1

Vol. 1
No. 1
Spring 2010

F o r e i g n

Hassan Rouhani,, former Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council

uncil
(1989-2005), is currently
rrently Director of the Center for Strategic Research (CSR).
He also serves as the executive director of the
t Iranian Review of Foreign
eign
Affairs.

IRANIAN REVIEW o f

Dr. Hassan
n Rouhani

A f f a i r s

Religionn and International Relations:

ns:
Somee General Reflections, with
Particular
rticular Emphasis on the
Experience
ence of the Islamic Republic
ic

Religion and International Relations

Relations...

Abstract
The dominant perception in the 19th and 20th centuries seemed
d to
indicate that the march of modernity would lead to the
marginalizationn of the role of religion in the public sphere,
ere,
including in the
he realm of politics. Many scholars of international
onal
politics and International
ernational Relations (IR) have also argued along the
same lines. Thee emergence of a strong counter
counter-trend, a religious
ousbased outlook, since the early decades of the 20th century
ury,
especially in tthe waning decades of the century, appearedd to
challenge that seemingly entrenched conviction. The establishment
ment
of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979 as full-fledged religious
ious
state served as the climax of that counter
counter-trend with significant
cant
implications and
nd repercussions, for the region, for the Muslim
slim
world, and alsoo for international relations. The present essay iss an
attempt to lookk into these issues. It will be argued that the new
religious counter
er-trend, particularly the revival of Islam, represents
ents
a process across
ss the Islamic world geared to the preservation and
revival of the Islamic identity, and also relying on Islam and
d its
teaching to shape
hape and guide governance in Muslim lands. The
essay will alsoo try to have a look at some of the challenges
chall nges
involved in thee process; that is, the challenges Islamic governance
ance
will face in dealing
aling with others the dominant secular international
onal
system and its components.
Keywords:
ds: Religion, Secularism, International
Relations,
s, Islam, Religious Outlook, Identity

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Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs

A

Introduction
on
A panoramicc view of the development of the Western
ern
societies during
uring the past centuries, at least since
nce
Westphalia in 1648, would point in general terms to
the gradual and progressive waning of the role of
religion [Christianity]
ristianity] and religious thought in the
public sphere
re in general, including in particular the
realm of politics,
litics, and a as a corollary in affecting the
course of international
ternational relations. It can be argued that
hat
since the major
m
agreements reached in Westphalia
alia
among then dominant European powers which have
ave
proved ever
er since to have been of historical
ical
significance at both practical and theoretical levelss
the discussions
ons and issues pertaining to the realm of
internationall politics have been shaped and made by
politicians practitioners and scholars whose point
oint
of departure,
e, as opposed to the dominant tradition
ion
prior to that,
at, was not emanating from a particularly
arly
religious worldview
rldview or outlook. The new trend of non
onreligious-based
sed thought and action was further
her
strengthenedd during and as a result of the
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Religion and International Relations

Relations...

Enlightenment
ent era and its strong, and as it happened,
ed,
quite lasting,
ng, intellectual legacy, which deeply
ply
influenced the thinking of successive generations of
scholars of international politics during the 19th and
a
th
20 centuries.
es. From the vantage point of this overall
rall
outlook andd the seemingly unimpeded march of
modernity proper,
p
religion and religious thinking
ing
would movee further from the previously-held
previously
central
tral
position in public sphere and national life of societies
ties
to a marginal
rginal, un-influential position, hence
nce
unimportantt to the actual political life of societies and
relations among
mong states -- nation-states in the post
ostWestphalian
n conception.
While this
his overall worldview and outlook and the
patterns of thought, analysis and action they have
ave
produced have held almost unchallenged and
practically uninterrupted
ninterrupted sway at the global level, itt is
fair to say that a counter-trend,
counter
a religious-based
edinspired outlook
look most notably Christian and Islamic
mic
- has also been discernible during
dur
the past two
wo
centuries, particularly
articularly in the twentieth century, albeit
beit
on a much smaller scale and effect. The present essay
say
will confine itself to the Islamic counter-trend
counter
to the
dominant tradition
radition and paradigm in international
nal
relations, and
nd more spe
specifically, it will try to look into
nto
how the Islamic
amic Revolution in Iran - and the religious
ous
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Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs

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state it has created has approached this field and

conducted its
ts foreign policy in action. The emergence
nce
in late 1970ss of a popular Islamic movement in Iran
ran,
which led to
o the victory of the Islamic Revolution
n in
February 1979
79 and subsequently the establishment of
the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a full-fledged
full
religious
ous
state, and its actual policies during the past three
ree
decades, have
ve aroused interests of different kinds and
at various levels
vels on a global scale, among others, at the
intellectual-aacademic and analytical level.
The Secularr Phenomenon and its Implications: A
Brief Overview
view
The crux of the issue at hand concerns the
development
nt of the modern secular outl
outlook in the
West and itss practical implications, for the West itself
self
and for the rest of the world as the system which
ich
emanated from
rom it acquired a global character and
reach. Ever since the end of the Medieval Ages in
Europe, especially
ecially since Renaissance an
and the religious
ous
Reformation,
n, religion which was once highly
ghly
influential in individual, family, social and
governmental
al life as well as in shaping intellectual
tual
productions in earlier times was gradually cast aside
ide
(1)
from social and political life. The emergence of the
concept off nation-state
nation
in the post-Westphalia
alia
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Religion and International Relations

