Mission to the Indians 1643--1673

Jake McGee

History 3101: The Colonial Era Professor: John Saillant June 26, 2013

McGee 1 In 1630 aboard the ship Arbella, on the way to the Americas, Governor John Winthrop delivered his prophetic message, the City on a Hill. Winthrop not only envisioned their new land in Massachusetts as the best in the world but he also saw America an extraordinary world of perfection and redemption.1 In a City on a Hill, Winthrop perceived the Puritans as being the light of the world and imaged the new world as the shining city that reflected in Gods image (this belief later overflowed into manifest destiny). Winthrop believed the Puritan nation shall be as a City upon a Hill and the eyes of all people will be upon us.2 Winthrop spoke of the new world as being the new manifestation of Israels church in the wilderness, and America as he saw it had the potential to become the Puritans Promised Land. At the same time, the Puritans envisioned themselves as the only true believers in Christ, causing the Puritans to recognize that the new world was also veiled in darkness. In John Winthrops A Model of Christian Charity, he preached that one bond united all Christians in one entity. According to Winthrop, love makes up the ligaments of the body of Christ, and one part of this being may be affected by the slightest tremor in another, good or bad.3 Winthrop offers the idea that love is the bond that unites Christianity, yet, this bond is contradicted when Winthrop makes it clear that this bond, the glorious body without spots or wrinkle4 is exclusively Christian. Although Winthrop never verbally indicates that other nations are undeserving of the love of God, there is certainly no native element in the message he presents. In fact, an argument could be made that these spots or wrinkles are foreigners. This idea supports the argument that the Puritans viewed their society as the only true nation of God and in response, I believe this rationale lead the Puritans to view the new world as being

1 2

Juan Medina y Ortega, "An Analysis of the Missionary Methods of the Puritans," The Americas 14 (1957): 130. "A Model of Christian Charity by Gov. John Winthrop, 1630," Religious Freedom, accessed June 17, 2013. 3 "A Model of Christian Charity." 4 "A Model of Christian Charity."

McGee 2 populated by servants of the devil (the Indians) and by the hopeless servants of the anti-Christ (the French and Spanish). I am convinced that the Puritans vision for the new world during 1643--1673 can be linked to John Winthrops journal. In 1632, while he was in Watertown Massachusetts, Winthrop penned an epic battle he witnessed between a mouse and a snake. In the story the mouse prevails over the snake and kills it. Winthrop's pastor, Mr. Wilson, interpreted the snake as being in the form of the devil, and the mouse was a poor contemptible people, which God had brought hither, which should overcome Satan here, and dispossess him of his kingdom.5 Before the Puritans had reached America, I believe the Puritans interpreted the Native Americans as being in the form of the snake, and in the Puritans eye they were the underdog, a fragile creature believed to be sent by God to overcome the devil. In my analysis, the Puritans in the seventeenth century not only pictured America as the land that would become their Promised Land, but they also saw America as a world in darkness. This response led the Puritans to believe that this land needed be conquered from the Philistines. The Philistines were, according to the Puritans, the Indians, and the French and Spanish colonies and the dream of the Puritans was to regenerate the whole continent of North America and erect a city of God in America. Over the years, many have depicted seventeenth century Puritans as appalling; this reaction often traces back to their relationship with the Indians. For one, the Puritans viewed the Indians as savages who were living in a state of sin. The Puritans also believed native repentance was necessary for salvation and, in return, the Puritans believed it was crucial to first civilize the Indians before introducing them to Christianity. The Puritans tried to accomplish
5

John Winthrop et al., The Journal of John Winthrop 1630--1649, 1790, Reprint, Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1996.

