Young People in West and Central Africa

YOUNG PEOPLE IN WEST AND CENTRAL AFRICA
Trends, Priorities, Investments and Partners
Prepared for:
UNICEF West and Central Africa Regional Office
June 2009
Prepared by:
Julie E. Larsen
Young People in West and Central Africa Draft: 6/24/09
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Executive Summary
CHAPTER 1: ISSUES AND OVERALL DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS

1.0 Introduction
1.1 Purpose and Scope of the Study
1.2 Framework and Structure for the Study
1.3 Definitions and Concepts related to Adolescent Development
1.4 Applying Adolescent Conceptualizations to the West and Central African Region
1.5 Overview of Demographic, Urbanization, and Migration Trends for Adolescents
1.5.1. Demographic Trends
1.5.2. Urbanization Trends
1.5.3. Migration Trends
1.6 Conclusion
SECTION 2: TRANSITIONS THROUGH SCHOOL AND TO WORK: ATTAINING AN EDUCATION

AND SECURING A DECENT AND PRODUCTIVE LIVELIHOOD
2.0 Transitions through School and to Work
2.1 Overall Trends in Education
2.1.1 Gender and Other Factors Affecting Access to Education
2.1.2 Trends in Education
2.2 Overall Trends in Employment
2.2.1. Age of the School-to-Work Transition
2.2.2. Trends in the School-to-Work Transition
2.3 International and Regional Policy Responses
2.3.1. Education and Youth Employment in the World Programme of Action for Youth
(WPAY)
2.3.2 Education and Youth Employment in NEPAD and the African Youth Charter
2.3.3. Youth Employment in National Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRSPs)
2.4 Existing International and Regional Networks and Partners
2.5 Lessons Learned and Promising Approaches
2.5.1 Generating Demand: Creating Jobs for Youth Using an Integrated, Multi-Service &
Multi-Sector Approach
2.5.2 Example of a Multi-Service and Sector Approach: Ghana’s National Youth Employment
Programme
2.5.3 Ensuring Supply: Increasing Youth Employability through Improved Education and
Technical and Vocational Training in the sub-region
2.5.4 Practical Examples of Improved Technical and Vocational Training in the sub-region
2.5 Conclusion
SECTION 3: THE TRANSITION TO HEALTHY INDEPENDENCE - CHOOSING HABITS, FORMING

RELATIONSHIPS, & LEAVING THE PARENTAL HOME
3.0 The Transition to Healthy Independence
3.1 Overall Trends in Adolescent Health for the Sub-region
3.1.1 Causes of Mortality among Adolescents
3.1.2 Unintentional injuries / road accidents
3.1.3 Violence and war
3.1.4 Risk Behaviours – smoking, alcohol abuse and drug use
3.1.5 Unmeasured Adolescent Health Issues: Disability and Mental Health Illness
3.2 Trends in Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health
3.2.1 HIV and AIDS among adolescents in West and Central Africa
3.2.2 Trends in Adolescent Maternal Health and Early Childbearing
3.2.3 Trends in Adolescent Marriage
3.3.1. Adolescent Health in the World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY)
3.3.2 Health in the African Youth Charter
3.3.3 ICPD at 15 and Millennium Development Goal 5 and 6
3.4 Key International and Regional Partners and Networks
3.6 Conclusions
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SECTION 4: THE TRANSITION TO ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP – EFFECTIVE ENGAGEMENT &

MEANINGFUL PARTICIPATION IN DECISION-MAKING
4.0 The Transition to Active Citizenship
4.1 Expanding Citizenship to Many Spheres of Adolescent Development
4.2 Overall Trends in Citizenship and Adolescent Participation
4.2.1 Engagement and Participation in the Family and the Home
4.2.2 Trends in Engagement and Participation in Schools and Communities
4.2.3 Trends in Civic Engagement and Participation in National Development
4.2.4 Trends in Civic Engagement and Participation at the Global Level
4.4 Existing Networks and Partners
4.6 Conclusion
SECTION 5: THE TRANSITION TO SELF-DIRECTED, OVERALL WELLBEING - PROTECTION

FROM POVERTY, VIOLENCE, EXPLOITATION & CONFLICT
5.0 The Transition to Self-directed, Overall Wellbeing
5.1 Trends in Poverty and Its Links to Neglect, Abuse, and Exploitation
5.2 Trends in child labour and trafficking
5.3 Trends in early marriage, domestic violence, and female genital mutilation
5.4 Trends and issues in situations of armed conflict and recovery
5.4.1 Adolescents and Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration (DDR)
5.4.2 Securing Livelihoods and Other Opportunities for Young People in Post-Conflict
Situations
5.7 Conclusion
SECTION 6: CURRENT INVESTMENTS IN ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT

6.0 Current Investments in Adolescent Development
6.1 Current Investments in Youth from Bilateral Donors
6.2 Current Investments in Youth from Multilateral Donors
6.3 Current Investments in Youth According to Specific Transitions
6.3.1. Education and livelihood opportunities for young people
6.3.2. Adolescent health (HIV/AIDS, early marriage, maternal health)
6.3.3 Youth civic engagement and participation
6.4 Conclusions
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LIST OF TABLES & FIGURES
Table 1.1 Various age-specific definitions of youth in the sub-region

Table 1.2 Adolescent Population for the sub-region over time
Table 1.3 Urban-Rural population of adolescents aged 10 to 19 years, select countries
Table 1.4 Net Migration Rates for West and Central African Countries
Table 2.1 Education Indicators for West and Central Africa and the Sub-region
Table 2.2 Effects of household income on school attendance
Table 2.3 Transition rates from primary to secondary school and Gender Parity Index
Table 2.4 Distribution of employed young workers (15 to 24 years old) by institutional sector (%)
Table 2.5 Summary of the six youth employment projects from West and Central Africa contained
in the World Bank’s Youth Employment Inventory.
Table 2.6 Overview of sectors and activities in Ghana’s National Youth Employment Programme
Table 3.1 Select overall health status indicators for West and Central Africa
Table 3.2 Prevalence of tobacco use among adolescents for countries with available data
Table 3.3 Fertility Rates of 15-19 year old women and percentage change, by sub-region, over time
Table 3.4 Percentage of Women Having Given Birth by Age 16 and 18
Table 3.5 Minimum ages for marriage without parental consent for men and women (2000)
Table 3.6 Percentage of women and men married by age, over time
Table 3.7 Percentage of currently married women in polygamous marriage, by age
Table 4.1 Young women’s participation in decision-making in households, by age and selected
countries
Table 4.2 Age of Majority for Various Citizen Rights and Responsibilities
Table 4.3 Percentage of parliamentary seats held by women in countries of the sub-region
Table 4.4 Percentage of young people with exposure to mass media
Table 4.5 Cellular phone and Internet Usage in the sub-region
Table 5.1 Estimated numbers of adolescent living in poverty and under-nourished in the region.
Table 5.2 Female adolescent views towards domestic violence in select countries
Figure 1.1 Adolescent Population for the sub-region over time
Figure 1.2 Trend in the Adolescent Population as a percentage for the sub-region over time
Figure 1.3 Trend in the Adolescent Population as a percentage for West Africa over time
Figure 1.4 Trend in the Adolescent Population as a percentage for Central Africa over time
Figure 1.5 Examples of countries where the share of the adolescent population is projected to
increase: Democratic Republic of Congo and Guinea-Bissau
Figure 1.6 Examples of countries where the share of the adolescent population is projected to
decline: Cameroon and Nigeria
Figure 2.1 Available youth unemployment rates for the region
Figure 2.2 The Change in the inactivity rates for the youth population aged 15 to 24 years
Figure 2.3 Youth and adult urban unemployment rates for nine capital cities in West Africa
Figure 2.4 Cultural Footholds in Youth Skills Acquisition Sahelian vs. Coastal Apprenticeships
Figure 3.1 Top five causes of death of adolescents in sub-Saharan Africa aged 15 to 29 years
Figure 3.2 HIV/AIDS prevalence rates among youth aged 15 to 24
Figure 3.3 Percentage of 15-24 year-olds who have comprehensive correct knowledge of HIV/AIDS
Figure 3.4 Condom use among 15-24 year-olds, at last high-risk sex
Figure 3.5 Trends in Fertility of 15-19 year-olds, select West and Central African countries
Figure 3.6 Adolescent Pregnancies in sub-Saharan Africa by Planning Status and Outcome
Figure 3.7 Mean spouse age difference by woman’s age at marriage
Figure 4.1 Building Blocks for Citizenship Areas of adolescents engagement and related activities
Figure 4.2 Degrees of adolescent agency in the home
Figure 5.1 Percentage of young women currently married, according to age
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LIST OF ACRONYMS
ADAP Adolescent Development and Participation (UNICEF)

