The Formative Site of Las Haldas, Peru: Architecture, Chronology, and Economy Author(s): Tsugio Matsuzawa and Izumi

Shimada Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 43, No. 4, (Oct., 1978), pp. 652-673 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279497 Accessed: 01/08/2008 12:50
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THE FORMATIVE SITE OF LAS HALDAS, PERU: ARCHITECTURE,CHRONOLOGY,AND ECONOMY Tsugio Matsuzawa
Translated by Izumi Shimada
In 1958 and 1969 the Tokyo University expeditions excavated the Formative site of Las Haldas on the Peruvian coast as part of their multiyear investigation into the developmental processes of Andean civilization. The site, known for a temple complex consisting of 6 terraces and a circular sunken court, provides comparative data for the key highland Formative site of Kotosh. The results of the 1969 excavation refuted the earlier view that the temple complex was preceramic. The large quantity of organic refuse, the architectural build-up, and the radiocarbon dates suggest long, continuous occupation based on maritime economy. Las Haldas was a key component of a pan-Andean exchange system, which cross-cut major ecological zones, and must be considered in conjunction with agricultural populations in the nearby Casma Valley and farther inland.

Translator's Note: This is an edited translation of the 1974 preliminary report on Las Haldas, which appeared in the Proceedings of the Department of Humanities. College of General Education, Tokyo University, Volume 59, Cultural Anthropology Series No. 2. My primary interest in undertaking this task is to make the report available to English-reading archaeologists. The author, T. Matsuzawa, subsequent to the writing of this report, changed his field of specialization from Andean archaeology. The format required by American Antiquity and certain idiosyncrasies of Japanese language required modifications in the organization and contents of the original report. Specifically, I added an abstract and rewrote the acknowledgments and introduction. Certain redundancies were edited out, and as a result, the sections on excavational procedure and human burials were considerably rewritten and shortened. Several aspects of the report deserve special mention. Normally only a small fraction of a site recorded by archaeologists during survey is subjected to excavation. Las Haldas, however, has been the locus of 4 distinct excavations by 4 groups representing 3 nationalities, a fact that underscores its significance. The archaeological history of the site reflects the slow but vital process of information accumulation and selfcorrection. Perhaps the 1969 operation by the Tokyo University team should be more appropriately regarded as the second stage of a multistage strategy that began with the first Las Haldas Expedition in 1958. Although the text lacks the explicit discussion of sampling technique or research design common in American writing, a careful reading of the original text reveals a basic concern with the development of a productive excavation strategy and technique. In fact, Matsuzawa emphasizes the necessity for devising an effective field technique to counter the adverse field conditions that he encountered at Las Haldas. Discussion of the 7 radiocarbon dates available for Las Haldas cautions against overreliance on radiometric dates. Not only are the notions of accuracy and precision frequently confused, but too much emphasis is placed on radiocarbon dates in current archaeological thinking. In addition, the major discrepancies existing between the 2 sets of dates from 2 laboratories suggest technical inconsistency or inadequacy. The 1969 excavation, due to time limitations, failed to reach the earliest occupations of the site. The present report does, however, show that the several stages of architectural changes that shaped the extant temple complex are ceramic. It is clear that if there is a preceramic component, it is limited in scale. Analysis of the excavated artifacts and organic remains has not been carried out, and existing circumstances do not suggest an early resolution. This report focuses upon architecture and its chronological significance. Many common names of fauna and flora used in the original text, however, have been augmented by information from an earlier study of bird, fish, and mammal remains from Las Haldas kindly supplied by Dr. Elizabeth Wing of the Florida State Museum. Actual identification of the remains was made by Dr. Kenneth Campbell and Ms. Kathleen Johnson of the same institution. Some of the fish were identified using Schweigger (1964). This report offers some promising avenues of future research into the socioeconomic organization of Formative coastal populations. For example, through appropriate sampling and quantification, the construction technique using totora reed sacks filled with stones from various locations could be studied as material evidence of "work units" and labor organization (cf. Moseley 1975).

Tsugio Matsuzawa, Nara National Cultural Properties Research Institute, Center for Archaeological Operations, Sakicho, Nara City, Japan 630 Izumi Shimada, Department of Anthropology, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08540

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are designated Lastly,trenches excavated by F. Engel,the 1958 TokyoUniversityteam and Rosa Jung(Fung) '67-FE,'58 and '65-RJ, respectively.Many small test pits that were excavated by these workers,however, are not shown on the drawings, which were expertly redrafted by Charles Sternberg of the Arizona State Museum.Only those photographscrucial to the understandingof the text are reproducedhere.

