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Employee Relations 23,3 226

Received October 2000 Revised October 2000 Accepted November 2000

Sweet charity! Managing employee commitment in the UK voluntary sector

University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK
Keywords Voluntary organizations, Commitment, Employee relations, United Kingdom Abstract Presents results from an exploratory study of 143 voluntary organisations. Aims to evaluate management employee relations policies in the voluntary sector in the era of contracting. Reveals evidence of employee relations policies being influenced by the funding priorities of the state. Provides evidence to suggest that these policies may be leading to discontent among the workforce. Concludes with a discussion regarding the implications such policies may have on employee commitment in the sector, and suggests several possible avenues for continued research.

Ian Cunningham

Introduction Despite estimates of the level of paid employment standing at approximately half a million employees, or 2.2 per cent of the workforce (Hems and Passey, 1998: Passey et al. 2000) little is known about people management in the UK voluntary sector. This lack of knowledge is surprising given recent changes to the sector's operating environment. Specifically, since the early 1980s, changes in government policy in the sphere of welfare have fundamentally altered the environment in which voluntary organisations operate. In particular, the advent of the ``mixed economy of care'' and more recently ``best value'' have led to contracting out of welfare services to voluntary organisations so that management and employees in the sector face far more rigorous scrutiny of their activities. Despite these changes, there is currently little understanding of their possible consequences for either management's employee relations policies, or levels of commitment and consent among staff to the values and mission of voluntary organisations. This gap in our knowledge is disturbing given that voluntary sector staff are now charged with the care of some of the most vulnerable in our society, and that the effectiveness of that provision is reportedly linked to the continuation of high levels of commitment among staff (Paton and Cornforth, 1992). It is the purpose of this paper to begin to provide an insight into these issues. This is to be done in four stages. The first provides an outline of some of the assumptions in the voluntary sector literature regarding the nature of employee commitment in voluntary organisations. The second then reviews the changes to the operating environment of the sector, in particular, this focuses on the rationale behind changes to state welfare polices that have impacted on the financial environment of voluntary organisations. This is then followed by a summary of
Employee Relations, Vol. 23 No. 3, 2001, pp. 226-239. # MCB University Press, 0142-5455

The author would like to thank the NCVO and the Personnel Forum for the Voluntary Sector for their assistance with this project. He would also like to thank Paul Thompson for his useful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

some of the possible implications of these changes for employee relations policies and employee commitment. The third section then presents results from an exploratory study undertaken by the author investigating the nature and direction of employee relations/human resource management (HRM) policies among 143 voluntary sector employers. This included an assessment of evidence relating to the influence of the funding regime under the ``contract culture'' on these employment policies, as well as insights into the responses of employees to these changes. The fourth section then discusses the implications of these results for further research into workplace relations in sector. Employee commitment in the voluntary sector The voluntary sector literature provides some insights into the nature of employee commitment in the voluntary sector. To begin, there are familiar claims that the sector has a distinctive culture based on participative forms of decision making and to values linked to the organisation's cause or mission. Consequently, it is presumed that staff are highly committed to the cause under which their employer operates. The reported consequences of this are that employees express concern about how the organisation goes about its work, and expect to be involved in decisions regarding their roles and the organisation's activities. Moreover, it also presumes that the motivations of employees within voluntary organisations are driven mainly by a ``desire to care'', resulting in an acceptance of smaller pay packets and less personal advancement and security (Paton and Cornforth, 1992, pp. 40-2; Zimmeck, 1998, pp. 25-7). Recent National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO) research has provided support for some of these claims by revealing how 81 per cent of paid staff in the sector work additional hours on an unpaid basis, and a smaller proportion take salary sacrifices (Hems and Passey, 1998, pp. 84-6). However, changes to the sector's external environment raise questions regarding the extent to which the above assumptions about high employee commitment among the voluntary workforce are accurate, and if so, how sustainable they are. The next section explores these issues by examining the changing nature of the relationship between the voluntary sector and the state in recent years. The changing nature of voluntary sector activity From the 1980s, voluntary organisations faced radical changes in their wider economic and political environment (Batsleer, 1995, pp. 225-8). Conservative governments, through legislation such as the 1990 NHS Community Care Act, encouraged local authorities to move from being ``monopoly providers'' of social services towards a ``mixed economy of care''. Local authorities would become not only providers of services, but also enablers, commissioners and purchasers from a mix of private and voluntary sector sources. The aim of this approach was to encourage market forces in the sphere of welfare, with local authorities using devolved budgets to purchase services from voluntary and private organisations in direct competition with each other.

