role for government, and the re-orientation of education, whether in mission or government schools, along the lines of adaptation. As it worked out in policy, Jones recommendations meant an overhaul of the way education worked up to that moment, scaling back literary (English) education and removing it entirely from the first four grades and emphasizing hygiene, community connections, and agricultural techniques at all levels of instruction. In 1923, the Colonial Office responded to the Phelps-Stokes challenge by creating an Advisory Committee on Education in British Tropical Africa (the word Tropical was later removed from the committees name to denote its broad authority). For the first time, the Colonial Office would be administering affairs in colonial education that took the whole of British Africa as its object. The members of the committee represented the various interests in native education, though usually not Africans themselves. Lugard was there, as was J. H. Oldham, the respected missionary and editor of the International Review of Missions; both were also members of the earlier Phelps Stokes Commissions. The Advisory Committee would send out a quarterly journal, Overseas Education, that included expert analysis of African affairs in education. Also, some on the committee had close ties to other institutions of expertise, like the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures whose journal, Africa, often included submissions from representatives of government schools built in the era of adapted education. The journal fostered relationships between scholars and colonial officials with the aim of fruitful collaboration in administering African affairs. In the second volume of the journal published
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in 1929, renowned anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski urged colleagues in his discipline to take up studies of Practical Anthropology in Africa that might lead to better administration in the interests of Africans whose social institutions, Malinowski always warned, were threatened by increased culture contact with Europeans. One of the first tasks of the Advisory Committee was to draft a mission statement for African education for all of British Africa. This statement, originally drafted by Lugard and Oldham, came in the form of Command Paper 2374. As a policy statement, the paper ensured the Phelps-Stokes model would be applied in practice as it urged that Education should be adapted to the mentality, aptitudes, occupations, and traditions of the various peoples, conserving as far as possible all sound and healthy elements in the fabric of their social life; adapting them where necessary to changed circumstances and progressive ideas, as an agent of natural growth and evolution.20 One of the promises of the adapted model promoted by officials was that it would make village economies self-sufficient by creating a community bulwark against economic downfalls and slowing down the flight of African men to the cities and the high-paying professions. Adapted education, in the hopes of its most ardent supporters, would have the effect of re-instilling a sense of community amongst Africans, and this community feeling would translate into economic self-support and a peaceful co-existence with other communities (especially the white settler community). Programs for teaching adults through community-building activities were tried, including the controlled introduction of cooperative credit and grocery societies. While many considered this concern to be even more pressing given the global depression, imperial finance for the dependencies was always a problem, and the new attention to native welfare did little to change the frugality of the Colonial state. The British had long adhered to a doctrine of colonial self-support whereby each colony was strongly encouraged to find funds for its own governmental initiatives.21 Joanna Lewis has shown in the case of Kenya that the interwar rhetoric of colonial welfare rarely translated into real material change for the conditions of impoverished people in the colonies.22 Indeed, an analysis of the apportionment of funds in the Colonial Office showed that paying tribute to the idea of responsibility for native welfare usually did not mean paying up. Between 1919 and 1940, much more Colonial Office money went, not to the tropical dependencies, but to the mandate of Iraq.23 It was not until 1939 and the passing of the Colonial Development and Welfare Act, itself largely instigated out of the perceived threat of disturbances to order in other parts of the empire, that any substantial amount of money went directly to colonial governments from the metropole for the purposes of native welfare.24 The interwar interest in adaptation represents on some level a shift in the colonial mindset that recognized that the destruction of traditional
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sources of community welfare was largely to blame for the economic straits of the reserves. The sad irony is that this realization came only after years of a relatively unchecked destruction of the so-called commons at the hands of settler colonialists and expatriate industrial interests. Still, this interwar pang of conscience cannot be explained simply with arguments about economic expediency. A confluence of multiple processes, both economic and political and in the metropole and the various colonial contexts, worked together to produce the prevailing philosophy of adapted education for community development. One change was the shift in missionary societies themselves in terms of what they perceived to be their mission in Africa. When the most influential voices from Protestant missionary societies working in Africa gathered in Le Zoute, Belgium in 1926 for a conference on the role of missions in Africa, education dominated the discussions. Speakers urged a greater collaboration between government and missions, and advocates of the adapted model were present to promote their