In 1958, the first Tokyo University Scientific Expedition to the Andes, under the direction of the late Eiichiro Ishida and with the participation of a Peruvian archaeologist, Rosa Jung, conducted a small-scale excavation at the site of Las Haldas, south of the Casma Valley, Peru (Ishida 1960). Earlier, Frederic Engel (1957) had conducted a number of test excavations at the site and regarded it as a large preceramic settlement. The principal structures at the site consisted of 6 interlinked "terraces," said to corporately represent a stylized jaguar (Engel 1957). In this paper, the terraces as a whole will be referred to as the "temple complex" (cf. Engel 1957). In his subsequent, more comprehensive, study of the "preceramic temple culture" of coastal Peru, Engel (1964) emphasized the significance of Las Haldas. During his most recent fieldwork at the site in 1967, Engel (1970) excavated large trenches and cleared and restored the masonry walls of the temple complex, which covers an area of about 1 x 1.5 km. As a result, the configuration of the terraces and smaller structural groups surrounding the temple complex was defined. Concurrently, a base map of the site and cross-sectional plan of the temple complex were produced. Rosa Jung (1969a, 1969b) independently conducted a small-scale excavation at the site as a part of her dissertation research. In recent syntheses of Andean civilization (e.g., Lanning 1967; Moseley 1975; Willey 1971), Las Haldas has been considered one of the major Formative sites on the coast. Lanning (1967:66-67, 90-95) and Willey (1971:109) have both characterized the site as large, preceramic Period VI village, which evolved into a major ceremonial center during the Initial period. This center is thought to have been sustained by agricultural populations in 2 nearby valleys. Both authors believe the settlement to have been established during the preceramic stage. Seiichi Izumi (Izumi and Sono 1963), who succeeded Ishida as director of the Tokyo University Expedition, perceived the site of Las Haldas as an excellent setting for an investigation into the formational processes of the coastal "preceramic temple culture," to be carried out concurrently with the multiyear excavation of the highland Formative site of Kotosh. The latter site was shown to have long occupational continuity from about 2000 + B.C. and a complex socioreligious organization centered around temple structures during the later portions of the preceramic stage (i.e., Kotosh Mito phase). Data from both highland and coast were-thought to be essential in testing the hypothesis advanced by Julio Tello (1960) on the formation of the Chavin culture, "la cultura matriz," of Andean civilization. Based on these research interests and perspectives, the Fifth Tokyo University Expedition to the Andes in 1969 included a 3-person team charged with intensive excavation of Las Haldas. The group consisted of 3 archaeologists, Tsuigo Matsuzawa, Takeshi Umeno, and Takura Izumi. Two physical anthropologists, Tamotsu Ogata and Hilda Vidal, analyzed the human burials encountered during the course of the 1969 excavation. The present report is based upon the results of the 1969 fieldwork, which spanned a period of 2 1/2 months, and on preliminary analysis of artifacts and organic remains. The artifacts and organic materials still await complete description and analysis. The report presents the specific research problems to which we addressed ourselves and the field strategy and its implementation, and discusses the stratigraphies and various structural remains we observed, their chronological significance, the human burials, and a series of C-14 dates we obtained. The final section of the report discusses the cultural significance of architecture at the site, the organic materials recovered, and probable socioeconomic links between the Las Haldas and Casma Valley populations.

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PREEXCAVATIONOBSERVATIONS AND SPECIFICRESEARCHINTERESTS Even a superficial survey of the site makes clear that archaeological remains densely cover a small hill situated near a cliff facing the Pacific Ocean. The remains consist mainly of numerous basurales, or refuse mounds, distributed within an area of about 2 km2. The site was long occupied by people who intensively exploited abundant marine resources, principally shellfish and fish. The quantity of marine products procured for in situ consumption and exportation, even in light of the considerable duration of occupation, is simply impressive. The site overlooks an irregular coast line formed by sandy and rocky beaches, which presents an isolated appearance among a line of coastal deserts (Figs. 1-3).

Figure 1. Las Haldas and its environmentalsetting (photo taken on a hill 800 m from the site). It became evident from the extent and complexity of architectural patterns created by the temple complex and the surrounding structural groups that the architectural remains as a whole were not a product of contemporaneous construction. In fact, delineation of the extent and configuration of a given coterminous construction would be a difficult task. Given our limitations on time and manpower, a broad-spectrum investigation of this complex and extensive site appeared unfeasible, even if we adopted the strategy of excavating widely dispersed small test pits. We believed, however, that the extensive excavation and clearing conducted by F. Engel in 1967 had served to clarify the broader architectural configuration. Thus our 1969 field operation focused upon intensive examination of specific problems and limited areas of the site. As our primary objective was to define the construction date of the temple complex, elucidation of structural and chronological relationships between Terraces III and IV became the major task of our fieldwork. As is apparent in Figure 4, these 2 terraces form the major section of the temple complex, and their dating is essential in chronological placement of the temple within the total occupation span of the site. The terrace designation used here follows that first employed by Engel (1957). However, the 18-m wide terrace that bridges Terraces III and IV has been newly designated as the Terrace III Extension (Fig. 5). Engel's excavation did not include the crucial transitional zone between the Terrace III Extension and Terrace IV, and the Tokyo University team and Rosa Jung excavated only isolated trenches '58-Pl and '65-RJ1, respectively, in that zone. Clearly we needed a trench linking the entire span of Terraces III and IV, as earlier excavations had failed to produce a unified stratigraphic picture of Terraces III, III Extension, and IV. The masonry wall (P1W-1) exposed by '58-Pl is inferred to have been the boundary wall between Terraces III and IV. Although the wall stands 1.2 m high today, considering the quantity of associated rubble, we estimate an original height of about 2 to 2.25 m. Following the preceding discussion, if these terraces formed a part of a functional entity, there must have been a stairway or ramp to facilitate movement between them. The placement of '58-Pl and '67-RJ1 was apparently not dictated by such a consideration. Furthermore, the position of the inferred stairway or ramp would most likely have been along the central axis of the temple complex.

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I-

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LA MRAMITA

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O OCEAAN t 0 t t i I t i 1000 Figure 2. Topographyof Las Haldas and surroundingarea.

'

As the extent and total configuration of Terraces I, II, V, and VI remained uncertain, the central axis of the temple complex could not be drawn with certainty. The axis was therefore derived or sunken court in Terrace IV that by extending the center line of the circular semisubterranean

was partially cleared by Engel in 1967. A major question arose following inspection of '58-P1. In 1958 the area north of masonry wall
P1W-1 was excavated through the floor associated with the wall. Much of the exposed deposit lay

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Figure 3.

Temple complex, Las Haldas.

below the floor and significantly extended under the wall toward the Terrace III Extension, essential in reassessing the date of the temple. METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS Attendant to specification of research interests AND EXCAVATIONAL and goals is formulation PROCEDURE of an appropriate

a fact

field

methodology within the logistical constraints. In addition to trenches intended to establish the

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TERRACE 3

TERRACE IS

o
3

0
Figure 4. Distribution of Trenches and Terraces Mland IV.

50

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Figure 5. The Terrace m Extension (center) and circular sunken court (foreground),looking south. chronology of the temple complex, a number of other trenches were excavated for specific purposes to be described later (see Fig. 4). Various sampling and related interpretive problems must be anticipated when dealing with a site of this magnitude. Even a trench that appears promising may yield results of unknown biases. Extension of the line connecting the 2 midpoints of the south and north stairs of the sunken court within Terrace IV served as the longitudinal axis of the temple complex. Seven 2 m by 10 m trenches were contiguously laid along the eastern side of this axis. The following section briefly summarizes the excavation of important trenches. An unexpected field problem arose soon after excavation commenced. Winds from the sea lifted fine dust, creating whirlwinds within the trench and significantly affecting our field technique. We had originally intended to conduct a highly controlled excavation designed to facilitate microstratigraphic observations, including differentiation of the "lenses" characteristic of basurales. Field conditions forced us to adopt a compromise solution in the form of excavation by artificial layers. Accordingly, the precision of our excavations fell. Excavated materials from each layer were transported elsewhere for examination and screening. Profiles presented here should be regarded as an approximation of the real stratigraphy. Trench '69-A was intended to clarify the nature of linkage between the Terrace III Extension and Terrace IV. Because we believed the stratigraphic correspondence established earlier, on the basis of '58-Pl, was incorrect, Trench A was tripartitioned to facilitate precise stratigraphic observation. Below a basically homogeneous deposit rich in ash, charcoal, and organic material, we encountered a stairway (designated A St-1) as predicted. The floor surface associated with the stairway extended into Trench '69-B and was nearly exposed on the surface. Investigation of the subfloor stratigraphy thus became the primary objective of '69-B (Figs. 6 and 8). The subfloor deposit as a whole was composed of interdigitated lenses rich in the remains of terrestrial shells, sea urchins, mussels, mollusks, and seaweeds. A masonry wall remnant, BW-3, was exposed in the trench. Trench '69-C (Figs. 8 and 9) clarified the outer wall and upper floor surfaces of the sunken court, while Trench '69-D defined the relationship between Terraces III and III Extension. The hard floor surface identified earlier in adjacent Trench A extended southward toward Trench D, where walls DW-1 to 3 occurred (Figs. 6 and 7). The walls were built directly on the floor surface which, in turn, overlay a brown soil layer containing totora bags filled with stones. In other words, walls DW-1 to 3 as well as the stairway (A St-1) were underlain by the same artificial fill. This layer of totora bag stone fill was underlain by a dark brown stratum, a fact which proved to be essential in chronological placement of the structures in the transitional zone between the Terrace III Extension and Terrace IV. Trench '69-E (Figs. 10 and 11) occupied the northern perimeter of Terrace III, an area of agglutinated habitational structures. We exposed a masonry wall, EW-2, on top of which were 2 hearths (EFp-1 and 2; Fig. 11) filled with carbonized material. Their broader architectural context is unclear, and they could not be related to structures EW-1 and 6 exposed earlier by F. Engel.

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'69-B

TERRACE IV

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TERRACE IIIEX

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'69-E ESt-I Figure 6. Trenches and structures, Terrace mnExtension.

Masonry walls EW-2, 3, 5, and 6 and their associated floors combined to form 5 rooms (ER-1to 5)
superimposed to form 3 layers. plastered stairway (E St-1) of 6 steps (Fig. Subflooring in Trench E revealed a well-preserved rock inclusions and a layer of black soil. Subflooring of room overlain a hard with layer 11), by ER-5 showed that the foundation of the masonry walls (EW-2 and 3) lay well above the floor and

revealed a black soil layer and a floor associated with a single course of stones. This black soil layer is believed to be an extension of the layer covering the stairway, E St-1. The single course of stones may well be the first step of E St-1, but this possibility was not resolved.

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o>

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DN

Figure 7.

East face of Trenches '69-A and D.

Trench '69-F (Figs. 10 and 11) spanned a circular depression near the northern end of Terrace III. Although anticipated structures were within the depression, excavation failed to provide any clue as to the cause of the depression. The deposits encountered were mainly composed of the discontinuous lenses peculiar to basurales. On the other hand, the Trench F Extension encompassed a small, roomlike structure (FR-1) defined by single course stone walls associated with a

I69-B

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'69-G

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Figure 8.

West face of Trenches '69-B, C and G,'58-P1.

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m
0 0 5 5

Figure 9.

Circular sunken court and trenches, Terrace IV.

poorly finished floor about 10 cm below the surface and a firepit that contained carbonized Tilandsia. Similar small-scale, roomlike constructions extended farther east. Trench '69-G (Figs. 8, 9, and 12) spanned the lower stairway and inferred basal floor level of the sunken court. No plastered floor surface was identified. Trench '69-H (Fig. 9) was set up in the eastern half of the sunken court to obtain an east-west profile across the basal floor. The clearing operation conducted within the sunken court by F. Engel in 1967 had shown that the court had 2 levels. Remnants of these terrace walls were buried by rubble from the upper sections of the original walls, which were, in turn, covered by silt and sand laminations identical to those in Trench G. The rubble was a single homogeneous mass, probably deposited within a short time span, while the laminations represent a series of recurring precipitations over a long time span. Trench P (Fig. 10) cut through basurales in Terrace III and encountered 2 wall segments at depths of about 1 m and 2 m, respectively. Their structural relationships to other walls within Terrace III remains unknown. Adjacent Trench Q (Fig. 10) reached a depth of 3.3 m below the surface, cutting through deposits largely composed of shell refuse.

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m
I0 5I

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Figure 10.

Trenches and structures, northeastern part of Terrace III.

BURIALS

During the clearing operation in the southeast quarter of the sunken court, a human burial designated ITm-2 (Fig. 9) was encountered. The body has been placed semiflexed in a fetal position. According to Tamotsu Ogata, the physical anthropologist, the individual was a mature male with an extremely low cephalic index, indicating artificial skull deformation. Using the Pearson formulae, he estimated height to have been about 1.6 m. Funerary offerings were limited in number and low in quality. They included a comb, a junco reed basket containing a small gourd, 2 gourd vessels, and a narrow wooden stick 1.15 m long. None of these artifacts served for comparative dating. Careful evaluation of the burial context indicated that it was not contemporaneous with primary occupation of the sunken court. Significantly, no outline of the burial pit, which measured 20 to 30 cm in depth and 60 to 80 cm in length, was recognized during our earlier clearing operation. The roof of the cavity was formed by randomly stacked stones solidified by white clay, a matrix identical to the surrounding rubble. In addition, the associated gourd partially covered by a woven basket and the cloth that apparently had wrapped the body were underlain by the same rubble accumulation. In other words, the burial dates to a period when the sunken court was no

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2 I 1

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Figure 12.

Sunken court after the 1969 excavation.

longer actively maintained and deterioration had already set in. Although the cloth wrapping pointed to some care, the general condition of the burial suggested that the body was simply laid on the ground and not buried. Formation of the cavity may be accounted for by consolidation of rubble, coupled with shrinkage of the body and decay of the wrappings. Similarly, a test pit near the center of the basal floor of the sunken court in 1958 ('58-P2) yielded human bones (P2 Tm-1). No detailed record of the burial context was made. A segment of an intrusive pit outline was, however, recognized in the profile of a pit excavated at the center of the court in 1969. Considering the proximity of the intrusive pit to the locus where human bones were discovered in 1958, the bones may well have belonged to a burial interred in the pit. The pit had a width of approximately 1 m and a depth of 80 cm. It had been dug into the basural that served as the construction fill for the basal floor. The top of the pit, however, lay slightly below the uneven floor surface, suggesting that the pit was dug during occupation of the semisubterranean court. STRATIGRAPHICCOMPARISON AND CORRELATION The above excavation results can be organized to show the gradual transformation of the temple complex through several construction stages. In areas covered by Trench F, the present-day surface roughly corresponds to the floor associated with primary occupation of Terrace III. Significantly, all 19 artificial layers distinguished within the Terrace III basural yielded pottery sherds. Although a wall remnant is known from the lowest layer, from Trenches F, P and Q, the limited scale of our excavation precluded determination of the nature of association between the wall and pottery. Architectural remains found on the surface of Trench F Extension were not directly related to the construction and primary occupation of Terrace III. In Trench E, there were 2 major constructions representing 2 periods: (1) the 2 hearths and the domestic structures located farther north and (2) the sustaining wall of Terrace III, which included the buried stairway, E St-1. The deposits underlying the 2 major constructions represent 2 additional time periods, the lower of which remains largely unknown. Trench D encountered walls built on the upper few layers and an underlying plastered floor that could be traced to contiguous Trenches A and B and was coterminous with Stairway A St-1. The foundation of this floor consisted of stone fill. Although deposits underlying the floor in Trench B have not been adequately studied, some structural remains were noted. The floor was overlain by a thick deposit of dark, stained refuse rich in cultural and organic materials. In Trench C, the top layer corresponded to the floor surface of Terrace IV and to the upper terrace wall of the circular sunken court. Immediately below the floor lay small-scale constructions

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TERRACE

t2

TERRACE m
F/3 410 B.C. 1200

F/15 1650 I

Figure 13.

Stratigraphic contexts of C14 samples.

which, in turn, were underlain by a thick refuse deposit. The nature of the deposit is poorly understood. Although we did not excavate below the basal floor of the sunken court in Trench G, '58-P2 revealed the existence of a subfloor basural. In sum, we have a picture of the gradual transformation of the northern margin of Terrace III. The transformation may be seen in terms of 3 stages. During the first period, the stairway and associated entry were in active use. This was followed by the period during which the Terrace III Extension was built. The third stage was the period of occupation of small, roomlike domestic structures along with closing of the terrace entry. We cannot outline at this moment, however, the corresponding changes within Terrace IV. Undoubtedly, the lower reaches of Trenches A, D, and E as the subfloor of the semisubterranean court must be examined in the future. C-14 DATES A total of 5 samples were taken from various contexts within the temple complex (Fig. 13) and submitted to the Tokyo University and Gakushuin University for radiometric determination. These dates were supplemented by 2 dates obtained from samples taken during the 1958 excavation (Pits No. 3 and 6; Ishida 1960:518-519). The latter set produced dates of 2690 ? 150 B.P. or 730 B.C. (Sample '58-P1/3, Gak-606) and 3590 + 130 B.P. or 1630 B.C. (Sample '58-P1/6, Gak-607). In

Table 1. C-14 Dates (Uncorrected) in Respect to the Tripartite Relative Chronology of the Temple Complex. Gakushuin laboratory Trench Trench P1 F (1) Pit 1/No. 3 2690 + 150 (730 BC) (2) Pit 1/No. 6 (4) LH-D/4 2520 ? 60 3590 ? 130 (570 BC) (1630 BC) (6) F/3 3150 (1200 (7) F/15 3600 (1650
? 90

Chronology Posttemple construction (secondary occupation) Temple construction (primary occupation) Pretemple construction/occupation

Tokyo University laboratory Trench Trench Trench B A D (3) LH-Aa/2 2360 ? 90 (410 BC)

BC)
? 95

(5) LH-BEX/9 2590 ? 80 (640 BC)

BC)

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Table 1, the 7 dates are arranged in respect to the tripartite relative chronology of the temple complex discussed earlier. Even a superficial glance at Table 1 clearly reveals the contradictions that exist. The most notable discrepancy exists between the 2 samples taken from totora or cattail grass sacks that had been filled with stones and used as foundation fill for Terrace III. A difference of over 1000 years (1630 B.C. vs. 570 B.C.) is simply too large for samples taken from the same substance occurring in what appeared to be a homogeneous matrix. Even if we allow 3 standard deviations for each date, a difference of 500 years still remains. Significantly, the 1958 date of 1630 B.C. formed the major supportive evidence for the interpretation that the temple complex belonged to the preceramic stage. However, as noted earlier, the results of the 1969 fieldwork show that despite the C-14 dates, stratigraphically the temple complex cannot be considered preceramic. The depositions that preceded the temple construction are similarly characterized by divergent dates of 640 B.C. for Layer 9 in the Trench B Extension and 1200 B.C. and 1650 B.C. for Layers 3 and 15 of Trench F. As seen in Figure 9, the contexts from which samples F/3 (1200 B.C.) and F/15 (1650 B.C.) were taken have similar horizontal coordinates but differ in respect to depth. In other words, a time difference of 450 years between Layers 3 and 15 is indicated. Although the degree and nature of stratigraphic correspondence between the sampling contexts in Trenches B Extension and F have not been determined, both contexts produced quite similar pottery, which led us to expect similar dates. A difference of 560 years between F/3 and BEX/9 is well over our expectations. The posttemple construction dates, once again, manifest a major discrepency of 320 years between Samples Aa/2 and P1/3. Although stratigraphic designations differ between Trench '69-A (Segment Aa) and Trench P1 (dug in 1958), these nearly contiguous trenches (Fig. 6) cut through the same basural formation that overlay the stairway (A St-1). Sample Aa/2 was derived from a context 30 to 60 cm below the surface, while P1/3 sample came from a depth of about 40 to 60 cm below the surface. Because of the spatial proximity and homogeneity of the basural formation, we had anticipated similar dates. It should be noted that these significant discrepancies exist between samples processed by 2 different institutions. Despite the internal inconsistencies, at a general level the dates from Las Haldas may be compared with those from other Formative sites in the Andes. Among the coastal sites belonging to the Chavin period, the closest to Las Haldas is the site of Cerro Sechin in the Casma Valley. Concurrent to our investigation at Las Haldas, excavation and restoration of the Sechin site was conducted by Peruvian archaeologists. Charcoal samples were secured from floors identified outside of the carved stone wall that defined the perimeter of the platform of the principal temple. The samples were processed at the Tokyo University and yielded dates of 770 =t 60 B.C. (TK-106) for the fourth layer sample and 990 ? 120 B.C. (TK-107) for the fifth layer. From the highland site of Chavin de Huantar, a series of radiocarbon dates available include 420 B.C. (Sample V 2481, Gif-1007) and 780 B.C. (Sample V 2482, Gif-1078) (Delibrias et al. 1971:225), which are in general agreement with the current consensus on the chronology of the Chavin culture. However, a charcoal sample taken from a context in direct association with Classic Chavin pottery in the basement of the Chavin de Huantar temple produced a somewhat older date of 850 B.C. (TK-18). The Chavin phase at the site of Kotosh near Huanuco had even older dates of 870 B.C. (N-65-2) and 1200 B.C. (Gak-263). On the other hand, the preceding Kotosh Kotosh phase had 3 radiocarbon dates of 890 B.C. (N-67-2), 920 B.C. (N-66-a), and 1120 B.C. (Gak-261). In general the pottery from Las Haldas strongly resembles that of the Kotosh Kotosh Phase. Dates from Samples 5 to 7, taken from the pretemple construction deposits at Las Haldas, suggest a time period similar to that of the Kotosh phase. The 1630 B.C. date (Sample 2 from Pit 1, excavated in 1958) has been used in the past as indicative of the preceramic date of the temple construction. As noted earlier, the 1969 fieldwork did not yield any evidence that substantiates this view. Finally, dates of 1950 B.C. to 1170 B.C. have been assigned to the preceramic Kotosh Mito phase, while F. Engel (1963:10) obtained a date of 1840 B.C. ? 100 for preceramic Rio Seco sites on the Central Coast.

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DISCUSSION AND INTERPRETATIONOF THE DATA Relative Chronology The problems surrounding the growth of the site and its long occupation are complex and interrelated. As a framework for the discussion, I suggest a 4-phase relative chronology. The "Initial" phase refers to the postulated preceramic occupation of the site, while the following "Early" phase designates the time span of the basural formation which constitutes the base of the temple complex. The latter ceramic phase is characterized by construction of small-scale permanent structures. The "Middle" phase is the period of temple construction and primary occupation. The "Late" witnesses compartmentalization of the original temple into a number of small habitational units and secondary occupation. This last phase marks a major change in temple domain and corresponds to the time of basural formation that covers A St-1 (Figs. 6 and 7). Further temporal subdivision and detailed characterization are postponed until completion of artifact analysis and full publication of F. Engel's work. Although a detailed socioeconomic reconstruction of the continuous occupation of Las Haldas is inappropriate at this moment, we may productively consider a number of issues with various ramifications for future studies of coastal Formative settlements. Subsistence Logistics A major problem for the continuou pas occupation of Las Haldas would have been the procurement of water. Despite some local opinions arguing for the existence of a nearby spring, none has been located. If there has been no major climatic change since establishment of the site, natural precipitation alone could not have been the source of fresh water. During the 1969 fieldwork, our drinking water was transported daily from the town of Casma some 30 km north of the site. Outside of regular importation of water, a possible climatic change or seasonal occupation must be considered. Related to the above problem is the nature of food procurement. Abundant seafood remains and proximity to the Pacific Ocean indicate subsistence based upon intensive exploitation of marine resources. In this respect, determining the number and proportion of specialists involved in food acquisition and distribution to other segments of the population at the site becomes a major future task. Aside from abundant organic refuse, our excavation recovered a variety of artifacts documenting a maritime economy, including a shellfish hook assigned to an Early phase basural and a metal hook from a Late phase basural. Various fishnets, with different mesh sizes, demonstrate a high degree of technical sophistication in weaving. Weights for nets include unmodified and grooved stones, the latter offering greater security. The artifacts suggest cooperative activities and the use of boats. Bottle gourds were probably used as floats for certain fishnets. Two masonry hearths were identified in a cluster of habitational structures corresponding to the Late phase occupation. In addition, cana brava (cane) sticks with scorched grooves recovered from the same phase basural were probably used to light fires. Furthermore, the large quantity of carbonized Tilandsia recovered from our excavation suggests that dehydrated Tilandsia constituted a major source of fuel at the site. In respect to lithic implements, only crude percussion tools have been recovered. No points or arrowheads for hunting have been discovered. On the other hand, wooden implements of unidentifiable function, a number of gourd vessels, and various ceramic vessels including neckless jars, short-neck jars, and long-neck jars with graphite decorations were recovered from the Early phase basurales. However, only a handful of sherds are known from the Late phase basurales. Despite the marked differences in their artifact content, both Early and Late phase basurales are mainly composed of marine remains, such as quantities of seaweed, various mollusks from sandy beaches, inedible oliva shells, mussels (Mytilus), and chanques (a large gastropod known as Concholepas concholepas or Concholepas peruanus) that are found in a rocky littoral environment. In addition, remains of crab, sea urchin, and various mollusks associated with seaweed, as well as

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diverse fish, sea bird, and mammal bones are the other major constituents of the basurales. Small and large, shallow- and deep-water fishes are represented, attesting to intense, sophisticated maritime activity. Fish remains include gray shark (Carcharinidae), hammerhead shark (Sphyrnidae, Sphyrna sp.), sardine (Clupeidae, Sardinops cf. sagax), hake (Merluccius cf. gayi), pampano (Carangidae. cf. Seriolella sp., Trachurus cf. symmetricus, Oligoplites sp.), grunt (Pomadasyidae, Anisotremus sp.), drum (Sciaenidae, Paralonchurus sp., Menticirrhus sp.), wrasse (Pimelometopon sp.), mackerel (Scombridae), mullet (Mugilidae), and halibut (Bothidae, Paralicthys sp.). Birds identified so far include guanay cormorants (Phalacorax bougainvilli), pelicans (Pelecanus erythrorhynchus, Pelecanoides cf. garnotii), boobies (Sula sp.), puffins (Puffinus sp.), gulls, and sandpipers (Scolopacidae), while sea mammals such as seals and sea otters (Lutra felina) were also exploited. In some localities, large concentrations of land snail remains were excavated. The only land mammal thus far identified is Canis or Dusicyon. Intersite Economic Interactions Although a long inventory of marine resources is expected from any coastal settlement with a maritime economy, the presence of agricultural produce requires careful consideration. While in comparison with marine products the quantity of cultigens represented at the site is small, their variety is quite large, encompassing corn, cotton, avocado, lucuma, common bean, squash, and gourd. In addition, cania brava (cane) and grama grass have been identified. The presence of these cultigens gives rise to significant questions as to the location of their production and the past climatic conditions. Some argue that there was formerly a more humid climate on the coast (e.g., Lanning 1963); if the coastal climate has been substantially the same for the past several millennia, how could Las Haldas have been established and continuously occupied? This question is directly related to the nature of occupation at Las Haldas and of its relationship with inland populations. Corn remains from the site all come from the Late phase basurales; none has yet been discovered from the Early phase basurales. Significantly, the corn is represented solely by kernels; no remains of leaves or stalks have yet been identified. Although this fact argues for possible importation from elsewhere, the possibility of local cultivation should not be ignored. We will proceed in our evaluation of Las Haldas with the premise that cultigens such as corn, beans, squash, cana brava, and gourd were grown in the Casma Valley for food, construction material, and floats and transported to Las Haldas. The importation of agricultural produce was probably a 2-way economic transaction involving exportation of marine products. Inland transportation of the marine products may have been facilitated by weight reduction through dehydration by sun or fire. The closest inland Formative site in Casma Valley is Chankillo (Fig. 14), 20 km away by straight line distance. Translated into walking time, the distance would amount to approximately 5 hours at a casual pace. However, considering the nonlinear routes to the Casma Valley and the relatively rapid pace of the modern highlanders, the above estimate can only serve as a gross measure of travel involved in the postulated economic interactions. Another line of evidence in support of this hypothesized linkage between Las Haldas and the Casma Valley populations is the longitudinal alignment of the temple complex and terraces at Las Haldas. From the top of the temple looking northwest along the major alignment of the terraces, one sees stone lines that seem an extension of this very alignment. The width between the stone lines approximately matches that of the temple. Field examination of the lines revealed that, although they are not as distinctive as stone walls, they clearly continue intermittently toward a white sand hill with a light growth of Tilandsia some distance away. The hill is situated between 2 mountains which merge into adjacent higher peaks. The coastal mountain is known as Cerro Mongon, and deer are still said to be found there. The hill is located in a break between 2 contrasting environments. Significantly, the same sand hill is clearly visible on the horizon from the inland site of Chankillo as one looks toward Las Haldas. Chankillo is characterized by masonry construction and has been described as a Chavin period "fortress" (Tello 1956:68-71). The locations of Las

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Figure 14.

Las Haldas and other nearby Formative sites.

Haldas and Chankillo in respect to the sand hill seem symbolic of the postulated linkage between these 2 sites. Ethnographically, the people of San Marco, situated 8 km downstream from the famed site of Chavin de Juantar, herd their llamas loaded with various highland products across the Cordillera Blanca and Negra in order to reach the town of Casma, where they purchase marine products and other materials unavailable in the highlands (Artemio Trujillo, personal communication). The trip spans a straight line distance of over 80 km; the roundtrip is said to consume 6 days on foot. The settlement of Casma is situated several kilometers inland from the Pacific coast; Las Haldas is strategically located right at the edge of the coast and has easy access to abundant marine resources which could have been subsequently distributed to the inland populations. On the other hand, various Middle Formative (Chavin period) settlements within the Casma Valley (Tello 1956) such as Cerro Sechin, Sechin Alto, and Moxeke, in addition to the aforementioned Chankillo, are situated in areas with direct access to a large expanse of fertile valley bottom land for large-scale cultivation of corn and other staples. In the upper Casma Valley, 50 km inland along the Casma River, lies the Chavin period site of Pallka (Tello 1956). It occupies a valleyneck position where the valley suddenly narrows as it approaches Cordillera Negra. Here again, a variety of marine shells were recovered. As material evidence of highland-coast linkage, pendants made from oliva shell (Olivela) and "knives" and "spoons" made from mussel shell (Mytilus) were recovered from the preceramic Kotosh phase and first ceramic phase of Waira-jirca at Kotosh (Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi and Terada 1972), respectively. Although interchanges in the form of either barter or trade must be entertained, the inhabitants of Las Haldas appear to have been primarily full-time fishermen, who perhaps maintained their families and communal ties in the Casma Valley.

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Architecture In general, the architectural remains uncovered in the Early phase basurales are small in scale. Their overall layout or plan, as well as their relationship to the temple construction, remains largely unknown. Whether the principal temple is the result of a single construction episode within the Middle phase or not remains questionable, but a series of partial expansions and consolidations during the phase can be recognized. The construction materials are stone and mud. Wall stones were quarried at 2 locations: on the south side of the natural outcrop upon which Terraces I to III were built and near the seashore. Masonry walls were constructed of large stones shaped out of blocks that break along their joints and smaller split stones. "Mortar" between stones was a clay-based whitish mud, apparently formed by mixing clay and sea water; although it has not been subjected to detailed analysis, its distinctively salty taste attests to this interpretation. This mixture solidifies to a hardness that is difficult to penetrate even with a heavy pick. At least some wall faces were plastered with this same substance. As I have already mentioned, loosely netted totora sacks filled with crushed stones were used as backing for the retaining walls for enlarged sections of Terrace III. Sacks in different locations sometimes contain different rocks (Fig. 15). We recognized examples of these different stones in the desert surrounding the site, suggesting purposeful transportation for specific constructions. During excavation of the temple stairs and the rubble overlying the human burial in the circular semisubterranean court, we noticed certain peculiarities in the collapse of the associated stone walls. The mortar between fallen wall stones was solidified and appeared to have retained its original bond, creating a false impression of a bona fide wall. This effect was best illustrated in the '69-H sectional profile. Rubble from the wall collapse is densely concentrated within a triangular area lying about 1.8 m above the lower floor along the lower terrace wall. Above this rubble accumulation is a zone of alternating layers of fine silt and somewhat coarser sand. The fan-shaped rubble seems to be the product of a rapid, single-period deposition, and the overlying

' X..-i/ '.:;

-t.

--

--1E lO0-4;.S'

Figure 15.

Stone-filled totora reed sacks.

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lamination to be the result of long-term, gradual deposition by water. I postulate a sudden, torrential rainfall and attendant erosion as the underlying cause of the observed rubble accumulation. Bonding effected by salt water would be susceptible to weakening by humidity. Thus, large-scale, single period destruction of the architecture can be argued. A return to the normal arid climate would also assure dehydration and concomitant solidification of the mortar weakened earlier by water. Some masonry walls of the Early phase structures exposed in the basurales exceed 1 m in height. In contrast, most stone walls of Late phase structures stand no more than 1 or 2 courses High. Information pertaining to the roofing and other upper portions of these structures is lacking. How should the circular semisubterranean court in Terrace IV be functionally characterized? In spite of its obvious functional relationships with the adjoining terraces, our investigation has not advanced far enough to adequately deal with the question of its role. Although the human burial discovered during the 1969 field season postdates occupation of the sunken court, the burial found in the 1958 test pit near the center of the court is contemporaneous with occupation of the court. The occurrence of the burial must be accounted for in any functional characterization of the semisubterranean court. There is the distinct possibility of more human burials within the court. At the Chavin de Huantar, which has been under investigation since 1966 (Lumbreras 1971), a circular sunken court was discovered in front of the main temples that houses the Lanzon statue. feates is significant and suggests it was the setting for The sharing of this architectural sitetural feature by 2 some kind of widespread religious ritual. The temple complex is a large-scale construction, measuring 60 m wide by 600 m long. Various questions arise as to the nature and size of the labor force and the leadership involved in construction. Do the size and complexity of the project necessarily imply a large number of fishermen and farmers as laborers (cf. Terada 1967:109)? Similarly, does the temple construction imply the existence of powerful priests who presumably organized and directed the large labor force of special personnel who served as architects as well as religious leaders? The preceding discussion touches upon only a few questions relevant to a characterization of the function and nature of the occupation at Las Haldas. We need to proceed with further characterizations based on the premise that there were definite social and economic links between Las Haldas and the Casma Valley populations.