AFD Agence Française de Développement
AfDB African Development Bank
APRM African Peer Review Mechanism
AU African Union
AUC African Union Commission
AYC African Youth Charter
BCPR Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
CFA Central African Franc
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
CREPS Complementary Rapid Education for Primary Schools
DDR Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration
DfID United Kingdom’s Department for International Development
DHS Demographic and Health Survey
DIME Development Impact Evaluation Initiative
ECOWAS The Economic Community of West African States
EU European Union
FGM/C Female genital mutilation or cutting
FHI Family Health International
GER Gross Enrolment Rate
GPI Gender Parity Index
GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit
HIV/AIDS Human Immuno-defiency Virus/ Auto-Immune Deficiency Syndrome
ICI International Cocoa Initiative
ILO International Labour Organization
IPEC International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour’s
JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency
LIFE The Literacy Initiative for Empowerment
LUTRENA Project to Combat Trafficking in Children for Labour Exploitation in West and Central Africa
LVCs Local Vigilance Committees
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MTSP Medium Term Strategic Plan
NAP National Action Plan
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development
NER Net enrolment rates
NGO Non-governmental organizations
ODA Official Development Assistance
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
PEF Protective Environment Framework
RBSA Regular Budget Supplementary Account
TTISSA Teacher Training Initiative in Sub-Saharan Africa
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
UPE Universal Primary Education
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WCARO West and Central Africa Regional Office
WHO World Health Organization
YEN Youth Employment Network
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Executive Summary
One of the youngest parts of the world is West and Central Africa. By 2015, the region will be home to
an estimated 110 million adolescents between 10 to 19 years of age, accounting for roughly 23 per
cent of the region’s total population. Youth in all regions of the world experience some difficulty and
uncertainty as they make the transition to adulthood, but the situation young people face in West and
Central Africa is most difficult in many respects. Adolescents in the region are affected by widespread
poverty, frequent conflicts and an acute lack of adequate services and infrastructure. Traditional
practices and norms relating to power, authority, and gender, often complicate or impede the attempts
of adolescents to generate meaningful lives for themselves. The next decade is crucial in terms of the
support available to these millions of young people, as it will have important implications for their
prospects as adults and for the human development prospects of the region as a whole. With the right
support, adolescents can create better lives for themselves and others as they leave parental care.
The study provides an overview of the situation of young people and current programming in West
and Central Africa. It is guided by UNICEF’s main programmatic areas in the region, namely primary
education, mother and child survival, HIV/AIDS, child protection from exploitation, abuse and violence
and neglect, as well as social and economic policies affecting child development. The study aims to
relate these topics specifically to adolescents between the ages 10 to 19 years, which overlaps with
UNICEF’s existing mandate of those 0 to 18 years.
This study is organized around a framework that examines the social, psychological, economic, and
biological changes that occur in adolescence through four specific transitions: securing a decent and
productive livelihood; the transition to marriage and parenthood; the transition to citizenship and
political participation; and the transition to self-directed wellbeing, which includes protection from
poverty, violence, exploitation & conflict. Three dimensions – gender, urbanization and migration – are
treated as transversal themes. For each transition, the study presents current trends, existing
international and regional policy responses, promising approaches and lessons learned. To conclude,
the study identifies current investments for adolescents in the region.
Securing a decent and productive livelihood
Primary school net enrolment rate in the sub-region is 67 per cent for males and 58 percent for
females in the sub-region. The data presented in this section show two disturbing trends. First is the
lack of gender parity in school enrolment, school attendance and literacy rates. Second is the sizeable
drop in the percentage of youth enrolled in secondary school, which is fast becoming a prerequisite to
participating in an increasingly global labour market.
In terms of youth unemployment, the rate in the sub-region is well above the sub-Saharan regional
youth unemployment rate of 11.5 per cent. The bulk of youth employment is in the informal sector and
often adolescents have no choice but to accept work that falls short of “decent”. Though a number of
policies aim to address the youth unemployment challenge, there is little evidence of proven
approaches on the scale required to address the magnitude of the problem. Nevertheless, this
chapter reviews some of the responses that seem to be generating initial results. On addressing the
“demand” side of youth employment, i.e. creating prospects for young people in the labour market, the
use of integrated multi-sector and multi-sector responses seem to be yielding promising results. On
ensuring skilled labour supply, that is, ensuring that young people are equipped to take advantage of
the opportunities that exist, there is increasing focus on improving technical and vocational training
(TVET). In general, coherent youth employment interventions take into consideration gender, age-
specific and the rural-versus-urban challenges of young people.
The Transition to Marriage and Parenthood
In examining the trends related to marriage and parenthood, the study looks more specifically at some
of the main threats to adolescent health, such as HIV/AIDS and adolescent maternal health. It also
touches upon broad trends in road traffic accidents, violence, the use of tobacco, illicit drugs, and
alcohol abuse and other health threats. With high HIV/AIDS prevalence rates in many of the sub-
region’s countries, less than a quarter of young people have adequate knowledge of the how to
prevent HV/AIDS. There is a continued need for awareness-raising and education, as well as
addressing the non-biological aspects of the disease, such as its intersection with gender inequalities.
West and Central Africa has the highest rates of early motherhood and the 38.4 percent rate of
marriage for 15 to 19 years olds is the highest in the world.
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This chapter explores how UNICEF must work with partners to support multiple-component,
community-based health programmes that include school-based interventions and health education,
training of service providers, working to ensure facilities are youth friendly and using widespread
media to promote health messages. These strategies are likely to be particularly effective if designed
to be culturally appropriate and sensitive to the expressed needs of young people in the region.
The Transition to Citizenship and Political Participation
An effective transition to adulthood involves the acquisition of civic rights and responsibilities, as well
as greater participation in the decisions that affect one’s life. This chapter looks at active citizenship as
it links directly to adolescent development and their opportunities to acquire the capacity,
relationships, and social skills to fully participate in a society’s development. To this end, the report
explores how young people can use opportunities to acquire these tools in their full range of social
environments – in the home, school-based and community interventions, as well as national and
global activism. Other determinants of active citizenship examined include the overall socio-political
climate, access to reliable information on current issues, and the strength of existing youth
organizations and networks. As governments in the sub-region seek to establish or review national
youth policies, youth ministries are increasingly aware of the need to strengthen national youth
platforms to provide ministries with strong partners for all stages of policy implementation.
The chapter also discusses how UNICEF’s work in the region must ensure that young women are
supported in obtaining all the rights and benefits of membership in their societies. In every aspect of
citizenship examined in the chapter, female adolescents are disadvantaged. Young women’s
participation in the decisions that affect their lives is essential to ensuring their rights.
Lastly, this chapter reviews how adults must work alongside adolescents in creating the enabling
environment for effective engagement in the region. First and foremost, this requires the allocation of
sufficient resources, both in terms of financial input and time, to work towards strengthening youth
organizations. There is also a need to create acceptance of the concept of working with young people
in order to counter adult resistance to involving young people in important development issues.
The Transition to Self-directed Wellbeing (i.e. Protection from Poverty, Violence, Exploitation &
Conflict
This section examines abuses against young people living in West and Central Africa by using poverty
as an entry point. Adolescents represent a disproportionately large number of the poor, putting them
in precarious situations that make them more susceptible to abuses such as child labour, trafficking,
and commercial sexual exploitation. By conservative estimates, roughly 48 million adolescents in
West and Central Africa live on less than US$1, approximately 70 million on less than US$2, and 22
million are undernourished. Several widespread socio-cultural practices in West and Central Africa
also necessitate specific attention to adolescent protection, including early marriage, domestic
violence and female genital cutting.
The chapter also examines protecting the rights and needs of adolescents in situations of armed
conflict and recovery, as this is particularly relevant to some countries in the sub-region. The impact of
armed conflict on the lives of young people and on society as a whole is enormous. Conflict seriously
endangers the socialization process, affecting young people's chances of becoming economically and
socially independent adults. This chapter concludes with lessons learned and recommendations on
how UNICEF’s expertise in supporting the creation of protective environments for children can best be
applied to benefit adolescent protection in the sub-region.
Current Investments in Adolescent Programming
The report concludes by providing an overview of some of the main income streams that are available
for adolescent programming in the sub-region. In some cases, significant funds are available in areas
such as HIV/AIDS initiatives and post-conflict support, though it is difficult to determine the degree to
which these are earmarked specifically for young people.
The chapter notes that despite numerous conferences, declarations, political statements and
commitments, very few comparable resources have been directed towards adolescent development
as a key strategy for national progress. Of the few youth–specific projects that are described, most
have budgets within the range of between 5 and 15 US$ million. When considering that by 2015 an
estimated 110 million young people between the ages 10 to 19 years will live in the sub-region, such
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amounts are wholly inadequate.
The information presented in this chapter also reveals the degree to which funding for youth
development is often undisclosed and difficult to track, therefore fragmented and piecemeal. The
occurrence of many conflicts in the region, combined with recent awareness on the devastating
effects of conflict on children and youth, means that post-conflict country are receiving funding for
improving young people's livelihood opportunities. However, most falls short of needs and are not
accompanied by a long-term commitment.
Overall, the lack of data and evidenced-based examples of successful interventions to support
adolescents, particularly that yield results on the scale necessary for the sub-region, exacerbates
UNICEF’s ability to take action. However, in the absence of strong evidence, development support
must move by imperatives. The reality is that nearly two thirds of premature deaths and one third of
the total disease burden in adults are associated with conditions or behaviours that began in youth.
Protecting, respecting and fulfilling children's rights should not stop at 5 or 19 years of age and
consideration needs to be given to rights delayed, rights costly to recover, and rights irrevocably lost.
Meeting adolescents' rights to education, livelihood, health and participation will support the rights of
adolescents are now, but also assist in their abilities as adults and parents, and for the development
of their children.
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SECTION 1
1.1 Introduction
“A child has a limited chance to develop, and the protection of that chance therefore demands the
kind of commitment that will not be superceded by other priorities. There will always be something
more immediate, there will never be anything more important.”
- Jim Grant, UNICEF Executive Director, 1980-19951
In the last decade, children and youth in Africa have received growing consideration in development
efforts. There is increasingly widespread recognition that young people, as active agents in their
societies, are able to either exacerbate or help solve some of the continent’s most pressing
challenges. For example, young people have assumed a central focus in the struggle against
HIV/AIDS. With empirical evidence showing that 15 to 24 year olds make up the bulk of new
infections, it is hard to dispute that they are at the centre of containing the pandemic (UNAIDS, 2006).
In the area of conflict prevention and peace-building, young people have proven to be dynamic allies
in rebuilding both physical and social infrastructure. In 2004 post-war Sierra Leone, for example, there
were over 130 registered groups with a specific focus on youth in the rural Kono district alone
(Lansana, 2004). Between 2003 and 2005, UNDP spent 4.2 million USD on youth-focussed projects
in the country and the Government of Sierra Leone issued a specific youth policy that emphasized
youth employment as a key strategy to maintaining the peace (ibid, xx).
Attention to the situation of young people has been further reinforced by the global thrust towards
achieving the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Although the MDGs are widely held to be
about providing basic services and improving infrastructure, the Goals directly relate to young people.
Under the first goal, to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, one of the three main targets is “to
achieve full and productive employment and decent work for all, including women and young people”.
Some of the indicators used to monitor progress in achieving the goals include the literacy rate of 15-
24 year-olds, the ratios of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary education, the adolescent
birth rate, and HIV prevalence among 15-24 year olds, as well as the proportion in that age group with
a comprehensive correct knowledge of HIV/AIDS.2 Even where young people are not the explicit
focus, their involvement can be important to achieving the Goals. Arguably, indicators such as Internet
users per 100 population or the proportion of urban population living in slums are equally relevant for
young people, if not because they account for such a large share of the population in poor countries.
The successful achievement of the MDGs by 2015 will require a much greater investment in young
people. Today’s adolescents are the primary targets, beneficiaries and actors for the full realization of
the MDGs.
As young people become adults and leave the orbit of parental care, they can be positive agents of
change. They are dynamic, flexible and often more willing to persevere in creating better lives for
themselves and others. With the right mix of opportunities and support, they are often able to
spearhead innovation and cultural shifts that can advance human rights, gender equality and
sustainable economic development. However, they require the developmental support, as even
temporary deprivation is capable of inflicting lifelong damage and distortion of human development.
One of the youngest regions in the world is West and Central Africa. By 2015, the region will be home
to an estimated 110 million adolescents between the ages of 10 to 19, accounting for approximately
23 per cent of the region’s total population.3 Young people in all regions of the world experience some
degree of difficulty and uncertainty as they make the transition to adulthood, but the situation youth
face in West and Central Africa is one of the most difficult in many respects. Adolescents in the region
often live in areas that are affected by widespread poverty, frequent conflicts and an acute lack of
adequate social services and infrastructure. Traditional practices and norms relating to power,
1
Statement to the Third Committee of the 49th General Assembly of the United Nations in New York on 11 November 1994, as
quoted in Richard, J. (Ed.) 2001. Jim Grant, UNICEF Visionary, Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre.
2
Based on the updated targets and indicators that became effective on 15 January 2008. See the official UN site for the MDG
Indicators at http://mdgs.un.org.
3
Based on calculations using data from the World Population Prospects 2006 Revision, UN Population Division. See Annex 1:
Summary Chart of Population by Age Group and Sex.
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authority, and not least, gender, are strong and often complicate or impede the attempts of
adolescents to generate meaningful lives for themselves. Not surprising then, youth in the region
continue to be characterized in negative and generalized terms such as marginalized, disempowered,
destabilizing and without status. In fact, they have been referred to by some as a “lost generation”
(Kaplan 2004). The next decade is crucial in terms of the support available to these millions of young
people, as it will have important implications for their prospects as adults and for the human
development prospects of the region as a whole.
1.2 Purpose and Scope of the Study
The purpose of this study is to provide a general overview of the situation of young people and current
youth programming in West and Central Africa. The paper aims to provide a big picture view of youth
development trends in the regions, something that is challenging given the range of disparity and
diversity that exists within the region’s 24 countries.4 Within its scope, the paper does not provide
detailed, country-specific analysis. However, the study does indicate, where possible, areas that
would require a more in-depth and focussed analysis if UNICEF were to undertake programming and
partnerships in specific areas of adolescent development.
The study is guided by UNICEF’s mandate and main programmatic areas in the region. These are
understood to be pre-primary and primary education, mother and child survival (including health,
nutrition, water and sanitation), addressing HIV/AIDS in terms of prevention, treatment, and care, child
protection from exploitation, abuse and violence and neglect, as well as social and economic policies
affecting child development. In particular, the study aims to position and relate these programmatic
areas specifically to adolescents, or young people between the ages 10 to 19 years, which overlaps
and falls within UNICEF’s existing 0 to 18 years of age mandate. It also aims to identify what
additional investments UNICEF could make for and with young people given this mandate, as well as
areas in which UNICEF could partner, leverage and advocate for greater investments for adolescent
development.
1.3 Framework and Structure for the Study
Adolescence is a period of human development when minds, bodies, values and personalities are
being formed. This study is organized around a framework that examines the social, psychological,
economic, and biological changes that occur in adolescence through four specific transitions:
1. The transition to securing a decent and productive livelihood – attaining an

