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Vth International Theological Conference of the Russian Orthodox Church

ORTHODOX TEACHING ON THE SACRAMENTS OF THE CHURCH


Moscow, 1316 November 2007

Prof. Harald Buchinger UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA BAPTISM AND CHRISMATION IN THE SYRIAC TRADITION OF IIIIVth CENTURIES Most liturgical traditions above all, the most widely diffused rites of Byzantium and Rome share a common pattern of Christian initiation. From the later 4th century onwards, and in some cases earlier, the sequence of baptismal water-rite, subsequent anointing and first participation in Holy Communion can be identified as core elements of the larger process in East and West alike; before strictly Roman and Constantinopolitan sources emerge, representatives of the Golden Era of patristic mystagogy such as St. Ambrose of Milan in the West and St. Cyril (or John?) of Jerusalem in the East testify to an astonishing conformity not only of ritual but also of theology (for example, associating, though by no way exclusively, the gift of the Spirit with the post-baptismal sealing of the neophyte). Although the unity of the celebration and later on also the order of its elements decomposed in the Western Middle Ages, there is today still a broad ecumenical consensus about the essentials of Christian initiation (so that, for example, after Vatican II the renewed catholic rite of confirmation could borrow the Byzantine formula that had accompanied the post-baptismal chrismation ever since the earliest extant sources). The question thus arises as to whether this conformity is due to a steadfast fidelity to a common origin on the parts of the respective Churches; in other words: Can the comparative study of baptismal rites trace a unique mainstream of tradition, from which differing practices are to be regarded as marginal if not indeed heretical deviations? A closer look at the early sources, however, discloses a different picture: What emerges is not a single original shape underlying all later mainstream developments, but rather what Paul Bradshaw called a study in diversity. While some patristic sources indeed display a surprising degree of unanimity regarding the shape of Christian initiation, which has even led to the coining of the label Mediterranean tradition (though one should allow for considerable variety within its mainstream), early Syrian sources show a fundamentally different pattern. While the peculiarities of the Syrian sources had been noticed by modern scholarship at least a century ago, and highly differentiated expositions such as the magisterial work on baptism in the early Church by Georg Kretschmar occupy a place amongst the authoritative manuals, it is only relatively recently that the importance of the early Syrian tradition for the development and theology of baptism has become more widely recognized: After seminal contributions by Bernard Botte and Emil Josef Lengeling, respective study has been pioneered in the last decades, above all, by Sebastian Brock and Gabriele Winkler, further elaborated, among others, by Baby Varghese and disseminated by more recent textbooks such as those of Maxwell Johnson and Reinhard Mener; and the discussion continues even though it cannot produce new evidence as such at the moment. After this impressive flourishing of comparative liturgiological studies, the modest aim of this short paper cannot be to present new fruits of scholarship but only to summarize some of the most relevant results of the previous research just mentioned. The first main part will review the most important sources of the Syrian tradition, whereas a shorter second part will ask about their relationship to later Byzantine practice.

Theological Conference of the Russian Orthodox Church Orthodox Teaching on the Sacraments of the Church