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unfolding world as the philosophical foundation of

the formation
on of government further solidified that
hat
process. As a result of this foundational
nal
transformation,
ion, the philosophical disposition of man
m
shifted from
m the metaphysical to the worldly. The new
outlook, diametrically
metrically opposed to that of the Medieval
eval
Ages, accorded
rded human rationality and enterprisee a
totally new status; replaced faith and reliance on god
with human
n decision and wil
will,(2) and also relegated
ted
religious andd metaphysical beliefs to the realm of
individual subjectivity and private sphere. The
Enlightenment,
ent, which was in turn further
her
strengthenedd through the rapid development of
capitalism, industrialization,
ndustrialization, urbanization aand marked
ked
improvement
nt in peoples economic lot, and also the
development
nt of individuality/individualism various
ous
manifestations
ns of modernity proper - gave the secular
ular
outlook andd discourse a very strong impetus and
helped its institutionalization
nstitutionalization in the W
Western societies.
ies.
Individual and individual choice - thus came to
occupy a highly
ghly prominent position in the social order,
der,
including in
n the realm of politics. Defined in
ontological and epistemological terms, the modern,
ern,
secular outlook
look revolved around a set of central
tral
concepts as h
humanism, rationalism, realism, liberalism,
sm,
and also democracy
emocracy liberal democracy. For the
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Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs

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immediate purpose of the present essay, it is of note

ote
that the Westphalian
stphalian concept of nation
nation-state, based on
the centrality
ty and supremacy of national interests,
sts,
helped the gradual development of an international
nal
system in which sovereign nation-states
nation
engage in
competition,, conflict, and alliance in order to
safeguard and
nd buttress their position and interests or
to expand them.
hem.
It mightt be of interest also to have a brief lookk at
some of thee implications of the secular outlook with
regard to thee theories of international relations, as they
hey
have developed
loped over time. With their initial
tial
ontological-eepistemological
roots
in
the
Enlightenment,
ent, especially
es
the positivist school of
thought, the dominant line of thinking in this field has
been moldedd by the rather strict, exclusive reliance on
[applied] scientific
entific knowledge and instrumental human
man
rationality. As it happened, the positivist
p
outlook and
analysis came
me to cast its rather long shadow on a wide
range of analytical
alytical-intellectual work in various fields,
lds,
including in
n the field of politics and International
nal
Relations, thus
hus leading to virtual disregard of outlooks
oks
or alternative
ve analyses not conducive
condu
to quantification
ion
which was
as certainly the case with religion and
religious-based
sed-oriented discourse and analysis. From
om
this vantage point, religion was totally disregardedd in
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Religion and International Relations

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scientific research
search and relegated to the private spheere,
characterized
d by such a prominent figure in modern
ern
International
al Relations as Hans Morgenthau as a non
on(3)
scientific phenomenon
enomenon. Others went so far as to state
tate
that "little prediction has been uttered with such
uch
certainty that
at religion is making its last efforts and that
hat
the secularization
zation theory is a theory that can turn into
nto
(4)
a paradigm for social sciences"
sciences". No wonder, then,
en,
that given the
he almost undisputed preponderance in the
second half
lf of the twentieth century of the
modernization
on theories on the one hand, and the
realist paradigm
digm on the other, there was hardly any
room for the consideration or relevance of the
religious-based
sed outlook and analysis in International
nal
Relations studies; in fact, little room for the
consideration
n of the role played by religion-based
religion sed
belief systems
ms as an influential factor in society and
(5)
politics.
Againstt such a prohibitive backdrop, however,
ver,
the works of a group of scholars belonging to the
comparativee school and engaged in field studies in
other parts of the world across the developin
ing
world, inclusive
usive of the Middle East gradually
ally
appeared ass a counter
counter-trend. Swimming against the
current, they
ey came out with a somewhat differing
ing
outlook; religion
igion still plays an important role in many
any
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Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs

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societies, and on that basis, the necessity of

considering such a role and its practical implicationss in
serious theoretical
oretical-academic analysis. The appearance
nce
(6)
in the 19800s and 1990s of a growing number of
analytical works of the new trend in the field of
political science
ence and sociology openly questionin
ing
previously-h
held seemingly solid convictions with
regard to religion
ligion and its role in society attested to its
strength as well as to its prospects. Judged otherwise,
ise,
it could be argued that the earlier predictions that the
march of modernity
odernity would lead to the gradual erosion
ion
in and inevitable
vitable ultimate demise of the religious
ous
outlook proved
oved utterly hasty and premature, and in
fact, seemedd to have boomeranged as corroborated
ted
by later developments.
elopments.
The explanation
xplanation of religion as the new force
rce
influencing int
international politics does not mean
n a
rupture from
m the theoretical tradition governing this
area and founding
unding a new explanatory logic based upon
pon
religion, but it centers on the search for instrumentss in
exploring thee role played by this new factor
Revival of the Religious Outlook
Even though
gh it may sound Marxian, but the
proposition seems to be true that every thesis creates
ates
its own antithesis
tithesis. Applied to the case at hand,, it
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Religion and International Relations