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Such competition would lead to greater choice for those in need of support (Langan and Clarke, 1994, pp. 73-9; Charlesworth et al., 1996, p. 68). The result of this was that voluntary organisations particularly benefited from receiving public funding because of their reputations for innovation, their non-profit status and providing services at reduced cost (Wistow et al., 1992; Whelan, 1999, p. 15: Taylor and Bassi, 1998, p. 120). The creation of this ``mixed economy of care'' has led to the majority of major charities being funded by money from the state (Whelen, 1999, p. 17). Moreover, this has led to a change in the relationship between the public and voluntary sectors. In particular, funding to the voluntary sector has become far less based on grants for the general purposes of voluntary activity, but more linked to a reliance on fees for specific identifiable service provision, leading to the creation of the ``contract culture''. The result of this change has been that public bodies regulate the voluntary sector by establishing precise, measurable and binding performance criteria and output controls in exchange for funding (Tonkiss and Passey, 1999, p. 268). There is also little to suggest that government policy will change. Despite New Labour's commitment to moving from a ``contract culture'' to a ``partnership culture'' with the voluntary sector, controls on government finance remain tight (Taylor and Bassi, 1998, p. 122). Moreover, the ``best value'' regime still involves competition for contracts and strict performance requirements from voluntary organisations that wish to provide social and welfare services (Passey et al., 2000, pp. 21-3). Possible implications for voluntary sector employment relations There are a number of changes to the employee relations context emanating from the above. The first possible change comes from the financial implications of the ``contract culture''. Staff costs already represent the joint highest item of expenditure within the sector. Between 1991-1995 payroll expenditure rose by 25 per cent and by 14 per cent between 1995-1999 (Passey et al., 2000, p. 44). At the same time, one of the main consequences of the changing relationship with funders has been that many voluntary organisations live with financial uncertainty because of reappraisals by the statutory sector of funding priorities or strategies for delivering services; eleventh hour budgetary decisions; and shortterm financial settlements (Russell et al., 1996, pp. 405-6). In such circumstances little allowance is made for increases in core staffing costs resulting from increased demands on voluntary organisations in terms of service provision. The result is that charities meet these overheads from their other resources (Russell et al., 1996, p. 406; Whelan, 1999, p. 19). If these resources are limited or unavailable, then the terms and conditions of staff may suffer. It has been pointed out that even employees who are committed to their employer's cause have basic living costs to meet, and if these are not met, then their loyalty may be challenged (Zimmeck, 1998, pp. 30-1). It is perhaps revealing that a recent study found labour turnover in the sector stood at 20 per cent and rising (Dullahide et al., 2000).