1. Early Syrian Sources on Baptism and Chrismation 1.1. The narrative testimony of the earliest extant source: The apocryphal Acts of Thomas The earliest evidence on baptism in Syria comes from a narrative source: The Acts of Thomas, originally composed probably in Syriac some time in the 3rd century and transmitted in an early Greek and a secondary Syriac version, describe the apostles activity, reflecting contemporary liturgical practice. Two baptismal episodes are depicted in greater detail: the baptism of king Gundafor and his brother in chapter 26f, and of Vazan and his family in chapter 157f; several shorter references confirm and complete this evidence. The general outline of the rite can be summarized as follows.After an anointing of the head by the apostle, in most instances there follows the water-bath in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. It should be noticed, however, that in at least two texts this water-rite is missing; it might not have been an element of the oldest underlying stratum of baptismal tradition. In any case, the celebration is concluded by the Eucharist (which in some instances is lacking a chalice). In at least one case, the anointing of the head leads into an unction of the whole body, showing however that concern for decency that generally characterizes early Syrian Christianity wherever women are involved. The understanding of the unction is further illustrated by epicletic prayers which accompany the anointing and also by the associated formula occurring in one case; one has to take into account, however, that the two attested epicleseis have different addressees, the Spirit on the one hand and Christ on the other; the third prayer differs even in genre, being doxological rather than epicletic. Additionally, the baptism of king Gundafor in chapter 26f is preceded by the hearing of a celestial voice saying Peace be with you; one may speculate if this possibly reflects a liturgical greeting. Likewise, the illumination of the scene and the vision of a young man carrying a lamp after the sealing could be interpreted as a ritual expression of the understanding of baptism as illumination. Further details the use of a silver cup for the pouring out of the oil or various furnishings of the water-rite may equally go back to liturgical practice of the 3rd century. In several instances a kind of pre-baptismal catechesis can be identified, though there is no trace of a catechumenate, of sponsors or of any ritual element of baptismal preparation whatsoever in this context. Both initiation in general as well as the anointing in particular are most frequently referred to as seal; the fact that in first line the head is anointed, points to the Old Testament background of royal, priestly and prophetic unction, though this reference is not expressly stated. The accompanying prayers reveal a highly differentiated pneumatology, making the communication of the Holy Spirit a central though by no means exclusive element of baptism (which, of course, is complemented by the Eucharistic celebration with its more Christological focus). Illumination, forgiveness of sins and rebirth of the new man are further theologoumena, as are the defence of the enemy (an apotropaic, if not implicitly exorcistic notion), salvation of souls and bodies; and last but not least one should not forget that the passion of Christ and his cross are likewise not missing from one of the epicleseis over the oil. Comparing this earliest Syrian evidence with baptism of the Mediterranean type (the basic features of which are already attested by Tertullian at the beginning of the 3rd century), one notices: firstly the absence of any ritual element after the water-bath (except, of course, for the Eucharist); secondly, the dominance of the pre-baptismal anointing, which in some contexts even appears as the only rite of initiation; and thirdly, the absence of any catechumenal rite. Fourthly, it has to be stressed that there is no explicit confession of faith connected to the core rite of baptism; of its negative counterpart, the baptismal renunciation, there is no trace whatsoever. Separation from Satan and from the World does not appear as a concern of the earliest Syrian baptismal tradition. On the theological level, one observes the dominance of a highly developed pneumatology, leaving relatively little space for the understanding of baptism as

Prof. Harald Buchinger Baptism and Chrismation in the Syriac Tradition of IIIIVth Centuries