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means that secularism as the overarching outlook

ok,
supported byy practical materialism of economism and
extreme one
ne-dimensional(7) individualism, among
ong
others, served
ved in their collective effect to lay the
grounds for
or the revival of religion religious
ous
belief/faith-based beliefs, on a global scale, includiing
both in the advanced Western societies as well ass a
wide range of other societies. The recent trend during
ing
the past few
w decades in the United States in marked
ked
increase in church attendance and also popular
ular
attraction to Asian ancient religions such as Buddhism
ism
and Hinduism
sm, as reflected in the rapid growth in the
number off Buddhist temples in the State of
California,(8) is clearly indicative of a discernible change
nge
in this regard.
rd. The emergence during the past few
decades of a stronger conservative block
block, inclusive of
the Religious
us Right and Evangelicals, within the
framework of the mainstream Protestant church in the
States, which
h has shown its weight in a wide range of
legislation on
n sensitive education and health issues and
also politically
ally in the 2004 presidential elections,, is
reflective off the same general pattern of revival. A
similar phenomenon
nomenon can also be discerned with regard
ard
to the active
ve socio-political
socio
role of the American
can
Jewry, with its particularly manifest activism in US
foreign policy
cy.(9)
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The revival
vival of religious fervor also took place
ace
within and through the Catholic Church. While Pope
ope
John Paul II,
II himself a Polish national, extensive
vely
used his papal
pal position and the Catholic Church in
Poland and across the Soviet Block against the athei
eist
Communist rule, many of his junior churchmen
n
clerical andd lay in Central and Latin America
rica
developed their own religious
religious-based revolutionary
ary
(10)
ideology, Liberation
iberation Theology - albeit eclectic in
certain respects,
ects, against the capitalist hegemony of tthe
United States
es and her local military men.
However,
er, the strongest and most extensive wave
ave
of religious revival in the twentieth century took place
ace
in the Islamic
ic world to which I will turn in the next
ext
section. But,
t, in so far as the overall rise of reli
religious
ous
movements during the second half of the centuryy is
concerned, it should be said, in passing, that since
nce
sometime in
n the 1950s, during the heydays of the anti
nticolonial struggle,
uggle, early forms of a nascent return to
Islamic teachings
chings in search of lost identity took
ook
shape in many Muslim societies. The initial anti
nticolonial drive
ve in many African and Asian countries
ries
gradually developed
eveloped into different kinds of home
megrown protest
est movements against a wide range of
foreign ideologies,
logies, including Western imperia
imperialism as
the more recent reincarnation of traditional
nal
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Religion and International Relations

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colonialism - and also Communism, failed nationalism,

sm,
and Third World radicalism along with whom
om
Muslim groups
ups and currents had fought as comrades
des
during the earlier
arlier periods of anti-colonial,
anti
anti-foreign
ign
struggles.
The climax
max of the religious counter
counter-current came
me
with the emergence
ergence of a popular protest-revolutionary
protest
ary
movement in Iran in late 1970s which was led byy a
visionary Muslim jurisprudent, Ayatollah Ruhollah
lah
Khomeini. Victory of this revolution
revolutionary movement
ent
against the pro
pro-West monarchical regime and the
subsequent establishment of the Islamic Republic,
c, a
full-fledged religious government under the direct
rect
tutelage of the Shiite ulama, marked a totally new
phenomenon
n and provoked serious interests
interest and
a
concerns - of
o different kinds on a global scale some
me
of politico--economic nature, others cultural, still
others of a military-strategic
military
nature. This development
ent
in the Iranian
nian society and the repercussions and
consequences
es which were reckoned fro
from the very
ery
outset to be quite serious and far
far-reaching, also proved
ved
of serious interest
nterest to analytical-academic
analytical
quarters, also
from the vantage
ntage point of practical policy implications
ons
in different areas and fields, including foreign policy
licy
and foreign relations
relati
both regional and international.
nal.
One of the major questions that was raised at the time
me
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concerned the concept of stability, whether at the

regional or international level, which went hand in
hand with the perennial problem of the effect of
revolutionary
ry states on the stability of the status quo,
uo,
(11)
or the new world order
order.
The Revival
al of Political Islam
Political Islam,
am, as a line of thinking among Muslimss in
modern times
mes believing in the necessity of reviving
ing
Islam as a form of governance, dates back to
t the
t
second half of the nineteenth century, and in particular
ular
to the writings
tings and political activities of Seyyyed
Jamaleddin Asadabadi also known as Afghani
ni during the reign of Nasser
Nasser-eddin Shah, the Qajar
ajar
King. Even
n if his idea of promoting an Islamic
mic
Alliance Ettehad-e
E
Eslam- failed to materialize, itt is
generally believed
elieved that his Islamic revivalist thinking
ing
has left its imprint on later generations of Muslim
lim
thinkers, intellectuals
ellectuals and political activists, whetherr in
his homeland
nd Iran, or in such other Muslim lands as
Egypt another
nother important center of new Islamic
mic
currents andd activity at the time. The new line of
Islamic thinking
king and the political struggles associated
ted
with it in Iran
ran led in the early years of the twentieth
eth
century to the
he Constitutional
Constitu
Revolution (1905-06),, in
which the Shiite ulama played a pivotal role a
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Religion and International Relations