The second change relates to management style within charities. Greater controls by funding bodies have reportedly meant that voluntary organisations have focused on tighter controls and stricter performance management of staff (Industrial Relations Services, 1996). In such an environment there may be less opportunity for staff to experience the traditional rewards associated with employment in voluntary organisations, i.e. variety and autonomy in their working lives. The third change relates to changes in the labour force. Voluntary organisations are recruiting staff from private industry, that have reportedly brought much needed managerial and professional expertise to assist voluntary organisations with their responsibilities in social care. It has been suggested that there is no guarantee that these new entrants will have the same commitment to work in voluntary organisations compared to those who chose employment because of identification with the organisation's social values. Many of these new employees have reportedly joined the sector as a career move (Leat, 1995, pp. 16-17). In addition, there are also employees who have had a limited choice regarding employment in the sector. Increasingly, staff formerly employed by local authorities, now work for voluntary organisations as a consequence of having their employment transferred under contracting-out arrangements. Research has revealed how the majority of employees in the public sector report how they were considerably ``more satisfied'' with a ``chance to do something worthwhile in life'', which suggests a strong set of social values underpinning employment choices in the sector (Gallie et al., 1998), and which conceivably could fit into the ethos of many voluntary organisations. However, it has also been documented that the psychological contract between employees and their organisation is altered during the transfer of employment under contracting-out arrangements. In particular, such a process is seen as fundamentally disempowering as the employee looses choice in terms of the type of employment and his/her employer (Colling, 2000, pp. 81-2). Such a disempowering experience raises questions regarding the implications for employee motivation and commitment in the sector. The above issues highlight the difficult situation the voluntary sector faces in terms of what Burawoy (1979, p. 27) called the ``organisation of consent''. Very few employees have a degree of voluntary commitment to their work or organisation that requires no external reinforcement by management (Hyman, 1987, p. 42). However, the aforementioned reported high levels of commitment in the sector (Paton and Cornforth, 1992) suggests that a significant proportion of employees in voluntary sector organisations may have internalised the norms, workplace cultures, ideologies and accepted standards of behaviour seen as desirable by management. The danger for the sector is that if these attitudes, formed outside the workplace or through organisational socialisation, can be undermined by changes to the employee relations climate, then management may have to increasingly turn to more coercive forms of work organisation. The risk here is that such forms of work organisation could alienate a previously loyal and committed workforce. The risk of alienation will also be

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amplified if intensified management control strategies are applied to those employees who came to the sector with more instrumental orientations to work, or to those who have been contracted into voluntary organisations from public organisations. The remainder of this paper will begin to explore the issues raised in the above summary by drawing on the results of a study into the employee relations policies of voluntary sector employers. This is divided into three sections. The first outlines the methodology for the research. The second reviews HRM policies among 143 organisations. Included in this analysis will be an insight into the influence of the contract culture's funding regime on HRM initiatives. The third assesses the employee reaction to such change. This analysis is based on management perceptions, but is able to identify evidence of tension within the voluntary sector workforce by providing some insights into indicators of workplace discontent, i.e. tribunal cases, motivations to quit, union activity and reports of resistance from staff to aspects of management's HR agenda. Findings Methodology A sample of 457 employers were approached with the co-operation of the NCVO (400 contacts) and the Personnel Forum for the Voluntary Sector (57 contacts). All of these organisations were registered charities, and predominantly based in England. NCVO contacts were selected on the basis of having relatively high incomes, given large proportions of staff in the sector are employed by these few large organisations (Hems and Passey, 1998, p. 85). A postal questionnaire was distributed to these contacts asking them to reveal details of their current employee relations policies. A total of 143 employers replied, a 30 per cent response rate, and 26 per cent of respondents were personnel specialists, the remainder were operational managers (29 per cent), chairman/chief executives (25 per cent), secretaries of charities (11 per cent), finance directors/treasurer (8 per cent), or assistants to the chief executive (1 per cent). Of these, 50 respondents participated in semi-structured, follow-up interviews (15 conducted by telephone), 24 of which recognised unions. These respondents were again from diverse management backgrounds. Interviews were also undertaken with three senior representatives from the MSF, UNISON and TGWU. Profile of organisations Respondents employed approximately 35,000 employees (FTE equivalents). Table I indicates that organisations were overwhelmingly small to mediumsized, with only 10 per cent employing over 500 employees. These larger organisations employed approximately three-quarters of the employees employed by participants. The majority of respondents also had incomes over 1m per annum. In addition, respondents reported that the average proportion of female employees to male was 68 per cent to 32 per cent. Table I also outlines the industry/field in which organisations operated and their functions, and in doing so indicates the diverse nature of activity in sample organisations.

Per cent Income Below 1m per annum Above 1m per annum Size of organizations (n = 141) Below 20 employees 21-100 employees 101-200 employees 201-500 employees 501-1,000 employees 1,001-2,000 employees 2,000+ employees Industry (field of operation (n = 143) General purposes Education and training Health Social care Accommodation and housing Culture and recreation Religious activities Promotion of business Environment and animal welfare Functions (n = 132) Finance and resourcing Provision of buildings Provision of services Advocacy and information Representation 23 77 24 50 6 10 4 4 2 4 23 26 25 3 8 6 3 3 33 6 39 16 6

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Table I. Income, size, industry and functions of respondents