McGee 3 this mission through an array of methods, including the separation of Indians by isolation and the dictation of civilization through force. The Puritans believed Indian conversion was an important step in establishing a holy commonwealth in the New World because they viewed the Native American tribes as being part of the lost tribes of Israel, therefore they felt it was their duty to spread the Christian faith in order to save them.6 Before they attempted to convert natives however, they first disputed whether conversion could precede the civilizing of the Indian or whether civilization was a prerequisite to conversion.7 One prominent view is that from 1643 to 1673, the Puritans tried to convert the Indians because of their initial reactions to the Indians, the Puritan culture, and the Indian culture as thought by John Eliot. The first thing that needs to be established when discussing the missionary work of the Puritans is their initial understanding of the Indian. It is crucial we start at the Puritans depiction of the Indian, because this interpretation of the Indian played a large role in how the Puritans conducted their relationships and methods with the Natives. A number of modern scholars, including Roy Harvey Pearce, James Axtell, Neal Salisbury, and Richard Slotkin, have analyzed the emotional and symbolic significance of Indians in the Puritans literature and world-view, and these authors have emphasized that the Puritans depicted the Indians as living in a state of sin so that repentance was necessary for salvation.8 The Puritans who settled in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island believed the Indian inhabitants of these areas worshiped devils, that Indian religious practitioners were witches, and that the Indians themselves were bewitched.9 The Puritans saw Hobbamock (the Native American interpreter who served as a go

Annenberg Learner. "Souls in Need of Salvation, Satan's Agents, or Brothers in Peace?" American Passages a Literary Survey, accessed June 17th, 2013. http://www.learner.org/amerpass/unit03/context_activ-2.html 7 Francis Jennings, "Goals and Functions of Puritan Missions to the Indians," Ethnohistory 18 (1971): 199. 8 William Simmons, "Cultural Bias in the New England Puritans' Perception of Indians," The William and Mary Quarterly 38 (1981): 57. 9 Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 58.

McGee 4 between for the English) as the devil, and the Puritans envisioned the Indian powwaw (the Indian spiritual leader) as a witch. The Puritans also considered the Indians to be vengeful, cowardly, and addicted to idleness, lying, and stealing. These are mourners without hope wrote William Wood. Roger Williams responded I believe they are lost10 Thomas Mayhew, a missionary in Marthas Vineyard, saw the Indians as worshipers of false gods and devils, and he believed the devil ruled them and that the natives abounded in sin.11 The Indian way of living was fallen one, according to the Puritans, and the Puritans believed the Indian lifestyle was a model of a natural and immoral society. Some Puritans even saw the Indian existence as a little more than that of an animal.12 The tradition and rituals of the New England Indians had in a large part an effect on Puritans initial understanding of the Indians. The southern New England Indians practiced religious activities that included the dead being smeared with ochre, placed in a fetal position, then buried facing the southwest. These traditions were also common in the northern New England Indians. The two regions shared similar beliefs and rituals concerning hunting, healing, fortune, and other concerns. Their world was inhabited by a wide variety of animals and other beings that combined human like modes of expression with supernatural powers.13 Roger Williams and other Puritans similarly viewed the native child as sinful creatures. The Puritans viewed the native children as the children of death, and the children of hell, and the Children of wrath, by nature.14 These comments were written by Cotton Mather, a Puritan missionary, to his flock. He later wrote that the nature of the child is derived and conveyed unto

10 11

Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 63. John Eliot et al., Tears of Repentance: Or, a Further Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel Amongst the Indians in New England (London: Peter Cole in Leaden-Hall, 1653). 12 Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 126. 13 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 37. 14 Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 63.

McGee 5 the adult and devils are worse than Indians and til thy children are brought home to God they are slaves of the devil.15 The Puritans saw the natural child as the creator of Indian culture; therefore the Puritans distinguished themselves from Indians, nature, and sinners by their intentions toward that child.16 The Puritan interpretation of the Indian needs to be comprehended from the Puritan perspective. To understand the rationale behind the Puritans depiction of the Indian, one has to look at seventeenth-century Puritan culture. In the Puritan eye, persons not reborn through Christ lived in a depraved natural state under the devils spell.17 One fundamental reason the Puritans viewed the Natives as devil worshipers is that the Puritans believed an individual could not communicate with God through a direct revelation and this understanding relates to their interpretation of scripture. The Puritans believed that in the beginning, God walked among Adam and Eve and spoke directly, but after the fall, the Puritans believed they were unable to see God. In seventeenth century New England, the Puritans knowledge about their God came through the bible and from the words of their ministers and the Puritans did not believe that God would speak directly to mortals. The Puritan Minister Robert Cushman said Whereas God of the old testament did call and summon our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, and certain illuminations, now there is no such calling to be expected for any matter whatsoever. In the Puritans time, if God was to speak directly with a mortal, it was thought to be the devil in disguise. When Anne Hutchinson was believed to have predictions from God, the Puritans became infuriated; this caused the Puritans to then banish her into the wilderness. The Puritans in absence of direct revelation used typology. They believed that the Old Testament prefigured
15 16

Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 63. Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 63. 17 Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 65.