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historical development
evelopment that left its lasting impact on
the Iranian society only to come full fruition over
ver
seven decades
des later. The same line of thinking in the
post-First Wo
World War period emerged in the writings
ngs
and activities
es of such prominent figures as Sayyid
yyid
Qutb and Hassan al
al-Banna in Egypt, and Allamah
mah
Maududi in the Indian Sub
Sub-Continent, who
expounded the theoretical foundations of modern
ern
political Islam
am. The writing and beliefs of both Qutb
utb
and Al-Banna
na carried a strong anti-nationalist
anti
flavor,
vor,
which couldd be reckoned as a response to the collapse
pse
of the Ottoman
man Empire and the emergence of new,
ew,
independentt states under nationalist, secular rule.
This new
ew trend of think
thinking among Muslims, with
its ups and down in various Muslims societies and
success to different degrees in impacting the state of
governance, nevertheless, failed to establish a fully
llyfledged Islamic
mic rule in any Muslim country. The only
nly
exception, however, occurred in Iran in 1979 through
ugh
the establishment
shment of the Islamic Republic - a
government and political system shaped by and
founded on
n Islamic worldview and teachings, the
Sharia in particular.
articular. The undeniable impact of the
emergence on the international scene
s
of this religious
ous
state, at both
h regional and international levels, andd in
different fields
lds and areas, is fully known to everybody
ody
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and has been

en extensively discussed and analyzed, by
friends and foes, during the past three decades. Factt of
the matter is that the establishment of the Islamic
mic
Republic in Iran brought Islam political Islam to be
precise as a potent, dynamic actor to the forefrontt of
regional andd international politics.
Given Irans strategic geographical position and
its size, populat
pulation, huge potentials in various fields,
lds,
and also rich
h millennial cultural-civilizational
cultural
heritage,
age,
the impact of the emergence of a religious state in Iran
ran
with a revolutionary
olutionary ideology was bound to have
ave
strong reverberations
rberations across the Muslim world, more
ore
so in Irans immediate neighborhood and the Middle
dle
East. To cite
te an example, the Islamic Revolutions
ons
clear doctrinal
nal impact in the occupied Palestine and
contribution,
n, even inadvertent, to the ascendance of a
militant Islamic
lamic current, as distinct from the
predominantly
tly nationalist-radical
nationalist
political discourse of
the Palestinian
ian resistance movement up to the 1980
80s
can hardly be denied. The same also applies to the
situation in
n Lebanon, where the Shiites, albeit
beit
enjoying relative majority among different
ent
communities,
s, had been practically on the fringe of the
society - both
th politically and economically. As a result
sult
of the new situation in the area and inspired by the
success of their co
co-religionists in Iran, they have
ave
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Religion and International Relations

Relations...

organized themselves
hemselves in the meantime to tu
turn into
oa
credible national
tional force with a status commensurate
rate
with their number and weight. This development,
ent,
needless to say, has also come to bear in very tangible
ble
terms on the state of the Palestinian resistance
nce
movement and the general anti-Israeli
anti
struggle.
On a larger scale, the impact of the Iranian
ian
Revolution and the Islamic Republic has been feltt in
different fields
elds across the Muslim world political,
cal,
ideological, and socio
socio-cultural. At the ideological level,
vel,
the victory of the Revolution, an examp
example of an
Islamic-inspired
ired-led popular social revolution in the
latter part of the twentieth century, has served ass a
strong moral
ral incentive for a wide range of
disenchantedd social and political forces in many
any
Muslim societies,
cieties, which have in turn utilized tthe
Iranian particular
icular experience in organizing themselves
ves
within their own respective communities and national
nal
societies. The
he general impact on the Muslims thinking
ing
far beyond
ond sectarian differences and actual
tual
(12)
conduct has been undeniable. The discernible trend
end
in various Muslim societies in the increasingly active
tive
participation
n of Muslim groups and parties in
provincial and
nd national politics, even in the formation
ion
of governments
ments or alternatively in defeating ruling
ing
coalitions, since
ince the advent of the Islamic Revolution
ion
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in 1979 is another
nother indication and gauge of the impact
act.
The lively debates during the past few years in both
oth
Afghanistan and Iraq, while still under foreign
ign
occupation, on the extent of consideration of th
the role
of religion Sharia in the drafting of the new
constitution,, including on the title of the new regimee
republic versus
rsus Islamic republic - clearly point to
o a
number of important factors in both societies, inter
nter
alia, the level
el of popular sensitiv
sensitivity to the issue and
also the clear
ear religious outlook and orientation of
active and influential organized political
political-ideological
ical
forces and currents. The very fact that despite strong
ong
outside pressure
ssure an article was enshrined in the new
n
Afghan constitution
stitution prohibiting the promulgation of
legislation contrary to the precepts of Sharia was
indicative off the strength of the Islamic outlook in the
Afghan society
ety and politics. The same also came to be
the case in Iraq.
raq. The strength of the religious factorr in
Afghanistan,, particularly given the still open wounds
nds
from the Taliban days and their widely discredited
ted
reactionary outlook and repressive policies, should be
understood and analyzed from the vantage point of
the resiliencee of the deep-rooted
deep
causes involved. The
T
situation in Turkey in recent decades, especially since
nce
the emergence
nce of the Islamist discourse in the 1980
80s,
and more so
o since the rise to power of the Justice and
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Religion and International Relations