The management of HR in the voluntary sector In order to establish an insight into the HR climate within the sector, respondents were asked to indicate whether they had adopted policies associated with the model of HRM. Part of the original questionnaire focused on asking whether organisations used policies associated with the ``softer'' model of HRM, which is specifically designed to encourage and nuture organisational commitment and consent. There was some evidence to suggest that respondents were using these initiatives. Table II outlines findings from the wider survey, which reveal how efforts to inform and consult employees through direct forms of communication such as team briefings and newsletters appeared common. In terms of training, there was some evidence to suggest that organisations were attempting to develop a learning culture, with almost two-thirds using a training manager, and more than two-thirds using performance appraisal systems for managers and staff. However, somewhat contradictorily, efforts to gain various quality benchmarks, such as Investors in People (IiP) were uncommon. In terms of employee involvement, only a minority adopted various initiatives to secure employee commitment through greater emphasis on

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Yes Team briefings Newsletters Team working Client orientation Empowerment Quality teams Total quality management Performance pay (managers) Performance pay (non-managers) Written training plan Training manager Training budget Performance appraisal (managers) Performance appraisal (nonmanagers) Investors in People accreditation 80 62 66 33 31 13 16 17 13 51 65 83 70 68 18

No 15 36 32 66 64 85 76 78 83 38 33 16 22 25 57

Intended 4 3 2 1 5 2 8 5 4 11 2 1 8 7 25

Table II. HR initiatives

consultation via empowerment initiatives and quality teams. Team working appeared to be relatively common, but interviews revealed how actual practice differed from the model of semi-autonomous working groups outlined in the team-working literature. Finally, it was also clear that very few organisations used any form of performance pay incentive. The findings also indicated evidence of a hardening of managements' agenda in the HR field. In particular, using both survey and interview data there was evidence to support the assertion outlined in the literature section that the ``contract culture'' was undermining the terms and conditions of staff, and leading to more rigorous scrutiny of employee performance. For example, despite the encouraging trends reported in Table II indicating a reasonably high level of respondents showing commitment to training and development, interviews revealed how some of these organisations were also under pressure from funding restrictions, with 30 per cent of interview respondents indicating that funding bodies obliged them to introduce ``best practice'' in their approach to training. However, there were doubts as to the commitment of funding bodies to the spirit of such initiatives as IiP. A personnel manager noted:
They [local authorities] are increasingly interested in training. On the one hand, they want us to do more training; on the other, they don't like paying for it F F F they don't really want to see the cost on funding applications.

In the wider survey, 32 per cent of organisations reported changes to their remuneration package in the last three years. Interviews revealed how this involved breaking the comparability link with public sector pay and conditions through removing increments from salary scales, cutting holiday entitlement, sabbatical leave, sick pay, time off in lieu, reductions in employer's contribution to the pension fund, tightening absence controls and increasing the amount of work undertaken by employees during unsociable hours. It was significant that

interviews revealed how the impetus for these cuts in pay and conditions were due to pressure from public bodies to reduce costs. An example of this was within a charity that operated throughout England. In the two years preceding the survey it had reduced its holiday entitlement for all staff. The HR manager reported that:
The main reason for this was related to the survival of the business. Obviously the voluntary sector is booming because local authorities wish to contract out their services to nongovernmental organisations like us. On the other hand, they want value for money and a good relatively cheap deal. So they will focus on things like holiday entitlement.

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The same organisation was also under pressure from local authorities to vary its rates of pay to take account of local labour market conditions. The result was that new employees in areas such as the South West of England were being taken on at lower rates of pay in comparison to established staff and those employed in areas such as London and the South East. The wider survey also revealed an increase in the use of atypical employees, as 41 per cent of organisations reported that over the last three years prior to the survey, they had increased the numbers of casual/temporary employees. In addition, a number of interview respondents also reported how it was now standard practice to insert clauses into new contracts of employment stipulating that continued employment was dependent on successful funding bids. For example, one respondent when asked about the need to increase the proportion of employees on fixed-term contracts stated:
It was really a response to funding. Anybody we bring in now is only guaranteed funding from a local authority for one year F F F We try and be up front with it to staff and attempt to re-deploy them if funding is cut.