McGee 6 the New Testament, and that parallels between the Old Testament and New Testament could be extended to current history. For example the Puritans fleeing corruption of the old world linked themselves to the story of the Israelites escaping Egyptian tyranny.18 Unlike the Puritans, the Indians believed God could summon them in dreams, visions and illuminations. Roger Williams learned the names of thirty seven Gods from the Narragansett Indians but found it apparent that the number of gods was very flexible. One god had a direct effect on the Puritans understanding of the Indians. The Manitou, which Williams translated as God, was a god that had a direct effect on the Puritans understanding of the Indians, because it was the Manitou who could disguise himself in any form. The Indians believed this spiritual power was able to directly communicate with them, and the Indians attributed everything that they could not comprehend to Manitou. Among the Algonquian Indians, when an individual feared another man, woman, bird, beast, or fish, that person would cry out to Manitou; they would also cry out if they saw another man excel others in wisdom, valor, or strength.19 These beliefs and rituals of the Indians related to English fantasies about the devil and witches, and this understanding led the Puritans to depict the Indians as agents of the devil. Cotton Mather a New England Puritan minister was particularly a harsh critic of the Indian religion. In 1702 Mather declared that the Indians were doeful creatures and the veriest ruins of mankind, which are to be found anywhere upon the face of the earth, though we know not when or how these Indians first became inhabitants of this mighty continent.20 Cotton later wrote that the devil probably decoyed those miserable savages hither, in hopes that the
18

Emory Elliot, "The Legacy of Puritanism." Divining America Religion in American History, accessed June 18, 2013. 19 Neal Salisbury, "Farmers and Hunters," in Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 37. 20 Dan Vogel, Indian origins and the Book of Mormon: religious solutions from Columbus to Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1986).

McGee 7 gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them.21 In another work, India Christiana, Mather concluded that their way of life was lamentably barbarous and their religion beyond all expression dark.22 This emotional religious activity posed a threat to the ordered hierarchical social relationships and the sustaining reward of the living sainthood, the design by which the Puritans constructed the earliest New England societies.23 The Indians could appease the Puritans and find exemption from their consequences of their devil and witchcraft status in two different ways. The first involved military service, which did not necessary mean an improvement in the Puritans eyes, and the second was a complete religious and cultural conversion, combined with political submission. The conversion efforts of Thomas Mayhew of Marthas Vineyard and John Eliot of Roxbury confirmed the Puritan witchcraft theory. Both Mayhew and Eliot recorded testimonies in which the converts confessed their sinfulness and diabolical ways, which were more or less synonymous with being Indian. Accounts survive of converts who confessed in detail how they had been inhabited by devils, serpents, and the like, and how they found themselves unable to bewitch Christians and therefore chose to convert.24 The Algonquin Indians and the English saw the world around them in different ways, which were clearly evident in their competing visions of land ownership and warfare. The Indians believed land could be occupied and used, but they had no real concept of land ownership. The English on the other hand believed they had divine rights (through patents from

21 22

"Indian Origins and the Book of Mormon "Indian Origins and the Book of Mormon" 23 Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 63. 24 Simmons, "Puritans' Perception of Indians," 67.

