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THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY
Tradition Modernity and Urban Development
l
edited by
Vasser Elsheshtawy
I ~ ~ o ~ H : n ~ ~ : u p
LONDON AND NEW YORl(
Chapter 8
Manama: The Metamorphosis
of an Arab Gulf City
Mustapha Ben Hamouche
Bahrain is an archipelago of[hmy-sL'( s b n d ~ surrounding a mlin island protruding
from (he Arabian land mass into the Arab/Persian Gulf. The total land area of all
(he islands is about 700 km
2
of which the main island accounts for 90 per cent.
Manama, the clpical. is locared close on rhe northem coast of the main island.
overlooking [he Gulf
Despice the region's gener.llly harsh climate, in the northern part of the island
there is evidence of human se[t1ement dating back to the Bronze Age. More [han
100,000 burial mounds. some 5,000 years old, have been found in the north and
centre of the island but, unlike elrly settlementS III Mesopotamia, there is little
sign of intense urbanization.
Before the evolution of the present ru:in cHies of Manama and Muharr;;q
in around 1783, the island's mhabitantS were spread amongst some fifty small
setdements,l mostly villages and hamitcs, located both along the coasc and in the
interior of the island (Larsen, 1983; Khuri, 1980) . Until oil was discovered. the
economy depended mainly on the reasonable feniliry of[he land and rhe rich coral
which enabled fishing and pearling to Aourish.
This chapter is chronological so as co present [he successive development stages
of Mamma ofwhich three may be identified:
1. Autonomous urbanism, in which the cicy wa.s the outcome of nannal and
man-made factors.
2. Bureaucratic urbanism, in which the State, through political, administrative
and financial powers, became the major actor in the ciry.
3. Global urbanism, in which the nsing mula-national and financial organizations
became the major urban player in the ciry.
Each of these stages has a specific urban pntern chat co-exisrs with the others;
together they form the present suucrure of rhe cicy. The first, which [Q a large
MANAMA THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN AR4B GULF CfTY 1B5
Figure 8. t. Development of Manama from 1903 to 2006.
v
legend
2000
_2002
1990
1970
.1951
"' .1933
. 1903
, f
e>.:tent distinguishes (he old core, is characterized by incremental (orms and fraccal
geometry; the second, mostly found in the new extensiom., is characrerized by
Cartesian geometry; and (he rhird, which represents the recent rrend of mega
projects, is marked by coarse urban (orms aod monumental architecture (figure
8.1) . The aim of this chapter lS to show how these three stages arc: reAected in the
morphology of the present city.
Autonomous Urbanism
Early maps and phoros indlcare that the city of Manama grew by accretion
(M675.05: 1828; M675. 1O: 1862; and M67S.30: 1933).2 Despite (he presence ora
royal quarter in the city, known as Fareej al-Shuyukh (Abuzld, 1998), the fortress
and later the governor 's palaces, the city does not appear to have developed in
rhe same way as other royal cities of earlier Islamic eras, sLlch as Baghdad during
the Abbassid and Cairo during the Farimid periods. Environmentally, Manama's
development was inAuenced by the conditioos of site, such as climate, coastal
locuion, topography and warer supply. Socially, residential quarters reflected (he
different tribes and ethOfc groups who enjoyed a high degree of freedom and
autOnomy in theIr internal affairs. 10 (act, the organic development and complex
urban fabric of this ciry during the early suge of its development was an inreractlon
berween these factors which are described below (figure 8.2) .
The City and Its Setting
AJ though M.anama and Muharnq appear to be twin cities founded simultaneollsly,
186 THE EVOLVING ARAB CI1Y TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
~ l A J I j A M A J I
PI.Af'II Of" nOn AND T..O'Wff
,/
I
Figure 8.2. Manama In 1933 showing lhe morphology o( the old cicy during (he pre-oil era.
Muharraq (Ook [he lead because of ir.s defensive location and rhus became the
capital cicy. Thus Manama developed as a subordinate settlement and a g.Heway to
the main island. Its location on [he north-east tip, rogetherwith the Hidd and Abu
Maher fonresses, was part of an efficient defensive system conrrolling the marine
commercial trade in the ArablPersian Gul( which frequently passed through the
Bahrain bay (Walls, 1987, pp. 13-19). The old port, (he place on which the present
Bab-al-Bahrain building was erecred, thus seems to be the embryo of rhe city.
Besides chis strategic location, the site shaped [he cicy in various ways which are
still present in its morphology even today. With the waterfront as the baseline, early
growth (ook the shape ofa rough oval which extended incrementally east and west
along the coast, and more slowly, southwards In(O [he interior of the island.
Land, Water and Properly System
Besides fishing and pearling, daily life in Manama depended on agriculture and
an abundance of surface water res\llting (rom (he geological characteristics of
its setting (Larsen, 1983). [[S urban morphology seems therefore to have been
shaped by (he gradual dcvelopmem of the irrig.ltion system, land subdivision for
agriculrure and the tenancy system. Despite the lack of rain, many springs and
shallow wells provided the local communities v.:l(h sufficienr water for drinking
and irrig:tcion. The original urban nucleus evolved close (0 these sources such as
at fun MubaTJk, Ain Ali, Ain Quful and Ain Muqbil, Ain Muqsim,) or along their
screams (M675.05: 1825; M675.16: 1937) (Lorimer, 1908, p. 1161; Al-Araiyadh.
2006).
Two types of irrigation system existed. The first, known in me Gulf and Persia
as che fa/ag , consisted of underground channels which worked by gravitation to
IvlAN.AMA: Tl-iE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN AAAB GULF CrTY )87
drain water [rom an upper source co the lower cultivated land. \\!hen describing
Manama, Lorimer (1908, p. 1159) commented that a date grove towards the
American hospital appeared to be watered by aJalag from a spring in the Manama
Fon. However. due to the abundance o( springs, i( seems that surface irrigation.
known as seeb, saved local population from the heavy reliance on the more
sophisticatedJalog merhod (BGWO, 1916, p. 312; Belgrave, 1960, p. 130; Tailor,
1818; Durand, 187811879, p. 535). This second method consisted of Iifring water
from wells in goat skins either by animals or a counterpoise thus irrigating the
numerous palm groves. In the absence oC major topographical constraints and the
presence ofa smooth slope towards the sea, water channels ran parallel, all leading
to che coast and so shaped the fumre srreer network. Streams (rom Ain Muqbil and
Umm-Shuoom were a case in point. Similar traces cOllld still be seen on the 1970
map o(Manama (M67S.53: 1970).
The lines in figures 8.3a and b represent warer channels that would have
separared agricultural ploes, and so formed the property boundaries which
developed inca pathways.< Some of these lines extended as paths connecring the
cicy with the remote palm groves to the south and SOUth-east. Ocher paths, which
have now become major roads, linked the cicy to the remOte villages along the
nonhem coast, such as Jid-Hafs and Budaiyyc. and in the hinterland, slIch as RifTa
and Zallag, as shown on the map developed by Lorimer (1908). In other words.
Manama, like Other pre-industrial cities, would have been the market to which
fanners from remote villages transported rheir crops. It thus grew as an urban
centre on which a syscc:m of roads converged (Larsen, 1983, p. 119).
As che main crop was dares, space allowances for planting ofpalm trees, known
as IUlreem, S could also have regulated the width of plo(S, lines of properties and
the distance becween tv.ro streams. In 1956, a land unit, locally known as rnaghras,
- - - - - . - - - - - - - - . : . . - ' - - ~ ~ ........----'
Figure 8.la. Domi nant lines sbowing the early water canals nmning tOwards the se:l..
188 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNIn' ANO URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Figure 8.Jb. A lopognphic o( Toubh area, Bahrain, in 1970, showing lhe remaining canals
separating lhe I;md properries and running towards lhe sea
measuring 18 x 18 [2 (about 5.5 x 5.5 m
2
), was used to define the area for cultivating
one palm tree (BAR, Vol. VI, 1956, p. 77).
In Search of a
Srreer layout was determined by the need to provide shade and shelter from [he
heat and humidity TlInne.l-like srreets orieored nonh-sollth helped remove the
smells ofdried fuh in the bazau, a feature also found in old Kuwait (Broeze, 1997,
p 171). The predominantly north-westerly wind of rhe region, known as (he
shomol, blew through these streets and so reduced the effects of the long hoc and
humid summer. Shade was achieved through naJTOW and winding srreets. In the
case of wider sa-eets and open spaces sllch as the market, shade was provided by
cloth and other light fabric, so on a really hot day mey were the coolest places in
the town (Belgrave, 1960, p. 444) .
In houses, the use of wind towers, the famous technique to reduce thermal
discomfon imponed from Persia, conrinl1ed uncil rhe bte 1960s as old images
of Manama show (figure 8.4).6 These, together with the wide use of courtyards
within hotlses, enabled domestic activities 0 take place in comparative carn[on.
Palaces and wealchy houses, for instance, had several specialized courtyards, such
as the reception court, the business court, the kitChen court and the animal court
(Broeze, 1997, p. 176) .
Only wealthy merchants and members of the ruling family had houses built
in stone. Poor people lived in huts with sloping roofs, whose walls were of woven
MANAMA THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CiTY 189
Figure 8.4. The old district
of Man,Hll;! during early
19705 shOWl.ng the compact
urban fabric ch;\nnn;zmg
tbe traditional pre-oll cicy
palm fronds, known locally as baras/i. Barasli were not only low cost, but provided
good interior crossventilacion (Belgr:avE, 1960, p. 192; BGWO, 1916, p. 321) . As
early maps show (1933), Manama was surrounded by a ring of these dwellings
whlch accommodated low-wage labourers and new migrants. In 1959 there were
2,464 barasli out of a total of9,637 houses in Manama. By 1965 the number had
decreased to only 1,000, while the [Qui number of houses had increased to 11,909
units (BAR, 1965, p. 122). For the purposes of privacy, each barc1Sli srood within
a courryard and was surrounded by fences of upright palm fronds. Gradually,
with the increasing living $c.mdards, bue also because of frequent fires, these huts
were replaced by stone structures, cemented with mortar. Besides these technical
responses, people in very hoc seasons used to move away from the Clty to high lands
such as fuli and Riffa or to cooler places such as Adhari lake, and palm groves.