A possible further manifestation of this harder agenda saw 38 per cent of organisations in the survey strengthening disciplinary/dismissal procedures to deal with performance issues. Interview respondents revealed how moves to revamp discipline and performance management policies were the result of pressure from funders to introduce closer scrutiny of staff competence. One HR director described the transformation resulting from these changes:
When I first came here, there was a feeling that charities had to be very charitable to their staff in terms of performance expectations F F F that has changed. We are not in the commercial world, where we don't care about staff and sack them. However, we do expect staff to be accountable, and we do expect them to do what we hire them for. We will address issues of competency. The sector has changed. There is much more commercial awareness than before.

The above findings suggest some link between the ``contract culture'' and the direction of employee relations in the sector. Some aspects of the ``softer'' HRM model were being embraced, such as training and development and communication. At the same time, there was also a greater emphasis on performance management as a means to ensure service quality. However, in some organisations, staff were expected to match management's enhanced performance expectations, while at the same time face the reality of working in organisations where pay and conditions were under threat. The next section

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will evaluate the extent to which this organisational reality may be colliding with employees' commitment to working in the sector. Evidence of conflict and workforce discontent Tribunal cases The wider survey of respondents revealed how 25 per cent of voluntary organisations had faced an industrial tribunal in the year preceding the survey, and just over half of these cases were on the grounds of unfair dismissal. This figure represents a level of tribunal cases that is far higher than in the public and private services (Culley et al., 1999). There were several possible explanations for these results. From qualitative interviews it was clear that some small and medium-sized organisations in the sector were operating with non-existent, out-of-date or poorly drafted personnel policies and procedures. In this context, some of management's decisions were seen as questionable and open to legal challenge because proper procedures had not been followed; a view that was borne out from interviews with the three senior union officials. An illustration of the dangers to employees is clear from the quote below:
Initially, there were no policies of any sort. Everybody did their own thing. They wrote their own employment contracts. The disciplinary procedure had been out of date for a number of years F F F It was the same with the grievance procedure (personnel respondent from national charity).

However, this high level of tribunal cases can also be seen to be a result of the aforementioned efforts by management to address performance issues among the workforce. Several management respondents reported how they were satisfied that issues surrounding poor performance, or employee misbehaviour were being addressed through the more rigorous enforcement of discipline and dismissal procedures even where this involved more tribunal cases. In response, qualitative interviews with management revealed how employees were questioning the appropriateness of some of these initiatives. For example, in relation to management attempts to strengthen disciplinary procedures, half of the interview respondents undertaking such changes, reported reluctance among some management and staff to accept the punitive nature of the new disciplinary processes. This was translated into a reluctance to dismiss staff accused of poor performance. One respondent described this as a culture of ``chronic niceness''. A related problem for some HR specialists in larger charities was in attempting to introduce and ensure the consistent application of employment policies and procedures, such as discipline. The constitution of some voluntary bodies made this extremely difficult, as many operated under federal structures, where units delivered services under the name of nationally recognised charities. Interview respondents reported how within such structures, operating units could defend a tradition of defining their employee relations policies. This meant that any suggestions for change from the central headquarters were viewed as interference and resisted.

Employee retention The original survey did not include a specific question relating to estimates of annual employee turnover among the respondents. This study did, however, reveal some information relating to why employees decided to leave their posts, and their subsequent destinations. Of respondents, 80 per cent reported that they had lost staff for reasons not related to redundancy in the 12 months prior to the survey, totalling approximately 3,919 employees. An analysis of the destinations of these employees is hampered by a lack of accurate record keeping, with only 39 per cent of respondents using staff exit surveys. The result is that the destinations of only 926 former employees are accounted for. However, from this data it was clear that most staff that left employment did not stay in the voluntary sector. Only 16 per cent of respondents reported how former employees left their organisation to go to another voluntary sector employer, compared with 40 per cent finding employment in the private sector, 22 per cent leaving employment/retiring, 11 per cent moving to the public sector, 7 per cent going on to education, and 4 per cent taking up self-employment. Follow-up interviews suggested that the reasons for employees leaving the sector could relate to poor pay and working conditions, and significant problems with maintaining morale among employees undertaking certain care roles. A HR director from a charity noted:
High employee turnover is down to the geographical spread of our workforce. London is the worst, because there are more opportunities for people to find work with higher pay.