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Development
nt Party still at the helm provides
des
another interesting
resting example of the rising
ri
fortunes and
political endurance
durance of the overall religious discourse,
rse,
especially once
nce considered within the bigger political
ical
context off a staunchly secular state. Samuel
muel
Huntingtons
s emphasis in the post
post-Cold War days on
the Wests problem with Islam iitself, and not with
Islamic fundamentalism,
damentalism, can in a rather peculiar and
oblique wayy point to Islams new-found
new
stature on
na
global scale,, and therefore, bringing to bear on the
state of international
rnational relations.
In so far
ar as the impact of religion Islam, to be
precise - on
n international relations is concerned,, a
number of levels could be discerned. Some examples
ples
have alreadyy been briefly discussed, particularly from
om
the view point
int of the role Islam and and the Islamic
mic
outlook/Muslim
uslim forces and currents have come to
play in active
ive politics and governance of various
ous
societies. A second level concerns the role of Islam
am
and specific Islamic affiliation as the defining element
ent
of identity of communities and minorities within
n a
bigger sociall or national cont
context with a different in
some cases hostile outlook or attitude. This aspect
ect
has gained particular prominence in the post-Cold
post
War
period, most
st notably in the wake of the political
ical
developments
nts in the Balkans, and the atrocities
ties
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committed against Muslim minorities in Bosnia and

Herzegovinaa and Croatia in the early 1990s and also
later in Kosovo.
ovo. As alluded to earlier, the emergence
nce
in the occupied
upied Palestine since the 1980s more
ore
specifically, in the 1990s - of a militant political force
rce
with a strong,
g, ssolid religious outlook also attests to the
same pattern
rn the Islamic identity aspect in the
platform andd outlook of Hamas is unmistakable, and
more so, in the case of the Lebanese Hezbollah. The
classic case in this regard, though not Islamic, pertains
ains
to Northern
n Ireland, where nationalistic sentiments
nts
and aspirations
ations have been pursued through
ugh
subscription
n to Catholic beliefs and identity.
ity.
Liberation Theology in Central and Latin America,
ica,
also from the Catholic tradition, provides another
her
relevant example
ample. Increasing assertiveness during the
past two decades
ecades in India on the part of Hindu
ndu
political forces
ces even though in part a response to
increasing Muslim activism is still another example
ple
of popular turn to religious identity and affiliation
n in
political activity.
vity.
Anotherr level concerns the relationship between
een
religious belief(s)
elief(s) and the question of legitimacy.
acy.
Religion plays
lays an important role in providing
ing
legitimacy for institutions and organizations in the
public sphere
ere - similar in general terms to other
her
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Religion and International Relations

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sources of legitimacy.
egitimacy. But, the role played by religion
ion
and religiouss beliefs, as has been amply witnessed
d in
various societies
eties in modern times, both developed and
developing, has been and still continues to be off a
more cruciall - and lasting - impact due to the deep
eprooted nature
ure of such beliefs in the formation of
identity, character
aracter and psyche of their followers. That
hat
is what sets religion and religious beliefs quite apart
part
from other sources of organizational affiliation and
association as happens to be the case with political
ical
parties or other
ther institutions based on more transient
ent
sources of allegiance
llegiance or affiliation.
The third
ird aspect - perhaps the more important
ant
aspect in so
o far as international relations proper are
concerned relates to the role religion and religious
ous
affiliation plays in the regional and international
nal
conduct of countries, states and political regimes.
mes.
While the discussion in previous lines was more
ore
focused on such a role at the domestic level within
hin
communal and
a national boundaries, the other aspect
ect
we now turn
rn to concerns the supra-national
supra
aspect.
ect.
The role played
yed by the wide range of Muslim forcess in
Afghanistan since the 1979 Soviet occupation and
a
equally theirr foreign supporters within and outside of
the immediate
ate region is a now a classic case. The
depth, expanse,
anse, and long-term
long
consequences and
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repercussions
ns of the developments that have unfolded
ded
in Afghanistan
tan since the early 1980s and particularly
arly
after the departure
parture of the Soviet forces, including the
t
rise of Taliban
an and the subsequent developments since
nce
9/11, all serve
rve to underline the growing role religion
ion
and religious
us convictions have come to play in
internationall relations, including at the regional level.
vel.
The Balkan situation also exhibited both
bo levels of
impact thee role of religious affiliation and identityy at
communal
and
societal
level
that
soon
oon
metamorphosed
osed into internecine blood
blood-letting and
regional conflict
onflict with critical continental and
ultimately, international, repercussions. However
However,, a
note of caution
tion on the intrinsically complex nature of
the phenomenon
menon under review is in order. The role
ole
played by the increasing assertiveness of religion
ion
proper andd religious outlooks in politics at the
communal and national level as well as at the rregional
nal
and international
tional levels, as has been witnessed during
ing
the past decades
ades and in more recent years, has acted
d as
double-edged
ed sword it cuts both ways. The
discussion thus
hus far has addressed the positive impact
act
of such a role
le and engagement. But, the grim reality on
the ground and on a global scale points also to a very
ery
different picture
cture the role played also in the creation
ion
of tension and conflict, whether at the communal
nal35