Trade, Fishing and Economic Subsistence
A regional economy based mostly on maritime activlties determined Manama's
destiny as a POrt cown and then a port city; several mutually supportive activlcies
- fishing, pearl-diving, shipping, shipbuilding, and trade - reflected this (Broeze,
1997, p. 152; Khuri, 1980, p. 36, Rumaihi, 1976, p. 39).
Pearl fishing was the backbone that made Manama one of the major poles in
190 THE ARAB CIT'{ TRADiTION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
the Persian Gulffor pearls and trading (Dana and Nugent, 1985 pp. 25-40) . fn
1907, there were 917 pcarling boats and employment [or 17,500 men. Bahrain was
also famous for its boat bUllding, an indllsuy [hat gave employment co about 200
CMpenters (Belgrave, 1960, p. 44D). In 190}-1904 nearly 130 boaes were purchased
by Qatar and Oman. Describmg che pore in the early 1900s, Lorimer (1908, p.
1266) stated that ie was very active, as nearly 100 ships entered and left daily.
Thus Manama had a mercantile tradicion which developed the institucions and
commercial experience of its IOGlI populacion. Insrirutions, such as Majlis al Urfi
(Customs Council) or Majlis al-Ttjarah (Trade Council), which were established to
settle dIsputes among merchants, reflect this.
The relatlonship with the sea and marine accivities has thus sITongly influenced
Manama's lIfban structure, and does much to explain (he city's form. Early maps,
(or instance, show the strong link becween (he quay extending into the sea and (he
bazaar, both ofwhich are located on the same axis. Besides the linear development
of the city along the coast, its north-south streets are directed perpendicularly to
the coastline.
The bazaar or 50Uq contamed about 450 shops, a central open area and a closed
markec for valuable goods, called Qissariya (Lorimer, 1908, p. 1162; BGWO. 1916.
p.320).
Manama's economic growth, as shown by che records of ruler's taXes on
revenues (rom pearl trade and the number ofboatS (rom (he late nineteenth century
onwards (Rumaihi. 1976. pp. 44-45), was reflected in continuous expmsion along
ehe coast, which reached the villages of Ras-Rllmman and Naeemon on either
side of the city. In 1905, its oval fonn extended 25 km along the coast and reached
300 m inland. Maps of Hemming (M675.1O: 1901-1902) and Lorimer (M675.18:
190+-1905) are very informative in this respect. To the south and beyond che sandy
belt, on which the present cemereries are located. land was predominantly used
(or palm grove cultivation. A network o( (ootpaths crossed these groves to link
the city (Q other coastal villages and water sources, such Juffair, Halat Bin-Anas,
AJ-Saqiyah, AI Gharayfa, AJ Adliyya, Al-Mahuz, AI-Jufair, Umm-al-Hasam on
east, and AI-QUflll, AJ-Zinj, and Al-Salihiyah on soum, all now part of today's city
(Khari, 1980. pp. 250-251).
Agriculture was another important economic sector for the local population.
Historical sources provide the distriburion pattern o( palm groves and the number
of rrees in each settlement. For example, abom 500 date palms belonged to (he
town proper and another 800 to che adjacent Naeem village; further to the south
east, Hoara and JutTair had 300 and 2,230 palms, respectively; and to (he west,
Jid-Hafs, Bani Jamra and Bi12d Al-Qadim had 16,500, 1,300, and 12,000 palms,
respectively (Lorimer 1908, pp. 212-230, 1161; BGWO, 1916, p. 318). Despite
the collapse ofagriculture, palm trees continued to shape the landscape of Bahrain
until the early 1980s. In 1974, for instance, the government counted 892,000 trees,
which represented 47 per cenc of che total number that formed the green belt along
the northern coast (AJ-KhaJifa, 1994).
MANAMA: THEMETAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 191
Social Structure and Spatial Organization
Despite the periodic ravages of epidemics and diseases, such as cholera and !11.1laria,
the population of Manama gn.'W steadily over rime (Faroughy, 1951, p. 20). From
1818 to 1905, the city passed (rom a small village of8,000 people to a sizeable [own
of25,000 (failor, 1818, p. 120; Lorimer, 1908, p. t 160). Its role JS J port city with.in
the GlIlf region made it a hub for rransnarional communities most ofwhich are now
represented to differing eXtents in the social fabric. Connections with other cities
and inland localities and the in-migT:Irion of labourers in search of a better living
continually shaped Manama's population which was rhus always characterized by
cosmopolitanism (Fuccaro, 2005: Onley, 2(05). The absence of a polirical centre
coupled with its sponcaneous development :lIang the coast expLai.n Manama's founda
non and development as an accretion o(labOllTers' houses and a market place.
7
In terms of religion, the cO-existence o( the two main branches ofIslam. Shia
and Sunni, may blur the real social mosaic [hat makes up the city. The Shia are
represented by sever.ll distinct groups: the Bahama, (he local people speaking
Arabic; the Ajam; the Persians; the Hasawis; and the Qatifs (Belgrave. 1960, p.
102). The Sumu are also made up ofseveral groups. mainly the Arab Bedouin tribes
who arrived with the ruhng family in the eighteenth century, and the Hawal:!, the
Arabic speaking Persians who 3re mostly merchants and who still keep in rouch
with their origlns in Persia. Each of (hese groups comprised large families that
had specific features distinguishing (hem (rom the ochers (Khuri, 1980, pp. 4--5).
These two branches of Tslam also co-existed in Manama with other non-Muslim
entitles such as Oriental Christians, Indians of varioLls sects. and Jews (Lorimer.
1908, p. 1160; Qubaln, 1955). Such a mosaic was further enhanced by the arrival of
other communities, inirially as a consequence of economic prosperity, later due to
the geopolitical context which characterized the colorLial period (Fuccaro. 2005) .
The physical impact o( this strucrure was evident in the morphology of the
ciry which was subdivided into many quarters. locally called foreeq (pI. filfgan) . In
1919. the city comprised fourrc:en quarters: Bada', Barr, Dawarbah, Dawawdah.
A1-Fadhel, Hammam, Hacab (Suq-A1), Haiyak, HawalJh, lana'at. Mukharqah,
Mishbar, Shuyukh md Abu-Surra (Lorimer, 1915, p. 1161). This Sm1crure seems
to have connnued and further developed prior [0 administTJtive reforms and the
discovery of oil in the 1930s (Fuccaro, 2000, p. 67).
The names of the city'S qUarteTS had various origlos. Some, such as Al-Fadhel.
Shuyukh and Hawalah. were m.med after (heir residents' ethnicity, others, such
as Mukharqa and Haiyak and E-larab, took the name of the cnfts or commercial
activities which were camed out there. Often the boundaries of chese quarters
overlapped with the main streets, a f.:lct chat motivated some academic studies for
their reconstrllction (Fuccaro, 2000, p. 67; Mandeel, 1992, p. 159). However. the
mosalC character of Manama's social structure and its developmenr as a CIty of
workers have blurred (he boundaries and reduced the degree ofsepara(ion of these
quarters.
\92 THE EVOLVING ARAB CIll'- TRADITION, AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
As is the case with most other Muslim residential quarters enjoyed an
autonomous internal life that was reflected in the decentralized socio-political
syseem.
8
Such a structure, used as a support for rhe British 'divide-and-mle' policy;
has also been adopted in the modem municipal organization. During (he eiecrions
of 1945, (he city was subdivided into wards of nearly equal population, for the
selecoon of representative members of the Municipal council (BAR, Vol. VII,
1956, p. 80).
A( ehe individual level, freedom to build seems to h.ave shaped the architecture
and planningofeach quarter. Houses. through (heif diversity, reAected individuals'
actions and an incrementJl process of development which was determined by
local customs and the know-how of masons, craftsmen and laymen (Hakim,
1994). Disputes among neighbours and p;nmers were often solved amicably
in (he gathering places, in the presence of orher community members
9
At the
second stage, they were brouglu (0 [he Sheikhs and judges for decision according
to Islamic law and local customs. Two supreme judges, one Sunni and one Shia,
were nominated for (his purpose, while there were many others of a lower rank
in Vlllages and Other localities. When describing (he shife from the m.ditional
jurisdiction syseem to a centralized pro-Western one in Manama, Charles Belgravc
noted that ' ... disputes (wereJ no longer serried by private arbitration, and the
courts [were1resorted (0 on the least provocation' (RB, Vol. 5, 1932-1942. p_ 633).
There was a significant increase in the number of court cases involving boundary
dIsputes, disagreements over wl(cr nghts, and hOllses overlooking one another
(BAR, Vol. I, 1924-1937, p. 364; Belgrave, 1972, p. 76; ]{halifa, 2000, p. 92).
Bureaucratic Urbanism
The original autonomous urbanism was gradually but firmly replaced by a
bureaucratic system along with the increasing involvement of the British Imperial
administraoon in (he internal affairs of the cicy (Bell-Hamouche, 2004). Before
the Protectorace Treaty, which was officially established in 1892, British mterests
in BahraIn were mainly commercial and were little concemed with local affairs
(Rumaihi, 1976, pp. 9-14; Khuri, 1980, p. 86; Lawson 1989, pp. 27-46). The
Strategic location of Bahrain in the Gule coupled with tbe continuous threatS from
other colonial superpowers, motivated the British to make the small city a regional
capical for Arabia, and a model [or the local socierie5, a fact which significantly
influenced its furure urban development (RE, Vol. 4,1923-1932, p. 573) . Manama
was (hen considered as a regional port cicy and a residence of the Political Agent
from which trade and political affairs in the Gulfwere conducted mgether.
The urban impact of this geopolitical role became evident from 1919 onwards
in the gradual and comprehensive administrative re[onns which covered CUStOms,
justice, police, and local mam_gement. By this date, the city had come under a
municipal authority and 3 years later its bnd renure was subjected to a registrarion
system which covered the temtory of Bahrain following (he national land survey
MANAIv1A: THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY , 93
launched in 1934 (BAR, 1934--1935, p. 539; uwson, 1989, p. 42; Fuccaro, 2000,
p.57) .