vision of how such a collaboration might work in practice. Jesse Jones was an invited speaker, as was Lord Lugard, and the conference embraced the principle of vernacular education that was foundational to the adapted model.25 Missionaries were not unanimous in their support for such programs, and in the Union of South Africa some even organized against adaptation as a national education policy. Some saw in the principle of education along their own lines shades of what would come under apartheid. Missionaries argued that adapted education sought to revive social institutions that had long since lost their relevance to the people. Moreover, as a solution for the economic situation, education along their own lines failed to account for the ways in which the economic lives of Europeans and Africans were bound together from the advent of empire.26 But other powerful voices argued that something similar to the agriculturally focused Negro Education in the U.S. South was necessary in South Africa. The influential educationist C. T. Loram, deemed by Jesse Jones to be the leading authority on Native Education, argued that the development of agricultural training over literary or even technical education was a matter of national interest.27 In his Education of the South African Native, a comprehensive study of the state of education in South Africa as well as a detailed plan for reform, Loram argued that agriculture must be the focus of the South African economy in the future, since its mines would one day be exhausted and its industrial capacity inadequate when compared to nations like Germany and the U.S.28 One often overlooked dimension of the shift toward adapted education was the development in the metropole of a powerful critique of empire from left wing parties concerning the effects of empire on African populations. Oldham, mentioned above as one of the key architects of the state/ mission programs of adapted education, was a long-term correspondent with Norman Leys, one of the most strident socialist critics of settler colonialism in Kenya. Oldham frequently expressed in writing his disdain
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for the unchristian practices of settler colonialism, echoing the moral revulsion in most of Leys letters to him.29 While Oldham used such exposs of settler abuses as a rationale for a more robust government involvement in Native Education and was an advocate of the adapted model, Leys himself staunchly opposed such programs. For Leys, those who embraced the doctrine of adaptation avoided the real issues at stake in the relationship between European empire and African life, which had more to do with the unequal distribution of land and wealth than with the lamentable loss of traditional cultural forms such as tribal songs and dances that newly trained African teachers were now incorporating in village school lessons. In his 1931 book, A Last Chance in Kenya, Leys wrote of the contemporary colonial mindset on education,
For years this theory of differentiation has been the orthodox doctrine of the Colonial Office and is the source of all those question-begging terms such as Europeanizing and de-tribalizing . . . But it is well that the reader should know that if he reads of bloodshed some day anywhere in British West Africa or in British East Africa . . . the people responsible may be assumed to be the men who think that the African should be allowed to develop all that is best in their civilization, which, in practice, means that they are not allowed to adopt or adapt what they think best in our civilization.30

The dislocations of rural life brought about by increased settlement and greater penetration of European modes of production and exchange provided the most compelling rationale for the adapted model. Searching for cheap solutions to economic problems on the reserves, administrators took an interest in programs that could potentially rescue the local rural traditions and cultural forms that were thought to be the thread holding together African societies and village economies. They drew on a number of influential studies emerging from the new field of functionalist anthropology, which took as its object the role of culture in maintaining the social relationships, economic practices, and political institutions that were vital to the life of communities. Inspired by top scholars in the field like Malinowski and W. H. R. Rivers, anthropologists did field work in Africa and published studies that examined the traditional social institutions of African communities and highlighted the contemporary threats to their existence that arose from culture contact with Europeans. Anthropologist Lucy Mair, for instance, argued in 1936 that the peculiar position of African society today arises from the rapidity and extent of the changes that are being forced upon it by powers which it is unable to resist.31 To understand the roots of the so-called native question or to figure out the best way to tune education to African life and village needs would require those with a hand in colonial administration to closely examine culture change.32 Mair, herself a student of Malinowski, sometimes entered the debate on Africa as a critic of colonial administration, and she acknowledged that her initial interest in East Africa came through