McGee 8 the King, purchase, occupation of unused land, or rights of conquest) to possess the land.25 When the Puritans purchased land in Massachusetts, it advanced the Puritans ability to alter the Indians previous way of life. The ownership of land not only allowed the Puritans to pass a law that paved the way for a missionary program but it also allowed the Puritans to impose their religious beliefs upon Indian culture. The Puritans quickly dictated control by subjecting the Indians under their authority of the government of Massachusetts. When that was accomplished, the Indians had to then subject themselves to the authority of an English military officer, who then appointed Indian commissioners.26 In the Puritan analysis, the Indian was not being robbed of anything. The Puritans argued that they were helping God by pushing Indians off the land because in their opinion the land was not being used properly by the natives. Under Puritan authority, the Puritans not only forced the Indians to attempt to live in an orderly fashion among them, but also prohibited the Natives from worshiping their own gods. The Puritans desired to isolate the natives from outside influences so the natives could avoid contamination and they could be alienated from bad examples. John Eliot, a Puritan missionary from Massachusetts Bay, found it crucial to isolate the Algonquian Indians. Eliot found it necessary to isolate the natives from both settlers and independent Indians because it aligned with his vision; the communion of Indians evolved into the praying towns of Massachusetts. In Eliots eye, he did not see anything wrong with isolation. He believed he was acting in accordance to the Bible, and his praying towns were successfully operating according to the biblical scheme.27

25

Mystic Voices: The Story of Pequot War, DVD, directed by Guy Perrotta & Charles Clemmons (2004; USA: Mystic Voices LLC, 2004). 26 Mystic Voices: The Story of Pequot War. 27 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 32.

McGee 9 John Eliot, one of the most influential Puritan Missionaries in the seventeenth century, began his ministrations among the Massachusetts and Niptuc Indians in 1646.28 According to Eliots interpretation of scripture, he argued that religion could not only consist with a mere receiving of the word. In order to have practical religion, Eliot argued that one would have to thrown down their heathenish idols and sachems tyrannical monarchy.29 Therefore, when Eliot congregated Indian groups into praying towns, he believed he was acting according to the Word. His overall goal was to banish the Indians, culture and traditions, which conflicted with biblical values.30 Eliots mission was established with tactics that persuaded the Indian to join Christianity. These tactics included laws that forbade the worship of idols. If the Indians were found worshiping idols, they would be charged five shillings. In the praying town, Eliot also established laws that prohibited the Indians from beating their wives; Eliot later created laws that forbade women to cut their hair short, and laws that punished men who grew their hair long.31 In the praying towns, clothing became the visible distinction between the two ways of life, and Indians were forbidden to wear their traditional furs. In addition, Eliot also found it necessary to banish the Indian powwaw. Eliot believed the powwaw was the Puritans biggest threat because he was believed to be the agent of Satan. After the elimination of the powwaw, the Indians became fearful for their health because they had lost their doctor.32 Eliot argued that all these laws and arrangements followed scripture. The Puritans also created a program to convert Native American children. Eliot found it necessary to impose Puritan culture and religious values on Indian children. To Eliot, children were of great significance, and his goal was to educate the young and establish schools. The
28 29

Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 31. Jennings, "Puritan Missions to the Indians," 199. 30 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 32. 31 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 33. 32 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 34.

McGee 10 Indian children served as servants in the English homes and they were socialized through English living. These children learned how to live in the English style, in which the boys acquired trades and the girls learned how to be good housewives. Eliot also educated children by teaching them how to read English, and the children received extra attention from their masters in tutelage in Christian principles. Under Eliots command, the Puritans forced Indian children to attend church, listen to sermons, and give an account for their own conversion experience. Children were also forced to renounce their parents for worshiping Indian deities.33 The program enlisted thirty children but overall the program did not achieve much success. With his goal of reaching the Indians, Eliot produced a few tools that would hopefully help the Indians bridge the gap to Christianity. This included his translation of the bible from the English language to the Massachuset dialect of the Algonquian language; Eliot later wrote almost a dozen educational and religious tracts for the Indians. Starting in 1643, Eliot began to learn the Indian language from his Indian teacher who was a slave. By 1646, Eliot still lacked fluency; however Eliots first edition, consisting of fifteen hundred copies, appeared in 1663.34 Eliot envisioned the Bible as the tool that would take away the Indians customs and would lead to Indian conversion. The Algonquian Bible was, he believed, to be adequate for the conversion process. In his later years, Eliot also started a program that trained Indian men to live in the ways of the gospel and become missionaries of the Word. Eliot found it hopeless to rely upon English officers in Indian Churches, so in return he depended upon the Indian missionary.35 Unlike many during the middle of the seventeenth century, Eliot believed the Indians were capable of

33 34

Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 46. Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 42. 35 John Eliot, John Eliots Brief Narrative 1670 (Cambridge: Harvard Classics, 1909).