The: bureaucratic system then expanded in all Jspecrs dUring the Bntish
presence. Many departments -reflecting this expansion, sllch as Public Works,
Agriculture, ElectriCIty, Water Supply and later on Housing and Physical Planning,
were insralled (Belgrave, 1960, pp. 42-45)10
Fifty years later, this sophisticated bureaucratic system passed to the Bahraini
government when the country gained independence in 1971. Like many
developing countries on independence, the inherited adminisrrative structure was
maintained. In the case of Bahrain the oil-based economy continued to flourish,
thanks to the expanding international oil market, and development, reAecting the
m:.rriage of bureaucracy and oil-based economy, continued in rhe same pattern.
Politically, Khuri (1980) suggests chat Bahrain witnessed d shift from a tribal
system to a modem State rhrough a p r o c e ~ s of adaptation, while uwson (1989)
considers the event as a mere modernization of autocracy. "Vhatever the case, the
bureaucratic urban pattern seems to have kept its essence during these major
political and economic changes.
Manama under the British Authority
The urban impact of the British colonial authorities on Manama could be summed
lip as [he ever-increasing involvement of the public authorities in shaping the city
and the simultaneous shrinking of rhe previous autonomous system.
The discovery of oil in 1931 \'\':1,'; a rurning point in the intensity of bureaucracy
as a resule of the increase in finanCIal resources on one hand and the collapse of
rhe private economic sector, based as it had been on agriculrure and rhe pearl trade,
on the other. In the early stages, 1931-1936, oil contributed only moderately co
the toral income of Bahrain, representing arollnd 30 per cem of the government
income. After 1937, however, it Increased to 6S per cent, and so helped to reinforce
the hegemonic policies of the British authom)'.
In conrrast to other forms of colonialism, rhe French in Afnca and SpaOlsh
in South America for instance, a magic fonnula was invented by the British
authorities in Bahrain and other parts of rhe Empire. As a compromise between
full domination, which ensures Imperial interests, and indirect control, which
masks the presence of che colonial power, Bahrain was placed under an advisory
political system which was then extended co other Gulfcounuies (HJworrh, 1929,
p. 502; Rumaihi, 1976, p. 227). Polincal agenlS were continuously concerned
with keeping the British presence low profile. On expressing chIS concern, F.
Johnson, the Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, noticed a growing British
interference in the Bahrain administration that was incongment with the ' policy
of avoiding undue westernization ofBahralO'. Such a tendency was confirmed by
che Deputy Secretary to the Govemment of India, J.c. Acheson who scated chac
' ... (he introduction of reforms in Bahrain was originally intended only La remove
194 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADfTlON, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
the worst features of Arab misrule', However, ' the process [today] has overrun
its limited objectives, There are in Bahram today a British Financial Advisor, a
Bntish Police Officer and a British Customs Officer, that is actually more British
administration than in an ordinary lndim State".' (RD, Vol. 4. 1929, p. 538) .
Regulations and Municipality: New Tools for Ruling
The autonomous sys(Cm, mainly based on IslamIC law, community structure and
freedom of action of the individual, was gradually but radically overwhelmed by
Western bureaucracy through a comprehensive reform [hat took place from 1919
onwards (BAR, 1931-1932, p. 364; Khalifa, 2000, p. 92).'1 Reforms covered major
partS of public life such as justice, the pearl trade and custOms. Describing the
impact of the reform of the courts on the local society, Belgrave mentioned that
during rhe las[ 30 years of the British presence, there had been significant changes
in Bahrain, and life had become very complex. Privace arbitration in daily disputes
was replaced by legal aerion in court and regulations regarding building permits,
cax collection and setback standards for road width gradually developed along with
che direct involvement of the municipality in the daily affairs of the cicy (RB, Vol.
5, 1938, p. 633).
The divide-and-rule policy fed by the community divisions was camouflaged
by the pretext ofjustice and equity (Fuccaro, 2005, p. 4D). Minorities were gradually
empowered at the expense of the ruling family and their allied tribesmen. A council
of eIght lO ten members, half of whom were appointed by the Bricish Political
Agent, was formed (Khuri. 1980). In 1951, It was further extended lO twenty-four
members representing the spectrum of sects and nationalities such as Sunni Arabs,
Shia Arabs, Sunni Persians, Shia Persians, Hindus, Jews, Muslim Indians and
Saudi Arabs living 111 the cicy: The territory of the city was divided into seven wards
each of which was represenced by one or cwo elected members according to the
number of inhabitants in the ward (RE, Vol. 6, 1942-1950, pp. 76-77) . EleCtions
and representatives were continually a matter of dispute and there were clashes
berween different sectS in which the British became the master arbiter. WhjJe the
power of merchants and local popularion was eroded due to the new world trade
conteXI, the collapse of the pearl trade and of agriculcure (Khuri, 1980, p. 254;
Al-Tajir, 1987, pp. 52-960), the enormous financial resources generated by the oil
crade further reinforced the growing bureaucratic machinery.
A flow of information in re1:uion to the regulations and administrative
measures taken by the municipaliry are documented in the Records of Bahrain.
The boundaries of the municipality (or ox collection and council action as well
as bye-Jaws were defined as early as 1921 (RB, Vol. 3, 1892-1923, p. 648; Khalifa,
2000, p. 473). However, in 1957 the bound:lry ofthe municipality was pushed back
to include all [he villages on the western side of]uiTair Road, up to the sOllq - al
Khamis and (he area north of Awali Road lip co Sambis, including Budayye Road
(BAR, 1957, p. 53) . The boundaries were defined by the coastline on the nonh and
Iv1ANAMA: THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARA8GULF CITY 195
east, and a series of scone pillars consrructed by the municipality in both Manama
and M uharraq (BAR, Vol. ], 1934-1935, p. 548).
The municipality was in charge of cleaning, maintaining and controlling the
internal ro;;\ds and streets as well as providing fire services and inspection of food,
shops and markets. The fees for these services were covered through a sysrem of
taxes fixed on each house and shop. Gradually, municipal duties were expanded
to include inspection of building conStructIOn and road surfacing. According to
the municipal bye-laws, no building work was to begin withom the prior sanction
of the chief of the municipaliry. New incomes were also generated through taxes
fixed on new houses 2nd shops (RE, Vol. 6, 1942-1950, pp. 65().....657). In 1956,
sources ofche municipality revenues were as follows: 40 per cent from shop taXes;
40 per cent ITom house t.a.\:es; 10 per cem from government subsidies; and 3 per
cent (rom rent of municipal properties (BAR, Vol. V, 1956, p. 28) .
In rbe early 19605 many other works were undertaken by the municipality
for aesthetic and enterc.ainmem purposes. Gardens, avenues of trees along major
roads, and cemetery walls (0 prevent dogs from digging up graves, improved the
image of the city facing the desert in the sourh.
Land Registration
Land tenure, despite its political sensitivity in the local context, was a major
concern of the British authorities and was debated as early as 1923. Registration
of land and verification of ownership began in 1925-1926. Ie was immediately
followed by the creation ofa Land Department (Rumaihi, 1976, p. 52). A thorough
sllrvey which lasted 6 years covered all properties and legal issues. The collection
of aerial photOgraphs and maps, going from 1934-1935 CO 1970, made by Jarman
(1996) showed the increasingconcem of the authorities for rhe control ofland and
hence, the territory and the sociery. ElCh ploc was identified through a government
title deed containing details of tenancy, boundaries, measuremenrs and special
conditions such as W<lcer. On the reverse of rhe sheet, a plan of the property was
drawn. Despite some fluccu.ation, registration continued until the last days of the
colonial administration. Records of BahrJin show that from 1926 to 1946 there
were 12,111 Dele deeds issued, while [rom 1946 to 1956, the number dropped co
9,246 rides (RB, Vol. 4,1923, p. 187; 13AR, Vol. VII, 1956, pp. 74-77).
One direcr consequence of this procedure was th;;t all unclaimed land passed
(0 the goverrunent, a condItion which deprived some mdividuals of the land they
acquired by inheritance and extended [he sphere of influence ofthe administrative
machinery. Mechanisms of Ihiya, the righr of individuals in Islam to develop un
owned land, which had existed in all Muslim cities, were implicitly abolished
(Akbar, 1988, p . 48).
RegisrraClon procedures also showed a shifr in land ownership which was [0
have an undesired socia-politlcal impact. Due to the collapse of the date trade,
much agriculruralland was sold at low prices, giving the wealthy group of the new
196 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Persian migrants an opportunicy to acquire assets. Consequently, a corrective rule
promulgated in 1939 forced Persians living in Bahrain either [Q obtain Babraini
natiom.lity or sell their properties, other than their houses Jnd places of business
(BAR, Vol. VII, 1956, pp. 74--77; Fuccam. 2005. pp. 45--49; RlImaihl. 1976. p. 52).
However, this regulanon did not end rhe trend. Many parcels were sold by
members of the ruling family to the new elite of wealthy merchants. a fact chat
increased the proporrion of privJte property in the cicy (Rumaihi. 1976, p. 52;
Fuccaro. 2005. pp. 42--44). The shift cominued as a result of the developmem of
the moncLlry economy which began just before the oil era. The decline in the date
mJrker. as dates ceased to be a main const1tuent in the Bahraini diet, allowed many
people (0 purchase large dace groves and transfonn them into private gardens.
Over time these groves were developed into pnvate housing and investment sites.
For insonce, between 1952 and 1959 the number of vegetable gardens increased
(rom 150 to 576 (Rumaihi. 1976, p. 52). A map of Manama in 1946 (M. 675.32)
shows such a shift in real estate on the Olltskjns of the cily. Many large private
gardens known as Diilab.
12
such as the Dulab(s) o( Madan, Mansoor al-Aryad.