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reading the popular exposs of settler colonialism in Kenya from the pens of left-wing critics Norman Leys and William Macgregor Ross.33 Still, at multiple levels of education administration, the theory of culture change infused programs of adapted education with a new sense of urgency and scientific authority. The effects of culture contact required cultural work if they were to be reversed, and education was considered the privileged site in this campaign. In addition to the economic constraints of the depression era and theories of culture change, officials found in the adapted model a solution for what many worried was a looming political crisis over land rights and political representation that seemed to point to a coming race war in settler colonies like Kenya. Too much mission schooling, some argued, had produced a politically dangerous African elite that had by the early 1920s shown tendencies toward pan-Africanism and nationalism and hostility toward the settler population and the machinations of government in native affairs. Adapted education assumed that the processes that created such an elite class were, in fact, malignant forces in the health of indigenous communities, and the de-tribalized native disrupted what would otherwise be a happy cooperation between Africans and their tutors in civilization. Nationalism and notions of liberal popular sovereignty, the argument went, belonged to the European community and were enshrined in the long history of slow and reasoned progress of the British Constitution. African leaders, like the Kikuyu leader Harry Thuku, who expressed political tendencies that suggested a quicker route to political independence, were considered threats to the colonial order. Adapted education, in addressing the problems of urbanization and the destruction of indigenous cultures and tribal allegiances, was thought by many of its advocates to be the last best chance to diffuse such subversive political ideologies that a more literary training only seemed to encourage.34 It should be noted that adapted education, in trying to resuscitate and modernize indigenous cultures and use traditional forms for instruction, certainly did not seek to revive animism in the village community. Indeed, Christian principles still remained at the heart of British education, even when it was being directed more intently by the Colonial Office. The idea was to adapt western education to the African mind that experts considered to be intimately tied to its environment and culture, which was thought to be naturally connected to agricultural life. This assumption was made by education experts in the U.S. as well when suggesting an education model for the descendants of enslaved people in the southern states. At one point in the 1930s, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, one of the key proponents and financial supporters of adapted education in Africa, paid for a trained psychologist to travel to the Jeanes School in Kabete, Kenya to study and report on the African mind and education.35 The Jeanes School sought to train a cadre of African teachers who could preach the gospel of adaptation in their local
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villages. The prevailing pedagogy at the school included adaptations of African songs with Christian verses, and simple math problems used examples from the bush to make the problem relevant to the African pupil. Another project sponsored by the Carnefie Corporation used short films with African actors to deliver lessons in agricultural technique.36 In Tanganyika, the government school of Malangali included twice weekly spear throwing, tribal dancing . . . [and] pupils wore traditional clothing rather than school uniforms.37 Typical lessons in a village school operating on adapted principles focused on hygiene, vernacular word building, drill, and basic local geography. Ideally, lessons would be taught on the principle of teach by doing and would include objects from village life. One geography lesson used a bicycle pump, a pail of water, and a small gourd to simulate a ship carrying sugar from India and caught in a monsoon.38 Adapted pedagogy could also include dramatizations of African tribal histories or special holiday plays with an African focus. At the Jeanes teacher training center outside Nairobi, for instance, one teacher worked on developing a prologue to the typical nativity narrative entitled, The African Search for the Light.39 In the northern provinces of Nigeria, the policy of adapted education had some men on the spot embracing education programs that conceded far more to pre-British religious practice. There, administrators fused Islamic education with western ideas in the government schools, allowing vacations to coincide with Muslim holy days, hiring Muslim teachers, and including Arabic and even Koranic instruction. These concessions were at least in part driven by concerns that Islamic institutions were possible seed beds of dissent and anti-colonial sentiment. The theory was that bearing down too hard on Islamic institutions would exacerbate an already tense political situation. Also, administrators saw a qualitative difference between the religious practice of Islam and the rest of pre-colonial Africa. Islam, after all, came from a once-flourishing civilization, while African education had always been dominated by what was thought to be a primitive animism.40 In Zanzibar, too, the local administration worked closely with Muslim elites to design a school for girls that incorporated Islamic beliefs and practices in order to ensure that the girls would become respectable wives and mothers. The Zanzibar Government Girls School achieved success by incorporating Koranic instruction, emphasizing the culture of local Muslim elites in school codes, and hiring Islamic teachers.41 Whereas Muslim families sought a literary education for their boys, which was inconsonant with government aims in the period of adaptation and led to several failed government programs for boys education, most families desired the same sort of practical knowledge in mothercraft and homemaking that the states education advisers had been recommending for girls generally in Africa. Adapted education was never completely hegemonic, even in the Colonial Office. As Peter Kallaway has recently pointed out, administrators in