participation of the death and resurrection of Christ (which indeed is only alluded to once, and only in an indirect way). Both the narrative character as well as the disputed orthodoxy of the Acts of Thomas raise the question as to how representative their testimony in fact is; and there have indeed been various attempts to play down the significance of the practice they relate to. However, a number of contemporary and later sources confirm the reliability of the picture drawn by the Apocryphon. 1.2. Confirmation from a Church Order: The Syrian Didascalia The Didascalia, a pseudapostolic Church Order the earliest strata of which were probably composed in Greek in the 3rd century and which has been transmitted in a fragmentary Latin and a complete Syriac translation, does not deal systematically with Christian initiation. Nevertheless, the scattered remarks about baptism confirm the basic data drawn from the Acts of Thomas: The celebration consists of three central elements, namely of an anointing which is followed by the water-bath and leads on to the Eucharist. At the same time, the whole ritual appears a little more developed (though, given the different genres of the few sources available, the internal diversity of the various accounts in the Acts of Thomas themselves, and the general pluriformity of early liturgical practices even within a given region and time, it is not necessary to distinguish stages of a linear historical evolution between the various accounts): Firstly, the unction of the head is preceded by an imposition of the hand, with both being reserved to the bishop, whereas the subsequent anointment of the body should in the case of female candidates be executed by a deaconess (or at least a woman) for reasons of decency. Secondly, the water-bath is expressly described as being accompanied by an invocation of the Divine names (which in the Acts of Thomas could only be inferred). Certain theological elements only implicitly present in the Acts of Thomas are mentioned explicitly in the Didascalia: Baptismal anointing of the head (and imposition of hand) is given the interpretative gloss as of old priests and kings were anointed in Israel, and it may even be the case that the proclamation as child of God by the bishop with the words of Ps 2,7 reflected a liturgical formula. The Didascalia is quite rich in baptismal theology: The gift of the Spirit, sealing, loosing from sins, new begetting (or birth), joining the heirs of the promise of God are but a few motives mentioned in the chapter exhorting the people to be grateful to the bishops; most of them are shared with the Acts of Thomas. Like the Acts of Thomas, the Didascalia does not mention any post-baptismal rite (except again for the Eucharist), nor does it speak of preparatory rites. Nevertheless it seems to have been acquainted with a kind of catechumenate at the beginning of which there was a profession of faith; elements of instruction, however, do also seem to have followed baptism. 1.3. Further Syrian evidence in the 4th century: Aphrahat, St. Ephraem and the History of John, the Son of Zebedee Sources from the early 4th century demonstrate fundamental continuity with the earliest Syrian practice and also elements of development and change (though, again, one cannot reconstruct a comprehensive picture or trace clear lines when trying to connect the scattered dots of evidence). Towards the middle of the 4th century, Aphrahat the Persian sage ( after 345), who lived in the Sassanid Empire, provides some information on baptism. In his 12th demonstration On the Pasch, he is the first witness to the celebration of baptism at Easter in the Syrian area; accordingly, his baptismal theology is highly paschal, drawing both on OT types the baptism of Israel in the sea and the crossing of the Jordan and also on the Pauline imagery of the mystery of the baptism of passion and his death. The core rite, embedded in the paschal vigil with its fasting, praying and singing of hymns and psalms, consists of consignation and baptism proper; it leads into the paschal Eucharist. In another context, the consignation is clearly connected with oil and interpreted as the sign of the sacrament of life, whereby Christians and priests 3

Theological Conference of the Russian Orthodox Church Orthodox Teaching on the Sacraments of the Church