Muhammad Klmnji, Al-Fadhel bin-Muhanna, and Gasaibi gardens, and Hutat Ali
Abul. surrounded the governor's palace. This shift in land ownership was to have
an impact on the development of Manama and seems co have prevented the public
authorities (rom underulcing major urban extensions and developments on the
new fringes of the city.
Reclamation Work
The increase in amount ofland in private ownership coupled \'Vith the absence of
major topographic constraints led co land reclamation co enable new development.
A ~ most ofBahrain is tlat, w:lrer was the major obstacle (or the urban development
of Manama. Cn 1965, a plarming study showed that in addition to the 676lan
2
of
existing land, a further 274 km" could be gained (hrough reclamation (BAR, 1965,
p. 95). Within the main island, swamps covered considerable areas due to the
abundant springs and tidal Rows . For insrance, Umm al-Hasam, an area now part
of Manama. was described in 1818 as a large island (Orally detached from the main
island (failor, 1818. p. 113). Some lagoons were turned into public gardens such as
Andallls Garden and Water Garden.
In addItion (0 the need for land for development. reclamation work was also
undertaken for health reasons. The combination of high humidiry and heat
exacerbated the spread of many diseases and epidemics in Bahrain, such as malaria
and cholera. Tailor (1818. p. 120) described Manama as a place where cholera
epidemics had decimated the populacion. And nearly a century later, in 1904, it
was reported thar 3,000 people fell ill and 2,000 died (Mahdi. 1994. p . .37).
Early reclamation work took place around the pier (0 increase irs area and
improve landing and shippIng of cargos. urge ships had difficulty in approaching
the city because ofshallow water excepc at high water seasons (Tailor, 1818, p. 113).
/
~ \ I A M A ' THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 197
A scheme was approved by the Bricish government in India in 1903 for reclamation
(RE, Vol. 3, 1903, p. 561). By 1923 a hump-like line beIWeen the sea and (he cicy
had been created that became a sea road, now called Shari' al-Hukuma . Successive
projectS were carried out on both sides of [he port where most of the new public
buildings and offices were built. By 1967, an area of8,400 m
2
along the sea TOJd,
east of the Customs House had been reclaimed. Consequently, the sea which
originally reached the foot of the main gate. Bab-ai-Bahrain. was pushed back 200
m, providing more space for public facilities (figure 8.5) . At the back of (he present
Municipaliry building, stagnant pools which were an eye sore and danger co [he
public health (BAR, 1934-1935, p. 548) were filled-in in 1967 to establish a new
bus park which is scill in use (BAR, 1967, p. 116).
The presentsuburban areas in Manama. such as Hura, Mahuz and Qudhaibiyya,
owe their existence to the successive reclamation works. For technical and he;alth
reasons, early reclamacion works were carried om by the hygiene service of che
municipality. Thousands of cubic metres of town rubbish once collected were
discharged into marshes and then wefe covered with earth and sand (BAR, 1956.
Figure 8.5. From (he top leff, clockwise. aenal photos ofMaruma dunng Ihe years 1951, 1m, 1980
and 2002 showing the reclamation works and mges of growth.
198 THE EVOLVING ARAB CllY. TRADITION, MODERNllY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
p. 81) . A sea wall was first constructed around the area in order to prevent (he
encroaclunent by the sea. In 1957, around 1.5 million m
J
of refuse were removed
and used to reclaim land from the sea at Hoora, (BAR, 1957. p. 53). Work at the
same location continued until 1967 (BAR, 1967, p. 26). Similarly, Umm-Ghuraifa
sea shore wimessed cominuous work from 1963 to 1968 (BAR, 1963. p. 60; 1967,
p. 26; 1968, p. 77).
Reclaimed land was considered as government property and most was used
for public projects. However, when compared \\lith (he old urban fabric, (he new
areas are often developed at a low-density with free-standing public bttilding5
surrounded by greenery, and thus denoting uneconomic use.
Planning and Design of the Road Network
One of the challenges which faced the urban fabric of old Manama W;;!s the advent
of [he motor car. Its use by British officers. members of the ruling family and
J few wealthy tradesmen gave the roads a priority over other aspects of urban
development and planning. Widening roads in the old city and the development of
the national network linking the city wich the ot.her settlements wok place as early
as che arrival of the first car in 1914. AI the cicy level, a shift in road pactem from
the irregular fonn to straight arteries and a grid layout was an evident sign of this
influence. a model due spread to ocher Gulf cities sllch as Riyadh,Jeddah, Kuwait,
and Dubai later.
The continuous increase in the number of cars from 395 in 1944, to 3,379 in
1954, and then to 18,372 in 1970 focused urban development on the extension
of the road network, widening of carriageways and the eSlablishmenr of more
parking places. Motorization has thus been (be driving force which dominated the
planning ofextensions. new settlements as well as the old core. Many tracks which
can be seen to the pre-oil period maps (M675.18: 1904-1905) have gradually been
surfaced, widened and rumed into arteries. Within the city, the market area, che
50Uq, was the place to start. Its main artery was subjected to successive 'surgical'
operations to widen its main road by demolishing encroaching houses. Its smail
shops gradually rumed into wide oncs Vlith glazed [;l(;ades (BAR. Vol. r, 1930, p.
165) .
On the outskirts, Sllccessive extensions of the ClCY can be easily traced back
oVling to the road system as shown in figure 8.6. Two types of roads can be
identified from the map: ring roads and roads in finger-like patterns. Ring roads
on the east side - namely Isa-al-Kebir Avenue (built in the 1930s). Palace Avenue
(19505), Exhibition Avenue (l960s), and finally AJ-Fatih Highway (1980s) - have
been constructed by successively pushing back [he coastline and extending thc
cicy area in belt-like forms. To (he north, the foreshore, which was defined by
Government Avenue in the 19205, by the early 19305 had been shifced to a new sea
road, now known as King Faisal Road which has become (he coascal edge of the
city. Ring roads. following the oval form of che core, were built in response to the
MANNIIIA 1l-1E METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 199
Figure 8.6. Development of Manama road syscem 1903-2006.
u;i1nc congestion thar arose in the city centre where most public services, banks
and commercial aCtivities were located .
The finger-like pattem of roads converging on the old core ensured rhe link
between Manama and ocher areas of (he Island. They grJ.dually restructured the
sprawl and generated a linear urban development which conditioned the land
use of future extensions. While plots located along these arteries were subject to
intensive use, empty pockets in inrersritial spaces, some of which still maintained
their agricultural character, remained undeveloped. To che east, Manama had
been linked to Muharraq, the fanner capital, via a traditional causeway since 1929
(Buhajji, 1998, p. 70;]arman, 1996, p. 14). A new causeway was builc in 1941 to
replace (he old wooden bridge. The intensity of traffic between the two cities then
grew continuously, especially after (he development of the airport on Muharraq
island which came into service in 1932, the date of (he firsc flight. Urban sprawl
from both sides of the bay continued to shrink [he between the cwo
cities.
To the south, the large groves, lagoons and marshes in Hoora, Adlyia (formerly
known as Zulm-Abad), Qodaibiya and jufiair areas, were pierced [0 link the
remote villages to the cicy. Villages and hamlets. such as Mahooz, Umm-Shuum,
Suqaya. Ghuraifa, and Halat-bin-Anas, were (he end points of the new arteries.
Other recent attraccion poles such as (he Old and New palaces in Qodaibiya,
the British military base (RAF) in julTair, and later on, the new Salmaniyyc port
at the extreme south opposite co (he old one, have been linked co old Manal11.1 by
Shaikh Isa, A1-Mutanabbi, Al-Adliyya and jufTair north-sourh Avenues. To the
wesc, a new road pierced the green belt towards Budaiyye village, (he eXtreme
point of the isbnd.
200 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
From as early as 1919 the increasing concentracion of social services and
employment opportunitIes in Manama attracted the populations of remote
villages, such as Budaiyye, Aali and Riffa, and turned them into dormitories
(Khuri, 1980, p. 254). Under the pressure of-commuting, tracks were gradually
turned into roads, then highways .
Compulsory purchase procedures were incroduced to enable the building of
new roads and the Wldening of exiscing ones. In 1930, fOLlr houses south of the
British Agency garden were purchased and demolished in order to stan a nonh
sourh road passing by the Agency encrance (BAR, Vol. I, 1930, p. 291). In 1963, an
imporunt widening operation and compensation took place on Tljjar, Sheikh A1
Khalifa, Jasim A1-Mehza, and Sheikh Abdulhh roads in Manam;). (BAR, Vol. VII,
1963, p. 61) . However, in the absence of major topographical constraints, the high
cost of compeoSd.tion in such operations seems to have determined the routes of
some roads ;md explains the segmentation, irregularicy and curving ofsome major
roads such as Palace, A1-Adliyya, Bani Utbah and Umm-Al-Hasam Avenues.
In order to ensure smooth traffic flow and avoid hotspots at intersections, a
system of roundabouts was adopted in the early 1960s. The first were in Ras
Rumman, opposite the British Agency and in Salmaniyye, opposite the present
Ministry of Health (Buhajji. 1989, p. 64); by the end of the 1970s there were forty
in the coumry.
Managing the Extensions of the City
Unlike most old Muslim cities, including neighbouring ones such as Riyadh
and Kuwait, and co some extent Muharraq,lJ which were surrounded by ciry
walls well into the twentieth century, Manama seems to have been without
walls for far longer (Abu Hakima, 1965) . The statement of Belgrave (RB, Vol. 3,
1923, p. 76), confirming the existence of a ciry wall in 1819, is thus doubcful as
there is no archaeological or historical evidence to suppOrt itY However, earlier
maps such as (M675 .05) drawn in 1825 show chat the city had clear edges that
contrast it to its rural surroundings. The coastline defined the city's border to
the north and east, while burial mounds and palm groves defined its western
and southern boundaries. With the exception of rhe Qala't aI-Bahrain fort, bllilt
during the Portuguese period (Belgrave, 1952. pp. 61-63), there seems to be no
ocher building outside this boundary. Maps show the existence of the American
Mission house builc in 1892 and rhe Bntish Agency built in 1900 partly on
reclaimed land outside the urban edge 0arman, 1996, p. 9). Early extensions
(0 Manama seem thus to be the spontaneous, engulfmg adjacent villages, Ras
Rumman and Naeem, 011 both sides, (M675.16: 1933).