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London used education models in an experimental fashion, often earnestly looking for the right mix that would achieve their goals of welfare provision and the amelioration of social and economic inequalities.42 Adapted education presented as many open questions for policy makers as it did answers to the problem of how best to be trustees of native interests. Officials sought a wide array of missionary testimonials, for instance, on the use of the vernacular instead of English in education, recognizing that the Phelps-Stokes embrace of vernacular languages in educating communities on their own lines could produce problems in drafting curricula as well as local hostility when English training was so in demand.43 There was also the problem of how the village school, sponsored by government and staffed by missionaries or newly trained government Jeanes Teachers, would fit in with local systems of authority where elites might view the presence of such schools as an encroachment against their own authority. In 1939, the plan for a Jeanes School of Zanzibar was jettisoned after a small-scale anthropological research trip revealed popular skepticism, especially among the Islamic population, about the principles of adapted education, which for all its practical emphasis still rested on Christian values. The money the Carnegie Corporation had already granted the Colonial Office for setting up the school had to be sent back.44 And while people like Thomas Jesse Jones never tired of extolling the virtues of adaptation, other revered experts were vocal in their opposition to the schemes. Malinowski, who had been so influential in providing the anthropological basis for critiques of culture change that many advocates of adapted education incorporated as rationale for their reforms, was outspoken in his opposition to the principle of educating the African on African lines. Such a slogan, he argued in one of his last papers before his death in 1942, was fallacious and could only mean, as it often does, to educate Africans to an inadequate and inferior position within the lower caste of a mixed community.45 The respected educationist A. Victor Murray also had mixed reviews of the policy after his 192728 tour of Africa. Adaptation, Murray claimed, was a rather stupid word that meant in most cases little more than teaching by local examples.46 Moreover, the principle of adaptation, and of indirect rule in general, failed to grasp the reality that the history of European expansion and settlement in Africa had brought culture change beyond the point of no return. Murray decried those who sought a return to a rural idyll through the techniques of Phelps-Stokesism, suggesting that the emphasis on manual labor on the land as the natural arena of African (and African American) life was in fact more often an effort to keep the Negro in his place.47 The model also drew harsh criticism from African elites and international black leaders who saw in it a program to create a permanent rural underclass. Sometimes local demands for a formal literary education countered the official position that favored adapted education and as a result produced interesting hybrids. Achimota College in Gold Coast, for instance, was
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hailed by educationists at the time as an example of the American model of agricultural training (famous at the time from Hampton University and Tuskegee in the U.S. South and from proponents like George Washington Carver and Booker T. Washington) put to near-perfect practice.48 However, even Achimota included English, history, and classics in its curriculum and mimicked English public schools in such things as intercollegiate sport, especially rugby.49 Also, many of the students at Achimota understood their own position as the future elite leaders of an independent nation; the traditional past valorized in lessons on African history was one that most students expected to leave behind.50 In the short term, adapted education was praised by education experts in the U.S., the U.K., and in the centers of colonial government from Zomba to Lagos as the most promising initiative in the colonial states new mission to address welfare in Tropical Africa. Judged even by its own standards, however, adapted education in the long term must be seen as a failure. The programs for supporting village communities did not lead to economic solvency for those communities, the majority of which continued to struggle as the fundamental issues of land rights and political empowerment for groups like the Kikuyu in Kenya were relatively ignored by settlers and the colonial state. As the Depression years wore on and economic conditions on the reserves grew increasingly desperate as African commodities failed, the philosophy of adaptation to build community feeling as a bulwark against global economic pressures began to look to many observers like sentimental nonsense. The growth, too, of the Labour Party in Britain encouraged the increasingly mainstream recognition that governments should support in material ways citizens faced with want.51 In the colonial situation, arguments about social welfare measured in dollars and pounds prevailed over visions of a scientifically honed adapted education system as the panacea for economic problems. The doctrine of Trusteeship was transformed in an important way with the passing of the 1940 Colonial Welfare and Development Act, which promised metropolitan funds to be directly used to meet the social welfare needs of communities. In terms of the hoped-for political effects of adapted education, these, too, proved illusory. Jones and Lugard and other apologists for the adapted model saw adaptation as a potential force of stability against subversive political movements that they thought originated in an elite, de-tribalized class produced by too much literary education. Instead, the changes in education policy between the wars only made things worse for officials charged with maintaining the colonial order, and ultimately schools would play a key role in severing formal ties between the British state and its African dependencies. African nationalist leaders drew attention to the official embrace of adapted education as further evidence to support their conviction that education in government and mission schools was itself a mechanism of colonial domination. Such an education, nationalists argued,