Religion and International Relations

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ethnic level or at larger national and regional levels, the

ugly examples
es of w
which abound around the world. The
emergence in recent years in virtually all religionss
monotheisticc or otherwise,
otherwise of fundamentalist currents
nts
with extremely
ely dogmatic views on matters of faith and
also on the wide gamut of social, cultural and political
ical
issues is a clear
ear reflection of the sad fact that faith and
belief can also
so move in the wrong direction, and cater
ater
to tension, conflict, and even open violence. Needless
ess
to say, such
h currents, which, also happen to enjoy
joy
governmental
al support of one kind or an
another, implicit
icit
and sometimes
imes even explicit, tend to further
her
complicate an inherently complex state of
internationall relations.
The Experience
ience of the Islamic Republic
Religion has always played a pivotal role in the Iranian
ian
society, both
h in the pre-Islamic
pre
ancient Persia as well
as all through
gh the Islamic era. That role assumedd a
more formal,l, institutionalized form in the wake of the
rise to power
er of the Safavids in the 16th century, which
ich
made Shiism
m the state religion in the country a
situation that
at has
ha continued ever since. The role and
influence off ulama in the society at large, and in the
realm of politics,
litics, gradually grew in the meantime and
came to directly
ectly affect the state policies in different
ent
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areas, which
h ultimately culminated in playing a criticcal,
leading rolee in the victory of the Constitutional
nal
Revolution in the early years of the twentieth century.
ury.
Such a role,, it has to be underlined, was played in
tandem andd close cooperation with, the Shiite
ite
seminaries and ulama in Najaf, Iraq, as evidenced,
among others,
ers, in the issuance of religious verdicts
icts
(fatwa) in support
upport of constitutionalism by such senior
nior
ulama as Akhund
khund Khorasani, Seyed Kazem Yazdi and
Ayatollah Mazandarani.
The Constitutional Revolution, as is widely
dely
known to the students of Irans
Iran modern history,
ory,
managed to turn the despotic Qajar dynasty into
o a
constitutional
al monarchy. But due to the negative
tive
impact of a combination of internal and external
nal
factors, it failed
ailed to institutionalize the constitutional
nal
government and was totally defeated
defe
with the
establishment
nt of the dictatorial rule of Reza Shah
hah
Pahlavi (1925
25-1941). The political activism of the
ulama and religious seminaries continued during the
1920s and 1930
930s, even if at a much subdued level, and
a
came to the fore once again, along with other militant
ant
political forces,
ces, after the fall of the Pahlavi Kingg in
1941 when the Allied Powers occupied the countryy as
part of theirr war effort to assist the Soviets. This new
round of activism
ctivism played an important part in the
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Religion and International Relations

Relations...

course of the
he nation
national struggle for the nationalization
ion
of the oil industry
ndustry in late 1940s and early 1950ss
which led ass a result of the August 1953 coup to the
restoration of Shah to the throne and establishmentt of
another period
iod of dictatorial rule (1953-1979).
After a period
peri of tense relationship between the
Shah and the
he ulama during the 1950s, the situation
ion
sharply deteriorated
riorated as a result of a number of factors.
ors.
The rise to prominence in 1960-1 within the ranks of
the grand mojtahed of Ayatollah Khomeini changed
ged
the political equation at a time of general economic
mic
crisis and open
pen political opposition to the Shah. The
brewing conflict
nflict came to a climax in early June 1963
963
and led to the
he ruthless suppression of a popular revolt
volt
in Tehran and a number of other major cities.
ies.
Ayatollah Khomeini, the most vocal critic at the time,
me,
was arrested
d and put under house arrest for overr a
year and finally sent into exile over his open
pen
denunciation
n of the law granting immunity to US
military personnel.
sonnel. The forced exile started in Turkey
key
and continued
ed in Najaf, Iraq, lasted until a few months
ths
before the collapse
ollapse of the monarchical regime. During
ing
the 15-year exile, the Ayatollah and his growing cadres
dres
of followers,
s, both clerical and lay, continued their
heir
opposition against the Shah needless to say, along
ong
with a wide range of oppositionl forces and currents.
s.
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The process
ocess of the popular protest movementt in
Iran against the Shahs regime in 1978-79 which led,, in
the course of almost a year, to a powerful
rful
revolutionary
ry movement, under the leadership
leadershi of
Ayatollah Khomeini
Khomeini, an 80-year-old Shiite
ite
jurisprudent,, is a well-known
well
story all over the worldd
let alone to
o the serious students of Iran and its
contemporary
ry history. So is also the outcome of this
revolutionary
ry movement the establishment of th
the
Islamic Republic
public in 1979 as a full-fledged religious
ous
state, inspired
ed by Islamic teachings and founded on
the principles
es and edicts of Sharia. It can be said with
certainty that
at the religious state established in Iran,
ran,
while sharingg some similarities in ccertain respects with
a number off other governments in the Muslim world,
rld,
was quite unique in terms of its legal structure a
republic with
h a distinct religious identity which was
also unique in the distribution of authority between
een
the officee (institutio
(institution) of Velayat-e Faqih
qih
(Guardianship
hip of the Jurisconsult) and the rest of the
state apparatus,
tus, inclusive of the executive branch. The
development
nt of this unique governance structure
ure
during the past three decades
decades, inclusive of the 1989
989
constitutional
al amendment
amendme involving the annulmentt of
the office of prime minister and concentrating the
executive authorities
uthorities in the office of the president, has
39