The first plan rung action appears to have been In 1923 when a new village was
created in open desert between rhe British Agency and the American Mission. A
Persian community was moved, probably for health reasons, from a hut village
named Zulmabad (Land of Injustice) to the new area (RB, Vol. 4, 1923, pp.
MANAMA' THE META'v10RPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CffY 201
195-198) which was then Adl-abad and later Adliyya. This first subnrban
area was described as being covered with fine houses belonging to well-to-do
Arabs and Persian merchants, and as h..Jving good roads (RB, Vol. 4, 1923, p. 196).
Such an eA"lension appears to have pushed back the perimeter of [he city tOwards
the cwo ocher coastal villages, Halat Bin-Iswar and Halat Bin-Anas, mentioned in
Lorimer's map drawn in 1904 (M675.18).
Despite the heavy involvement of the Bril1sh Agency in the local affairs of
Bahrain, [he developmenc of Manama does noc reflect a clear structural plan. Its
growth was a combinacion of major public anions and small, incremental private
actions. The terms 'town planning' and 'building regulatiom' appeared in
the Annual Report documents in 1965 and 1966, while the Physical Planning
Unit was established in 1968 (BAR, Vol. VII, 1965, p. 95; 1966, p. 107; 1968, p.
4) . Despite the ordered rings that show the successive eALensions, construction
took place in a sprawling form that often preceded the planning of roads. Many
scattered hamlets grew prior to [he planning process and gave rise to fragmented
development of rhe ci(}'. some new areas sllch as Qodhaibiyya
(1937-1938), Ghufool (l960s) .md Khodhor (1963), which are characterized by
their grid pattern, witnessed an intensive planning process (BAR, 1956; Jarman,
1996, p. 28) . For instance, in 1946, land in Qodhaibiya disrncr was planned with
wide straight roads and sold (0 (he public for development (BAR, 1956; 1963, pp.
60-61) .
Extensions to the soum-ease corner of the island started from (he former
villages of Juffair and Ghuraifa, where the cap-like site called 'Essex Point' was
selected for the establishment of the British military headquarters in 1927 and
itS development in 1935 Garman, 1996, pp. 14,27; Fuccaro, 2005, p. 50). Due to
its strategic loarion, the JutT2ir ;;Irea was selected by the Royal Navy [or a Rest
House and a pier as early as 1933 Garman, 1996, p. 15). Similarly, a few hundred
mecres to the south, another pier on the map (M675.16: 1933) had increasingly
witnessed marine activities. In 1962, it was tumed offICially into a new harbour,
now called Salman Port, with docking faciliries for up ro SL'( large ocean-going
ships and eX(ensive warehousing. lL thus replaced the old porr in Mmama which
wasjudged unsuitable as a deep-water anchorage (Rumaihi, 1976, p. 62) . The [wo
developmentS became major atrractors for urbanization (0 the south. They were
then linked to the Old Manama ;;Ind fonned the soUthern suburbs.
To the west, another road linked Manama to Riffa, the former headquarters
of the ruling family, beyond which [he desert dominated the territory. In this
direction, Manam:l. wimessed COllnnuous sprawl along the fertile coastal green
belt. The main track connecting the "-illages of Sanabis, Jidd Hafs, Diraz and
Budaiyye became a spine [or commuting to and [rom Manama. The :l.rtraction of
the city coupled wieh the collapse ofagriculture and the flourishing oil indusny and
monetary economy gradually led to ehe interconnection of these settlements and
their attachment to the city. Table 8.1 shows the populanon growth in Manama,
whIle table 8.2 shows thar of expa[riates borh as a percentage of rhe popularion.
202 THE ARAB CITY. TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Table 8.1
Ytoar 1941 1950 1959 1965 1971 1981
Populanon of Manama 27835 39648 61726 79098 88785 121986
TOL1 1 population of
Bahrain
89970 109650 143135 182203 216303 .350457
Manama populallon
as a percentage of
total
31 36 43 43 41 35
SOUfres: Rum:uht, 1976, p. 24, Lawson, 1989, p. 12; BAR, Vol. lll. 1959, p. 7.3.3.
Table 8.2.
1941 1950 1959 1965 1971 1981
Bahr.linis 7404<l 91179 118734 143814 178393
Non-Bahraints 15930 18471 244(l1 38389 37910
Toul Popularion 89970 109650 143135 182203 216303 350457
Bahraims as a percentage 17.70 16.85 17.05 21.07 17.53
of toul populallon
Sourrcs: Rllma1l11. 1976, p. 24: Lawson, 1989, p.12; BAR, Vol. V11, 1959, p. 73.
Housing Policy
f'
HOllsing delivery was initially based on the land market and private <lecion rather
than the direct involvement of ehe government. Stone houses gradually replaced
the large area of huts surrounding the ciry. Fires that often happened during
the dry windy months of May and June pushed the authonties ro plan for (heir
replacement. U neil the mid-1960s Manama comprised 2,464 bamsti houses (BAR,
Vol. VII, 1965, p. 120). However, in 1961 for inscance, 440 barnsli hOllses were
destroyed and many others were deliberately pulled down for b.r of fire (BAR,
Vol. VI, 1961, p. 62).
Early hOllsing policy consisted of the sale of plor:s of land acquired through
reclamation. from ruler's propenies or [rom un-owned parcels. However, despite
the powerful administrative system, private bUIlding dcvelopmenc and land
speculation were so rapid that ehe mUnicipality Jose control of new developmencs .
Buildings were often ereceed prior (0 any urban infrascructure. A map from 1938
1939 sho\.VS, for inscance, the w.lter supply system for Manama which was adapted
co [he ex:isting urban fabric (M675.32).
Publlc housing also increased in accordance with ehe growth in the expJ.triate
workforce, mose of whom were employed by the govcmmenr in areas such as
health, the army, police, the oil industry and teaching. For instance, the growth
of rhe police force required [he expansion of the headquarters located close to the
Old Fan and bungalows for European police officers were consrruc[ed in 1955
(BAR. Vol. V, 1956, p. 30).
MANA'.', : THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARABGULFCrTY 203
During the 1960s, public housing became part of the urban policy which
ina-oduced apartment buildings. I.n 1963, Manama comprised 8,341 ordinary
stone houses and 959 flats in addition to 1,456 shops and mixed premises (BAR,
Vol. VII, 1963, p. 63). For insWlce, ird960 fifry new houses were builr as labourers'
accommodation, adding to the existing 196 (BAR, Vol . VI, 1960, p. 49).
From 1963 onwards the Stare became the major provider of social facilities and
housing and a welfare policy aimed at achieving socialjusrice and increasing living
standards was adopted. Many programmes were launched throughout Bahrain
to meet the housing needs of both expatriates and locals. fu a means of relieving
congestion in M4nama, many 10C<lJ families were gramed housing units in the
new settlements, for instance in Isa New Town. However, the old core, which
maintained its acrraccion as a business and service centre, gradually became an area
of low-income rental hOllsing.
In architecture, the new Western styles such as the flats for labourers, rhe
Awali bungalows for European expatriates, and Isa New town designed by British
planners and architects served as J. reference for the local population (Faroughy,
1951, p. 20) . From this period onwards modem architecture dominated both new
hOllsmg schemes and private hOllse design.
Services, Utilities and Social Facilities
The growth of bureaucracy GIO be rraced through the expansion of public
buildings in Manama. The nucleus of the administration was initially based in
twO main buildings, [he Municipalicy and the British Agency. Gradually it was
reinforced by other offices such as the Police, Customs, Courts, and Postal Service
most ofwhich were located on reclaimed land near (he main gate of the city. fu an
image of the administTacive reforms, a grandiose political dismCt, known as Bab
ai-Bahram, was then created. M:;!jor government offices were designed around a
formal plaza on which converge in a 'T' form the main road from the bazaar. the
pier and the cwo pans of the new Government Road. A monumental arch was
ereCted bridging the cwo sides of the main road tOwards the souq along which
luxurious shops were opened (BAR, Vol. VIII, 1942-1947, p. 79) (figure 8.711 and
b). Despite the rradioonal clements which ch2racterize the building and made of it
a landmark and logo of Bahrain, ie contrasts starkly with the existing morphology
and local architecture. Its formal architecture opposes the traditional, organic form
and it stands as a screen covering the old town when approached {rom (he sea.
Sired in tbe face of the prevailing wind, it depnves the streets {rom the breezes, and
caused climatic discomfort in the old core during the long hot humid season.
The govemment's efforts to provide utilities such as electricity, water supply
and drainage, coupled with the health measures to combat epidemics and health
hazards, gre..J.dy improved living standards in Manama. However, the recourse to
large-scale technology had deeply marked the landscape of the city. Power stations
such as Stations A Band C and water towers, such as Mahooz tank which is
204 THE EVOLVING ARAB CliY: TRADInON, MODERNllY ANO URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Figure S.7a. Aerial view of Bab aI-Bahrain ga te showing the elrly political and ldminisrrative
dlscnCI in Manama_
...--... __t ..... eJ


,------

-"""
,------
& A
Figure S.7h. Plan of Bab ll-Bahrain gate shOWing {he early political and ldminlsrnllve district m
MlnJrna_
23 m high a capacity of750,OOO gallons, occupied large plots in the suburbs of
Mamma and dominate the skyline (BAR, VoL vrII, 1968, p. 138).
Social facilicies also reflect (0 a large extent the direCt involvement of the
government in Manama's urban development and th.e domination ofthe urbanism
ofbllfeallcracy. Educa(ion moved from small Islamic schools of fifteen to twenty
fAANAMA: TilE IviU AMORPHOSIS OF AN AMB GULF CITY 205
pupils, which were scattered all over the city, to a few large, modem instirucions.