and kings and prophets are perfected; it is accompanied by an invocation of the Trinity Likewise, there is an invocation of the Spirit over the water of baptism by which it is conferred, transforming the font into the womb of rebirth. Except for the external and internal connection with Easter, the testimony of Aphrahat fits well into the frame of earlier Syrian sources, though his theology appears considerably richer: apart from the paschal dimensions, he adds the true circumcision to the traditional repertoire of biblical motives. Though Christ revealed baptism, obviously in his own baptism in the river Jordan, the washing of feet at the Last Supper seems to be the formal institution of baptism for Aphrahat. Perhaps a little later, the various works of St. Ephraem ( 373), countain a highly developed theology of baptism, though never dealing with the subject in a systematic way and giving only rudimentary hints at the ritual which as in the other sources under consideration consisted of signation with oil, immersion in water, and Eucharist. For Ephraem, the baptism of Jesus is prototype, principle and institution of Christian baptism. He draws on the relation between Christ ( )and oil (), which is a treasure of mysteries. Thus the unction is a basic and very differentiated symbol of baptism, although it is no longer considered more important than the immersion and many effects are connected with either element or with baptism as such. Apart from traditional notions which need not be repeated here, Ephraem in one place ascribes exorcistic power to the oil. Composed most likely at the turn of the 4th to the 5th century, the apocryphal History of John, the Son of Zebedee, contains several baptismal scenes. Their basic shape follows the traditional Syrian structure of consignation with oil followed by the immersion (and the Eucharist), but the whole ritual appears somewhat developed: Firstly, both the consecration of the oil and also the benediction of the water are followed by the apparition of two angels crying the Trishagion; furthermore, a proper epicletic prayer over both elements is quoted in one case. Secondly, a double profession of faith in the Trinity immediately precedes the core-rite of consignation of the forehead and anointing of the body, and also the immersion, which itself is accompanied by a Trinitarian formula; the account of the conversion of the priests of Artemis even contains a renunciation, though not immediately connected to their baptism. Thirdly, there follows a clothing in white garments and a kiss of peace with a respective greeting. Though the latter post-baptismal elements may show the influence of Mediterranean mainstream, the fundamental pattern of early Syrian baptism is clearly recognized. Furthermore, the account of baptismal preparation by prayer towards the East, inclined and with the hands raised, walking barefooted and girded with sackcloth probably mirrors catechumenal rites, which too may be due to Mediterranean influence. To sum up: Early Syrian baptism is characterized by the outstanding dominance of the unction. On the ritual level, the importance of this distinctive feature at first exceeds the immersion to the extent that in certain early traditions it might even have been the sole rite of Christian initiation. In any case, it was administered before the water-bath; there is no trace of any post-baptismal anointing or consignation whatsoever in the early Syrian sources. On the theological level, this pre-baptismal unction is connected with the sealing of Christ with the Spirit in his baptism, strongly accentuating the imagery of rebirth, adoption and proclamation as child of God (leaving rather marginal space for the Pauline motif of dying and rising again with Christ, which is attested as a dominant motif only from the time when Easter had become the preferred baptismal date in the 4th century). Anointing primarily the head (and only later the whole body) refers to the biblical notion of a royal and prophetic unction and thus to the priesthood of the baptized. Exorcistic and athletic connotations which dominate the interpretation of pre-baptismal anointing in the Western and Mediterranean mainstream are significantly absent in the Syrian tradition. Though elements of conversion and forgiveness are not lacking, the central negative component of baptism, the renunciation of Satan and the World, is also missing in the earliest sources. Even its positive 4

Prof. Harald Buchinger Baptism and Chrismation in the Syriac Tradition of IIIIVth Centuries

counterpart, an explicit profession of faith, is not part of all early Syrian traditions, and when it appears for the first time in the Didascalia, it emerges not as element of the core rite at the end of the process of conversion, but has its original place rather at the beginning of the latter. Apart from this act of commitment at the beginning of the catechetical process, no catechumenal rites are attested in Syria before the later 4th century, though elements of instruction are indicated here and there either before or after baptism. One might summarize the overall picture by saying that the emphasis of early Syrian baptism lies on the positive action of God, who adopts the Christian as his child and anoints him or her with the Spirit of prophecy, kingship and priesthood as he did with Christ himself in his baptism. 2. The Early Syrian Tradition and the (Proto-) Byzantine Evidence From the Byzantine point of view one might wonder if the early Syrian baptismal tradition should not be regarded as a separate development in a marginal area and a strange, if not heretical, ecclesial context. It is, however, remarkable that traditions which generally are credited with having contributed significantly to the formation of later Byzantine liturgy follow early Syrian practice in its most distinctive features: Neither the earliest Antiochene Church fathers nor the most ancient Constantinopolitan sources know any postbaptismal unction (nor, it may be noted, do the great Cappadocian teachers of the Church, St. Basil of Caesarea, St. Gregory of Nyssa and St. Gregory Nazianzen, who cannot be dealt with in detail in this context); likewise, the detachment of the profession of faith from the core rite of baptism shows Syrian heritage, though its shift to its proximity may be due to influence of the Mediterranean mainstream. The latter is clearly true for the development of a fully-fledged catechumenate with its exorcistic rites, which is documented in the sources coming from urban centres of the whole Levant, but cannot be the subject of further discussion in this brief survey. Generally, the present investigation has to limit its scope to the most significant features, tracing the influence of the most prominent characteristics of the early Syrian tradition in the earliest sources of baptism in late antique Antioch and Constantinople. 2.1. The amalgamation of Syrian and Mediterranean traditions in later 4th century Antioch: St. John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia and the Apostolic Constitutions The baptismal catecheses preached by St. John Chrysostom as presbyter in Antioch in the late 80s and during the 90s of the 4th century give a very detailed account of baptismal practice and theology. While drawing on a widespread common sense of what one might call Mediterranean tradition in other regards, his testimony is linked to older Syrian tradition in its most characteristic trait: the absence of any postbaptismal anointing. Exactly as the ancient Syrian tradition does, St. John Chrysostom testifies to Sealing, i.e., a consignation with Chrism, before the immersion; its apotropaic interpretation, however, may already be due to influence of the Mediterranean mainstream, as may be the differentiation of two kinds of oil, Chrism for the consignation of the front, pneumatic oil for the subsequent anointment of the body. Rather than to these elements, the gift of the Spirit, however, is linked to baptism proper by Chrysostom. Theodore, Presbyter in Antioch roughly at the same time as St. John Chrysostom before being ordained bishop of Mopsuestia in 392, bears witness to almost exactly the same baptismal rite as Chrysostom latter does. Apart from minor additions to the baptismal preparation there is, however, one significant change: after the immersion (and the vesting with a brilliant gown) there follows a signation of the front, accompanied by a Trinitarian formula. Whether this signation involved the use of oil is disputed, but in any case Theodore connects this sealing of the neophyte with the unction of Jesus with the Spirit after his baptism, so that you, too, receive this sign that the Holy Spirit has come unto you and that you have been anointed and have received him by grace, that he belongs to you and remains in you. While Theodore does not mention the use of any oil at this signation, the Apostolic Constitutions, generally assigned to the same historical context (last quarter of the 4th century, Syria, probably Antioch), do speak of a post-baptismal unction in all passages dealing with baptism; they mirror the Mediterranean order of pre-baptismal unction with oil baptism proper post-baptismal unction (or sealing) with 5