Religion and International Relations

Relations...

been extensively
sively studied by scholars of various
ous
disciplines, and commands a voluminous, and ever
vergrowing and
d rich literature
lit
to its credit. The subject,
ect,
still of scholarly
larly interest, especially from the vantage
age
point of its long
long-term implications for governancee in
Iran and also
so as a potential model for other Islamic
mic
societies, deserves
serves to be further studied and analyzed.
d.
Leavingg aside the domestic policies in Iran since
nce
the 1979 Revolution,
R
it will be attempted in the
following lines
nes to shed some light on the overall
rall
internationall atmosphere at the time of the Revolution
ion
which impacted
acted and shaped its response to and
subsequent interaction with the outside world; or in
other words,, the rationale and foundational principles
ples
of the foreign
gn relations of the Islamic Republic viss-vis the international
national system.
1. The cognitive problem. This difficulty arose
ose
from the international systems inability and/or
/or
unwillingness
ss to recognize the Islamic Republic ass a
religious Islamic
I
- state, which was different from
om
formal diplomatic
omatic recognition as a state. This could be
considered as one of the root causes of a permanent
ent
state of disttrust that has existed since between Iran
ran
and the West
st in general and some of its members in
particular.
2. The problem of lack of precedent (experience).
ce).
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The Islamic Republic

Republic, as a unique full-fledged religious
ous
Islamic - state in modern times, and facingg a
generally less
ss-than-friendly if not outright hostilee
external environment,
vironment, had to rely fully and exclusively
vely
on its own
n resources to develop approaches and
policies in almost all fields of Irans national life,
ife,
including in its dealings with the outside
out
world the
t
internationall system. The new ideological state lacked
ked
any crediblee source of emulation contrary to other
her
leftist revolutions
utions in the earlier decades of the century
ury
who could easily emulate the hard
hard-won experiences of
others. Put otherwis
otherwise, Iran simply had to explore and
define what it meant to be religious Islamic in the
waning decades
ades of the twentieth century.
3. Establishment
blishment of a new pattern of interaction.
on.
The Islamic Republic
Republics interaction with the dominant
ant
internationall system, as borne out by the actual
tual
experience, reveals the contours and parameters off a
rather peculiar
iar interaction between a predominantly
ntly
secular system
em and a religious state committed to
pursual of approaches and policies inspired by and
based on its own ideology.
ideo
This type of interaction has
confronted both sides with particular even peculiar
ar
challenges, and equally important, how new ways and
means have been explored to circumvent or overcome
me
the challenges
ges involved. The challenging relationship
hip
41

Religion and International Relations

Relations...

between thee two sides seems to be still continuing,

ng,
indicating also
so that both sides have exhibited a certain
tain
degree of flexibility which has allowed them to
continue dealing
aling with each other. From the vantage
age
point of the
he Islamic Republic the latter aspect is
gauged as a sign of a religious states successful
sful
survival in an otherwise unfriendly surrounding
ing
atmosphere,, and even promotion to a certain degree
ree
of its normative
mative structures and value system.
4. Peace
ace-building potential. The Islamic
mic
Republic's quite
q
substantial experience, particularlyy in
the post-Cold
ld War period, in lending its assistance as a
regional power
wer towards resolving conflicts in Central
tral
Asia and thee Caucasus stood in sharp contrast to the
prevalent stereotypical
ereotypical images and perceptions of the
Islamic Republic.
public. The same pattern of positive
tive
contribution
n could also be seen in Irans role in
Afghanistan and Iraq in the post-9/11 period. It is of
note that common
ommon faith-related
f
and cultural affinities
ties
between Iran
n on the one hand, and such countries as
Afghanistan and Iraq on the other, and also in
Lebanon even
e
though somewhat different from the
other two has certainly helped place Iran in a highly
ghly
influential po
osition to play a positive role.

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Challenges of a Religious State in the

International
nal System
In the preceding
eding section a number of the challenges
ges
faced by the
he Islamic Republic in dealing with the
internationall system were briefly discussed. One can
try to look into some of the theoretical
theoretical-conceptual
tual
foundations of such difficulties, including, in
particular, the foundational difference between the
very raison detre of a religious state and that of a an
internationall system based on secular principles. As
argued by the
he proponents of the religious outlook, the
problem liess in the dominance of functionalist or
instrumentall rationality theories of state(13) - presuming
ing
the secular nature of the state. Based on that
hat
presumption
n

unacceptable
to
the
followers/pro
roponents of the religious outlook the
t
state, the secular
ecular state, holds a neutral position on
moral issuess and avoids subscribing to any particular
ular
moral system
m (lets say, any particular religion). The
religious state,
te, in a diametrically opposed position,, is
defined firstt and foremost by its commitment to
o a
certain moral
al code Sharia in the case of the Islamic
mic
Republic. Even
ven if the thrust of the Sharia in principle
ple
applies mostly
stly to the realm of personal/individual
dual
conduct realm
ealm of domestic policies of the
t state the
t
religious state
te Islamic Republic acts in its dealings
ngs
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Religion and International Relations