Early schools were eStablished as pnvate initiatives, mostly reflecting ethnic and
religious slructures. The first Western schools which opened in Manama were
. , founded by the American Mission In 1892 for girls ;md in 1905 for boys. This
was followed by the Persian minonty school which opened in 1910. A Sunni and
an Arab Shia school opened consecutively in 1921and 1927 (Rumaihi, 1976, pp.
115-121). In order to overcome social disputes, promote female education and
conrrol social movementS, a committee was formed to llnify education and make
it a sector of govemmeJ1[. At [he phYSICal level, the groWIng number of schools,
mostly concentrated in Manama, had deeply affected land use in terms of space
and the generanon of rraffic (BAR, Vol. V, 1956, pp. 84-9}) (figure 8.8) .
Figure 8.8. Zahn. Manama
and Iranian Schools ill the
hem of the old urban fabric
showing (Ile conmsl in
typology and sIze.
Since the early days of British administration, health care facilities were
provided to local popularions suiTering from epidemics and acuce diseases.
They were linked to missionary works; early hospitals - the American Mission
(1892) and VictOria Hospitals (1900) - were aruched to churches and educational
facilities. They were, however, located on the outSkirts of the old cicy where
space was available. Other health ccnues such as the women's hospital, isolation
hospital, governmem hospitals and chilies, were developed in Manama's suburbs
and thus furthe.r expanded the CIty (A1-Khali(a, 1986).
Financial institlltions re.prcselH another side of Manama' s urban development.
Since the pre-oil era, the city developed as a financial centre which flourished
under the pearl rrade. The prosperity of the at! economy, whichjumped from 32.6
per cent of (he total revenues in 1935-1936 to 64.3 per cent in 1936-1937, cOllpled
with the massIve presence of expatriates, most of whom transferred their money
outside Bahrain, generated many offshore banks in Manam;) (Rumaihi, 1976, p.
75; Lawson, 1989, p. 49). Eastern Bank, eStablished in 1920 (Bassam. 2000, p. 32)
206 THE EVOLVING ARAB CflY: TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
and the British Bank of (he Middle East were the early ones which were gradually
followed by other financial institutions which dranurically marked the landscape
of (he cicy.
Manama after Independence
In 1971, the COllncry witnessed a smooth translt10n from the colonial era to
independence. The administrative srrucrures and regulations which were entirely
inherited [rom the colonial authorities continlled to play their role in shaping and
guiding the urban development o[ Bahrain. Pohcically, this role was justified and
endorsed by the welfare policy which aimed at achieving social justice through the
equitable distribution of oil resources. Being the major employer. the government
witnessed an increase in the size 2nd number of its instimtlons as most of the
previous departments, such as education, agriculrure, municipalities, commerce,
housing and public works, were turned into ministries. Bureaucratic prohferation
took place at all levels of the adminIstrative machinery. At the cop, there was a
pressing need for the provision of high positions for members of ruling families,
the massive recruitment ofeducated locals, and the recruitment of highly qualified
expatriate consu\c;.IOts. At tbe bonom, (here was a need [or masses o[ c)..'pamates to
perform low-paid jobs slIch as srreer cleaning and building maimenance (Khuri.
1980, p. 117. quoting Hunter, 1969, p. 194).
Massive buildings accommodating various deparrments and ministries were
constructed in [he new areas of Manama. The need for a central location was,
however, challenged by the scarcicy of land, a factOr which led [0 funher land
reclamation on Manama's three land sides.
A diplomatic area comprismg most of (he ministries, COIITtS and embassies
gradUJ\ly emerged on reclaimed land on the norrh-eas( side ofBab-al-Bahrain. As
a sign of progress, most new buildlngs were high-rise and ofWestem scyle in sharp
contrast to the 'back-ward' rraditional CItY.
Tourism and finance were the twO growmg seCLOrs supposed to subsclrure oil
and lead the Bahraini economy into the post-oil era. As early as [he 1970s, a new
generation of banks and first-class hoc.cls such as the Diplomat, Sheracon and
Cro\VJ1 Plaza were established around old Ma.nama within the diplomatic area. By
1986 hotels provided a toeal of5,700 beds while the number of financial companies
and banks was estimated to be 173, among which is the 26-storey glass and steel
tower of the National Bank of Bahrain.
In a desperate move to tackle [he increasing tr;lffic, a new peripheral road with
a series of roundabouts was developed Jlong the edge of tile peninsula, pJ.rallel [0
the three coastlines. Within the new belt ofroads many pocketS ofland are unused
as a result of the dispersed development. Mixed scenes make up the landscape of
present day MJ.nama; along the new highway, the driver passes empcy plot<;, dying
palm groves, a few remaining historic buildings, and modem glazed towers, with
views of rhe sea never far away.
MANAMA: THEMETAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 207
The primacy of Manama was further srrengthened by the new network of
highways J.nd causeways which converge on the city. To the east, a second bridge
joining Manama to Muharraq and the air'port was inaugurated in 1997. To the
south, J third causeway was created to link Manama (0 Sitra island and Riffa where
mosr induscrial complexes, the oil refine!), and Bahrain Aluminum Company are
located. At a reglonal level, the 24 km King Fahd Causeway, linking Bahrain co
Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States was opened in 1986. By 2007 the causeway wJ.5
carrying some 20,000 vehicles per day.
To further alleviate the pressure on the old cicy, the public authOrities
continued to provide housing in new sertlements, namely in b:a New Town (laSt
sragt'': 1963-1983) :and Hamad Town (1982-1986). A total of 15,000 dwellings
were constTucted between 1976 and 1990 outside Manama (MOH, 1993, p. 125).
However, as these new scrrlcments were very close to the cicy ;lOd consisted solely
of housing :and social faCllities, most nnned lnto dormicories whose residenrs
commure daily to Manama and other places ofwork..
During rhe 19905, the cirywimessed a series ofbeautification and en cerrainment
projects, mostly located on the recently recLaimed land along the northern and
eascern coastlines. Walkways, corniches and public parks have been established.
These leisure areas are interspersed Wlth prestiglous bllildings such as rhe National
Museuln, Marina Club, rhe A/-Fateh Mosque, and children's play areas.
The Degradation of the Historical Core
With the diminution of urban development in Manama, as most projects were
focllsed in ocher areas, the old core wimessed continuous degradation due (Q the
absence of a serious preservation policy With the exception of rhe urb;m fabric
that preserves its organic character manifested in the irregu \ar narrow streets and
Interlocked buildings, many architecrural features of the city have disappeared and
been replaced by modem buildings.
The old core, which now represents only about 10 per cent of the coral area
of Manama, suffers from various problems whICh reflect the timid efforts by the
government in its preservation and revitalizarion.
Tn a 1987 study of the old city, it was found that only 41.9 per cent of the
population were Bahraini, while [he expatriate presence was growing ar 6.1 per
cent per annum. The ourward migration of rhe original population and its partial
replacement by expatriates changed the tenure of the housing from o\VTIer
occupier ro tcmnt. This shift contributed enormollsly to (he degradation of old
buildings.
Old dlsrncrs also wimcsscd significant over-crowding, as the density reached
a peak of 952 persons per hectare, which is three times the average density of the
rest of Manama. Old houses were mosdy rented to male exparriatcs who generally
work in restaurantS, hotels, retail shops :l.l1d orher low-income activities in central
Manama. Low rents togecherwith neglect and the lack of maimenance by landlords
208 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION, MODERNllY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
contributed to the continuing dilapidation ofbouses and thus the crearion of slums
in some of rhe old residential quan:ers namely, Hammam, Makh.arga, Kanu, and
Fadhel (MOl-I, 1987, p, 29).
AnOther cause of physical degradation is the dominance of male only enclaves
and the disintegrarion of social networks. Hmvever [he presence of ma'(ltams (Shia
religious buildings), which are the focal point during Muharrl1m, AshUfa and other
Shia religious festJvals, are regularly m.aintained and upgraded wirh the help of
endo'v\'ll1ems from (he JalIari Waqf (Fuccaro, 2005, pp. 48-49; 2000, pp. 75-76;
1999, pp. 1-4) .
Urban spaces, including dead-cnd streets and small open areas within housing
compounds, known as barah(l, were considered as a continua non of the domesric
space and thus were under the care of the residents. Under municipal law, they
became the sale responsibility of the government in terms of ownership, hygiene
and maintenance. Residents have consequently lost any interaction with their
environment and limited their concern (0 [heir homes.
Regulations and building pennits do not apply to COOStnlCtlOIl in the old city.
With [he exception of some resnictions reg;lrding the outlook of the houses, they
are moscly concerned with (he enforcement of modem planning requirements,
such as zoning, set-backs, number of Aoors and plot r.ltios of built-up area, open
spaces, etC. Old customs and practices mostly based on social agreements and
Islamic law. such as inheritance (m;rafh), pre-emption endowment (waqf) ,
usufruct rights ('ihiya), custom's law (urf"), ;md nght of precedence (sabq), although
still considered by local people In (heir daily life are unknown [0 municipal
adminIstrators (H.akim, 1994; Hakim and ZubJir, 2005; Ben-Hamouche, 2004;
Leeuwen, 1999; Khun, 1980, pp. 28-29).
An exception is the pious foundarion or l/){uJ!; two sLlch institutions, Awaqf
a!-Sunna and Awaqf al-Shia, have fortuna(e1y not been abolished and continue
to manage their assets in [he cicy and throughout Bahrain (BAR, Vol. I, 1924, p.
162).15 Part of their revenues are being spent on the repair and maintenance of
endowed properties, a faCt that bas eXTended the life span of many old religious
buildings.
One consequence of tills legal co-existence between the traditional system and
modem regulations is the dispute Jmong partners and inheritors which usually
leads to degradation due to (he neglecr of pre-emption and inheritance laws and
their enforcing bodies. The cominuolls increase in [he nllmber of inheritors and
panners, sometimes as many as 250 persons, makes agreements on the use and
usufruct very difficult and can lead to buildmg abandonment.
These {:Juors e.xplain the unsa[isfacmry state of the built environment as
reflected in the t987 repon. While 32 per cent of the bUIldings were in a good
sute of repair, 38.8 per cem were poor, and 5.9 per cent were threatening collapse.