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Another HR director indicated:

A lot of people come into our organisation, while looking for other jobs. We know inherently that they are the worse of the horrible jobs. It is not the domestics F F F It is the people who do direct care, because it is miserable.

It could be argued that this loss of skills from the sector may be primarily due to a simple lack of job opportunities compared to public and private organisations. This undoubtedly explains some of the destinations of employees, but other findings from the survey showed that job opportunities remained in voluntary organisations. The survey data revealed how 42 per cent of respondents in the wider survey had experienced recruitment problems in the year preceding the study, particularly in management, information technology and nursing posts. The most common reason provided by interview respondents for these recruitment difficulties was poor salary levels. A chief executive from a voluntary organisation in the Berkshire area noted:
It is quite difficult to attract somebody of the right calibre in an area where unemployment is 2.2 per cent and you can get 17,000 for fitting a door on a car in a factory.

Union activity The interviews with union officials confirm that there was indeed evidence to suggest growing dissatisfaction among voluntary sector employees regarding changes to the employee relations environment. Although unionisation among sample organisations was low (31 per cent recognised unions), this study did

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indicate an increase in union activity in the sector, particularly in their efforts to sign recognition deals with employers. These efforts were meeting with mixed success, and it was clear from full-time officials that some of the momentum for these initiatives was down to the new legislative climate under the Employment Relations Act. However, officials also noted how there were an increasing number of issues facing employees around which union recruitment efforts could begin to mobilise support. The first being the aforementioned changes to terms and conditions, where management appeared to be putting the organisation's cause as top priority to the detriment of employees' livelihoods. The representative from ACTSS noted:
A lot of voluntary employers seem to think that because of the social purpose of the organisation is so laudable, that people ought not to fuss about salaries, their working conditions and other issues. There is a sense that when they come up against a genuine problem or grievance, staff are seen as complaining or disloyal (trade union representative).

The second issue related to union representation over discipline and grievance issues, where unions reported they were increasingly requested to help resolve disputes in these areas. The third and final issue came from anecdotal evidence from management representatives within voluntary organisations that had undergone rapid growth in employee numbers in recent years. Here, it was reported that the informal structures for employee consultation and communication that existed when fewer staff were employed were now an insufficient instrument to provide employees with a ``voice'', and that employees were demanding more representative mechanisms including trade union recognition. Finally, within the context of the aforementioned employee relations agenda, there was also evidence of management-union tension illustrated by efforts to undermine existing union organisation. For example, follow-up interviews revealed incidents of suspending pay negotiations (four cases); boosting nonunion representation on joint consultative committees (two cases); and reducing time off available for trade union duties (one case). Conclusion and discussion The above findings reveal some influence on the employee relations environment of the voluntary sector from the ``contract culture''. Voluntary organisations appeared to be cutting pay and conditions due to pressure from funders. Disciplinary procedures were being amended, partly because some may have been out of date or inadequate, but also as a measure to introduce tighter performance expectations over staff. The evidence also suggested that the funding environment was leading to a greater reliance on atypical forms of employment, such as temporary contracts. On the other hand, management was introducing elements of the ``softer'' HRM model such as communication and consultation and training and development, albeit under the financial constraints imposed by funding bodies. Within this context, there is an obvious need for a continued investigation into the relationship between funding bodies and the sector, and the extent to which