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secured African labor with the false promise of advancement while holding African people and African customs in contempt. Increasingly during the interwar period, movements toward an independent school system with African teachers, a literary curriculum, and anti-colonial political aims emerged in multiple sites. While there is not enough space here for a thorough discussion of the role of the independent schools movement in the larger history of national independence and decolonization, the example of Kenya is illustrative. As early as 1925, government in Kenya worried about outlaw schools that did not belong to any official government or missionary body.52 However, these early threats to the missionary/government monopoly of formal education turned into more troubling anxieties when the Kikuyu people, who resided more closely to the richest white settlers, began to build schools that operated under a constitution that required English language instruction. Their ultimate goal was to enable the Kikuyu people to fight for land rights in courts and government offices that required English. Membership in such schools received a huge boost in the late 1920s when missionary councils condemned the Kikuyu practice of female circumcision, causing many Kikuyu especially influenced by the political organization, the Kenya Central Association to opt out of mission and government schools that they viewed as a threat to Kikuyu culture and to form the Kenya Independent Schools Association (KISA). While the aims of the association were peaceful and offered a non-violent path to securing Kikuyu land rights and political autonomy, the settler-dominated Kenya Government House and Legislative Council tried to limit their influence throughout the late 1940s. As the anti-colonial independence movement grew after World War II, the Kenya Government increasingly saw the independent schools as training grounds for militants and finally prohibited them in 1952 as part of its broad application of police power during the Mau Mau Emergency.53 Much of this reaction was born out of the sort of state paranoia that saw nearly every Kikuyu male as a potential terrorist and which led to the mass internment of the Kikuyu people in villages that began to resemble concentration camps by the mid-1950s.54 Still, the connection was not entirely fictitious, and ties between militant anti-colonial leaders at the forefront of the independence movement and the Kikuyu base were sometimes forged through setting up KISA schools amongst Kikuyu squatters on settler land.55 Conclusion Any study of British Colonial Education already implies an endpoint in political independence the moment sometime in the late 1950s or early 1960s when education in Africa stopped being British and stopped being colonial. But some argue that this is not the end of the story at all, and the question of the role of education in Africa today continues to be one
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fraught with controversy, as is the general question of the legacy of colonialism in Africa. For Kikuyu author Ngugi wa Thiongo, the history today being played out in Africa has resonances of the older struggles over language, education, and political and economic rights. He argues that Africa today, along with much of the global south, is held hostage by neo-imperialism under the guise of economic development, and education plays a large role in this. The center of empire, he argues, may have shifted from the UK to the U.S., the role of missionaries taken up now by kind-hearted Westerners preaching the gospel of free trade and economic development with the International Monetary Fund leading the way, but the struggle against empire continues. The classes fighting against imperialism even in its neo-colonial stage and form, he writes,
have to confront this threat with the higher and more creative culture of resolute struggle. These classes have to wield even more firmly the weapons of the struggle contained in their cultures. They have to speak the united language of struggle contained in each of their languages.56

For many, however, colonialism indeed did exit Africa with the winds of change that blew across the continent in the mid-1960s. Some point to the mere existence of education systems (usually along with roads, railroads, and electricity) as evidence of the good work done by empire. British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, for instance, recently called for a moratorium on historical criticisms of British colonialism, and during a tour of east Africa declared, The days of Britain having to apologise for its empire are over.57 The history of interwar education in Africa, as the moment of the colonial states most direct involvement in creating an education policy, starting programs, supervising missionary activities, and policing independent schools presents a unique opportunity for assessing the legacy of imperial governance in Africa. Short Biography Aaron Windel is a Ph.D. candidate in History at the University of Minnesota completing a dissertation on the influence of socialism and expertise on the administration of empire in Africa during the interwar period. Notes
* Correspondence address: Bowdoin College, 9900 College Station, Brunswick, ME04011, USA. Email: email: awindel@bowdoin.edu or wind0061@umn.edu.
1 Magnus O. Bassey, Western Education and Political Domination in Africa: A Study in Critical and Dialogical Pedagogy (Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1999), ch. 5. 2 See Stephen Constantine, The Making of British Colonial Development Policy, 19141940 (London: Frank Cass, 1984); Joanna Lewis, Empire State-Building: War and Welfare in Kenya, 1925 52 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000); Monica M. van Beusekom and Dorothy L. Hodgson, Lessons Learned? Development Experiences in the Late Colonial Period, The Journal of African History, 41/1 (2000): 29 33.