Houses which had already collapsed, 2.5 per cem of the lOul area, were lefr as
empty pocketS and are often renced as pnvate parking places or are simply used as
garbage collecrion areas.
MANAIvIA: THE METAMORPHOSISOF AN AAA8 GULF CIlY 209
Global Urbanism
Bahrain might be taken as a good e..'Glmple of (he influence of globaliz:nion on
small countries of limited resources. The depletion of oil since (he early 1990s,
which now represents only 17 per cent of the economy, and reliance on market
economy has had a profound effect on M:anama and the whole terntorial
structure. 16
Over the last 4 or 5 years action has been taken in cwo strJ.tegJc sectors: tourism
and finance. The first seems to be based on long experience In the otT-shore
banking system, which was developed by the British authorities in response co
accumulation of oil revenues and ehe need for [he means to transfer funds by
both foreign companies and exparriate labour. The second is based on the physical
potential of the Bahraini islands and the rcpucarion of Arabian life which draws
Western touriSts.
The two sectors sometimes overlap through the investment which
target foreigners as well as regional Illvestors. This policy is realized in physical
terms through a series of mega-projects involving touriSt resorts, shopping cenrres,
banks and office towers, and lllA'l.lrious residences.
The increasing monetary fluidity in the region, resulting from the 011 boom
and me presence of multi-nacional finance companies, reflects to a large extenc the
slogan ' Form follows Finance' (Willis , 1995) . Dereguhcion of the economy and
administrative inducements led to the emergence ofinvescors as the new actors on
the urban stage. Recent changes in Manama serve as an example for what would
be the dramatic efIects of 'marketing a city image' .
Manama and the Mega-project Trend
The ready availability ofinfom1ation on current projects enables liS to enumer;([e
them and assess some of [heir common features and urban impacts. Four of these
are situated around the old city of Manama of which three are along King Faisal
Road, the vital arteIY that connects Manama with Muharraq and the incernational
airpon.
One of the mose ambitious projects is the Bahrain Financial Harbour. Seeking
a place on the globalization map and 'emenng' me third millennium, this over
ambitious project is located opposite the old gate of Manama.17 Metaphorically
as well as economically ic is intended to be a gate co Bahrain and an international
financial hub. Witlun the Gulf region, the prOject is intended to compete with
simil.ar projects III ocher cities in order mat Manama might become again the
financial capical of the Middle. East, as if was before. The project is a $1.5 billion
imegrated master-plan developed by a local consultant in joint venrure with
regional and international companies. It takes the fom1 of twin 53-storey cowers,
whose design IS inspired by a sailing boac, located on a reclaimed land located
in line with the old pier and the bazaar (figure 8.9) . The development, whose
210 n1E EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION. MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Figure 8.9. Bahrain Financial Harbour.
first phase was inaugurated in May 2007, spreads over 380,000 m
2
of rCc/;lImed
land with office, residential, retail, dining and leisure space. The first occupants
were announced as thirty-five key financial sector and recail companies including
J'vlENA TELECOM, DHL and ARAMEX, Kheliji Commercial Bank (Kf-lCB).18
Next to Bahrain Financial Harbour (figure 8.9), on the other side of the same
road, is Bahrain World Trade Center. Its (wm towers have coincidently the same
pyramidal form and height, as chose of Bahrain Financial Harbour. They create
dramatic landmarks visible throughout (he city and che]' look out Onto spcctacul:ar
views of the cicy and the coast. The towers are linked by three bridges each of
which supports a giant wind turbine said to improve [he energy perform:mce of
the buildings. At the ground level, the cemre comprises many facilities such as d
shopping cemre md a five-star hotel. The project was designed byWAtkins, dnd is
being developed by J consorti um ofi nte rna tionaI cantractors. Starred in June 2004
and scheduled for completion in 2009, the scheme will provide a space 005,000
m
2
at a cost of approximately US$l billion.
To the south, the old core of ManamJ is marked by Al-Zamel Tower, an office
complex in cwo parts on either side of Sheikh Khalifa Avenue which forms a new
gate to the cicy from the roundabom nearby. The taller of the two towers facing
the busy Government Road has a height of95.5 m with cwenty-two sroreys. The
second tower, has only ten storeys and overlooks Sheikh Khalifa Avenue. In order
co smooth the sharp conrrJ.St be!.Ween its high-tech envelope and the old urban
fabric, a hybrid treatment has been adopted for its archicecrure. The lower floors,
includll1g the gate has an 'IslamIC' , mostly Egyptian style, while the upper floors
are of glass and steel.
MAN/>MA: n-IE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 2.11
To tbe west, close (0 the main roundabout, a high-rise, luxurious residential
complex is being consrructed. Abraj ai-Lulu towers, due for completion in May
2008, lfe being developed by Pearl Development and Real Estate. Its cost is said
co be BD95million or US$252 million for a floor area totalling 18,600 m
2
It
comprises three multi-storey residential towers with 860 stace-of-art apartments
and is equipped wich all rhe amenities for a luxury lifestyle, including a four-storey
car park with 1000 spaces. The apartments are (0 be sold to upper-class locals and
foreigners. 19
The fourth project, which is (0 cOSt US$1.25 billion, is an artificial island of
some 560,000 m
2
created at the northern corniche of old Manama. The Lulu
Island development, due for completion in 2009, is a real estate development of
thirty-nine residential buildings, an Iconic residential tower, a 300-room five-star
hotel, sixty-five villas and forty-nine chalets, WIth shopping and leisure amenities.
20
The luxury residences, far beyond (he reach of the local population, are incended
(0 attract Gulf and foreign investOrs and to put che CJ.pital city of Bahrain on the
world's tourism map.
Away from the old core,S km Inland, a new business district, AJ-Seef area, is
becoming a platform of several cowers and luxurious buildings. Located along (he
major highw:lY leading co Saudi Ar<lbia, It accommodates many office towers, three
shopping malls and several new five-star IlOeds.
Similar resort and leisure projects such as Alna\.V".U. RifTa Views and the Bahrain
International Circuit were also undertaken elsewhere in the hinterland of Bahrain.
Durrat Al-Bahrain, which IS being developed in the same way as Dubai's three
Palm Islands and Qatar's Pearls, is a residential resort city on 20 km
2
of reclaimed
land on the southern coase of Bahrain.
Because ofManama's proximity to the airport most of these new developments
generate uaffic which directly affects (he old core. To mItigate this in the absence
of an efficient public transport ~ s e e m , many Ayovers and bndges are being
consffilcted at junction pOints around Manama, while roads and highways are
widened to accommodate more lanes.
Effects of Globalization
The scale of these transform:wons as well as their urban form have deeply affected
the mOl}'hology of Manama. The new projects surrounding the old city mask its
oriental identity and envelop (he historic core, so projecting a 'globalized' image
of ehe city. Their vertical character and exhlbitionis( architecnlre contrast sharply
with the low-profile skyhne and local style of rhe old (Own. l l l C ~ coasdine which
once defined (he old Manama has been shifted seawards so depriving the old town
of itS original characcer which was for cenruries shaped by water. Further projectS
are being developed in the bay and along rhe two bridges linking Mam.ma and
Muharraq thus gradually clOSing the views onto the sea and interlocking ehe two
ClDes .
212 mE EVOLVING ARAB CIlV': TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
At rhe social level, the nature of the projects, moscly prescigious and targeting
foreign investmenc, bypass the local reality and thus fuel social rcacnons. Such
efTectS would threaren the fragile social stability that is already affecced by the
flucruating political comext of the region. While tbe Miniscry of Public Works
and Housing has estimated the shortage in low-income and social housing to be
30,000 units, rnese iconic projects will provide 10,000 high standard residential
units, descined for foreign investOrs and rhe local wealthy class. On che regional
scene, (he ethnic conflict between Shia and Sunni in Iraq, coupled with the tension
becween Iran and the Uniced StaleS, Hezbolla in Lebanon and 'Israel', have direct
reverberation within Bahrain.
Environmemal sustainability is the least consideration in these developments.
Besides their undesirable microc/,manc efTects on the old core (which are yet (Q
be investigated), most of (hese projeCtS are designed in fashionable g l a s ~ envelopes
which disregard energy saving and climatic performance.
While [heir architecrural and consmlCcion details and finishes are scrutinized,
none of chese projects seems to have been based on studies of eicher the existing
context or rhe possible impacts on the urban structure. Being decided J( a higher
political level, their approval bypassed the tradinonal planning process and so
disregarded consideration of respect for heritage, land-use and other building
standards. Similarly, the selection of their sites has been made on (he basis ofprofit
Jnd pressure from investOrs.
An interesring projecr, Manama SOllq, whIch covers the area of the old market
sf.Jrting from Bab-al-Bahrain, is finally bemg undertaken (0 regenerate the market
area and give an impulse to its eroding micro-economy (Ministry of Commerce,
2004, pp. 6--25) . However, in rhe absence of studies of socio-economic structure,
land tenancy, and the physical state of the area, rhe project turned iota a simplistic
approach that is interested in the visual effects of design. TradicionJl architecture
which recalls some symbols of the oriental city would ceruinly be of interesr [0
tourists and visitors, bur would nO( revive the dying heart of the city.
Perspectives for Future Development
There is clear evidence that, in the light of the present financial boom in the Gulf,
Manama will conrinue to attract other development projects. Given the space
shortage aod high popularion growth, the extension of ocher remote villages and
towns with regard to [he short distances separating them will generate a multi
conurbation phenomenon that will make of Bahram a single merropolis.
Encroachments on the coastline will also conti nile through reclamation work
until it reaches the physical limits defined by the depth of the sea. The Bahrain bay
would m this perspective shrink and become a narrow channel on which [he three
present causeways will be simple bridges. Similarly, the north coastline will move
back filrther (0 make room for orher prestigious projects in the imersntial spaces
that still exist between the present scattered areas of reclamation.
MANAMA:lliE METAtvl ORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CflY 213
Many pockets of undeveloped privarc land in the southern Manama suburbs
wiJ) inevitably be subjected to speculation and unplalmed development. An infill
policy which consists of monitoring the development of these interstitial spaces
within the modem urban fabric would rherefore be of interest [Q the municipality
in response to the pressure ofland market and planning.