McGee 11 being teachers and he found it necessary to teach them the art of teaching. Later, Eliot found some of them very capable and believed the Indians had a desire to be really godly.36 Life in the praying town included Eliot baptizing men and women and celebrating the sacrament of the Lords Supper with the natives in the Indian Church. The Indians also participated in psalms, homilies, blood-curdling Jehovah-type sermons concerning the fundamental truths of the faith; an intense study of the Protestant catechism, and a study of a curious set of questions and answers for beginners.37 Although writers like Salisbury demonize the Puritans, according to Eliot the praying Indians depended upon him and he was close friends with the Indians. In the words of Eliot, the praying Indians depended on him as Gods instrument for their good. As time passed, the Indians grew dependent upon the Puritans. This helps us understand why some Indians responded to the missionaries and some did not. The Puritans biggest challenge in converting Indians arose in the tribes who had the strongest leadership; these tribes were able to resist Eliots program and were the most opposed to Christianity.38 According to Eliot, the converts were the envy of the other Indians. Tensions between the converts rose quickly and intertribal conflicts occurred frequently. The first Indian missionary was poisoned by hostile tribesman and another was threatened.39 To further the problem, Christian Indians by no means were accepted as equals of Christian whites.40 For the Indian, conversion was a much different experience from what it was for a white. Indian converts were expected to renounce their individual and collective pasts and to adopt a new identity created for them by

36 37

Eliot, Brief Narrative. Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 129. 38 Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 41. 39 Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 40. 40 Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 41.

McGee 12 representatives of an entirely foreign culture.41 A conversion generally included an initial spurning of the gospel, followed by recognition of sin in oneself and an overwhelming experience of guilt over the realization that Jesus Christ died for those sins.42 Daniel Gookin, a settler of Virginia and Massachusetts and a writer on the subject of American Indians from 1612 to 1687, described three reasons why the praying town was established. First, Puritans wanted to prevent conflicts between settlers and Indians over land. Second, in Gookins opinion, the Puritans also established the praying town in order to protect the Indian from the pressures of the white land hunger and third, Gookin stressed that the praying town was set up as a means of civilizing potential converts. In 1671, Eliot himself explained his own intentions of protecting the Indian. According to Eliot, an allotment of land and water must be allowed to the Indians, land whereon townships and churches may be able to subsist, and suffer not the English to strip them of all their lands, in places fit for sustenance for the life of man.43 By the 1670s, the praying towns had acquired the additional function of protecting the Christian Indians from a hostile settler population. The initial years of the praying towns brought hope to John Eliot that the Indians could indeed be civilized; however Salisbury makes the claim that in countless ways the Indians distance from their past was reinforced while they were as far as ever from being accepted as member of civilized society44 The end of the praying towns and the establishment between the Puritans and Indians came when the Indians joined in opposing the English in Phillips War in 1673. Some Christian Indians were eventually allowed to serve in King Phillips War and their contributions were critical in bringing home the eventual victory to the colonists. The war not only brought the

41 42

Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 48. Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 49. 43 Medina y Ortega, "Missionary Methods," 49. 44 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 52.

McGee 13 defeat of the hostile Indians but also the end of the missionary program.45 The Indians, unfortunately, did not receive any new rights from the Puritans after the war. In fact, the war brought the opposite to the Indians. After the war ended, the remaining Indian autonomy in southern New England? And under terms of a 1677 law, those Indians who had not been killed, sold into slavery, or driven northward as a result of the war were physically restricted to one of the four remaining praying towns.46 These towns no longer served as havens for potential Indian converts; they became the home to the entire native population who became mostly servants and tenant farmers, making the natives totally dependent upon the English. And the Indians eventually grew dependent upon the English, because the English took away their culture and reduced their roles to servitude. The praying town can be deemed a failure because only a few hundred of the several thousand Indians converted to Christianity, and even those did not live up to expectations because these individuals had not yet come so far as to be able or willing to profess their faith in Christ and yield obedience and subjection to the church. The Puritans attempt at Indian conversion failed because for one, Puritanism was a difficult religion with high standards for its inherent. The task of making salvation a strictly individual and personal activity augmented the obstacles in the way of their earthly and celestial salvation.47 To the Puritans, the Indians also faced a hard time finding their own personal salvation, the uselessness for the Indian of an ethical teaching which, as the Protestant ethic did and does, contains no operative force of a personal identity sanctifying redemption. The individual salvation of the Puritans-aristocratic, racist, selective, and unjustly discriminatory was

45 46

Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 53--54. Jennings, "Puritan Missions to the Indians," 210. 47 Jennings, "Puritan Missions to the Indians," 210.