Theological Conference of the Russian Orthodox Church Orthodox Teaching on the Sacraments of the Church

myron. The latter, however, is not (yet?) expressly connected with the gift of the Spirit, which rather belongs to the pre-baptismal anointment; this theological understanding, as well as the interpretation of the prebaptismal unction as priestly and royal, reflects early Syrian tradition rather than the Mediterranean external shape of the ritual. It is thus possible that Theodore and the Apostolic Constitutions document a successive amalgamation of the Syrian with the Mediterranean tradition that took place in the hellenophone communities of the Antiochene area towards the end of the 4th century: The original pre-baptismal anointing was first complemented by a post-baptismal signation (at first perhaps without the use of oil), and the eventual transition to a post-baptismal anointing can clearly be observed, as can a tendency of the postbaptismal rites to absorb the notion of the gift of the Spirit. On the contrary, the Syriac sources do not know any post-baptismal anointing until well into the 5th century, in certain traditions even until significantly later. The scarcity of sources makes it difficult to draw clear and consistent tradition-lines, and one has to account for changing theological plausibilities within the Antiochene rite itself, as Sebastian Brock has demonstrated. At the same time it is not implausible to suggest that Jerusalem might have played a certain key role in the mediation between Syrian and Mediterranean baptismal practice, as Edward Ratcliff has done; being an influential centre of liturgical development in the larger Syro-Palestinian area, its baptismal liturgy nevertheless belongs rather to the Mediterranean type, sharing basic structures as well as ritual details and theological interpretations with contemporary western sources. Though one should by no way assume monolinear one-way influence, since there seem to be traces of Syrian customs as well, the Hagiapolite sources are the first to represent clearly Mediterranean habits in the Levant. Another element which seems to have entered the heart of the Syrian celebration of baptism only in the later 4th century is the Apotaxis and Syntaxis, though they remain preparatory rites which are locally as well as temporally separated from the core of baptism proper and are not as closely related to the immersion as is attested in the West from Tertullian on. There is no indication at all of a ritual renunciation to Satan before John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia and the Apostolic Constitutions, who might have inherited this practice via Jerusalem, whereas an indirect forerunner of the adherence to Christ (or the Trinity) is already attested by the Syrian Didascalia which alludes to a profession of faith at the beginning of the catechumenal process. Its shift to the proximity of baptism proper and the development of a double rite of negative Apotaxis and positive Syntaxis may be due to Mediterranean influence, as may be the doctrinal (rather than existential) focus of the respective expression of faith. Again, the liturgy of Jerusalem, which has both a separate Creed before entering the core-rite (as in the Antiochene tradition) as well as an interrogatory baptismal Creed connected with the immersion (as in the West), represents a compromise and might have served as a mediator between West and East. 2.2. Syrian heritage in Constantinople: St. Gregory Nazianzen and St. Proclus Though there is notoriously little liturgical evidence from ancient Constantinople, it is generally assumed that the rite of the Byzantine capital developed on the basis of Antiochene usage. We do not know in detail, how baptism was administered before the implementation of the Ordo transmitted by the earliest i.e., 8th-century Euchologia (which itself seems to bear traces of Antiochene ancestors); what can be said, however, is that already at the time of St. Gregory Nazianzen (archbishop 379381) there was a rite of renunciation and adherence (as in Antioch) and a single pre-immersion anointing which by Gregory was understood as kingly and connected with the gift of the Spirit (as by the early Syrian tradition). It appears that initiation is complete when the candidate emerges from the font. Furthermore, St. Proclus (sedit 434 446), who in other respects as well confirms the hints given by Gregory, still does not mention postbaptismal anointing. When post-baptismal anointing entered Byzantine practice thus completing the classical order of Christian initiation observed by the Byzantine Churches until today has to remain open.