The old core faces two scenarios willch depend on the official attitude of the
public authoritle$. The first cOllsists of the continuation of the presem laissez:Jnire
arorude with respect to the urban heritage, wh.ich ",,;11 be subject to mtlrket forces,
including pressure [rom wealthy merchants, investors, members of the ruling
family seeking the bright lights of modernization. rn this scenario the old core will
witness a gradual but irreversible replacement. A similar process happened III other
Gulfcities such as Kuwait, Dubai
21
and to a lesser degree Muscat, durtng rhe 1970s
and 19805, where the old fabric was entirely replaced by modem building which
retained some nostalgic decailing. Permanent elements of the urban fabric, sHch as
the srreet network. land subdivisions and property lines will, however, persist and
mark the new morphology
The second scenario, which is based on an 'interventionist' role of the Scate,
would require J. firm political arrirudc to consider rhe historic sice as national
patrimony to be preserved and protecced for future generations. Examples of
preserved cities such as Tarragona, Denia, Cordoba and Seville in Spain, Durham,
York., Oxford, and Bath in England, Jod Bari, Tram and Venice in Italy, abound.
22
Inventive solutions [or issues such as car parking, garbage collection, drainage,
netWorks and cabling, could suppOrt this policy. A preservation policy will,
however, requIre a muln-faceted approach which goes beyond the present pro
design approach ro include legal, financial , social and infoTTJ1.)tional considerations.
For insr;mce, a special leg.ll framework which combines local customs, SOCIal
cusroms and rslamic law wotlld help to accommodate community participation
and motivate individuals in its implementation. Financial incencives, such as
grants to preserve old houses, and taxes on their demolicion would encourage
preservation. Empowerment of non-government agencies to safeguard old
Manama would work to counter-balance pressure from developers. A thorough
sUldy to list the buildings and properties in the hiscoric core, which has never been
carried oue, would be a starting point.
Conclusion
Manama has passed through many s [ ; j g e ~ of development which have had direcr
impacts on its Llrban fabric. Initially, it was a POrt city which grew in symbiosis with
its physical environment, cosmopolitan social stTUcrure and the local know-how
of its citizens. The federal-hke system of tribal govemance and the freedom of
indIvidual actions which its residents enjoyed were refiecred in the aUtonOmOLlS
urbaOlsm thar marked its urban morphology
British colonialism established a bureaucratic system through a long process of
7
214 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVEI OF.., ';;:1,'
gradual substitution ofloca! insrit1Jlions, customs and praccices, and the reduction
of individual freedom. While healcl1 conditions improved and soci;!l facilities
were proV1ded, so raising the hving standard of rhe local populacion, freedom of
people and cl1eir aUlonomy shrank significantly in the face of the increasing role of
government and its adminlscrative machinery.
The growing role of rhe municipaliry and the 'divide-and-rule' policy rendered
aU decisions regarding the city the sale responSIbility of the public authorities. The
discovery ofoil coupled with the erosion of privare and community secrors, due to
the degndation of (he pearl trade, agriculrure and local industry, further reinforced
administrative reform. A new fonn of urbanism, reflecting the bureaucratic
machine, dominated urban development m the outskirts, where (he governmem
became a major urban actor.
After independence, [he inherited bureaucraric system flourished due to the
increase of oil resources and the welfare policy adopted by the government. 1n
concrast to rhe common academic belief that rhe GulfCInes oftoday developed:LS:l.
consequence of oil , Manama presents evidence (hat oil has not been a determining
factor but rather an accelerator in [he bureallcracic/autocratic political syscem.
With the depletion of oil, and the panial wilhdrawal of government,
globalization forces are now taking (he front seat in (he making of the cicy. Iconic
projects are mllshrooming all over the territory, with the aim of marketing the eLry
and pinpointing it in the financial global markec Manama's old ciry IS thus open
co two possible scenarios depending on the role of authorities and CIVIl agencies.
Either, it will enter a funher stage of disintegrarion and remodelling - (he outCome
ifits furure is left to market forces - or i( will be preserved as national for
future generations -J.Ild this requires a determinist public policy to be established
by the govemmem.
Notes
The numlocr of 300 villages and 30 cities and (O\'\'n.I, that existed pnor to the- amva' of AJ
Kluhfa as notcJ In some histOrical referenc"" k,s belli .Jl.'lllnted by Khun (1980, pp. 28--29) as
there \5 no evidence on the ground to suppon thIS, See also (2006), p. 18.
2. The code number of the map and Its dale arc taken from Jarm,m (J 9(6). From here onwards
only tbe code of Ihe (M) lnd rhe date will appear in 1he (ext
3. Ain IS the Arabic word for sprong or source,
4, The map of Manama its outskiru 1969-1970 shows dHl until 1970 omls and streams
flOWIng towuds (hL' ;;haped land pmL' ls in Karrana, Toubli and olher places in Bahram,
5. Harem! C;1Jl be translated htel'ally as 'the forbidden area'. and is the buffer zone around palm
nee, a well Or along a river Oll which no construction or orher uses 1n: pCrlmned.
6. However (hi, lc.:.hmque, and Perstan archllectUre In general, domll'Cltcd Manama's landscape
only after the mflux of Pe-rsian mIgrants between 1860 and the 1920s, among whom there' were
bUIlders and Cl'"flSmen (Fuccaro, 2005), There no signs of Manama being under the Influence
of Persian ci"Ji7.2t.Jon before chis.
AccordlOg [() local sources, (he name Manama (omes from (he ArabIC word l1illVln, '3
place for slcepinb" II used to be a reSt area for the ruler and wa.s thus a secondary resldenct: to
MANAMA: THE METAMORPHOSISOF AN ARAB GULF errY 215
Mllhdrraq, whi ch was the ruler's headq\laners and that or th e allied Al-ab mbes (l l.:n-l bmouche,
2004, pp. 522-524).
8. Residential quarters il) old Muslim cit ies arc mosdy compact blocks, often accessed through
gates. and much oCthe SITeel ne rwork is made up of dead-ends (Raymond. 1985), fearures dut are
nOI present in Manama.
9. This system was descr ibed by Belgrave (1972) as pli mitive. He called it a Justice of the palm
tree' where {he Sheikh used to liSlen to petitioners while Sluing under the palm. IllS back on its
mmk (Khalifa, 2000, p. 92).
10. Clurles Belgrave, the father of the aut hor. had been working, 4S an 'ad,'i,()[" to the Bahraini
mler for 30 years. In 1957. he left Bahrai]1, 'confident that he had been able to gl!Clr.1ntee (or lhe
State the means to achieve steady and org:mi zed progress 10 the future' (Belgrave. 1960, p. 42) .
II. !n his memoirs. Charles Belgrave con iders thac the replacement ofSunni and Shlajudges by
secular instirutions was among hIS successes in (Khalifa, 2000)
12, und irrigaled by wheels once turned by oxen (Khuri, 1980, p.63).
13 . Tailor (1818) Slated lhat ' ... at present there is only one fonified lO"wn on the island Awal and
not more than 40 or 50 vill age on the neighbouring isbnds' .
14 . Oppos ite t o the ciry wall of Muharraq . wh ICh CJ.n be seen ori the map 1\1675.04-1828 (farman,
1996), Manama at tbis time was up of scallcred houses localed on open land.
15. The repon on SUllni lVaqf statl:s th3l: 'il wa in all extremely un ati factory condition: v.luable
gardens, houses lnd shops in ManJma alld fi sh traps were lacking s upeIVision. The revenues were
not properly collected, and lhere were no check on Ihe \vay in which they were spent'. For the
abolition of IlJllq[ t he same report addcd thal: ' 20 aHempl was made by Major Daly, the Polllical
Resident U1 Bahrain during the 1 930s but :1 lled 10 face the huge opposition from 1001 populallon'
(BR, Vol. Iv, 1928-1932, p. 460) .
16. Measures to cope with the post-<>il era haw been envisaged Since the !.alC 1960s. Heavy
industrial complex:e s were developed in lhree IOC/ lions olttside In consortium with
other Gulf states_ The major ind ustrial complexes in Bahr.Ji n are: ALBA (Aluminum of Bahraj n)
established in 1968, ASRY (the Arab Shipbuilding and Repair Yard) founded tn 1977, GPTC
(Gulf Perrochemicals fnd usm es Company) developed in the early 1980s. and BAPCO (,Bahr.lin
Pea-oleum Company) whi ch \'1J.S eSlablished 111 1929 (Al-Yo usef, 1985, pp. [24--(29)
17. In (acr many similar projects are being developed 111 Saudi Kuwait and the Emirares,
lnd 'Will all be imugurared soon. Whi le the thr e coumries' economi es are still based on OIl,
Bahrain ironi -a.lly reli es on foreign and regiom l investors that mostly come from these countrles.
In Bahra m, some omu towers \-'J hieh have been put up for rent, such as B,hrall1 NnlOnal Bank
tower and AJ-Muayyed tower. hJve to date many unoccupied flours .
18. hlrp:llwww.ameinfo.com/ 103260.ht mL Accessed 28 March 2007.
19 hlrp://www.ameinfo.com/68693.htmL Accessed 28 M;J,rch 2007.
20 hnp://realeslatc. theemir:ltcsnef\,vorkcornldevelopmencs!bahrainllul u)sllnd php. Accessed 28
March 2007.
21 . Fo r rhe impact ot globalizarion on Duhai (or inst;Jnce set Marchal (2005)
22. The slJ(ed cities were suhJeCted to J personal visir by thc aurhor.
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Acknowledgments
This chapter is part of a research project entitled 'und use in Bahrain; Past,
PrC$em and Furure' which is funded by the Research Deanship, Universiry of
Bahram, Project no 2.312005 . I would like to dunk Ranjieth Daraymee and Ahmed
Al-Jawder (or reviewing the early draft of the chapter, and Nelida Fuccaro (or
providing me with her precious papers on the urban history of Bahrain.