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3 David Meredith, The Colonial Office, British Business Interests and the Reform of Cocoa Marketing in West Africa, 19371945, The Journal of African History, 29/2 (1988): 285 300. 4 J. Forbes Munro, Monopolists and Speculators: British Investment in West African Rubber, 1905 1914, The Journal of African History, 22/2 (1981): 26378. 5 Owen J. M. Kalinga, European Settlers, African Apprehensions, and Colonial Economic Policy: The North Nyasa Native Reserves Commission of 1929, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 17/4 (1984): 641 2. 6 H. Iden Wetherell, Settler Expansionism in Central Africa: The Imperial Response of 1931 and Subsequent Implications, African Affairs, 78/311 (1979): 21011. 7 Paul Mosley, The Settler Economies: Studies in the Economic History of Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1900 1963 (Cambridge/New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 93. 8 For a good introduction to settler economics, politics and race relations in Kenya see the Introduction in Caroline Elkins, Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britains Gulag in Kenya (New York, NY: Henry Holt, 2005). 9 George E. Urch, Education and Colonialism in Kenya, History of Education Quarterly, 11/3 (Autumn 1971): 250 5. 10 J. Anderson, The Struggle for the School: The Interaction of Missionary, Colonial Government, and Nationalist Enterprise in the Development of Formal Education in Kenya (London: Longmans, 1970), 367. 11 Carol Summers, From Civilization to Segregation: Social Ideals and Social Control in Southern Rhodesia, 1890 1934 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1994), 2 3. 12 Ibid. Summers offers an excellent account of this history of white settlement and early missionary education in her first three chapters, and she also notes the shift to the adapted model of education for Southern Rhodesia between the wars. 13 Anderson, Struggle for the School, 108. 14 Clive Whitehead, Education in British Colonial Dependencies, 1919 39: A Re-Appraisal, Comparative Education, 17/1 (1981): 72 5. 15 Glenda Sluga, The Nation, Psychology, and International Politics, 18701919 (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). 16 Penelope Hetherington, British Paternalism and Africa, 19201940 (London: F. Cass, 1978), 5. 17 Frederick Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (Edinburgh/London: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1922), 60 1. 18 Ibid., 460. 19 Edward H. Berman, American Influence on African Education: The Role of the Phelps-Stokes Funds Education Commissions, Comparative Education Review, 15/2 (1971): 133. 20 Advisory Committee on Education in British Tropical Africa, Educational Policy in British Tropical Africa (London, 1925). 21 Susan Pedersen, Modernity and Trusteeship: Tensions of Empire in Britain between the Wars, in Martin Daunton and Bernhard Rieger (eds.), Meanings of Modernity: Britain from the Late-Victorian Era to World War II (New York, NY: Berg, 2001), 20320, see especially 214. 22 Lewis, Empire State Building. 23 Pedersen, Modernity and Trusteeship, 214. 24 Constantine, Making of British Colonial Development Policy. 25 Edwin Smith, The Christian Mission in Africa: A Study of the Proceeding of the International Conference at Le Zoute, Belgium, September 14th to 21st, 1926 (London: International Missionary Council, 1926). 26 Sue Krige, Segregation, Science, and Commissions of Enquiry: the Contestation over Education Policy in South Africa, 1930 1936, Journal of Southern African Studies, 23/3 (September 1997): 491 506. 27 Richard D. Heyman, C. T. Loram: A South African Liberal in Race Relations, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 5/1 (1972): 4150. Quote appears on page 41. 28 C. T. Loram, The Education of the South African Native (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1917), 234 40. 29 Norman Leys and Joseph Houldsworth Oldham, By Kenya Possessed: The Correspondence of Norman Leys and J. H. Oldham, 19181926 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1976). 30 Norman Leys, A Last Chance in Kenya (London: Hogarth Press, 1931), 116. 31 Lucy Mair, Native Policies in Africa (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1936), 5.