Prof. Harald Buchinger Baptism and Chrismation in the Syriac Tradition of IIIIVth Centuries

3. Conclusion Apart from certain texts in the Acts of Thomas which do not even mention a water-rite, all early Syrian sources basically share a common pattern of baptism consisting of three constitutive elements: an unction (primarily of the head and only later also of the whole body), the immersion and the Eucharist. There is no post-baptismal consignation or anointment that does not appear before the Greek Antiochene sources of the later 4th century, in which its successive introduction can be observed, as can its tendency to be associated with the gift of the Spirit. The fundamental meaning of the early Syrian pre-baptismal unction is Messianic, royal, prophetic and priestly; exorcistic connotations are only once attested by Ephraem in a marginal place. Generally, there do not seem to have been any catechumenal rites apart from an act of commitment which in the Didascalia seems to have opened the catechumenate. Even when it was shifted towards the end of this process in the later 4th century, it did not really become part of the core-rite of baptism; its negative counterpart in the Mediterranean tradition, the renunciation to Satan and the world, seems to have been introduced in later 4th-century Antioch as well. It can be said that the positive notions of adoption as child of God, rebirth, gift of the Spirit and unction to the prophetic and royal priesthood as pre-modelled in the baptism of Christ himself prevail over the negative, demarcating aspects of baptism, though conversion and forgiveness of sins are of course not absent. Paschal imagery and the Pauline motif of dying and resurrecting with Christ only become dominant when Easter spread as baptismal date in the 4th century. The impact of the early Syrian tradition makes it impossible to marginalize its peculiarities and to play down their historical and theological importance. Not only can the influence of early Syrian practice be identified in early Armenian and East Syrian documents, but formative sources and fathers of what later was to become the liturgy of Byzantium itself appear more indebted to the Early Syrian shape of baptism in its most distinctive characteristics than to the Mediterranean type; among them are all three great Hierarchs of the Byzantine Church and the earliest witnesses to the liturgies of both, of Antioch as well as of Constantinople itself. Because of the lack of sources it does not become clear when, how and why Byzantine practice eventually changed and joined the Mediterranean mainstream; in any case, however, this cannot have happened before the middle of the 5th century and thus well beyond the horizon of this modest survey.

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