Relations...

with the international

ternational system and its components in
accordance with a set of general, overarching
ing
principles deducted
educted from its religious outlook. Some
me
of the challenges
enges in this regard are as follows:
 The necessity of addressing the possible
ble
dichotomy/conflict
conflict-contradiction between definition
ion
of national interests, security and state identity as
defined respectively
pectively by a secular state and a religious
ous
state. This would also imply the p
possible dichotomy
my
between thee pursual of policies geared to national
nal
purposes versus pursual of supra-national
supra
or
cosmopolitan
an purposes.
 The contours of the religious identity of the
state; what constitutes the religious or alternatively the
secular natuure of the state. This also implies the
necessity or inevitability of a certain degree of
flexibility on
n the part of the religious state in dealing
ing
with the secular
cular international system, or the secular
ular
componentss of such a system, while still abiding by its
own religious/doctrinal
us/doctrinal principles and obligations.
 Past and present experiences
e
within the Muslim
lim
world pointt to a plurality of Islamic identity, its
perception or the requirements for an Islamic state.
ate.
Similarly, there
here exists a plurality of patterns
patter
of
behavior byy Muslim states (though not necessarilyy a
full-fledged state as the Islamic Republic) towards
rds
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others the
he secular international system and its
components.
s. This implies that Islamic states possess
ess
different
historical,
geographical,
cultura
ral,
denominational
onal (sectarian), and political characteristics
tics
which affects
cts their approach, policy and actual
tual
conduct in interacting with others i.e., the secular
ular
internationall system and its components.
 And ffinally, the diversity and plurality of
perceptions, approaches, and policies of Muslim states
ates
does, in fact,
ct, create a situation fraught with both
oth
challenges and
nd opportunities, on the one hand, for the
Muslim states
es themselves and the state of their own
wn
interactions, and on the other, for others the
t
internationall system and its components in dealing
ing
with each and every Muslim state and/or their
heir
collectivity.
Conclusion
ns
The presentt essay has reviewed, in broad brush, the
role religion and religious outlook Islam in particular
ular
- have played
ed in recent decades in the international
nal
system, which
ch is, by definition secular. It has tried to
look at some
me of the salient features of the new trend
end
and discuss its ramifications. As discussed in the essay,
say,
the revival of the religious outlook in the international
nal
scene, practically
ically within all religions, monotheistic and
45

Religion and International Relations

Relations...

otherwise, during
uring the last century and more specifically
ally
during its latter
atter part should be looked at from the
overall vantage
tage point of general response to the
dominance and preponderance of the secular outlook
ook
and its excesses.
sses. In other words, as a reaction to what
hat
has been perceived
erceived as the undesirable outcome of
reliance on the secular outlook and the positivist
vist
school, the religious outlook has tried to argue in favor
vor
of the continued
inued relevance of a set of other factors
ors
disregarded by the secular outlook, and more
ore
importantly, by the international system shaped byy it
over time.
The essay
say has attempted to touch on the process
ess
of Islamic revivalism
evivalism in modern times, especially since
nce
the early decades
cades of the twentieth century, and instead
ead
focus on the
he particular experience of the Islamic
mic
Republic off Iran as the only full-fledged religious
ous
state of its kind which came into being in the closing
ing
years of thee 1970s. It has looked, even though in
broad, schematic
matic form, at the genesis of the revivall of
the Islamicc thinking in Iran and its ultimate
mate
ascendance to power. While addressing
addr
the approach
ach
and policies of the Islamic Republic since its inception
ion
to a wide range
ange of issues in the course of its regional
nal
and international
tional interactions, the essay has also tried
ied
to look into
o the challenges the Islamic Republic has
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faced in its dealings with the dominant international

nal
system.
In addressing
ressing the rationale for the emergence of
the religiouss outlook in modern times, the essay has
endeavored to highlight one specific aspect the
t
question of identity. As argued in the previous lines,
nes,
this conceptt seems to have played a significant rolee in
the general trend at the global level of the revival of
religious outlook,
utlook, which has taken different forms
rms
within various
ous religions and in different parts of the
world. Given
n the preponderance of the still unfolding
ing
globalization
n process with its strong homogenization
ion
tendencies, one could expect, with a high degree of
certainty, that
at equally strong counter
counter-trends espousing
ing
identity at all levels; local/communal, national and
regional will
w persevere and continue to play a role
ole
commensurate
ate with the perceived threats from the
dominant system
ystem and its components.
As a final
nal reckoning, given the continuation of
dichotomies and conflicts at various levels, especially
ally
the extreme manifestations of blind recourse to either
her
excessive secularism
ecularism or dogmatic reliance on self
elfidentity (inclusive
lusive of religious identity), exercise off a
certain degree
ee of flexibility and a sense of cooperation
ion
on the part of all players is called for as witnessed
d in
practice in the
t actual conduct of foreign relations of
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Religion and International Relations

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the Islamic Republic. This is borne out, among others,

ers,
by a recognition
nition of the diversity and plurality that
hat
signify the perceptions, images, approaches and
policies, andd in the final analysis, experiences, of the
componentss of the Muslim world.

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51