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32 33

19

Ibid., 17. Lucy Mair, Anthropology and Colonial Policy, African Affairs, 74/295 (April 1975): 191

5. Kenneth King, Pan-Africanism and Education: A Study of Race Philanthropy and Education in the Southern States of America and East Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971). 35 Carnegie Corporation of New York archives. III 188A. 5, extract of memo from Phelps Stokes Fund to Fredrich Paul Keppel, 1927. 36 The African and the Cinema, an Account of the Work of the Bantu Educational Cinema Experiment during the Period March 1935 to May 1937, eds. L. A. Notcutt and G. C. Latham (London: Edinburgh House Press, 1937). 37 Terence Ranger, African Attempts to Control Education in East and Central Africa 1900 1939, Past and Present, 32 (1965): 68. 38 J. W. C. Dougall, Circular Correspondence with Friends, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, Mss Afr., S. 1367, ff 13. August 8, 1927. 39 Ibid., ff 25. June 29, 1929. 40 J. B. Hubbard, Government and Islamic Education in Northern Nigeria, in Godfrey N. Brown and Mervyn Hiskett (eds.), Conflict and Harmony in Education in Tropical Africa (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975), 152 5. 41 Corrie Decker, Investing in Ideas: Girls Education in Colonial Zanzibar, Ph.D. diss. (University of California, Berkeley, 2007), 93140. 42 Peter Kallaway, Welfare and Education in British Colonial Africa and South Africa during the 1930s and 1940s, Paedogogica Historica, 41/3 ( June 2005): 337 56. 43 CO 822/4/17 Place of the Vernacualr in Native Education, 1927. 44 F. B. Wilson, Report of the Commission Appointed to Investigate Rural Education in Zanzibar Protectorate, printed by Zanzibar Government House, 1939. CO 618/73/13, especially pp. 78 79. 45 Bronislaw Malinowski, The Pan-African Problem of Culture Contact, The American Journal of Sociology, 48/6 (May 1943): 649 65. The essay was published posthumously. The quoted text appears on p. 655. 46 A. Victor Murray, The School in the Bush (New York, NY: Barnes and Noble, 1929), 162. 47 Ibid., 304 7. 48 T. Walter Wallbank, Achimota College and Educational Objectives in Africa, The Journal of Negro Education, 4 (1935): 232 3. 49 Gita Steiner-Khamsi and Hubert O. Quist, The Politics of Educational Borrowing: Reopening the Case of Achimota in British Ghana, Comparative Education Review, 44/3 (2000): 279 80. 50 Catie Coe, Educating an African Leadership: Achimota and the Teaching of African Culture in the Gold Coast, Africa Today, 49/3 (2002): 40. 51 Kallaway, Welfare and Education, 346 9. 52 Anderson, Struggle for the School, 114. 53 Ibid., 118 29. 54 For an account of the official response to Mau Mau and its subsequent systematic coverup, see Elkins, Imperial Reckoning. 55 David W. Throup, The Origins of Mau Mau, African Affairs, 84/336 (1985): 415. 56 See the Introduction to Ngugi wa Thiongo, Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1986). 57 See Seamus Milne, Britain: Imperial Nostalgia, Le Monde Diplomatique (May 2005) http:/ / mondediplo.com/2005/05/02empire.