McGee 14 realized by the excogitation of each person alone. Such a spiritual system was very valuable and useful for the reformed New Englander, but for the Indian, burdened by ancestral habits and terrors, such a system resulted in rationalism wholly empty and inoperative.48 The second argument to why the conversion attempts failed was because the savage nature of the Indian was the chief obstacle. The Puritans dream of erecting the city of God in America came to an abrupt end at the end of the seventeenth century and their goal of establishing a holy commonwealth was lost. From 1643 to 1673, the Puritans tried to convert the Indians because of their initial reactions to the Indians, (the Puritan belief that the Indians were living in a depraved natural state under the devils spell), the Puritan culture (the Puritan belief and fantasies about devils, and witches and the Puritan conviction that they were pre-ordained to establish a holy commonwealth in America), and the Indian culture (the Indians rituals and customs) by John Eliot but their goal of conversion ultimately failed. By 1684, after King Phillips War, places of Indian worship in New England consisted of four in Massachusetts, ten in Plymouth, ten on the Vineyard, and five in Nantucket. The Mayhews and Richard Bourne held a total of twenty-five Christian Indian communities as compared with Eliots remnant of four. By 1673, there were two churches under Eliot in Massachusetts, one under Bourne in Plymouth Colony, and three under Thomas Mayhew. The number of Indian communicants in 1671 can be calculated at certainly less than one hundred and probably much fewer.49 There is no indication that the converts understood either the word, except as it applied to themselves, or the most basic tenants of Puritan theology.50

48 49

Jennings, "Puritan Missions to the Indians," 210. Jennings, "Puritan Missions to the Indians," 210. 50 Salisbury, "Red Puritans," 50.

McGee 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY A Model of Christian Charity by Gov. John Winthrop, 1630. Religious Freedom, accessed June 17, 2013. http://religiousfreedom.lib.virginia.edu/sacred/charity.html Annenberg Learner. "Souls in Need of Salvation, Satan's Agents, or Brothers in Peace?" American Passages a Literary Survey. http://www.learner.org/amerpass/unit03/context_activ2.html (accessed June 17, 2013). Eliot, John. John Eliots Brief Narrative 1670. Cambridge: Harvard Classics, 1909. Eliot, John, Thomas Mayhew, Richard Mather and Peter Cole. Tears of Repentance: Or, a Further Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel Amongst the Indians in New England (London: Peter Cole in Leaden-Hall, 1653). Elliot, Emory. "The Legacy of Puritanism." Divining America Religion in American History, accessed June 18, 2013. http://nationalhumanitiescenter.org/tserve/eighteen/ekeyinfo/legacy.htm Jennings, Francis. "Goals and Functions of Puritan Missions to the Indians." Ethnohistory 18 (1971): 197--212. Mystic Voices: The Story of Pequot War, DVD, directed by Guy Perrotta & Charles Clemmons (2004; USA: Mystic Voices LLC, 2004). Ortega y Medina, Juan. "An Analysis of the Missionary Methods of the Puritans." The Americas 14, no. 2 (1957): 125--134. Salisbury, Neal. "Farmers and Hunters." In Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500--1643. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982. 35--37. Salisbury, Neal. "Red Puritans: The "Praying Indians" of Massachusetts Bay and John Eliot." The William and Mary Quarterly 31, no. 1 (Jan., 1974): 27--52. Simmons, William. "Cultural Bias in the New England Puritans' Perception of Indians." The William and Mary quarterly 38, no. 1 (Jan., 1981): 56--72. Vogel, Dan. Indian origins and the Book of Mormon: religious solutions from Columbus to Joseph Smith. Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1986. Winthrop, John, Richard Dunn, James Savage, and Laetitia Yeandle. The Journal of John Winthrop 1630-1649.1790. Reprint, Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1996.