The media had come to its success not by accident; for Philippine media today is a product of context and

history. The Philippines is a nation in perennial transition trapped in many contradictions. It is a nation that made the world history when it ousted- the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos from 1965- 1986, who had served longest as president. When Martial Law was proclaimed on September 21, 1972, all the papers including the socalled oligarchic press and broadcast stations were closed. EDSA people power revolt came and with it a new found hopes for Asias bastion of democracy. The Philippine Revolution of 1986, from February 22- 25, has been acclaimed as a first televised revolution in the history. The first free local election in post- Marcos era was held in 1987.Radio and television, particularly, led in the selection coverage because of their immediacy. There were three sources of election results reported by different outlets called Media Poll Count, conducted by the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster sa Pilipinas (KBP) and aired over most radio stations and four television stations in Metro Manila ( Channels 2,4,9 and 13); the super slow count, the so- called official count conducted by the Commission on Election (ComElec) and covered by the same stations; and the quick count conducted by the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) and aired only by Radio Veritas.

While this account has been referring mainly to the electronic media when talking about the role of communication in the four- day revolution, the print media also did their share, particularly the alternative press led by Malaya, Mr. and Ms., Veritas news magazine, Philippine Daily Inquirer and Manila Times. We did our share in keeping people abreast of developments, Malaya publisher Jose Burgos Jr. Meanwhile, from the provinces, the crucial role of mass communication in the February Revolution was further underscored. Radio station DZLB, the rural educational radio station of University of the Philippine Los Baos covered the two important events: the snap election of February 7 and the Revolution. In Cebu, mass media was divided and manipulated. Of the five daily newspapers in Cebu, only Freeman and Sun- Star enjoy wide readership. Visayan Herald can be consider an opposition newspaper following the path of Pahayagang Malaya but has low readership. The Sun- Star tried to hold on to the slipping Marcos. But on February 25, before Marcos left the country, Sun- Star came out with the headline: Cory, Doy take oath this AM. Soon after the elections, the Freeman went all out opposition with pro- Cory news on February 26 with headline read: Marcos is gone/Nation rejoices.

In broadcasting, DYRC- DYBU, DYLA, DYRF, DYMF and DYIM played major roles. DYRF went on 24- hour coverage of the election and poll count, fielding 5 reporters on motorcycles, 5 mobile units, and hooking up with Radio Veritas for the national poll result. In its February revolution coverage, DYRF hooked up with Radio Veritas, had running commentaries on the events in Manila, and at the same time implored the people of Cebu to remain calm. Station DYRC and its FM station DYBU were generally neutral, but at times leaned towards the opposition. The DYMF, owned by Ilonggo, Manuel Florete, was likewise neutral. Through an arrangement with RCPI, it go reports from many parts of the country. DYLA, the radio station of the Associated Labor Union (ALU), has wide listenership but it was branded as pro- administration. Very few really listened to DYIM, the government station, until Cory supporters took over the government radio and television stations in Manila. While the Cebu mass media served the selfish interests of their owners, they have also served the public interest by providing a forum for showing the truth in the interest of the nation wish they made as their most important contribution as mass media. With this kind of event in our country, Envelopemental journalism, the open secret did not exempt anyone. The Cebu mass media with their Freeman and Sun- Star Daily was contaminated with this kind of activity during the controversial nationwide

Media Poll Count. It is said that three of the Sun-Star Daily columnist was reported for having a secret work to influence local newspapers to print stories favorable to KBL. In Dumaguete, few days before the February election, radio mobilized people was so dependent on listening with radio stations. The four local radio station- DYSRbroadcast arm of the National Council of Churches in the Philippines, DYWC- operated by the Catholic Diocese of Dumaguete, DYRM and DTEM-FM repeatedly appealed to its listeners to safeguard the ballots. But only DYSR and DYWC both church- related were strong supporters of the National Movement for Free Election (NAMFREL). The two were purely commercial stations. Many more local mass media had a great role during the EDSA revolution by letting people know the happening during that that time including the Visayan Daily Star of Bacolod. The DYPL, DYBR and DYVL radio station of Leyte; GMA (Channel 11) and RPN (Channel3) television stations; DXOR, DXCC and DXMO radio stations of Cagayan de Oro. Local radio stations DXMS- DXND team broadcast, DXRC and DXCM, one locally publishing weekly, The Mindanao Cross, and a number of national dailies and magazines updated the people of Cotabato City and the surrounding provinces on issues and happening during the snap election and the February revolution. By 1992, then the former President Corazon Aquino supervised a smooth leadership turnover that witnessed the first free presidential race in two decades. Then

Joseph Estrada came in as the third president in the post- Marcos era of rebuilding. Fresh into his term as a president in 1998, Estrada did not get the traditional honeymoon with the press. Newspapers immediately went to town with critical stories about him. The House of Representatives decided to investigate the expos, while other house member spearheaded a move to impeach the president. Filipinos were closely following the impeachment trial for Estrada, who was brought to trial on charges of corruption and mismanagement. When it was announced on television news broadcast that 11 senators had voted against unsealing evidence that would have easily convicted Estrada, the public was outraged. Immediately, Filipinos began to send text messages to one another and to coordinate protests against the allegedly corrupt leader. The mobile phones become the key device used in coordinating collective action. Mobile phones are ubiquitous in the Philippines. Quickly following the senators decisions, Filipinos began responding to text messages calling them to action. Typical SMS messages include the following examples: Wear black to mourn the death or democracy. Expect there to be rebels. Military needs to see 1 million at a rally tomorrow, Jan. 19, to make a decision to go against Erap! Please pass on.

All sources indicate that the messages calling for mass demonstrations were not the result of an alert system where Filipinos had signed to receive text about emergencies or calls to action. Rather, Filipinos primarily received messages from peers within their existing social networks. The origin of the first message calling for a gathering at the site of the 1986 revolution (People Power I) is unknown. However, it is not the imagination to think that multiple individuals had the same idea to organize at the same place as they did 15 years earlier. Demonstrations and protests took place over five- day period with an estimated one million Filipinos participating. In reaction to the large protests, cabinet fled their posts, police and army members sided with the protesters, Estrada resigned, and Gloria Arroyo was sworn in as the new president. The events of People Power II exemplify how conditions ripe for political activity, coupled with the power of emerging technology, can converge to create a powerful movement with lasting consequences. Smart Communication, Inc., a mobile operator in the Philippines, reported that in one day, over 70 million text messages were sent. On contrary, an e- mail that was hoping to collect m1 million signatures to call for Estradas resignation only received 91, 000 signatures. Looking at the local culture and circumstances, a crowd could have been mobilized via voice messages, e- mails, and word of mouth. However, low internet penetration, combined with the time- consuming nature of calling and speaking to individuals within your social network, wouldhave prevented the demonstrations from

occurring quickly. Filipinos were able to utilize a tool they were already familiar with text messaging to communicate their ideas and plans rapidly and present a forceful showing against Estrada immediately after the news about the vote was released.

The media, even in the freest countries, are therefore squandering their potential to be an agent of positive change, to preserve diversity of views, to give voice to minorities, and to serve as a feedback mechanism for policy making in democracy, says journalist Kunda Dixit.