34

Bibliography
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Anderson, John, The Struggle for the School: The Interaction of Missionary, Colonial Government, and Nationalist Enterprise in the Development of Formal Education in Kenya (London: Longmans, 1970). Bassey, Magnus O., Western Education and Political Domination in Africa: A Study in Critical and Dialogical Pedagogy (Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 1999). Berman, Edward H., American Influence on African Education: The Role of the Phelps-Stokes Funds Education Commissions, Comparative Education Review, 15/2 (1971): 132 45. van Beusekom, Monica M. and Hodgson, Dorothy L., Lessons Learned? Development Experiences in the Late Colonial Period, The Journal of African History, 41/1 (2000): 29 33. Coe, Catie, Educating and African Leadership: Achimota and the Teaching of African Culture in the Gold Coast, Africa Today, 49/3 (2002): 23 44. Constantine, Stephen, The Making of British Colonial Development Policy, 1914 1940 (London: Frank Cass, 1984). Decker, Corrie, Investing in Ideas: Girls Education in Colonial Zanzibar, Ph.D. diss. (University of California, Berkeley, 2007). Elkins, Caroline, Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britains Gulag in Kenya (New York, NY: Henry Holt, 2005). Hetherington, Penelope, British Paternalism and Africa, 1920 1940 (London: F. Cass, 1978). Heyman, Richard, C. T. Loram: A South African Liberal in Race Relations, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 5/1 (1972): 41 50. Hubbard, J. B., Government and Islamic Education in Northern Nigeria, in Godfrey N. Brown and Mervyn Hiskett (eds.), Conflict and Harmony in Education in Tropical Africa (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1975), 152 67. Kalinga, Owen J. M., European Settlers, African Apprehensions, and Colonial Economic Policy: The North Nyasa Native Reserves Commission of 1929, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 17/4 (1984): 641 56. Kallaway, Peter, Welfare and Education in British Colonial Africa and South Africa during the 1930s and 1940s, Paedogogica Historica, 41/3 ( June 2005): 337 56. King, Kenneth, Pan-Africanism and Education: A Study of Race Philanthropy and Education in the Southern States of America and East Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971). Krige, Sue, Segregation, Science, and Commissions of Enquiry: The Contestation over Education Policy in South Africa, 1930 1936, Journal of Southern African Studies, 23/3 (September 1997): 491 506. Lewis, Joanna, Empire State-Building: War & Welfare in Kenya, 192552 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000). Leys, Norman, A Last Chance in Kenya ( London: Hogarth Press, 1931). Leys, Norman, and Oldham, Joseph Houldsworth, By Kenya Possessed: The Correspondence of Norman Leys and J. H. Oldham, 19181926 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1976). Loram, C. T., The Education of the South African Native (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1917). Lugard, Frederick John Dealtry, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (Edinburgh/London: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1922). Mair, Lucy, Native Policies in Africa (London: George Routledge and Sons, 1936). Mair, Lucy, Anthropology and Colonial Policy, African Affairs, 74/295 (April 1975): 191 5. Malinowski, Bronislaw, The Pan-African Problem of Culture Contact, The American Journal of Sociology, 48/6 (May 1943): 649 65. Meredith, David, The Colonial Office, British Business Interests and the Reform of Cocoa Marketing in West Africa, 19371945, The Journal of African History, 29/2 (1988): 285 300. Mosley, Paul, The Settler Economies: Studies in the Economic History of Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1900 1963 (Cambridge/New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1983). Munro, J. Forbes, Monopolists and Speculators: British Investment in West African Rubber, 1905 1914, The Journal of African History, 22/2 (1981): 263 78. Murray, A. V., The School in the Bush (New York, NY: Barnes and Noble, 1929). Ngugi wa, Thiongo, Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1986).
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21

Pedersen, Susan, Modernity and Trusteeship: Tensions of Empire in Britain Between the Wars, in Martin Daunton and Bernhard Rieger (eds.), Meanings of Modernity: Britain from the Late-Victorian Era to World War II (New York, NY: Berg, 2001), 20320. Ranger, Terence, African Attempts to Control Education in East and Central Africa 1900 1939, Past and Present, 32 (1965): 57 85. Sluga, Glenda, The Nation, Psychology, and International Politics, 18701919 (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). Smith, Edwin, The Christian Mission in Africa: A Study of the Proceeding of the International Conference at Le Zoute, Belgium, September 14th to 21st, 1926 (London: International Missionary Council, 1926). Steiner-Khamsi, Gita, and Quist, Hubert O., The Politics of Educational Borrowing: Reopening the Case of Achimota in British Ghana, Comparative Education Review, 44/3 (2000): 272 99. Summers, Carol, From Civilization to Segregation: Social Ideals and Social Control in Southern Rhodesia, 18901934 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1994). Throup, David W., The Origins of Mau Mau, African Affairs, 84/336 (1985): 399 433. Urch, George E., Education and Colonialism in Kenya, History of Education Quarterly, 11/3 (1971): 249 64. Wallbank, T. Walter, Achimota College and Educational Objectives in Africa, The Journal of Negro Education, 4/2 (1935): 230 45. Wetherell, H. Iden, Settler Expansionism in Central Africa: The Imperial Response of 1931 and Subsequent Implications, African Affairs, 78/311 (1979): 21027. Whitehead, Clive, Education in British Colonial Dependencies, 1919 39: A Re-Appraisal, Comparative Education, 17/1 (1981): 71 80.

2008 The Author History Compass 7/1 (2009): 121, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00560.x Journal Compilation 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd