CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.

0 BACKGROUND TO STUDY The end of the Cold War generated worldwide optimism for international peace and security. A shift from superpower proxy conflicts in the Third World to socioeconomic development appeared a viable project. However, actual events in recent years have disastrously shattered those expectations. In place of enhanced security, virulent internal conflicts accompanied by unprecedented civilian casualties and gross violations of human rights have emerged at an alarming rate. The local roots and causes of the conflicts are numerous and diverse. However, in nearly all of the conflicts, the diffusion of small arms, particularly from the industrialized nations to the developing world has played a decisive role in the escalation, intensification and resolution of these conflicts. In the last decade, Liberia and Sierra Leone have been embroiled in protracted civil wars; Guinea-Bissau experienced a brief internecine conflict in the late 1990s. Casamance separatists have continued to battle the Senegalese as they have done for two decades, Cote dIvoire suffers insurrection, Tuareg problem has simmered in Mali and Niger, and Liberia and Guinea continue to accuse each other of launching cross-border raids against their territories, in a conflict also involving Sierra Leone rebels. The ongoing Daffur crises in Sudan is also another clear case of diffusing small arms and light weapons, Scholte (2000).
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Thus, in contrast to the conventional view inherited from the Cold War era, emerging violence attest to the role of weapons as stimulus to conflict and a harbinger of massive human rights violation and humanitarian crises. In many cases, the availability of weapons has engendered violent conflicts. Thanks to advancing globalisation and the new private order, the trafficking in light arms has made them a weapon of choice. Illicit arms transfer is not a particular countrys problem nor does the spread of deadly weapons stop at national borders. Small arms and Light weapons are no longer the preserves of militaries and police force but have fallen into the hands of ordinary criminals, terrorists, ethnic militias and death squads around the world. In todays world, globalisation is becoming an ever-influential architect of the new international security agenda. Its impact on the evolution of the relations among states is contradictory. On the one hand, globalisation contributes to accelerated development of productive forces, scientific and technological progress and ever more intensive communication among states and people. On the other hand, it has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal arms from one country to the other and has transformed a domestic law and order problem to a national and international security threat. Globalisation results in the long term irreversible contraction in the domain of state authority. Coupled with liberalization, states have in effect lost control of markets as reflected in the development of parallel informal economics, the rise of grey and black markets and the inability of the states to prevent the flow of illicit arms because of the porous
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nature of most borders and the adoption of policies such as free movements of people in a particular region. Scholte (2000). Evidence indicates that illegal arms transfers are easier in periods of political transition that are normally preceded by periods of violence. The state, then focuses it resources in areas of reconstruction and development only, leaving gaps for the illicit transfer of small arms and light weapons by crime syndicates. Nigerias fourth Republic has witnessed the upsurge of communal conflicts. Years of pent-up anger suppressed by prolonged periods of military misrule found outlets as Nigeria joined the third democratic wave. It is not arms that cause these conflicts, but the ease with which these arms are available, leads to easy escalation of festering conflicts, Dokubo (2000).

1.1

STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM The problem of state cooperation has been much debated among scholars of general international relations, then it was long dismissed largely as improbable or, at best, an aberration within national and international security. To the extent that many studies of regional security or third world security explicitly consider the topic of cooperation among regions, the standard argument has been that states in the developing world simply face too strong security dilemma and too weak an internal structure for cooperation to be either a desirable or feasible outcome. Issues regarding the arms trade and arms control especially had been thought to
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drive regional rivalries and create destabilizing regional dynamics as a result of no or poor cooperation. Despite these obstacles, however, a plethora of regional initiatives to address problems of small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation has emerged in Africa and Latin America in particular since the late 1990s, suggesting that further attention to security cooperation in the developing world is needed, Acharya, (1992). In Africa, the proliferation of small arms is increasing in proportion. The balances of small arms traded are the remnants of conflicts in Mozambique and Angola, as well as licensed weapons being stolen or lost. These small arms have played a major role in exacerbating crimes and armed violence. Africa is also a major transshipment point for the international trade, as well as a major producer of local arms. This phenomenon threatens the consolidation of democracy and security in the region, which is necessary for sustainable development, African Union (AU) (2005).

1.2

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY In general terms, the research work seeks to understand the nature and dynamics of small arms and light weapons proliferation as a threat to national security. It also sought to explain in a comprehensive manner, the link between small arms and light weapons proliferation, and how the interaction has filtrated wider social, economic and political context. In specific terms, the objectives are as follows:

 To examine the nuances surrounding the concept of small arms and light weapons proliferation and seek a better understanding of their meanings. To examine the interconnection and multiple linkages between small arms and light weapons as threat to national security. To identify and explain the role of small arms in the escalation of ethnic conflict and community violence. To examine, the role of the state, sub-region and international organizations in their support for security as regards to small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. 1.3 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES Hypothesis I H0: There is no significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national security. H1: There is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national security. Hypothesis II H0: There is no significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence. H1: There is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence.

Hypothesis III H0: There is no significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security. H1: There is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security. 1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY The scenario parroted in the study suggests a massive resurgence of insecurity as a result of the proliferation of small arms, with due consequence for not only state vulnerable, but also national security. Not unexpectedly, ethnic violence in Nigeria as in many parts of the world has attracted the attention of scholars of different ideological persuasions and academic pedigree, but without the issue and linkage of small arms proliferation. These include Marxist scholars, who for long ignored ethnicity and treated as epi-phenomena of class and economic relations. Thus, in recognition of what has been considered a paradigm lost, scholars of Marxian genre have undertaken the expansion of the conceptual and theoretical warehouse of political economy. Similar response has been witnessed from scholars, whose pioneering efforts resulted in interpreting the salience of this identity in terms of the prevalence of traditionalism and the absence of modernization. All this, points to the academic significance of the study of proliferation small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security in Nigerias complex regional formation. Finally, the study has policy significance.
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Without doubt, there exists a major lacuna in the domain of public policy for the management of small arms proliferation and light weapons on the national security. The view remains that, apart from the expectation of its management and control, the democratic governance has a saluting effect. However, for public policy to be effective, heuristic and enduring, it can only be anchored on a clear understanding of the causes of proliferation and the dimension of security threat in Nigeria particularly Lagos state.. The challenge is to specify which policies and remedial actions both in the short and long terms that can be put forward to address the threat to national security, caused by the spread of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

1.4

SCOPE AND DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY Small arms and light weapons are capable of aggravating ethnic conflict and increase the rate of insecurity in Nigeria. This study shall therefore provide a conceptual framework that will address the problems of small arms and light weapons proliferation as the study progresses. This will also enhance assessment of the extent to which small arms can be identified as security threat, by outlining the scholarly work that has been on reconceptualising security, analysing the socio-economic consequences of these phenomena as well as the repercussions of organised crime. Another scope and delimitation of the study is that it will serve as a starting point for further research by other scholars who might be interested
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in this area of study. Moreso, it will not only add to the body of existing literature, but it will also explore fresh options to contain the spread of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria with regard to Lagos state in particular. Similarly, this study will also serve as a good source of information to the Nigerian policy makers, constitutional lawyers, students of criminology and sociology including politicians and professionals in crises and conflict management. In addition, it could also be used to identify loopholes and adopt strategies to prevent the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the subregion of Nigeria.

1.5

LIMITATION OF THE STUDY The most important limitation on this study was time and finance. The inability of the researcher to travel to various places in the sub-regionto interview major actors in the small arms and light weapons debate might have limited the inputs of some major actors. There was also the possibility that some of the publications consulted had inhered bias. However, an attempt was made to reduce the effect of this bias on the outcome of this study by consulting a wide spectrum of materials on the research project; and also authentication of most of the materials used was equally made. Inspite of all these limitations, a thorough study was undertaken, to enable future researchers to improve on.

1.6

DEFINITION OF TERMS Cold War An ideological war that was fought with propaganda and diplomacy between the capitalist western European countries led by America and Britain and the Communist countries led by Soviet-Union. Light Weapons All conventional munitions that can be carried by an individual combatant or by light vehicles. National Insecurity State of political instability in which the safety of lives is no longer guaranteed. Small arms A category of light weapons which include automatic weapons, up to, and including 20mm submachine guns, riffles, carbines, handguns and hand placed landmines.

CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter contains a review of previous studies on the proliferation of small arms and weapons as a threat to national security, and existing literature, books, articles, journals, magazines etc. It includes an examination of the key measures to control it and as well as change the negative position it have occupy in the past decade. Moreso, the study will undertake to provide the theoretical consideration and conceptual framework for the research work.

2.1

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Security is aimed at protecting the national integrity of the state and at defending the essential values that constitute identify, Nweke (1985). Security is conceived as projecting dynamically in the field of development or human progress. In this sense, security is viewed in holistic terms and appears as the integral elements of the common good of the continent in general. Accordingly, security goes beyond merely safeguarding territorial boundaries. It means ensuring that the country is industrialized rapidly and developed into a cohesive, egalitarian and technological society, Subrahmanyam (1973). As Nweke noted, security can be defined as the preservation of independence, peoples institutions, and identity, including the advancement of nation integrity and interests within and outside Africa through
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military, economic, ideological, diplomatic and socio-cultural instrumentalities Nweke, (1985). In this sense, he stated the three dimensions of security as follows: Ability to perceive and utilize the foundations, which provide, support and shape the means to achieve African security. Ability to influence the shaping of the international system within which African security must be achieved. The actual provision of security through rational choice of appropriate socioeconomic, political and military policies and strategies, Nweke (1985). The pioneering research and writing on small arms in the mid-1990s was predominantly conceptual in nature, seeking to give readers a framework for understanding the situation Cock (1995); Smith, Batchelor and Potgieter (1996); and Smith and Vines (1997). There were also a number of ground-breaking investigative reports by international human rights NGOs such as Human Rights Watch (1994, 1995 and 1999), which provided evidence of small arms smuggling. More recent studies of small arms in the region have been of country specific, with Nigeria being a main focus. The most insightful publications include Chetty (2000), which provided a variety of official data on small arms related crimes in South Africa, as well as Hennop, Jefferson and McLean (2001). Since human beings coexist with one another they have been bound to relate to the

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pursuit of their interests. At times the resulting relationships are dictated by many needs such as economic, social or political interests and desires. Divergent interests are not without conflicts, which usually can be traced to differences in background, beliefs and exposures. Nader stated that conflict results from competition between at least two parties. The parties in this regard may be family or clan, community, ethnic groups, organizations or even nation-states, Nader (1972). Conflict does not mean negative values. However it is its escalation of violence that should be avoided because of the destructive effects of violent conflicts. Therefore, conflict prevention, conflict mitigation, conflict resolution and management are very crucial. In the view of Ochoche (2002) there is the need to have a clear picture of the dimensions and dynamics of these conflicts, along with a more scientific understanding of the conflict resolution efforts. A handful of South African studies focused on small arms-related legislation, such as Mckenzie (1999) and SaferWorld/SaferAfrica (2003). By the end of 2003 only Oosthysen (1996) had undertaken a regional study of small arms in southern Africa, but he had limited access to reliable information and did not provide a comparative analysis across the countries. The study by Nkiwane, Chachiua and Meek (1999) introduced useful information on small arms flow in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland, and the edited volume by Gamba (2000) considered broad small arms trends in Southern Africa, with a South African bias.

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Conflict is pervasive in all human relationships and normal in the interaction between persons in a society, whether acting as an individual or as groups. Unugbor holds the same view, when he maintained that the conflict is universal in human affairs and normal for individuals or group of individuals to experience conflict in the process of their regular interaction, Unugbro, (1998). This is obvious because, when people live together, they must of necessity interact as they try to avail themselves of the necessities of life; that is meeting their physiological and other needs. In the process of doing so, they are bound to disagree and have clashes of interests from time to time as individual preferences play in their relationships and consequently lead them to pursue incompatible goals or use incompatible means to pursue chosen goals Imobighe, (2003). McFarland cited in Unugbro, maintained this view, when he defines conflict as a situation in which persons or groups disagree over means or ends, and try to establish their views in preference to others, Unugbro (1998). Globalization is becoming an ever-influential architect of the new international security agenda. Its impact on the evolution of the relations among states is contradictory. On the one hand, globalization contributes to accelerated development of productive forces, scientific and technological progress and ever more intensive communication among states and people. On the other hand, it has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal arms from one country to the other and has transformed a domestic law and order problem to a national and international security threat. Globalization results in the long term irreversible
13

contraction in the domain of state authority. Coupled with liberalization, states have in effect lost control of markets as reflected in the development of parallel informal economics, the rise of grey and black markets and the inability of the states to prevent the flow of illicit arms because of the porous nature of most borders and the adoption of policies such as free movements of people in a particular region. Evidence indicates that illegal arms transfers are easier in periods of political transition that are normally preceded by periods of violence. The state then focuses its resources in areas of reconstruction and development only, leaving gaps for the illicit transfer of small arms by crime syndicates. Nigerias fourth Republic witnesses the upsurge of communal conflicts. Years of pent-up anger suppressed by prolonged periods of military misrule found outlets as Nigeria joined the third democratic wave. The argument by some other scholars that Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) do not cause conflict is accepted, but its effect on conflicts cannot be ignored. According to Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba, While small arms and light weapons do not of course, cause conflicts, they soon become part of the conflict equation by fuelling and exacerbating underlying tension, generating more insecurity and adding to the number of casualties, Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba, (2004). While prolonging the conflict, SALW also hinder the chances of resolving such conflicts, warring factions, as demonstrated in the Liberian Civil War and Sierra-Leone conflict, have been known to concede to peace negotiations only as a
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strategy to buy time to stock up arsenals in order to launch further attacks. This assertion was affirmed by Taya Weiss when he stated that, The mere presence of guns undermines alternative conflict resolution strategies. The availability of small arms plays a role in perpetuating the violence and making it more lethal at every level, from criminal activity to full-fledged war, in both developed and developing countries, Weiss (2003). According to UN Security Council The destabilizing accumulation and uncontrolled spread of small arms and light weapons in many regions of the world increases the intensity and duration of armed conflict, undermines the sustainability of peace agreements, impedes the success of peace building, frustrates efforts aimed at the prevention of armed conflict, hinders considerably the provision of humanitarian assistance and compromises the effectiveness of the Security Council discharging its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security United Nations (2002). The effects of SALW to post conflict security situation is of no less significance. The readily availability of small arms in any nation is a major factor in sustaining and fuelling conflict, Department for International Development (2001). Increased availability of SALW has in the aftermath of conflicts led to an exponential increase in crime rates in the sub-region, perpetuating a climate of insecurity. SALW are convenient and attractive to rebel groups and dissident that characterize the African landscape because they are widely available, very cheap, deadly, easy to use and easy to transport and smuggle, unlike heavy conventional arms, such as
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artillery pieces and tanks, which are typically acquired by government forces, police, soldiers and civil populations, Boutwell and Klare, (2000). Besides, a few hours of training are required to acquire the level of proficiency considered sufficient for the execution of rebel warfare. These reasons account for the large number of children involved in armed conflict in the region. Michael Renner, a small arms commentator, reports that Africa alone has suffered about 5,994,000 fatalities in the last 50 years due mostly to SALW, Renner (2006). Narrowing the estimate to West Africa, Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba indicated that, while there are no official figures, an estimated 30,000 people have been killed by SALW in conflict each year since the end of the Cold War (Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba, (2004). In Africa, the proliferation of small arms is increasing in proportion. These small arms being the remnants of conflicts in Mozambique, Angola, Somalia, Liberia, Sudan, Sierra Lone etc. as well as licensed weapons being stolen or lost, have played a major role in exacerbating crimes and armed violence in Nigeria. The continent is a major trans-shipment point for the international trade, as well as a major producer of local arms. This phenomenon threatens the consolidation of democracy and security in the region, which is necessary for sustainable development. Arms trafficking and the conflict they feed divert scarce resources away from social services, disrupt trade, discourage tourism, and contribute to the breakdown of family structures (www.state.gov/region/africa). The pervasiveness and persistence of the conflict also have grave psychological consequences as
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children are traumatized or become accustomed to cultural violence. Arms trafficking, has brought about organised crime which is mainly to strengthen its illegal activities in Nigeria.

2.2

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK As Charles Lipson (1984) points out, economic issues more easily present opportunities for significant joint gains and the prevention of joint losses than security issues, making the latter more rare but not impossible in international politics. Nevertheless, African regional economic organizations, such as ECOWAS and the SADC, in the past ten years have become active players in security issues such as small arms and light weapons. To do so, this means that regions in Africa (sometimes referred to as sub-regions) had to perceive themselves to some degree as coherent communities with common security interests and the political will and capacity to apply a collective approach to cross-border security problems. I argue that this ability stems from four major factors: (1) absence of superpower rivalry; (2) broadened understanding of concept of security; (3) transnational conflict and instability; and (4) domestic political pressure to address problems associated with SALW. Before turning to these factors considered, however, it is useful to examine why states seek regional solutions to some security challenges more generally and why these reasons may or may not apply to African countries.
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The sources of small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation in Nigeria, particularly Lagos state are many and varies. They include the manufacture and supply of new weapons both inside and outside the country to the remnants of weapons shipped into Africa in the 1970s and 1980s by the former Soviet Union, the United States, and their allies to facilitate different interstate and intra-state proxy wars. Intra-state armed conflicts, such as Liberia, Sierra Leone and Nigerias Niger Delta region, has however expanded the frontiers of the gun trade in Africa by creating considerable demand for these weapons of war. African Union (AU) (2005).

2.3

THEORETICAL CONSIDERATION Each of Nigerias 370 identifiable ethnic group perceives itself to be linguistically, culturally, and historically distinct, although four tribes the Hausa and Fulani in the north, the Yoruba in the southwest, and the Igbo in the Southeast constitute a larger share of the population, Otite, (2005). Tensions among these four are well documented, as are hostilities among other lesserknown groups who have grievances against both the major ethnic groups, the Nigerian state (which they perceive as insensitive to their interest), and one another, Hazen and Homer, (2007). ECOWAS is endeavouring measures through various institutions, to take the necessary steps to implement its policy on security. It is not content simply to talk about combating the proliferation of small
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arms; it also tries to do something about it in practical terms by seeking to impose some order on the circulation of such arms. To this end, she has adopted a number of measures that fall into two broad theoretical categories: one covers action to change mentalities and attitudes, the culture of peace concept, while the other covers the need to control the manufacture and acquisition of weapons in member states. This is an important element in the action by the Community, since the weapons that it is trying to prevent from proliferating are not only in the hands of combatants but also dispersed among the civilian population in towns, neighbourhoods and homes. Small arms and light weapons are sometimes handmade and can be found or bought openly on the market. In other words, in order to prevent their proliferation, it is necessary to appeal to the civilian population the citizens of member states, who may possess them as a matter of course, if only for self-defence or as a deterrent. In combating the proliferation of small arms, there is of course no question of making it impossible for a citizen to possess a weapon, but it is important to make people realize that possession of a weapon is a serious matter that needs to be regulated. This realization needs to be brought home at a very early age, in primary or secondary school. Civil society will also need to become involved in various ways in raising awareness. This is the aspect stressed most in the 1999 Protocol. Several measures are envisaged for this purpose, including limiting the number of weapons in circulation, legal supervision and centralization of data on weapons, the
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establishment of a database and regional arms register and the initiation of a dialogue or partnership with arms manufacturers and suppliers.

2.4

REVIEW OF CURRENT LITERATURE Understanding the Proliferation of SALWs in Nigeria The high circulation of SALWS in Nigeria is a product of the interplay of several interrelated factors. The proliferation derives principally from the internal socioeconomic and political dynamics of Nigeria, compounded by globalization. The crude nature of Nigerian politics is one key factor driving the process of SALWs proliferation. Politics in Nigeria especially electoral politics, is defined and approached by politicians as a do-or-die affair, or warfare. The stake in Nigerian politics is incredibly high, making politicians desperate in the struggle to win elective positions. As a result, many of them recruit specialists of violence cultists, gangs and thugs to attain and retain political power. In some cases, these specialists are compensated with sensitive elective and appointive offices. The result is either gross ineptitude or recrudesces of political warfare, further exacerbating governance failure in Nigeria. This goes a long way to explaining the violent brand of Nigerian politics, usually painted with blood and money. The incredible logic becomes: more money in politics, more SALWs. And more SALWs in politics, more blood spilling in the name of politics. Governance failure, in turn, adds another dimension to the proliferation of SALWs.
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The term governance is used here in its generic form to encompass not only how state institutions and structures are managed, but also the processes of decisionmaking and policy formulation, the capacity to execute these policies, resource allocation, information flow and the efficiency of officials, Adhajani, (2011). Governance, therefore, seeks institutions and rules that promote more equitable socioeconomic outcomes and enhances human development. Accordingly, governance failure entails the inability of state actors, institutions and agencies to use public resources and authorities to ensure the protection of lives and properties, as well as the delivering of public goods necessary for the advancement of human security and development. It is a product of gross mismanagement and embezzlement of public resources, resulting in mounting poverty, unemployment and poor/failed delivery of basic services, not least security. Despite enormous oil wealth, over 70% of Nigerias 150 million people subsist on less than US$1 per day. Owing to frustration and deprivation, many have taken to criminal activities such as piracy, armed robbery, kidnapping and militancy, which contribute to the demand side of arms penetration and circulation, Adhajani, (2011). Form Of Small Arms And Light Weapons The United Nations General Assembly defines small arms and light weapons as any portable lethal weapon that expels or launches, is designed to expel or launch, or may be readily converted to expel or launch a shot, bullet or projectile by the
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action of an explosive (Heinrich,2006). United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research highlighted small arms to include: revolvers and self-loading pistols; rifles and carbines; sub-machine-guns; assault riffles; light machine-gun; heavy machine-guns; hand-held under-barrel and mounted grenade launchers; portable anti-craft guns; portable anti-tank guns; recoilless riffles; portable launchers of antitank missiles and rockets system; portable launchers of anti-aircraft missiles systems; and mortars of calibers less than 100mm, United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), (2006). Combating Proliferation Of Small Arms And Light Weapons According to Best Practice Guidelines for the Implementation of the Nairobi Declaration and Nairobi Protocol on Small Arms and Light Weapons, small arms are weapons designed for personal use and shall include: light machine guns, including machine pistols, fully automatic rifles and assault rifles and semiautomatic rifles (Best Practice Guidelines, 2005). Firearms include any portable barreled and lethal weapon that expels, is designed to expel or may be readily converted to expel a shot, bullet or projectile by the action of burning propellant, excluding antique firearms or their replicas. Antique firearms and their replicas shall be defined in accordance with domestic law: Any device which may be readily converted to a weapon as referred to above or destructive device such as an explosive bomb, incendiary bomb or gas bomb, grenade, rocket launcher, missiles, missile system or mine.
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Ammunition: The complete round or its components, parts or replacement parts of a small arm or light weapon, provided that those components are themselves subject to authorization of the respective State party; and Other related materials: Any components, part or spare parts of a small arm or light weapon, that are essential to its operation. Generally, small arms refer to weapons meant for individual use, including revolvers and self-loading pistols, rifles and carbines, sub-machine guns, assault rifles and light machine guns. Light weapons are portable weapons designed for use by several persons serving as a crew: heavy machine guns, automatic cannons, howitzers, mortars of less than 100mm caliber, grenade launchers, antitank weapons and launchers, recoilless guns, shoulder fired rockets, antiaircraft weapons and launchers, and air defence weapons (SADC Firearms Protocol, 2003: Article 1.2). When compared to other major weapon systems, small arms are cheap, easily accessible, simple to operate, portable and easy to repair or replace. In addition, they are easily acquired and used in armed conflict by both state and non-state actors. Above all they are highly lethal. According to the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (2006), around 640 million such weapons are estimated to be in circulation around the world, many of which are not
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government controlled. Although they are used for legitimate national defence and security needs, they are also used by rebels, irregular armed groups, terrorist and criminal gangs. Equally, to say that small arms are also used for personal protection, hunting and sporting activities will amount to restating the obvious. Modes Of Acquiring SALWs In Nigeria The obvious thing is that the means of acquiring weapons today are much greater and different from those of the Cold War period. The reason is that the Cold War arms trading system was more strictly controlled than the one that exists today, especially in the case of small arms and light weapons (Laurence, 2010). It is not a false argument to say that Cold War arms trading system which have non-state actors as its dominant feature (i.e. as the superpowers and their allies supplied their clients in pursuit of political and ideological goals), did not receive 100% government control. The truth is that during the era, the control of these weapons was not perfect, especially for weapons sent to non-state actors. But at least in the case of the initial production and transfer of these weapons to states and non-state actors, government controlled the production and export. Weapons are also acquired legitimately. It is on record that much of the supply and acquisition of small arms and light weapons is through legitimate trade that occurs among governments or among legal entities authorized by governments. As countries that manufacture small arms and light weapons continue to export them legitimately, along with their surplus of use weapons, they continue to be imported legally by
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counties in regions of conflict, -- legal being defined as any transfer that is not contrary to the laws of states and/or international law Laurence, (2010). This takes place as granted (aid), particularly when a large army is decreasing in size and wishes to export its surplus weapons. Government to government sales can take place as well, but the dominant mode of legitimate transfer is the commercial sale. The transfer is normally controlled under national procedures in both the supplier and recipient state, through export licenses and end-user certificates. Equally, a government that want to bolster its own security and political power, arms sub-national groups that support its political or social policies and act as a supplement to government security forces. This often takes the form of arming self-defense force or liberalizing arms acquisition procedures for individual citizens. Both types of holders can end up retaining weapons when the need for such forces or possession diminishes, especially at the end of a peace process. This has occurred in many places, including South Africa, Mozambique, Colombia, and Guatemala. Attempts to register surplus weapons in a post conflict phase can be complicated by such transfers and distribution. Several major changes have taken place since the Cold War ended that resulted in much of the trade in small arms and light weapons not conforming to the above definitions of legal trade.

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Policies, Measure And Control Options In the Lagos state, SALW have been used to exacerbate conflicts, to engage in criminal activities such as banditry, theft of oil (known as oil-bunkering) and kidnapping, and to intimidate opposition groupings. Given the availability of SALW in the Lagos state, sustainable security is difficult to achieve in this poverty-stricken and densely populated area surrounded by commercial boom. Concerted efforts should be made to reduce the proliferation and misuse of SALW in the Lagos state metropolis. Such an approach should address both the demand and supply aspects of the SALW problem. In terms of supply, a multitiered approach is required, from targeting the major global arms manufacturers and suppliers in order to encourage them to show greater restraint in the sale of weapons to African countries that are experiencing armed conflict, to establishing stiffer internal arms transfer controls, to regulating the activities of arms brokers and private security companies. In practical terms, it is impossible to place a ban on the production and transfer of SALW in the country. According to Musah, apart from the fact that they perform some legitimate functions in the governance process, they are widely used in hunting to supplement the predominantly starchbased diet in the rural communities of the country, Onuoha (2006). In addition, SALW are sturdy, durable and reusable, and hence are difficult to eliminate. Government must consequently improve and strengthen national SALW laws and regulations, impose licensing requirements, and carefully restrict their
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manufacture and transfer. Addressing the demand side of the SALW problem can only be achieved if local conditions are taken into account. For instance, the case of the Niger Delta region, simply suggest the same with that of Lagos state, the manner by which Nigeria is governed is one of the major root causes of violence as it distributes resources inequitably, which directly contributes to

underdevelopment, Onuoha, (2006). There have been some positive developments in terms of arms control and disarmament in Nigeria. For example, in October 1998 the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) established a moratorium on the import, export and manufacture of SALW. One of its aims was to institute a voluntary freeze on arms trade and eliminate existing illegal stocks from society. The agreement also calls for the creation of a national commission drawn from the state and civil society structures to supervise disarmament within each individual state. In May 2001 the Nigerian government inaugurated a national committee on the ECOWAS moratorium on SALW. The Nigerian government has also established a national committee to investigate and report on the proliferation and illicit trafficking of SALW within as well as in the country. Its members include representatives of the Army, Navy, State Security Services, Nigerian Immigration Service, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency and Ministry of Defence. In September 2003 the federal government announced an arms surrender policy to recover weapons being used by ethnic militias in the State. Although it recorded a
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modest success, no real long-term strategy for recovering SALW seems to be in place. Conversely, on the civil society platform, a coalition of non-governmental organisations in the state launched a mop-up the arms campaign in June 2003 (Onuoha, 2006). In spite of these developments, practical action remains limited. First, the moratorium is voluntary and is not legally binding. To this extent, only a demonstration of confidence building measures and political will by the government can tackle the instability caused by SALW in the region. Second, there is a growing tendency for these agencies and commissions to be incorporated into the corrupt and inept state bureaucracies, hence, rendering them ineffective.

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CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter explains the procedure and methods adopted in the research work. The study consists of research design, population of the study, sample size, and technique, instrumentation, validity of the instrument, reliability of the instrument, procedure for data collection and method of data analysis. 3.1 DESIGN OF THE STUDY The design of the study is the planned structure and strategy for investigation conceived so as to obtain answer to the research hypotheses questions. This is used for the purpose of obtaining data to enhance the testing of hypotheses, Behling (1997). It also went further to state clearly the methods employed in collecting and analyzing data on the study of the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security. 3.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDY According to Asika (2008), a population is made up of all conceivable elements, subjects or observations relating to a particular phenomenon of interest to the researcher. The population of interest in this research work is the Lagos state police command. It consists of 4878 officers of the Nigeria police.

29

3.3

SAMPLE SIZE AND TECHNIQUE The sample size is made up of one hundred respondent police officers out of the 4878 officers of the Nigeria police. The adopted sample technique is the simple random technique.

3.4

INSTRUMENTATION Emory (1976) stressed on the relevance of questionnaire as an important instrument in the collection of data. He added that questionnaire enables researchers to obtain wide range of information needed for the research work. The instrument used for data collection is the respondents questionnaire. It is structured using 5-point Likert scale i.e. strongly agree, agree, undecided, disagree and strongly disagree. The questionnaire consisted of twenty (20) items. The questionnaire is divided into two sections: section A containing the personal data of the respondents while section B contains statements relating to the variables under study.

3.5

VALIDITY OF THE INSTRUMENT The instrument validity is the face validity which was adopted. The researcher gave the instrument to research experts and my supervisor went through the items and made corrections, with the corrections made, the trial, draft of the items was ascertained.

30

3.6

RELIABILITY OF THE INSTRUMENT The research instrument was reliable for the fact that it enhances the chance of obtaining enough data needed for the research work. The questionnaire was well structured to elicit respondents' response to the various items.

3.7

PROCEDURE FOR DATA COLLECTION Olayiwola (2006) emphasized that there are two procedures for data collection namely, primary and secondary sources of data collection. Data used for the research study were collected using primary sources. The primary source of data collection includes the use of questionnaire. This source of data collection enables the researcher to obtain relevant information needed to enrich the research work.

3.8

METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS Data used for the research study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as frequency tables and percentages. Formulated hypothesis were tested using Chi-square (x2) statistic with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS).

31

CHAPTER FOUR DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION 4.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter of the study is concerned with the statistical tools used in data presentation, analysis and interpretation. Data collected would be analyzed using frequency table and percentages. 4.1 RESULT AND DATA ANALYSIS

Table 4.1.0: Questionnaire Response Rate Response Returned Not returned Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.0 shows that out of 100 copies of the questionnaire distributed to the respondents, 98 copies were fully completed and returned, representing 98% while 2 copies of the questionnaire were not returned representing 2%. Thus, indicate that majority of the respondents completed and returned the copies of the questionnaire distributed to them. Frequency (f) 98 2 100 Percentage (%) 98 2 100

32

Table 4.1.1: Sex Analysis Response Male Female Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.1 shows that 56 respondents are male representing 58% while 42 respondents are female representing 42%. Thus, indicate that majority of the respondents were male. The survey shows that the number of male is higher than female who were surveyed. Table 4.1.2: Age Analysis Response 18-30 31-40 41-50 51 and above Total Source: Field Survey, 2012 . Table 4.1.2 shows that 17 respondents were between 18-30 years representing 17%; 53 respondents were between the age of 31-40 years representing 55% 22 respondents were between 41-50 years representing 22%; while 6 respondents were between 51 years and above representing 6%. Thus, indicate that the majority of the Frequency (t) 17 53 22 6 98 Percentage (%) 17 55 22 6 100 Frequency (f) 56 42 98 Percentage (%) 58 42 100

33

respondents were between the ages of 31-40 years. This shows the active working age position of workers in the survey. Table 4.1.3: Marital Status Analysis Response Single Married Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.3 shows that 45 respondents were single representing 45% while 53 respondents were married representing 55%. Thus, majority of the respondents are married. Table 4.1.4: Analysis of Working Experience Year Below 5 6-10 11-15 16 and above Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.4 shows that 19 respondents have worked below 5 years representing 19%, 45 respondents have worked for 6-10 years representing 47%, 26 respondents have worked for 11-15 years representing 26%, while 8 respondents have worked for 16 years and above representing 8%. Thus, indicate that majority of the respondents have worked for
34

Frequency (f) 45 53 98

Percentage (%) 45 55 100

Frequency (f) 19 45 26 8 98

Percentage (%) 19 47 26 8 100

6-10 years. This indicates the experience the respondents have undergone over the years in the course of the survey. Table 4.1.5: Qualification Analysis Qualification Master Degree HND/B.Sc. NCE/OND SSCE/NECO Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.5 shows that 12 respondents are Master Degree holders representing 12% while 27 respondents are HND/B.Sc. holders of representing 27%. 38 respondents are NCE/OND holders representing 40%, 21 respondents are SSCE/NECO holders representing 21%. Thus, most of the respondents are holders of NCE/OND. This indicates the educational qualification of the respondents in during the survey. Table 4.1.6: Analysis of Position at Work Level Frequency (f) Senior Staff Junior Staff Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.6 shows that 23 respondents are senior staff representing 23% while 75 respondents are junior staff representing 77%. Thus, majority of the respondents are junior staff.
35

Frequency (f) 12 27 38 21 98

Percentage (%) 12 27 40 21 100

Percentage (%) 23 77 100

23 75 98

Table 4.1.7: Distribution of Respondents by Department Department Investigation Enforcement Personnel /Admin. Operation Research and Development Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Frequency (f) 16 22 13 38 9 98 Percentage (%) 16 22 13 40 9 100

Table 4.1.7 shows that 16 respondents are in investigation department representing 16%; 22 respondents are in enforcement department representing 22%; 13 respondents are in personnel/admin department representing 13%; 38 and 9 respondents are in operation department and research & development department representing 40% and 9% respectively. Thus, indicate that majority of the respondents are in the Nigeria police force. Table 4.1.8: Can poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012.
36

Frequency (f) 32 29 7 11 19 98

Percentage (%) 34 29 7 11 19 100

Table 4.1.8 shows that 32 respondents representing 34% strongly agreed that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 29 respondents representing 29% agreed that poor border check increase the respondent

proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7

representing7% was undecided that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 19 respondents representing 19% strongly disagreed that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria Table 4.1.9: Do the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012.
37

Frequency (f) 26 25 10 15 22 98

Percentage (%) 28 25 10 15 22 100

Table 4.1.9 shows that 26 respondents representing 28% strongly agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 25 respondents representing 25% agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 10 respondents representing 10% were undecided that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 15 respondents representing 15% disagreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, while 22 respondents representing 22% strongly disagreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics. Thus, most of the respondents agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics. Table 4.1.10: Can the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Frequency (f) 25 34 4 13 22 98 Percentage (%} 25 36 4 13 22 100

38

Table 4.1.10 shows that 25 respondents representing 25% strongly agreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 34 respondents representing 36% agreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 4 respondents representing 7% were undecided that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 13 respondents representing 13% disagreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, while 22 respondents representing 22% strongly disagreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons. Thus majority of the respondents agreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons. Table 4.1.11: Can adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012.
39

Frequency (t) 29 26 9 17 19 98

Percentage (%) 31 26 9 17 19 100

Table 4.1.11 shows that 29 respondents representing 31% strongly agreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 26 respondents representing 26% agreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 9 respondent representing 9% was undecided that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 17 respondents representing 17% disagreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, while 19 respondents representing 19% strongly disagreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security. Table 4.1.12: Can poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.12 shows that 49 respondents representing 51% strongly agreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in
40

Frequency (f) 49 28 3 7 11 98

Percentage (%) 51 28 3 7 11 100

Nigeria, 28 respondents representing 28% agreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3 respondents representing 3% were undecided that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondents representing 7% disagreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 11 respondents representing 11 % strongly disagreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Table 4.1.13: Can ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.13 shows that 51 respondents representing 53% strongly agreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 35 respondents representing 35% agreed that ethnic and community violence
41

Frequency (f) 51 35 3 2 7 98

Percentage (%) 53 35 3 2 7 100

constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3 respondent representing 3% was undecided that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 2 respondents representing 2% disagreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 7 respondents representing 7% strongly disagreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Table 4.1.14: Do denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.14 shows that 38 respondents representing 40% strongly agreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 32 respondents representing 32% agreed that denial of civic right constitute to
42

Frequency (f) 38 32 8 11 9 98

Percentage (%) 40 32 8 11 9 100

increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 8 respondents representing 8% were undecided that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 9 respondents representing 9% strongly disagreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Table 4.1.15: Can public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.15 shows that 39 respondents representing 41% strongly agreed public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 35 respondents representing 35% agreed that public enlightenment
43

Frequency (f) 39 35 7 5 12 98

Percentage (%) 41 35 7 5 12 100

on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondents representing 7% were undecided that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 5 respondents representing 5% disagreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 12 respondents representing 12% strongly disagreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Table 4.1.16: Can proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.16 shows that 36 respondents representing 38% strongly agreed that proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 31 respondents representing 31% agreed that the proper education of the
44

Frequency (f) 36 31 2 12 17 98

Percentage (%) 38 31 2 12 17 100

youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 2 respondents representing 2% were undecided that proper education of the youth on

weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 12 respondents representing 12% disagreed that proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, while 17 respondents representing 17% strongly disagreed proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Table 4.1.17 Can institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source; Field Survey 2012. Table 4.1.17 shows that 50 respondents representing 52% strongly agreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 36 respondents representing 26% agreed that institutions like
45

Frequency (f) 50 36 3 7 2 98

Percentage (%) 52 36 3 7 2 100

ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3 respondent representing 3% were undecided that institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondents representing 7% disagreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 2 respondents representing 2% strongly disagreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, most of the respondents agreed institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Table 4.1.18: Do proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.18 shows that 39 respondents representing 41% strongly agreed proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security, 32 respondents representing 32% agreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security
46

Frequency (f) 39 32 4 7 16 98

Percentage (%) 41 32 4 7 16 100

threat to national security, 4 respondent representing 4% was undecided that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security, 7 respondents representing 7% disagreed that proliferation of small arms and light

weapons pose security threat to national security, while 16 respondents representing 16% strongly disagreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security. Table 4.1.19: Do Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012 . Table 4.1.19 shows that 45 respondents representing 47% strongly agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, 33 respondents representing 33% agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, 3 respondents representing 3% were undecided that the Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and
47

Frequency (f) 45 33 3 6 11 98

Percentage (%) 47 33 3 6 11 100

community violence, 6 respondents representing 6% disagreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, while 11 respondents representing 11% strongly disagreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence. Thus, most of the respondents agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence. Table 4.1.20: Is there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security? Responses Strongly agree Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly disagree Total Source: Field Survey, 2012. Table 4.1.20 shows that 30 respondents representing 30% strongly agreed that there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security, 43 respondents representing 45% agreed that there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security, 2 respondent representing 2% were undecided that there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to
48

Frequency (f) 30 43 2 11 12 98

Percentage (%) 30 45 2 11 12 100

national security, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed that there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security, while 12 respondents representing 12% strongly disagreed that there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security. 4.2 TEST OF HYPOTHESES

Hypothesis I H0: There is no significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national security. H1: There is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national security. Table 4.2.1: The computation of calculated chi-square value Responses SA A UN D SD Total O 39 32 4 7 6 98 E 19.6 19.6 19.6 19.6 19.6 98 O-E 19.4 12.4 -15.6 -12.6 -13.6 (O E)2 376.36 153.76 -31.2 -25.2 -27.2 (O E)2 E 19.20 7.84 -1.59 -1.29 -1.39 25.55

49

Expected value = 98 = 19.6 5 Cal x2 = (O - E)2 = 25.55 E D.F = N 1 = 5 1 = 4 a = 0.05 Tab (x2) = 9.48773 Decision ; since the chi-square (x2) value (25.55) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x2) (9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national security. Hypothesis II H0: There is no significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence. H1: There is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence.

50

Table 4.2.2: The computation of calculated chi-square value Responses SA A UN D SD Total O 45 33 3 6 11 98 E 19.6 19.6 19.6 19.6 19.6 98 O-E 25.4 13.4 -16.6 -13.6 -8.6 (O E)2 645.16 179.56 -33.2 -30.2 -17.2 (O E)2 E 32.92 9.17 -1.69 -1.54 -0.89 37.97

Expected value = 98 = 19.6 5 Cal x2 = (O - E)2 = 37.97 E D.F = N 1 = 5 1 = 4 a = 0.05 Tab (x2) = 9.48773 Decision ; since the chi-square (x2) value (37.97) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x2) (9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence Hypothesis III H0: There is no significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security.

51

H1: There is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security. Table 4.2.3: The computation of calculated chi-square value Responses SA A UN D SD Total O 30 43 2 11 12 98 E 19.6 19.6 19.6 19.6 19.6 98 O-E 10.4 23.4 -17.6 -8.6 -7.6 (O E)2 108.16 547.56 -35.2 -17.2 -15.2 (O E)2 E 5.52 27.94 -1.79 -0.88 -0.77 30.02

Expected value = 98 = 19.6 5 Cal x2 = (O - E)2 = 30.02 E D.F = N 1 = 5 1 = 4 a = 0.05 Tab (x2) = 9.48773 Decision ; since the chi-square (x2) value (30.02) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x2) (9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security

52

4.3

DISCUSSION OF FINDING Contrary to public perception that some outs of the SALWs are used for protection while majority are of the opposite that it is harmful and endangers the security of the state. The study revealed that there is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national security considering the economic position of the state. The research work shows that Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as institution can help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, given about 52% of the respondents strongly agree and about 36% agree respectively. The study therefore challenge the Federal, State and Local Government as well as concerned institutions to give ear to the call for measures that can lead to the reduction or even eradication of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

53

CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 5.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter consists of summary, conclusion and recommendations made based on the outcome of the research work. 5.1 SUMMARY The approach adopted by the Lagos State to the problem of insecurity created by proliferation of small arms and light weapons was of no good. This act which has increase the level of crime and human violation caused by those who make use of the weapons in an unhumanised way and manna has led to the high level of insecurity. The militarizing the state rather than forming the basis for security, led to the emergency and activities of vigilante groups. This approach rather than addressing the challenges has heightened the conflict in the state and led to human rights violations in the state, Balogun (2003). There are issues surrounding the proliferation of small arms and light weapons to national security. The issue of marginalization, deprivation, unequal allocation of development resources and gross marginalization and the quest for social equity and justice, and the use of wrong approach in addressing the issue of insecurity constitute to this problem. These are issues that the Lagos state cannot run away from and that it has to be addressed for peace and security to reign in the state.

54

5.2

CONCLUSION Obviously, having described the issue of small arms and light weapons proliferation as well as identified and shed light on the causes of the proliferations and how it constitute threat to the national security. The study therefore conclude that any attempts to totally arrest or initiate efforts to combat the activities of small arms and light weapons proliferation, without providing credible and sustained synergy and demobilization will likely fail and this will be drawn back into conflict activity to support political power brokers, or other form of human violation which would be more worster than the proliferation of SALWs will step up. The study therefore challenge the authorities in charge to step up actions to stop the menace in the society, as well as seeking collaboration from religious groups, human right organizations and NGOs as against the proliferation of small arms and light weapons.

5.3

RECOMMENDATION Increasingly, the illegal transfer of Small arms and light weapons is recognized as a security-related humanitarian problem that needs to be tackled by states on a national, regional and international levels. The uncontrolled accumulation and proliferation of small arms is a major threat to national, sub-regional and regional security. Apart from causing destruction of lives and serious human rights violation, the phenomenon undermines development efforts. This has resulted, among others, in the increase in criminality and banditry, and the emergence of
55

child soldiers with its attendant consequences. In view of this, the study therefore make the following recommendations. i. Establishing a Culture of Peace:

The Moratorium is a confidence building measure that is needed to establish a culture of peace. This will be achieved through an awareness campaign involving women organizations, religious bodies, community groups, business associations, professional organizations, academics, traditional groups, elders and nongovernmental organizations. They will inform the general public about the effects of armed violence and the concerted efforts by the government to reduce them. The approach for establishing this culture of peace can come through the following levels: Local Level Programmes such as Essays and opinion pieces/papers will be published in local newspapers as regards the Moratorium. Talk shows in local radio networks discussing the governments effort to curb illicit small arms trafficking. National Level, Government will facilitate the Mobilization of resources at inter-ministerial level to promote education in favour of the culture of peace.

56

Educating the school children on the culture of peace by deglamourizing violence and emphasizing on the African traditions of negotiation and dialogue in conflict situations.

International Level: Need to establish a network of West African NGOs working to promote peace in the sub-region. This will be in collaboration with Programme for Coordination and Assistance on Security Development (PCASED). Need to increase sub-regional and international collaboration. Each member state of ECOWAS will celebrate a week against the proliferation of small arms. ii. The setting up of Truth Commission: The true commission would have the primary objective of investigating and reporting cases of human rights violations in the Lagos state. The truth commission should be an official body of the federal Government that will be responsible for making recommendations that will remedy human rights violations and measurement to the reoccurrence of such abuses. 5.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH Many questions remain unanswered which could be addressed by different social science disciplines. From the political science discipline, studies could address the question of which factor is influencing the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Government should as a matter of policy and legislations workout
57

a framework for a research on the proliferation of small arms andlight weapons and measure to combat it as this will promote public confidence in the National security system or network according to Onuoha, (2006).

BIBLOGRAPHY APPENDIX

National Open University of Nigeria, 14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way, Victoria Island, Lagos. Dear Sir/Madam, REQUEST FOR THE COMPLETION OF QUESTIONNAIRE I am a student of the above institution conducting a research on THE PROLIFERATION OF SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS AS A THREAT TO NATIONAL SECURITY (A case Study of Lagos State), " as the study area. I humbly solicit for your co-operation and assistance in helping me in this study by completing the attached questionnaire. All information supplied herein shall be treated with strict and absolute confidentiality as this exercise is merely for academic purpose.

Thanks for your co-operation. Yours faithfully, Mr. Jimmy Sunday Okon
58

Researcher, 08026980840

QUESTIONNAIRE

Section A: Personal Information Instruction: Please tick () against the appropriate choice/options to indicate your answers to the items. 1. Sex: (a) Male ( ) (b) Female ( ) 2. Age (years) : (a)18-30( ) ) (b)31-40( )

(c) 41-50( 3. 4.

(d) 51 and above ( ) (b) Married( ) )

Marital Status: (a) Single

Working Experience: (a) Below 5yrs ( ) (d) 16 years and Above ( ) )

) (b) 6 - 10yrs(

( c) 11 - 15yrs ( 5.

Qualification: (a) SSCE

(b) NCE/OND(

(c) HND/B.Sc. ( 6.

) (d)Master Degree (

Position at work: ) ) (a) Investigation ( ) ) (b) Personnel/Admin( ) )

(a) Senior Officer ( (b) Junior Officer ( 7. Department:

(c ) Enforcement (

(d ) Operation (

(e ) Research and Development

59

Section B: Instruction: Please tick the appropriate answer in the boxes attached to the statements below: SA = Strongly Agree A= Agree UN = Undecided D =Disagree SD = Strongly Disagree S/N Statement 8 Can poor boarder check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? 9 Do the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do die politics? 10 Can the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons? 11 Can adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security? 12 Can poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? 13 Can ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? 14 Do denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria? 15 Can public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small r]arms and light weapons in Nigeria? 16 Can proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons? 17 Can institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria?
60

SA A

UN D

SD

18 19 20

Do proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security? Do Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence? Is there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security?

61