the former influences employment conditions within the latter. Such an investigation would include an evaluation of the nature of the relationship between the two parties. In particular, this could focus on whether relationships based on price competition, with limited security of tender for the voluntary organisation foster low trust employee relations based on close, coercive scrutiny of labour utilization to meet performance expectations. At the other end of the spectrum, where a contractual relationship is longer term and focuses on issues other than cost, research could evaluate the extent to which these arrangements lead to employment policies being focused on the generation of consent. There are several other important factors to consider in such an analysis. There is a need to consider the impact of wider state policy agenda, particularly whether the uncertainty surrounding the government's ``best value'' initiative broadens ``non-commercial considerations'' in the award of contracts to include workforce issues (Passey et al., 2000, p. 22). A second consideration is the extent to which voluntary organisations diversify in terms of their sources of funding. Research has shown how the more a voluntary body relies on one single funding source, the greater control the funder has over employee relations issues (Morris, 1999). Moreover, it would also be relevant to ascertain the extent to which voluntary organisations are monopoly providers of certain services because of their expertise in a particular niche. In such circumstances, the scope for control over issues such as employee relations by the funding body may not be as strong, given the charity will probably retain a considerable degree of autonomy over its operations. This study has also revealed some evidence to suggest a degree of resistance and dissatisfaction among staff in response to changes to employee relations policies. A combination of poor management practice, and a greater focus on performance and discipline was leading to high levels of industrial tribunal cases in the sector. In response, there is evidence of resistance from staff to the perceived punitive nature of changes to management policies. Such a response may be a defence of a more paternalistic style of management in the sector, and a reaction to inconsistency of treatment in disciplinary matters. In addition, the reported increase in union recruitment and recognition activity (Cunningham, 2000) may be due to a perception of increasing vulnerability among staff to the harsh financial environment of the sector. It is difficult to make firm conclusions from the data relating to employee motivations to quit, but, again, interviews with management do indicate some discontent with pay and conditions. The limitation of this study is that it has raised the possibility of workplace discontent, but it does not identify the specific group(s) of employees, or their motivations for expressing dissatisfaction. This gap in understanding leads on to a framework for further research into the employee response to these changing policy and workplace spheres. This would begin by acknowledging that employee commitment in the sector is not based solely on altruistic motives. Therefore, research would evaluate the balance between different components of employee commitment among the voluntary sector workforce, including altruistic and instrumental motivations. An obvious analytical tool to investigate this issue would come from the psychology literature where employee commitment is

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recognised as a multi-dimensional concept. Moreover, this literature recognises the presence of multiple constituencies and coalitions, such as profession, workgroup, trade unions and company, and that each of these competing sources of commitment will have their own goals and values that may or may not be compatible with those of the organisation itself (Meyer and Allen, 1991). In addition, from a theoretical perspective, the voluntary sector would also present an interesting case in evaluating the extent to which changes to employment relations, in this case brought about by the dynamics of the relationship between funding bodies under ``contract culture'', can change diverse, and in some cases extremely high levels of commitment to work. Care would have to be taken in relation to establishing causality between changes to employee commitment and the relationship between the voluntary organisations and their funders. This is because other aspects of this relationship not directly associated with employee relations may have an influence. For example, there is the issue of ``mission drift'', where decisions regarding the direction of services provided by charities are made by government through its funding priorities. In such circumstances, the commitment of workers may change if their employer is forced to abandon some of the key charitable activities that originally lead them to choose their employment (Morris, 1999). Despite this caveat, there are several traditions within the academic literature that could serve as useful analytical tools in a study that focuses on the impact of changes in the employment relationship on employee commitment. From industrial sociology, an aspect of the work orientations literature is the contentious debate relating to the degree to which transformations in employee orientations to work can occur due to the current employment experience (Brown, 1992). In addition, the concept of the psychological contract can provide an understanding of the dynamics behind any change to employee commitment. Here, employment is seen as an exchange relationship comprising of mutual expectations and obligations that can be subject to change if one or both parties perceive that these have been violated (Guest, 1992; Makin et al., 1996, p. 7). The appeal of these approaches is that they are able to distinguish the extent to which particular components of employee commitment may be more valued by one person than another. They therefore could be used to assess the potentially differing impact changes in the employment relationship can have on the diverse, competing and complex employee motivations to work in voluntary organisations.
References Batsleer, J. (1995), ``Management and organisation'', in Smith, J.S., Rochester, C. and Hedley, R. (Eds), An Introduction to the Voluntary Sector, Routledge, London, pp. 224-48. Brown, R. (1992), Understanding Industrial Organisations: Theoretical Perspectives in Industrial Sociology, Ch. 4, p. 147. Burawoy, M. (1979), Manufacturing Consent, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL. Charlesworth, J., Clarke, J. and Cochrane, A. (1996) ``Tangled webs? Managing local mixed economies of care'', Public Administration, Vol. 74 No. 1, pp. 67-88.

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Sweet charity!

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