CONCLUSIONS Our 1969 fieldwork at Las Haldas, despite small scale and limited research interests, has wide and important ramifications. The complexity of occupation, the physical dimensions of the site, and our limited sampling may have produced a biased picture of the site. A fuller reconstruction of the lifeway of the prehistoric inhabitants of Las Haldas, however, calls for more comprehensive research. Concomitantly, there is a dire need for more intensive, problem-oriented approaches. Field research based on simple, superficial clearing of rubble and/or small-scale test pit excavation is far from adequate for the achievement of our goals. In addition, there is a need to develop new field techniques to improve the recording of excavational progress and an overall organizational framework for field operations.

Acknowledgments. We wish to note our indebtedness to our late director, Seiichi Izumi, who gave us the opportunity to carry out fieldwork at Las Haldas and without whose guidance and stimulation this project would not have succeeded. In addition, Frederic Engel kindly provided us with a copy of his base map of Las Haldas (scale 1:750) and a cross-sectional profile of the longitudinal axis of the temple complex (scale 1:200). Figure 1 is a 1:1000 scale map with 10 m intervals, based on the topographic map of the 4 km2 area produced by the Asia Air Survey Co., Ltd. Lastly, we wish to thank the people of Casma for their support and cooperation and to express our deepest condolences for the 1970 earthquake which affected many personally known to us. This report is dedicated to the people of Casma.

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REFERENCESCITED Delibrias, G., M.T. Guillier, and J. Labeyrie. 1971 Gif natural radiocarbon measurements VI. Radiocarbon 13:213-254. Engel, Frederic Andre 1957 Sites et establissements sans ceramique de la cote Peruvienne. Journal de la Societe des Americanists XLIV:67-155. 1963 A preceramic settlement on the Central Coast of Peru: Asia, Unit I. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 53, Part 3. Philadelphia. 1964 El preceramico sin algodon en la costa del Periu. Actas y Memorias del XXXV Congreso Internacional de Americanistas 3:141-152. 1970 Las lomas de Iguanil y el complejo de Haldas. Universidad Nacional Agraria, La Molina, Lima. Ishida, Eiichiro (Editor) 1960 Andes I: report of the Tokyo University Scientific Expedition to the Andes in 1958. Bijutsushuppansha, Tokyo. Izumi, Seiichi, and Toshihiko Sono (Editors) 1963 Andes II: excavation at Kotosh, Peru, 1960. Kadokawa, Tokyo. Izumi, Seiichi, and Kazuo Terada (Editors) 1972 Andes IV: excavations at Kotosh, Peru, 1963 and 1966. Tokyo University Press, Tokyo. Jung, Rosa 1969a Las Aldas: su ubicacion dentro del proceso historico del Peru antiguo. Dedalo 5:(9-10). 1969b Loz anzuelos de concha de las Aldas: un analisis comparativo. Boletin del Seminario de Arqueologia 4:29-47. Instituto Riva-Agiiero, Lima. Lanning, Edward P. 1963 A pre-agricultural occupation on the Central Coast of Peru. American Antiquity 28:360-371. 1967 Peru before the Incas. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Lumbreras, Luis G. 1971 Towards a re-evaluation of Chavin. In Dumbarton Oaks Conference on Chavin, edited by E.P. Benson, pp. 1-28. Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C. Moseley, M.E. 1975 The maritime foundations of Andean civilization. Cummings, Menlo Park, California. Schweigger, Erwin 1964 El litoral peruano. Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal, Lima. Tello, Julio C. 1956 Arqueologia del valle de Casma, culturas: Chavin Santa o Huaylas Yunga y sub-Chimu. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima. 1960 La cultura matriz de civilizacion andina, primera parte. Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima. Terada, Kazuo 1967 Development of ancient cultures on the central Andean coast. Latin American Kenkyu (Latin American Research) 8:101-118. Tokyo. Willey, Gordon R. 1971 An introduction to American archaeology, Volume 2: South America. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.

THE PROVENIENCEAND CONTENTS OF THE PORFIRIODIAZ AND FERNANDEZ LEAL CODICES:SOME NEW DATA AND ANALYSIS
Eva Hunt
The Codices Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal have not been satisfactorily analyzed as to content, nor have their origins been explained. New data relevant to their history are presented, establishing a definite Cuicatec origin and content. They were utilized in a court case (ca. 1562) concerning nobility succession rights. Historical sections contain dates of founding and conquest of Cuicatec towns. Toponymics written in hieroglyphics, in Spanish, and in Cuicatec using the Latin alphabet mark Cuicatec district landscape features still called by the same names. The codices cover approximately 260 years and correlate with a written document. Where, how, and why the codices were created and mutilated is discussed, and evidence is presented which corrects previous analyses. Eva Hunt, Department of Anthropology, Boston University, Boston, MA 02215