education and finding means to earn a living
2. The transition to marriage and parenthood – forming new relationships and

leaving the parental home
.
3. The transition to citizenship - participating politically, claiming the ability to shape
one’s society and participate in decision-making
4. The transition to self-directed, overall wellbeing – including protection from

poverty & conflict
These transitions enable a young person to gradually assume the new roles and responsibilities of
adulthood. It is recognized that because passing from childhood to adulthood is complex and
multifaceted, the transitions are interrelated and some of their nuances, specifically in the context of
West and Central Africa, are further discussed in below. Schooling will affect citizenship, for example,
or parenthood will hasten the transition to self-directed wellbeing. The study uses available data and
documentation to provide a general overview of how adolescents in the region currently manage and
handle the various aspects of these transitions. Particular attention is paid to gender aspects, that is,
how a girl or young woman’s experience of securing an education, navigating relationships, or finding
a voice in her community may differ from her male counterparts. In addition to gender considerations,
the shifts to urbanization and migration among young people in the region are also treated as
transversal themes. These three dimensions – gender, urbanization and migration – are brought to
bear, as much as possible given available information, on each of the transitions listed above.
4
The UNICEF region of West and Central Africa includes: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African
Republic, Chad, Congo, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea,
Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo.
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Building upon the general overview of the situation of young people within the four transitions to
adulthood, the study identifies young people’s own aspirations. There have been several international
and regional declarations and commitments concerning youth development priorities and the study
draws upon these as sources of guidance for potential programmatic responses. Each section on a
transition then examines the existing youth networks and policies in the region that support the
specific areas within the four transitions. Lastly, the sections highlight promising approaches and
lessons learned in working to assist young people in becoming healthy and productive adults.
To conclude, the study identifies major champions and donors for young people in the region, with the
particular aim of determining options for greater investments and partnerships to provide adolescents
in the region with the tools they need to successfully navigate the transition to adulthood. An
emphasis is placed on providing UNICEF’s West and Central Africa Regional Office with feasible
programming and partnership suggestions to strengthen the agency’s existing work and leverage its
mandate.
1.4. Definitions and Concepts related to Adolescent Development
Adolescents are children in the second decade of life. (UNICEF, 2005)
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which lies at the core of UNICEF’s
mandate and operations, defines “children” as between 0 and up to the age of 18 years. Within this
age range occurs the developmental stage of adolescence, a period of transition from child to adult
that falls generally in the second decade of life.
This second decade is a complex period, as it involves biological, psychological (including cognitive)
and social changes. The pace of growth and change is second only to that of infancy (UNICEF, 2005).
Biologically, adolescents are experiencing pubertal changes, most evident in brain structure and
sexual interest. Psychologically, adolescents’ cognitive capacities are maturing. It is a time when
abstract thinking develops and questions around the nuances and complexity of life arise. Socially,
adolescents are learning the roles they are assumed to play in family, community and school. These
changes occur simultaneously and at different paces for each adolescent within gender, structural and
environmental factors often impacting the transition (National Research Council, 2005). The values
and skills developed during adolescence tend to endure over a lifetime.
UNICEF and other agencies (UNFPA, WHO, UNAIDS) define “adolescents” as children between 10
and 19 years of age. UNICEF’s work on adolescent programming, as directed by its Medium Term
Strategic Plan (2006-2009), adopts this age range. However, there is no overall consensus within the
international community and related terms sometimes confuse matters. For example, another
internationally accepted definition of “youth” is persons between 15 and 24 years, defined by Member
States of the UN General Assembly. As a result, much of the data collected by the United Nations,
particularly in relation to the achievement of the MDGs, is limited to this age range. Although the term
“youth” and “young people” are often used interchangeably, some agencies, including WHO and
UNFPA, differentiate young people from youth as those between 10 and 24 years of age.
For the purposes of this study, its main focus is on “adolescents”, which it takes to mean as those
aged between 10-19 years. It also uses the terms “youth” for those ages 15-24, and “young people”
for those ages 10-24. For the most part, the terms “youth” and “young people” are used
interchangeably, as both refer to the approximate age range during which the transition to adulthood
generally occurs.
While the United Nations defines youth as individuals between the ages of 15-24 and collects data
within this range, Governments often establish a national definition, usually specified in the country’s
National Youth Policy. African countries tend to define youth in a very broad age, discussed further
below, which has implications for the formulation of national policies, resource allocation and related
programming. Below are some of the national definitions for youth applied in the countries that make
up UNICEF’s the West and Central Africa region.
Definition of youth Countries in the West and Central Africa Region

Benin; Burkina Faso; Cameroon; Ghana; Liberia, Mali; Sierra
15-35
Leone
12
15-30 Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Gabon
14-24 Cape Verde
14-35 Gambia
14-30 Niger
18-35 Guinea-Bissau; Nigeria; Senegal; Togo
Unknown or Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea,

unspecified Mauritania, Sao Tome and Principe
15-34 African Union

Source: UNV, 2006. Youth Volunteering for Development: Africa in the 21st Century, Discussion Paper and the
author’s own research.
1.5 Applying Adolescent Conceptualizations to the West and Central African Region
Who are ‘youth’? In my country, because of high unemployment and other factors, many people
are slow to ascend to social adulthood. They fail to find a job, defer marriage, and continue to live
with their parents. Their ‘youth’ is extended, so their participation as full citizens is postponed.
This delay in taking up the responsibilities of citizenship can have profound social and political
effects.
Young man from Cameroon5
The various transitions to adulthood are embedded in the larger socio-economic context and reflect
the enormous diversity of developing societies. Prevailing cultural expectations and traditions about
what constitutes the attainment of adulthood vary not only between countries, but also between and
within societies. For example, the establishment of an independent household may be a marker of
maturity in some contexts, whereas in others, strong family and community linkages are valued more
than autonomy and adulthood is signalled by the formation of an extensive social network. The
transitions to adulthood are also affected by the dynamics and speed of societal change that may be
under way. In West and Central Africa for example, youth transitions may be influenced by the
pervasive spread of information technology, greater access to a translational youth culture, or
migration patterns etched by the globalization of labour demands. In some cases, support for
successful transitions to adulthood may no longer fall within the family or community, requiring new
forms of learning and exploration.
Recent analysis of the changes leading to adulthood shows that the transition in general is being
prolonged well into the third decade of life and sometimes even beyond (Cute, 2000; National
Research Council, 2005). This means that while the transitions to adulthood begin during
adolescence, they may well continue beyond this period. In some case, adolescence is referenced in
various phases, such as an early phase of transition (between ages 10 and 14), a middle phase of
transition (between ages 15 and 20), and a later phase of the transition (21+) (National Research
Council, 2005). These stages can be important as they relate to the design and implementation of
programming targeting this population. As such, the transitions to adulthood are a part of the larger
developmental life course and the experiences and events of early childhood are precursors to
successful adolescent transitions. It follows that efforts to safeguard or enhance a successful
transitions cannot be confined to any one segment of the life.
Moving away from fixed, chronological stages towards a more dynamic view of childhood and
adolescence brings to the foreground the importance of socio-cultural constructions and allows the
complexity of adolescence in West and Central Africa to emerge. In Africa, the seemingly inadequate
life chances and dim prospects that some young people experience as a result precarious social,
economic and political circumstances will affect their ability to set goals and navigate life choices. The
challenge becomes understanding how young people in West and Central Africa seek to escape
5
As quoted in: Fokwang, J. (2008). Politicized youth and citizenship in Cameroon, Unpublished doctoral thesis, University of
Toronto, Canada.
13
confining structures and navigate economic, social and political turmoil (Vigh 2003, 2006).
Instead of approaching the concept of youth as an age-defined developmental life-stage, it may be

necessary to be understand how youth position themselves and are positioned within generational
categories (Vigh 2003, 2006). This introduces elements of power and position and acknowledges that
youth is configured differently depending on time and place. The nature of a young person’s
immediate environment impacts societal and generational positions, life strategies and related coping
mechanisms (Maira and Soep, 2004). Durham notes when one starts and stops being young in Africa
is contextually specific and that the generational positions youth claim or seek are not necessarily
identical to the ones ascribed (2000). This is exemplified in the quote captured below from a young
man from Guinea Bissau:
My father, if he wants me to do something, he calls me; “boy” he says “go get me this… do
that” and I cannot refuse (…) [but], if I need his help he says to me; “ what, you are an adult
now” and he will refuse me”.
Far from a specific age range, categories such as childhood, youth and adulthood in West and Central
Africa are not neutral but rather a part of the struggle for influence and authority within society. There
are no established markers of adulthood. Customary rites of passage, such as circumcision or
marriage, are insufficient to confer adulthood on a young person who has not yet completed other
transitions to adulthood. This is particularly evident in the case of girls or young women who may be
married, but who are not yet fully prepared to assume adult roles. They are particularly vulnerable, as
adolescent programming often focuses on the unmarried, neglecting the concerns of married
adolescents and leaving them with few protections. It is equally not with the acquisition of certain skills
or the provision of specific services alone that young people are enabled to become productive adults.
To develop programming that assists adolescents in their transitions requires that young people be
ensured “a sense of agency in their own predicament” (Agenti and de Waal, 2002).
This study conceptualizes adolescents as a phase within childhood of increasing independence that
includes the gradual learning of adult social positions and roles. It characterizes this learning in terms
of four inter-related transitions. It also recognizes that given the complexity of the historical, socio-
cultural, and economic dynamics of the West and Central Africa region, it would be almost impossible
to fully understand the ways in which young people in the region tactically navigate their societies.
This necessitates, in the West and Central African region perhaps more than most, the introduction of
a strong sense of agency in any programming aimed at facilitating transitions to adulthood. The
fundamental element that may enhance successful transitions is the expansion of human capabilities
that will allow young people “to lead lives they have reason to value and to enhance the substantive
choices they have” (Sen, 1997). This is one way to ensure that UNICEF’s programming in the region
takes into account and strengthens, rather than undermines, young people’s existing social ties,
coping strategies and means of exploiting networks and events. While it is essential to collect
information on adolescents, particularly in terms of gender, age, marital status, living arrangements,
and other relevant variables, it is equally important to work directly with them in understanding and
changing their circumstances, vulnerabilities, and opportunities.
Providing young people in the region with the tools to direct their own transitions is imperative to
integrating the socio-cultural complexity of their world. It also helps to ensure that adolescents are
“those who can be expected to act upon their social world and not just the recipients of action”
(Durham 2000: 116). Adolescents should not be exclusively defined by the missing social elements of
a particular stage of development (i.e. adolescents “do not yet have” autonomy, “are not yet” married,
independent, educated, or economically productive), as this leads to programming approaches that
focus solely on a young person’s welfare. Children and young people may be in need of protection,
but they are also independent, active agents in shaping and reaching their own aspirations.
Therefore, as much as possible, the sections in this paper that outline opportunities and options for
greater investments in young people will emphasize those approaches that empower and provide
adolescents with tools for their transitions as the agents of their own growth and development. This
underscores a right-based approach to programming and merges well with UNICEF’s mandate to
ensure all children, including adolescents, realize their full rights and potential as outlined in
instruments such as the convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
1.6 Overview of Demographic, Urbanization, and Migration Trends for Adolescents
14
The starting point for any analysis on adolescents should be to highlight the socio-economic
implications of the large number of young people as a broad age group in the population.
Demographic realities complicate many aspects of social development. For example, the provision of
services in health and education for a large and growing cohort of young people can be difficult. In
order to set the backdrop to young people’s transitions to adulthood in West and Central Africa, it is
useful to examine some of the demographic trends, including the overall population structure, as well
trends in migration and urban/rural dynamics.
1.6.1.Demographic Trends
West and Central Africa is one of the youngest regions in the world. By 2015, the region will be home
to an estimated 110 million adolescents between the ages of 10 to 19. This accounts for nearly a
quarter of the region’s total population, a number that jumps to over 30 per cent if the age range is
expanded to those between the ages 10 to 24 years6. In comparison to other regions in Africa, the
2007 World Youth Report noted that by 2015, the population aged 15 to 24 years in sub-Saharan
Africa is expected to reach some 197 million. Of this, approximately 96 million, or close to 50 per cent,
will reside in the West and Central African region. The sheer numbers speak to the urgency and
necessity to allocate sufficient resources to this section of the population. The table below summarize
the adolescent population data for the region over time.
% of Total % of Total
10-19 years 10-24 years Pop Pop
Population (thousands) Population (thousands)
10-19 years 10-24 years
Year Total Male Female Total Male Female Total Total
1980 40,271 20,158 20,106 55,813 27,890 27,917 22.2% 30.7%
1985 47,001 23,568 23,433 64,790 32,421 32,368 22.4% 30.8%
1990 55,273 27,709 27,564 75,969 38,005 37,961 22.7% 31.2%
1995 65,739 33,034 32,705 90,202 45,224 44,975 23.2% 31.9%
2000 76,360 38,393 37,962 105,154 52,777 52,373 23.6% 32.5%
2005 86,995 43,824 43,173 121,124 60,892 60,238 23.6% 32.8%
2010 97,800 49,315 48,487 137,077 69,005 68,073 23.4% 32.8%
2015 109,810 55,384 54,428 154,387 77,766 76,627 23.3% 32.7%
2020 122,578 61,806 60,773 172,514 86,891 85,623 23.2% 32.7%
2025 134,152 67,621 66,524 190,631 95,998 94,626 22.9% 32.5%
2030 143,851 72,518 71,330 206,535 104,002 102,532 22.3% 32.0%
2035 151,958 76,633 75,328 220,080 110,852 109,230 21.5% 31.1%
2040 159,161 80,294 78,870 231,681 116,732 114,947 20.7% 30.2%
2045 165,337 83,434 81,903 241,712 121,828 119,885 20.0% 29.2%
2050 169,853 85,731 84,119 249,738 125,906 123,830 19.2% 28.2%
Source: Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, World Population Prospects
2006 Revision: http://esa.un.org/unpp, Accessed: Friday, October 10, 2008; 9:18:23 AM
As noted above and depicted below, the adolescent population in the region grows steadily over time,
with the number of adolescent males consistently slightly greater than the number of adolescent
females.
6
Based on calculations using data from the World Population Prospects 2006 Revision, UN Population Division. See Annex 1:
Summary Chart of Population by Age Group and Sex.
15
Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - West & Central Africa
180,000
160,000
140,000
Population (in thousands)
120,000
100,000
80,000
60,000
40,000
20,000
0
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040 2045 2050
Year
Male Female
Much has been written and speculated about the opportunities and risks that can result from the large
numbers of young people growing up in most parts of Africa today. Like many developing regions,
West and Central Africa has a young population, mainly because of recent decades of high fertility
(births per woman). According to the World Bank’s 2007 World Development Report, large numbers of
young people in the population can offer countries an opportunity to deepen their human capital. As
youthful populations become older and have fewer children than previous generations, a bulge in the
working-age population can result. When there are more working-age adults (usually defined as ages
15 to 64) relative to children under age 15 and the elderly, then working-age people have a lower
dependency burden— fewer people to support with the same income and assets. Economists refer to
this as the demographic bonus or dividend. Essentially, when mortality and fertility rates fall,
governments can reap the benefits of having a growing cohort of working-age adults relative to the
dependent population.
The demographic bonus and the benefits that can come from having a large youth share of the
population, provided the fertility rate is lower than previous years, is one broad policy argument in
favour of greater investment in young people. Another concerns national security and is based on the
pressures that a large and growing share of young people can produce if their energy and potential
are not tapped in positive ways (World Bank 2007, UNFPA 2008). A large youth share of the adult
population may indicate a source of strain on limited resources such as access to education and jobs.
A mere focus on a country’s population size and growth rate offers little insight into the possibilities for
a demographic bonus. The more important dimension is the proportion of young people as a total of
the population. The graphs below show the changes over time in the percentage of youth aged 10 to
19 years of age as a total of the population for the West and Central Africa region.
% of Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - West & Central Africa

12.5%
12.0%
11.5%
Percentage
11.0%
10.5%
10.0%
9.5%
9.0%
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040 2045 2050
Year Male Female
16
Overall, it would seem that many countries in the region are poised to benefit from the demographic
dividend, as the proportion of adolescents to the total population peaks around 2015, plateaus and
decreases slightly by 2025, at which point it begins to decline more significantly. Note that there
appears to be no major difference in the trend between adolescent males and females and that
together, they accounted for 23.6 per cent of the population at their highest proportion between 1995
and 2000. However, in order for countries to take advantage of this demographic opportunity, key
policy and programme actions are needed throughout the region in order expand youth opportunities,
give adolescents the skills to participate fully in the economy and public life, and promote healthy
behaviours. This is revisited in the section of this study that examines the transition to securing a
decent and productive livelihood, as everything else being equal, a large cohort reduces labour
market opportunities for youth.
The overall demographic trends of the region do not necessarily compare with the trends of each
country in the region, or even for that matter, with sub-regional trends. For example, it is interesting to
note that for West Africa, which factors in demographic data for 16 countries in the region, the
adolescent share of the population has already peaked in 2000 at approximately 23.6 per cent and
the decline of 10 to 19 year olds as a proportion of the population has already begun. However, for the
collective data of the 8 countries that constitute Central Africa, a different pattern emerges. Here the
share of the adolescent population will decline slightly until 2010, at which time it will increase to
almost 24 per cent by 2025 before declining. The graphs below demonstrate these intra-regional
differences.
% of Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - West Africa
12.0%
11.5%
11.0%
Percentage
10.5%
10.0%
9.5%
9.0%
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040 2045 2050
Year
Male Female
% of Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - Central Africa

12.1%
11.8%
11.5%
Percentage
11.2%
10.9%
10.6%
10.3%
10.0%
1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2020 2025 2030 2035 2040 2045 2050
Year
Male Female
It follows that the demographic trends in each country within the West and Central Africa region could
either follow these overall sub-regional trends, or due to circumstances such as a civil war or high
HIV/AIDS rate, adopt dissimilar patterns. In countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo,
17
Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, and Sierra Leone, where fertility rates are high and late to decline,
among other factors, the share of the adolescent population is projected to continue to increase
rapidly over the next several decades.
Other countries, such as Benin, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Senegal, are projected to experience slower
growth, with the share of the adolescent population levelling off between 2015 and 2020. It is also
important to note that these population projections are subject to constant revisions and are affected
by several shocks, including the prevalence of HIV/AIDS and war.
Examples of countries where the share of the adolescent population is projected to increase:
Democratic Republic of Congo and Guinea-Bissau
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Examples of countries where the share of the adolescent population is projected to decline:
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18
The country graphs included here indicate some of the differences from the overall regional
demographic trends. A complete compilation of graphs for all countries in the region is available in
Annex 2: Country Population Graphs. In making the case and planning for increased investment in
adolescent programming in any given country, it is helpful to understand these broad demographic
trends, particularly in being able to assist Governments and other macro socio-economic planners to
carefully plan investments for the future.
1.6.2. Urbanization Trends
The world seems to be leaving behind its rural roots. The year 2008 marked the first point in history
when more than half of the globe’s population, 3.3 billion people, were living in towns and cities
(UNFPA, 2007). The number and proportion of urban dwellers will continue to rise quickly as the
world’s urban population will grow to 4.9 billion by 2030. In comparison, the world’s rural population is
expected to decrease by some 28 million between 2005 and 2030. The urban population of Africa is
expected to double between 2000 and 2030, from 294 million to 742 million people (United Nations,
2006).
Urbanization is basically the process of transition from a rural to a more urban society. Statistically,
urbanization reflects an increasing proportion of the population living in settlements defined as urban,
primarily through net rural to urban migration. Though the rate of urbanization has levelled off or
slowed in many regions, urban population growth in Africa is much greater. In African cities, urban
population has been increasing by an average of 6% per annum, double the rate for cities in Latin
America or South East Asia. By 2010, it is estimated that 42.7% of the African population will be living
in urban areas, and 47.9% by 2020. Cities such as Nouakchott, in Mauritania and Kinshasa in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo saw their populations increase sevenfold between 1950-1990
(UNHABITAT and Earthscan, 2003).
For the most part, African cities are not equipped to accommodate such rapid population increases.
There is generally a lack of access to housing, basic urban services such as clean water, sanitation
and electricity, as well as to education and health care. Much of this population growth has resulted in
rapidly expanding informal settlements, resulting in unplanned and overcrowded places where people
are living in conditions of extreme poverty and deprivation, without adequate infrastructure or security
of tenure. In Lagos, 60% of households are not connected to water. Currently, 60% of the urban
population in Abidjan lives in unplanned settlements (UNHABITAT, 2007). High levels of
unemployment and poverty are characteristic, as in Dakar, Senegal, where urban unemployment is at
30% (ibid, 11). This has led to an upsurge of the informal sector in many cities. While it is generally
assumed that urban populations are healthier, more literate and more prosperous than rural
populations, the most recent State of the World’s Cities Report clearly shows that the urban poor
suffer from an urban penalty and that slum dwellers in developing countries are as badly off, if not
worse off than their rural relatives. Not surprisingly, one of the Millennium Development Goal aims to
achieve a significant improvement in the lives of urban slum dwellers by 2020.
More and more data are becoming available on the number of young people who are part of this
unparalleled transition towards urban living. UN-HABITAT estimates that in many African cities more
than 50% of the urban population are under the age of 19 (2007). The 2006 Demographic Yearbook
lists age and gender disaggregated data on the number of adolescents living in both urban and rural
areas for seven countries in the West and Central Africa region. The table below presents these
results for the most recent year available between 1997 and 2006.
% of 10 to 19
Country and Year of Urban Rural living in urban
data areas
Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
Benin (2002)
10-14 332,753 162,989 169,764 505,996 275,387 230,609
15-19 294,811 144,462 150,349 358,440 177,522 180,918 42.0
20- 24 262,496 123,275 139,221 301,451 120,240 181,211
Cape Verde (2003)
19
10-14 34,166 16,918 17,248 30,636 15,526 15,110

15-19 33,909 16,551 17,358 23,990 12,372 11,618 55.5
20- 24 26,883 13,427 13,456 15,794 7,956 7,838
Ghana (2000)
10-14 963,577 461,218 502,359 1,298,639 689,913 608,726
15-19 918,094 441,479 476,615 965,659 519,683 445,976 45.4
20- 24 836,838 407,200 429,638 763,982 355,851 408,131
Mali (1998)
10-14 340,917 170,681 170,236 886,181 466,814 419,367
15-19 313,002 147,667 165,335 708,748 344,813 363,935 29.0
20- 24 246,230 122,593 123,637 527,687 241,740 285,947
Niger (2006)
10-14 355,700 179,800 175,900 1,376,200 698,900 677,300
15-19 273,100 136,500 136,600 977,700 480,000 497,700 21.1
20- 24 187,300 94,000 93,300 799,100 379,700 419,400
Sao Tome and Principe (2001)
10-14 9,829 4,883 4,946 8,639 4,533 4,106
15-19 9,762 4,701 5,061 7,549 3,962 3,587 54.8
20- 24 7,926 3,783 4,143 6,055 3,087 2,968
Senegal (2002)
10-14 557,386 276,522 280,864 731,933 381,836 350,097
15-19 579,770 273,149 306,621 588,604 285,156 303,448 46.3
20- 24 508,140 237,658 270,482 451,583 209,164 242,419
Source: Statistics Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations, Demographic Yearbook 2006:
http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/dyb/dyb2006.htm Accessed: Tuesday, October 14, 2008; 11:17:40 AM
While far from a complete picture for the region, the data from these seven countries show that in
most cases, approximately half of all adolescents reside in urban areas. On average this ranges from
42 per cent in Benin to as high as 56 per cent in Cape Verde. Two exceptions are Mali and Niger
(though it should be noted that the most recent year of data for Mali is from 1998), where only
between 21 and 29 per cent of adolescents aged 10 to 19 years of age live in urban areas. A gender
analysis of this data also indicates that of the 10 to 19 year olds living in urban areas, a little over half
are young females in all seven countries (the percentage of adolescent females to the total
adolescent urban population ranges from 50 per cent Niger to 52 per cent in Ghana). This counters
the widespread notion that it is mostly young males roaming the streets of African cities, when in fact,
there are just as many adolescent women. Finally, in terms of a proportion of the total urban
population, adolescents aged 10 to 19 years of age account for roughly a quarter of the urban
population (this ranged from 22.7 per cent in Ghana to 27.4 per cent in Niger).
The implications of large number of adolescents already living in urban areas, with indications that the
trend will continue, means that many of the transitions examined in this study will take place against
an urban backdrop. UN-HABITAT notes the presence of several risk factors for children and young
people growing up in an urban environment. This includes greater health risks from overcrowding and
poor sanitation, increased vulnerability to natural disasters, risk of eviction through the illegal
occupation of land, greater economic vulnerability because of the reliance on cash income and the
lack of secure employment, family and community breakdown, ongoing conflict, exploitation,
translational trafficking and crime. Indeed this calls for special attention and protection to the most
vulnerable of young people, which UN-HABITAT defines as ‘those children and young people whose
circumstances, lifestyle and/or behaviour put them at risk of future offending or victimization” (2007).
This may include youth already in conflict with the law, those living in urban slums, street children,
youth gangs, school-drop outs, unemployed youth, substance-abusing youth, those who are sexually
exploited, war-affected children, and those affected by the pandemic of HIV/AIDS including orphans.
Girls in particular are often targets of sexual exploitation, and heavily affected by HIV/AIDS.
Clearly, programme responses must take into account the vulnerability and threats faced by large
number of young people struggling to survive in urban environments. This requires significant
research, well-defined strategies that relates directly to adolescent priorities, pilot studies and above
all, the direct engagement of young people in determining potential solutions to the problems they
have identified in their urban environments. However, it is also noted that “cities are hardly ‘black
holes:’ they also provide youth with opportunities, attractions and possible trajectories that are simply
not available in rural areas” (Sommers, 2008). Cities provide young people with a chance to redefine
and test their identities, form new networks, and gain exposure to modern ideas. There is also the
vitality of informal markets, which are an economic reality in African cities that provide young people
20
with at least the hope of some form of economic opportunity. An increasing number of young people
will experience their transitions to adulthood in urban environments and this must be taken into
account in designing and delivering adolescent programming.
1.6.3. Migration Trends
Just as young people are willing to migrate from rural to urban areas in search of better opportunities,
many are also willing to leave their homes to search for prospects farther a field outside their
countries. It is estimated that young people aged between 15 and 25 years constitute one third of the
total international migration flow worldwide (UNFPA, 2006). Migration has become a natural response
by young people to a crisis or lack of opportunity, and can help them to expand their life chances. As
technology has developed and the world has become a smaller place, young people are travelling
more than ever in search of work, education, and health services.
West and Central Africa has a long history of population mobility, both regionally and internationally. In
West Africa, 86 per cent of migration is intra-regional (7.5 million people). The remaining 1.2 million
are dispersed between North America and Europe (OECD, 2008). Despite heated debates and media
reports, Africa has seen a decline in its share of international migrants: from 12 per cent in 1970 to 9
percent in 2000. In fact, recent research has begun to contradict many of the commonly held beliefs
around migration. As one researcher puts it, assumptions on the actual magnitude, nature and causes
of African migration to Europe are flawed and it is “not so massive, so new or so driven by “African
misery” as is commonly assumed” (de Hass, 2008). Although commonly portrayed as desperate,
African migrants are often relatively well educated and from reasonably comfortable backgrounds, in
part because of the high costs of the journey. Although migrants are commonly depicted as victims of
traffickers and smugglers, empirical evidence has indicated that the vast majorities migrate on their
own initiative (ibid).
The contentious debates around the benefits and costs of migration in general can be applied to the
subject of the migration of children and youth in the region. For one, the topic of mobility among
children and youth in West and Central Africa tends to rub up against the issue of forced migration
and illegal trafficking. Part of this stems from an acute lack of research into the variety of forms of
migration among young people. There is insufficient knowledge of why adolescents migrate, to what
ends, who are the intermediaries, and how do they cope throughout their journeys and
displacements? A recent study undertaken in Ghana, Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal suggests that
sibling and family rivalries, as well as parental and community pressure continue to encourage
undocumented migration (IRIN, 2008). The issue is far from simple. As one aid worker has noted, “
Just because [children and youth] are working in a stone quarry in Nigeria does not mean they are a
victim of trafficking. Breaking up stones can be less tiring and abusive than the agricultural work they
did on their farms in the village” (IRIN, 2009). This is not to say that young migrants do not face risks
and dangers. However, there needs to be a greater understanding of adolescent migration, not least
by working with young people to answer some of the questions poised above.
Moreover, most young migrants in the region go uncounted. There is sparse data available for the
number of adolescents on the move. The table below provides the net migration rate for the countries
in the West and Central region to give some indication of migration trends. Though not youth specific,
it is likely that young people are well represented in these numbers, given their both their high
numbers in the overall population as well as their propensity to take risks and seek out opportunities.
Net Migration Rates for Countries in West and Central Africa: (2005-2010): Defined as the number of immigrants
minus the number of emigrants over a period, divided by the years lived by the population of the receiving
country .
Net number of Net number of

Country migrants per Country migrants per
1,000 1,000
Benin 1.089 Ghana -0.432
Burkina Faso -0.866 Guinea -6.306
Cameroon -0.203 Guinea-Bissau -1.428
Cape Verde -1.863 Liberia 13.554
Central African Republic 0.228 Mali -3.211
21
Chad -1.372 Mauritania 0.626
Congo -2.624 Niger -0.392
Cote d'Ivoire -1.488 Nigeria -0.4
Dem. Republic of the Congo 0.688 Sao Tome and Principe -8.805
Equatorial Guinea 0 Senegal -1.595
Gabon 0.746 Sierra Leone -3.755
Gambia 1.727 Togo -0.163

Source: Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, World Population Prospects
2006 Revision: http://data.un.org, Accessed: Friday, 9 January, 2009; 4:15:43 PM
This data offers a vague picture of the region’s migration, insofar as showing that there is significant
variation over a five-year period in migration activity. In countries such as Benin and the Gambia,
there is at least one migrant per thousand people, with Liberia having the highest rate at 13 migrants
per thousand people. Without youth specific data and a greater understanding of the issues and
dimensions of adolescent migration, it is difficult to determine how it impacts their successful
transitions to adult roles. However, like trends of urbanization, it is likely that young people make up a
sizable portion of those behind the trend and it can be safely assumed that this phenomenon will
affect the transitions discussed throughout the study, such as gaining employment and forming
families.
1.7 Conclusion
This introductory section describes the study’s overall scope and purpose and introduces the four
transitions to adulthood that will be more closely examined in providing an overview of the situation of
adolescents and related programming in West and Central Africa. These include the transition to
securing a decent and productive livelihood; the transition to marriage and parenthood; the transition
to citizenship; and the transition to self-directed, overall wellbeing. Additionally, the section introduces
some of the definitions and concepts related to adolescents and applies them to the socio-economic
and cultural complexities of growing up in the region. This underscores the need for the active agency
of adolescents in any programming aimed at facilitating their transitions to adulthood, particularly to
ensure that efforts take into account and strengthen young people’s existing social ties, coping
strategies and networks. The section concludes with the presentation of broad demographic trends,
including those related to urbanization and migration. The data supports the need to more closely
examine the situation of girls and young women, the growing numbers of adolescents living in urban
areas, as well as young migrants, in efforts to assist adolescents in the region to a successful
transition to adulthood.
The next sections of the study relate directly to the four transitions. Each begins with the presentation
of particular data relevant to the transition, for example education and employment trends for the
transition to decent and productive work and reproductive health for the transition to parenthood.
Building upon this overview, the sections identify young people’s own aspirations and look carefully at
promising approaches and lessons learned.
References
Christiansen, C., M. Utas and H.E. Vigh, (Eds.). 2006. Navigating Youth, Generating Adulthood:
Social Becoming in the African Context. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
Cute, J. 2000. Arrested Adulthood: The Changing Nature of Maturity and Identity in the Late Modern
World. New York: New York University Press.
de Haas, H. 2008. “The Myth of Invasion: the inconvenient realities of African migration to Europe”.
Third World Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 7: 1305-1322.
Fokwang, J. 2008. Politicized youth and citizenship in Cameroon, Unpublished doctoral’s thesis,
Toronto: University of Toronto.
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), West Africa: Family pressure fuels illegal migration,
8 September 2008. Online. UNHCR available at:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/48ce1d5ec.html [accessed 12 January 2009].
22
Kaplan, Robert D. 1996. The Ends of the Earth: A Journey at the Dawn of the 21 st Century. New York:
Random House.
National Research Council and Institute of Medicine 2005. Growing Up Global: The Changing
Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries. Panel on Transitions to Adulthood in
Developing Countries. Cynthia B. Lloyd, ed. Committee on Population and Board on Children,
Youth, and Families. Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education. Washington, DC:
The National Academies Press.
National Research Council. 2005. The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries:
Selected Studies. Lloyd, C.B., J.R. Behrman, N.P. Stromquist, and B. Cohen, (Eds.). Committee
on Population. Division of Behavioural and Social Sciences and Education. Washington, DC: The
National Academies Press.
OECD, 2008. West African Mobility and Migration Policies of OECD Countries Paris: OECD
Publishing.
Sen, A. 1997. "Development and Thinking at the Beginning of the 21st Century, in Economic and
Social Development into the XXI Century, Louis Emmerij, ed. Washington, DC: Inter-American
Development Bank, and Johns Hopkins University Press.
Sommers, Marc. 2008. Africa’s Young Urbanite, Challenging Realities in a Changing Region, New
York: United Nations Children’s Fund, Adolescent Development and Participation
Swedish International Development Agency and Save the Children, 2006. A Better Childhood in the
City. Stockholm: Save the Children Sweden.
The World Bank. 2006. World Development Report 2007: Development and the Next Generation.
Washington: The World Bank.
UN-HABITAT, 2007. A Strategy Paper on Urban Youth in Africa. Nairobi: United Nations Human
Settlements Programme.
_____. 2004. Global Campaign on Urban Governance, Policy Dialogue Series: Number 2 – Youth,
Children and Urban Governance. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme.
_____. 2004. The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on Human Settlements 2003, Nairobi: United
Nations Human Settlements Programme and Earthscam Publications.
UNICEF, 2005. Adolescent Development: Perspectives and Frameworks - A Discussion Paper,
Learning Series Number 1, New York: Adolescent Development and Participation Unit,
Programme Division.
UNFPA. 2007. State of the World Population 2007: Unleashing the Potential of Urban Growth. New
York: United Nations Population Fund.
_____. 2006. State of the World Population 2006: A Passage of Hope – Women and International
Migration. New York: United Nations Population Fund.
United Nations. 2006. The World Youth Report 2005: Young people Today, and in 2015. New York:
Department of Economic and Social Affairs.
_____. United Nations. 2006. World Urbanization Prospects: The 2005 Revision. New York:
Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, United Nations.
_____. United Nations. 2004. The World Youth Report 2003: The Global Situation of Young People.
New York: Department of Economic and Social Affairs.
United Nations Volunteers (UNV). 2006. Youth Volunteering for Development: Africa in the 21st
Century, Discussion Paper.
Still to add - Sources for
- Lansana
- UNAIDS
- Vigh 2003
- Agenti and de Waal
23
- UNFPA 2008 – The Guide to including young people in statistics…
24
SECTION 2: Transitions through School and to Work: Attaining an Education and

Securing a Decent and Productive Livelihood
2.0 Transitions through School and to Work
This section examines more closely how young people in West and Central Africa currently manage
the transitions that pertain to attaining an education and finding a decent and productive livelihood. It
begins by presenting some of the trends that concern education and youth employment in the region,
with a particular emphasis on gender dimensions. Next, it draws on international and regional
commitments and examines existing networks and policies that support this transition. Lastly, the
section highlights promising approaches and programmes to support young people in becoming
educated and income-generating adults. This will help to determine how UNICEF can best invest and
partner with others to advance this area of adolescent development in the region.
2.1 Overall Trends in Education
In order to harness young people’s potential as a force to shape the present and future of our
societies, they must be provided with the information, capacities, resources and opportunities
necessary to participate. Quality education, both inside and outside the classroom, is a key
determinant of effective participation in the global economy (United Nations, 2007).
- Report of the Secretary-General on the Progress of Youth in the Global Economy
Education is a fundamental human right for all children, and therefore, an essential pursuit in and of
itself. Its centrality to human development is affirmed by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, as
well as by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to establish Universal Primary Education
(UPE) and gender equality as global priorities by 2015. “A World Fit for Children”, the outcome
document of the 2002 Special Session of the UN General Assembly on Children, calls for all children
to have access to and complete primary education that is free, compulsory and of good quality by
2015.
Beyond its intrinsic value, education plays a central part in supporting effective transitions to
adulthood and indeed interacts with and affects each of them. There are strong links between
educational attainment and social, health and employment outcomes. More education has been
quantifiably linked to lower rates for HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (Blum 2001),
as well as an increase in labour productivity and reduced youth unemployment (Knowles, 2005).
Labour market data for youth in Africa shows that employment prospects increase with the number of
years in school (O’Higgins, 2005). In some cases, educational attainment has been shown to reduce
the willingness of young people to participate in violence acts. A study on education and the
disposition to civil unrest among youth in Nigeria’s Delta region, for example, found that primary,
secondary, and tertiary education individually reduce the likelihood of participation in violent protests
and resource-related criminality (Oyefisi, 2008). Education provides adolescents with the tools
required to become productive agents in their societies. Schools can provide a safe environment
where youth can acquire life skills and learn to make healthy choices, as well as receive life-saving
vaccines, nutrition, and access to fresh water and sanitation.
In West and Central Africa, there has been some progress in increasing primary school enrolment
ratios over the last few years, but there is still a significant gap towards achieving the MDG on
universal primary education for all. Of the 101 million children of primary school age in the world who
were out of school in 2007, a quarter of them, or 25.4 million, resides in the sub-region (UNICEF,
2008).
The table below presents some of the key indicators for education for West and Central Africa, as well
as the region as a whole for comparison’s sake. It includes both gross and net enrolment rates for
primary and secondary levels of education. Net enrolment rates (NER) indicate the number of pupils
25
of the theoretical school-age group (e.g. for primary education, this is usually between ages 6 to 11
years of age) for a given level of education, expressed as a percentage of the total population in that
age group. It is used to show the extent of participation in a given level of education of youth
belonging to the age group of that given level of education. The gross enrolment rate (GER) however
indicates the number of pupils enrolled in a given level of education, regardless of age (UNESCO
Institute on Statistics, 2006). It is widely used to show the general level of participation in a given level
of education and is a useful complementary indicator to NER by indicating the extent of over-aged
and under-aged enrolment.
Table 2.1: Education Indicators for West and Central Africa and the Region as a whole
Indicator * Western and Central Sub-Saharan Africa
Africa
Total Males Females Total Males Females
Children of primary school age out of school (millions) 25.4 11.6 13.8 45.5 21.8 23.7
Primary school enrolment rate, gross (%) 85 93 77 96 101 90
Primary school enrolment ratio, net (%) 63 67 58 73 75 70
Primary school attendance ratio, net (%) 59 63 56 62 64 61
Secondary school enrolment, gross (%) 29 33 24 32 36 29
Secondary school enrolment ratio, net (%) 23 26 20 26 28 24
Secondary school attendance ratio, net (%) 28 31 26 24 26 22
Youth (15-24 years) literacy rate (%) - 77 66 - 77 68
* Data refer to the most recent year available within the period 2000-2007.
SOURCE: The State of the World's Children 2009, UNICEF, Tables 1 and 5, as well as UNICEF global databases, 2008, and
UNESCO Institute for Statistics Data Centre, May 2008
The data show that West and Central Africa lags in both primary school net enrolment and attendance
rates to the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, the primary school net enrolment rate is 67 per
cent for males and 58 percent for females in the sub-region, versus 75 per cent for males and 70 per
cent for females in the sub-Saharan region. It should also be noted that there is significant intra-
regional variation in these enrolment rates. Countries such as Sao Tome and Principe, Gabon, Cape
Verde and Equatorial Guinea have net primary school enrolment rates above 85 percent, while other
countries in the region, such as Liberia, Guinea-Bissau, Central African Republic, Burkina Faso and
Niger, all have primary enrolment rates under 50 percent (UNICEF, 2009).
The literacy rate, or the number of literate persons aged between 15 and 24 years as a percentage of
the total population in this age group, is included here as some indication of the quality of the level of
education obtained. One of the major findings of the UN World Youth Report 2007 is that even when
youth have access to education, it is often of low quality and does not prepare them for the demands
of a global economy. This can be the result of overcrowded classrooms, inadequate infrastructure,
lack of instruction materials and a shortage of well-trained staff. In cases such as Benin, Chad,
Guinea, and Senegal, although the primary school net enrolment rates are 86, 72, and 70
respectively, the youth literacy rates in these countries range only between 56 and 59 percent. This
shows that it is insufficient to increase access to primary and secondary education without some
attention to the quality of education.
Two factors are especially striking from the data presented in the table above. The first if the
significant lack of gender parity in school enrolment, school attendance and literacy rates. Second is
the sizeable drop in the percentage of youth enrolled in secondary school from primary school.
2.1.2 Gender and other Factors Affecting Access to Education
“Educate the girl child today and liberate them from the bondage of discrimination in our societies.
Education is freedom.”
- 21-year-old Nigerian woman
26
One of the avenues for eliminating discrimination that young people, especially girls, strongly
advocate is education for girls (UNICEF, 2006). Yet girls and young women in the region continue to
remain educationally disadvantaged and have lower levels of educational attainment than their male
peers. Table 2.1 indicates that there are 58 percent of girls enrolled in primary school and 20 per cent
in secondary school in the region versus 67 percent and 26 per cent of boys respectively. Youth
literacy rates indicate an 11 percent difference in favour of males as well.
Gender discrimination is due in part to socially ingrained attitudes and stereotypes that tend to
devalue girls and young women. This may mean that a girl child is less likely to be sent to school over
her male siblings. Evidence has shown that family size disadvantages girls, as those reared in larger
families are less likely to attend school. Conversely, as the number of preschool children in a
household declines, the likelihood that school-age children, and especially girls, will attend school
increases (Blum, 2007). Other research undertaken in some countries of the region, such as Guinea
and Togo, has shown that both male and female teachers tend to view girls as more self-absorbed,
less motivated, and less competent than their male counterparts (Lloyd, 2005). These attitudes
perpetuate stereotypes and impede educational progress and gender equality in the region. Gender
role socialization is a particularly important part of the “hidden curriculum” in schools because it
deeply contributes to the different experiences of boys and girls in their transitions to adulthood.
Principals’ and teachers’ attitudes, peer subcultures, and classroom dynamics all contribute to the
hidden curriculum on gender. For example, one of the clear inequitable practices in many schools is to
expel girls from school when they become pregnant. Such practices convey powerful messages to
boys and girls about the value associated with their schooling and the roles they are expected to play
in the future (Lloyd, 2005).
Other factors that affect educational attainment is urban or rural location and income level. For
example, an analysis of the DHS data determined that among 10 to 14 year olds in Western and
Central Africa, 87 percent of boys and 80 percent girls from wealthy households attended school
versus 66 percent and 58 percent respectively. This means that for both males and females, the
wealthiest youth (in this case aged 10–14 years old) have significant educational advantage over their
most economically impoverished peers. This underscores the importance of programmes that
eliminate or significantly reduce school fees.
Table 2.2: Effects of household income on school attendance

Western/Middle Africa, Demographic Health Weighted Averages
Survey (DHS) Countries Ages 10-14 Ages 15-19 Ages 20-24
male female male female male female
Percentage Currently Attending School 66.1 57.6 48.1 34.3 24.2 12.2
Percentage Currently Attending School, 86.7 80.0 67.4 53.7 40.2 26.8
Wealthiest 20 Percent of Households
Source: National Research Council. 2005. The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries: Selected Studies.
Committee on Population, Washington, DC: The National Academies Press, page 75.
In terms of access to education in rural areas compared with urban settings, there is an urban–rural
discrepancy of 24.8% for boys and a 33.6% for girls aged 10 to 14 year in the region (Lloyd, 2005).
For older adolescents (15–19 years of age), the discrepancy is even greater (37.9% for males and
46.9% females). Young people in urban areas are more likely to attend school, while young people in
rural areas appear disadvantaged in terms of access to educational opportunities, and subsequently,
finding decent employment.
Providing access to education in each area, urban and rural, poses its own set of unique challenges.
Given the increasing trend towards urbanization discussed in section one, there will be more demand
for schooling in urban settings. This creates the challenge of increased classroom sizes,
overcrowding, and meeting the demand for more teachers and other educational supplies. However it
also presents an opportunity to facilitate access to education to the many young people concentrated
in cities. At the same time, rural youth should not be left behind, particularly as it could mean
establishing a lifelong pattern of low-productivity labour and unpaid agricultural work (ILO, 2008). The
UN World Youth Report 2007 notes that schools in rural areas are fewer and farther away from the
target population and sometimes lack qualified teachers. The educational outcome of rural youth is
also greatly affected by the household’s ability to afford to send their children to school. Rural incomes
are often seasonal, so poorer rural families may have to sacrifice their children’s schooling for the
27
family’s sustenance. This has particular present-day significance, given that the escalating costs of
agricultural inputs is putting pressure on the efficiency of the family farm.
Taken all together, these trends show that gender, income and rural-urban dynamics affect a young
person’s access to education. Any programmatic response must take into account these factors in
order to best support adolescents in starting out right when it comes to their education and the related
transition to working life.
2.1.3 Trends in Secondary Education
The table below presents the transition rate from primary to secondary school for countries in the
region, which measures the degree of access to a given level of education from the previous level.
From the perspective of the level from which a student is leaving, the transition rate to secondary
school is considered as an output indicator, and from the perspective of the level to which a student is
entering; it is an indicator of access. In general, the transition rate to secondary school for most
countries in the West and Central Africa is low. The gender disparity noted above continues as young
women move into secondary school. Alongside these figures is the Gender Parity Index for this
transition, which indicates the ratio of female to male for the transition indicator. A GPI of 1 indicates
parity between sexes.
Table 2.3: Transition rates from primary to secondary school and Gender Parity Index
Transition Rate from Primary to
Country Year of data Secondary Level GPI
Male Female
Benin 2002 51 51 1.00
Burkina Faso 2004 47 44 0.93
Cameroon 2004 43 47 1.11
Cape Verde 2004 68 77 1.13
Central African Republic - - - -
Chad 2004 56 42 0.75
Congo 2004 58 58 1.00
Cote d'Ivoire 2001 42 36 0.87
Democratic Republic of Congo - - - -
Equatorial Guinea - - - -
Gabon - - - -
Gambia The 1999 0.97
Ghana 2002 87 87 1.00
Guinea 2004 68 58 0.86
Guinea-Bissau 2000 66 58 0.89
Liberia - - - -
Mali 2004 63 48 0.76
Mauritania 2004 48 43 0.90
Niger 2004 63 53 0.84
Nigeria - - - -
Sao Tome and Principe 2004 57 55 0.98
Senegal 2004 52 46 0.89
Togo 2004 70 63 0.90
Source: UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UIS) Database, September 2007
The table above presents a disturbing trend, as a large proportion of primary school graduates does
not make the transition to post-primary education. In most countries in West and Central Africa, girls
and young women continue to have lower levels of secondary educational attainment than young
men. Primary education is a starting point for developing human capabilities, but it alone does not
provide young people with sufficient skills to compete in the African or global labour market.
In the context of globalization, secondary education is fast becoming a prerequisite to participating in

the labour market and an increasingly interdependent world. For example, jobs previously located in
industrialized nations have moved to less developed nations, however such jobs increasingly require
higher education. Longer periods of school enrolment also have an effect of delaying the age of
28
marriage, the age of childbearing, and the desired family size (Blum, 2007). In a study in Cameroon,
educated women tended to marry men of comparable education levels, and these women encourage
the educational attainment of family members regardless of whether they themselves work outside the
home. This effectively elevates the educational level of the entire family.
Secondary education prepares youth for greater independence and endows them with social,
personal and other life skills that benefit them and the wider community, whereas dropping out of
school predisposes youth to unemployment and low incomes. One study that analyzed the economic
return on education in several countries, including Ghana, Burkina Faso, and Côte d’Ivoire, found that
economic benefits increased with secondary schooling (Schultz, 2003). These returns to education
are incentives for families to invest in their child’s education, while the social benefits of education on
economic output provide a rationale for public investment in the formal education sector. However,
there are several factors that encompass a decision to keep a child in school. Beyond access and
costs such as school fees, textbooks, and uniforms, there is the opportunity cost of having children in
school when they could otherwise be engaged in home production, working on the family farm, or
adding to the family’s income through activities in the informal sector. Yet as discussed in the next
section on the school-to-work transition, when young people take up full-time work responsibilities in
the home or labour market too soon, their future productive potential can be comprised. Acquiring an
education and obtaining the necessary skills are central to better productivity and incomes in the
labour market (Garcia and Fares, 2008).
2.2 Overall Trends in Employment
2.2.1. Age of the School-to-Work Transition
“Today’s child laborers will represent the weakest part of tomorrow’s adult labour force” (Marito,
2008).
The school-to-work transition is a critical step along a young person’s path to adulthood. This
transition differs appreciably across regions and is subject to demographic, social, and economic
changes. As noted above, in response to global economic change, labour markets are changing to
favour those with secondary education or beyond. Children are spending more time in school and less
time in both economic and non-economic (e.g. household) work. Many of the skills required in today’s
labour market, such as reading, writing, mathematics, critical thinking, and computer literacy are
typically better acquired in school (National Research Council, 2005). Given the early and rapid
development of the brain, children benefit most when these skills are acquired at a young age and
initial experiences can have long-lasting effects (World Bank, 2007). While education alone does not
guarantee a decent livelihood, young people should extend their formal schooling to acquire as many
skills as possible before entering the labour market.
Adolescents should make the transition to work only when it is beneficial to their development.
Exposure to the job market in childhood or early adolescence can have a strong negative impact on
future labour market experience and earning potential. Given the 10 to 19 year age range of
adolescence, there is much debate about when it is acceptable for a child to shift from school to work.
Considerable differences exist between the many kinds of work children do. Adolescents’ participation
in work that does not negatively affect their health and personal development or interfere with their
schooling is generally regarded as being something positive. This includes activities such as helping
their parents around the home, assisting in a family business or earning money outside school hours.
These kinds of activities contribute to children’s development and to the welfare of their families; they
provide them with skills and experience, and help to prepare them to be productive members of
society during their adult life. For young adults, working may enable them to finance upper secondary
and tertiary education that would otherwise be unaffordable.
The International Labour Organization (ILO)’s Minimum Age Convention (No. 138) establishes that the
minimum age for work should not be below the age for finishing compulsory schooling, which is
generally 15. Children between the ages of 13 and 15 years old may do light work, as long as it does
not threaten their health and safety, or hinder their education or vocational orientation and training.
The term “child labour” is often defined as work that deprives children of their childhood, their potential
and their dignity, and that is harmful to physical and mental development. In its most extreme forms,
29
child labour involves children being enslaved, separated from their families, exposed to serious
hazards and illnesses or left to fend for themselves on the streets of large cities. The issue of child
labour and exploitation is further discussed in the chapter on “Transitions to Self-directed, Overall
Wellbeing” in relation to adolescent protection. The issues examined in this section deal with the
transition to work for adolescents when it is appropriate, part of their own aspirations, and in their best
interests. For this reason, its focus is mainly on those aged 15 to 24 years.
2.2.1. Trends in the School-to-Work Transition
Leaving school to begin earning a living is an important transition for young people. Some go to work
directly, with little benefit of formal schooling. These youth risk entering the labour market unprepared,
are more vulnerable to shocks, and more likely to get stuck in low-quality jobs, with few opportunities
to develop their skills and move to better employment. However, if a young person has acquired the
necessary aptitudes and knowledge through education, it follows that they should be able to find a
job, gain work experience, and gradually build a career. Unfortunately, as reflected in available data,
many African youth tend to instead face bleak prospects in the labour market, ending up unemployed
if they can afford it, or underemployed and stuck in poorly paid jobs in the informal economy. These
types of jobs tend to dominate the labour market in Africa since there are few opportunities in the
formal segment of the economy.
When a young person leaves formal education, at any age, they may face employment,
unemployment or inactivity. The ILO (2007) defines unemployment as “all persons who are "without
work", i.e. were not in paid employment or self-employment, "currently available for work", and
"seeking work", by taking specific steps to find paid employment or self-employment. The most recent
data estimates the youth unemployment rate in sub-Saharan Africa to be 11.5 per cent (ILO, 2008).
However, there are limited data on the various dimensions of youth unemployment for the West and
Central Africa region. For example, only six countries in the region have recent unemployment data in
the ILO’s Labour Statistics (LABORSTA) that is disaggregated by age and gender. The data for these
six countries are presented in Figure 2.1. They show a high degree of heterogeneity for youth
unemployment rates in the region, from as high as 48.3 per cent for young males in Niger to 14.9 per
cent for young males in Ghana. In all six countries, the total unemployment rate (males and females
combined) is well above the sub-Saharan regional youth unemployment rate of 11.5 per cent.
There is also a significant difference in the unemployment rate of males and females. Yet the fact that
young women have lower rates than young men does not imply that young women have better access
to the labour market. More likely, it is a reflection of the fact that young women do not have the luxury
to actively search for a job and hence take up unemployment in the informal sector, or are remaining
outside the labour force, both of which are not reflected by unemployment figures (World Bank, 2009).
Also it is still not clear from the trends in available data the degree to which young women’s increasing
participation in the labour force is foretelling a fundamental shift in adult work roles for women, or
whether these changes represent the increasing prevalence of a temporary phase in the work lives of
young women, one preceding marriage or childbearing (National Research Council, 2005).
Figure 2.1: Available youth unemployment rates for the region
30
48.3
Niger (2001)
10.8
30.3
Burkina Faso (2000)
7.6
21.9
Senegal (2006)
20.1
18.2
Sierra Leone (2004)
11.2
17.1
Benin (2002)
11.4
14.9
Ghana (2002)
15.8
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55
Sierra Leone Burkina Faso

Ghana (2002) Benin (2002) Senegal (2006) Niger (2001)
(2004) (2000)
Males 14.9 17.1 18.2 21.9 30.3 48.3
Females 15.8 11.4 11.2 20.1 7.6 10.8
Source: Bureau of Statistics, International Labour Organization (ILO), LABORSTA database: http://laborsta.ilo.org/, Accessed:
Friday, January 15, 2008; 10:55:37 AM
Inactivity is another indicator used to examine and better understand the dimensions of youth
unemployment. Individuals are considered to be inactive when they are outside the labour force, that
is they are neither employed nor unemployed, and not actively seeking work. There are a variety of
reasons why some individuals do not participate in the labour force; they may occupied in caring for
siblings or other family members; they may be sick or disabled or attending school; or they may
believe no jobs are available (ILO, 2007)
Figure 2.3 shows that youth inactivity rates have increased over time, both worldwide and in West and
Central Africa. This is attributed, in general, to one of two factors. One is education, as more young
people are enrolling in education as an alternative to entering the labour force and are staying in the
education system for longer periods of time. The second is increased discouragement, mainly the
assumption that more young people are neither working nor looking for work because they feel have
essentially lost hope of securing decent employment. Neither driver of change – increased education
or increased discouragement – has yet been sufficiently defined in terms of empirical evidence,
although the ILO is currently undertaking research to do so.
Figure 2.2: The Change in the inactivity rates for the youth population aged 15 to 24 years, (1996-
2006)
QuickTime™ and a
QuickTime™ and a
31
Source: ILO/KILM, International Labour Organization, Key Indicators of the Labour

Market (KILM), 5th edition, Last updated 20 August 2007.
Many of the other indicators that are used to understand the employment situation facing young
people, such as youth employment-to-population ratio or youth labour force participation rate, are
simply not available for the sub-region. This is regrettable insofar as unemployment rates are “only the
tip of the iceberg in terms of fully explaining the multitude of employment-related problems facing
youth” (ILO, 2004). Some situational information can be extrapolated using the youth employment
data for sub-Saharan Africa, but it is less than ideal given the distinctive complexities of the sub-
region. Nevertheless, the very high youth employment-to-population ratio and youth labour force
participation rate of sub-Sahara Africa is likely to be similar, if not greater, in the West and Central
region. Nearly half of the youth population (49.8 per cent) was employed in sub-Saharan Africa in
2007, a level that is second only to East Asia. Further, according to the ILO (2006), there were
approximately 45 million youth in sub-Saharan Africa who were working in 2005 but nonetheless living
below the poverty line of US$1 per day.7
However, such data still do not account for the intricacies of the rural versus urban job markets or
provide more understanding of the informal economy, of which young people are likely to be a
significant part. These markets each have their specific characteristics, such as job seasonality and
uncertainty about the level of demand, the nature of contracts and the structure of wages and
earnings (Schultz, 2004). For young people, formal wages may be far less available than informal
self-employment. Without unemployment insurance and formal job search assistance, they may also
have to depend heavily on social and family networks. This means that the standard ILO labour
indicators and methods must be complemented as much as possible with smaller, more focused case
studies, some of which are presented and discussed here.
In the case of French-speaking African countries, for which available evidence on youth labour market
is particularly sparse, a series of studies called 1-2-3 Surveys8 were conducted to more closely
examine and understand the informal employment sector. The surveys were conducted in seven
member States of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), mainly within major
cities like Cotonou (Benin), Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso), Abidjan (Ivory Coast), Bamako (Mali),
Niamey (Niger), Dakar (Senegal) and Lomé (Togo), as well as at the national level in Cameroon and
the Democratic Republic of Congo. The results of the studies allow for a greater understanding of the
more intricate dynamics of youth employment in the region.
Concerning youth unemployment levels, data confirm the relative disadvantage of the young
compared to the adults. In all capital cities, youth unemployment rates are consistently higher than
adult unemployment rates. The youth disadvantage is particularly strong in Niamey, Ouagadougou
and Kinshasa, as presented in Figure 2.3 below. According to ILO (2006), there are many possible
explanations for why are youth unemployment rates higher than adult unemployment rates. Youth are
more vulnerable than adults in difficult economic times and they lack of job search experience. They
may also take longer to “shop around” for the right job, meaning they might wait longer to find work
that suits their requirements, though this implies that a support structure, such as the family, exists to
economically support them while they search for work.
Figure 2.3: Youth and adult urban unemployment rates for nine capital cities in West Africa
7
Working poverty is a situation where an individual is working but still falls below the poverty line.
8
The 1-2-3 surveys refer to a set of studies on employment, the informal work sector, and household living conditions that
develops labour statistics via a three-stage approach. The technique was developed by AFRISTAT in consultation with the
Développement Institutions & Analyses de Long terme (DIAL) and administered by national statistical institutes. The project
received financing from the European Union, the French Overseas Development department, and the World Bank. More
information is available at: http://www.dial.prd.fr/
32
45%
Unemployment Rate Among the 15-24
40% Niamey
35% Ouagadougou
30%
Kinshasa
25%
Dakar
Abidjan
20% Bamako
15% Douala
Lomé
10%
Cotonou
5%
0%
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%
Unemployment Rate Among the 25-49

Source: ADF, 2007 as calculated by the 1-2-3-Surveys. Phase 1 (Labour Force Survey). 2001-2005. National Statistics
Institutes, AFRISTAT and DIAL.
From the national surveys undertaken in Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo, which
allow for urban-rural analysis, the data show that the difference in youth unemployment by location is
very large: the unemployment ratio for urban young people is respectively seven and five times higher
than that of rural young people in both countries. This highlights the contrasted nature of rural and
urban labour markets and the important role that the agricultural sector plays in absorbing young rural
workers (ADF, 2007). It is consistent with similar findings for the overall region, as the ILO (2007)
estimates that in 2005 youth accounted for a massive 65 per cent of agricultural employment.
However, many of the young people appearing to be employed in rural areas may in fact be
underemployed, due to the day-to-day and seasonal variance in the agricultural sector (O’Higgins,
2001).
Other insightful findings from the 1-2-3 surveys come from the data on youth employment by sector
and occupation, as these data are far scarcer than data on youth participation and youth
unemployment rates for the region. The data presented in table 2.4 reveal that in all capital cities the
bulk of youth employment is in the informal sector. Well over three quarters of all young people are
employed in the informal sector across all cities and the two national averages. By contrast, almost no
young people are found in the public sector, suggesting that young people have indeed been strongly
penalized by the decrease in new recruitments in this sector. Gender differences are found mostly in
the proportion of youth working in the formal private sector. The latter is always higher for young male
workers and the majority of young female workers (between 85.8 to 97.5 percent) are confined to the
informal sector. Thus, it becomes quite probable that searching for a job in the region as a young
person amounts to relying on informal networks and gathering enough funds to establish as an
informal venture, such as street vendor or open a small service business.
Table 2.4: Distribution of employed young workers (15 to 24 years old) by institutional sector (%)
Public State-Owned Formal Sector Informal Non Profit Total
Administration Enterprises Sector Organizations
Abidjan 0.2 0.1 9.0 89.6 1.1 100
Bamako 0.9 0.2 7.5 91.0 0.5 100
Cotonou 1.1 0.8 4.6 92.4 1.1 100
Dakar 0.8 0.3 8.2 89.9 0.7 100
Douala 0.1 0.5 23.7 74.7 1.0 100
Kinshasa 1.3 0.4 7.6 89.2 1.6 100
Lome 0.3 0.6 10.6 87.8 0.8 100
Niamey 3.1 0.2 11.0 84.2 1.6 100
Ouagadougou 1.7 1.9 9.0 86.1 1.4 100
National Level Data
33
Cameroon 0.9 0.5 15.1 82.5 1.1 100

DRC 2.3 0.6 1.8 93.6 1.7 100
Source: ADF, 2007 as calculated by the 1-2-3-Surveys. Phase 1 (Labour Force Survey). 2001-2005. National Statistics
Institutes, AFRISTAT and DIAL.
The 1-2-3 Surveys also provide various indicators on youth job satisfaction. In sharp contrast to the
reality of the situation presented above, just over 27 percent of young people would like to get a job in
the public sector, whereas only 4 percent of new jobs were created in this sector during the year
preceding data collection. By contrast, the informal sector appeals to only 48.4 percent of the young
even though 81.7 percent of new jobs were created in this sector. Furthermore, 51 percent of the
employed young would like to get a new job. This proportion decreases with age and income in all
capital cities. This means that pressure on the labour market comes from the unemployed, as well as
from those already employed but dissatisfied with their job. Clearly the working aspirations of
expressed by young people are mismatched to the reality of their situations.
In addition to the 1-2-3 Surveys, the World Bank recently completed in-depth studies on youth
unemployment in four countries, including Burkina Faso. The findings are consistent with the picture
presented thus far, showing that self-employment and informal employment account for the majority of
young workers in Burkina Faso (Garcia and Fares, 2008). While youth unemployment is also
confirmed to be higher in urban areas, youth in rural areas show evidence of underemployment,
particularly through the practice of engaging in multiple jobs. In Burkina Faso, among all workers with
at least two jobs, more than 92 percent live in rural areas (Ibid).
While it is difficult to compare data from different sources and compensate for a lack of data by
piecing together findings from case studies, the following summary observations concerning youth
unemployment in West and Central Africa can be made.
a) There is little doubt that youth are more vulnerable than adults in finding decent and productive
employment in the sub-region and that special policies should be targeted at them. Young people in
the region face very long periods of inactivity, if they can afford them, when making the transition from
school to work. In Cameroon, The Gambia and Sao Tomé and Principe, for example, young people
face as many as five years of inactivity before finding work (Garcia and Fares, 2008).
b) There are significant urban-rural differences. Although youth unemployment rates are lower in rural
areas, it is clear that rural wage labour markets are very thin and subject to important seasonal
variations. In urban areas, where youth unemployment rates are higher, growing numbers of young
people will place significant demand on the provision of public goods, education, utilities, housing, and
infrastructure.
c) The bulk of young people in the sub-region are employed in the informal sector. Self- and informal
employments account for the overwhelming majority of young workers in both rural and urban areas.
This may be synonymous of low employment quality since informal jobs are generally less secure
jobs in which labour and safety regulations do not apply. Given the importance of the informal sector,
more effort needs to be undertaken to gain a better understanding of how it works, with a view to
increase productivity while also protecting the people who work in this area. Solutions such as
informal sector training and access to start up capital must be seriously tested and evaluated and
more should be paid to under-employment and to the quality of jobs.
d) Particular attention should be paid to the most vulnerable groups, such as young women and
uneducated workers. Young women are more likely to be underemployed, and more likely to be out of
the labour force. In most countries regions, rising female education levels have not translated into
increases in labour force participation rates for young women. Social institutions and norms could be
a reason. A simple cross-country regression for 128 countries shows that religion alone can explain
about one-third of the variation in female participation rates (World Bank, 2008). There is much to
learn about the discrimination practices of all kind, in access to schooling for instance, but also about
how gender can dictate future work prospects.
e) There can be little doubt that many young people in sub-Saharan Africa have no choice but to
accept whatever work happens to be available, work that very often falls short of “decent”. For many,
the option of unemployment is not affordable, at least not for more than short periods of time. Working
poverty is widespread among young people, as is vulnerable employment, which is a newly defined
measure of persons who are employed under relatively precarious circumstances as indicated by the
status in employment. There is a connection between vulnerable employment and poverty: if the
34
proportion of vulnerable workers is sizeable, it may be an indication of widespread poverty.
The situation of youth in the labour markets of West and Central Africa has many economic, social
and political consequences. In a broad sense, the lack of labour income increases the probability of
young people becoming or staying poor. It also delays social integration and autonomy by affecting
young people’s ability to leave their parents and set up their own households (ADF, 2007). In some
cases, youth unemployment may also lead to disruptive social behaviour and participation in armed
conflicts, a subject that is further explored in the chapter on “Transitions to self-directed, overall
wellbeing”.
Not surprisingly then, several international and regional commitments on youth development draw
attention to the question of decent employment for young people. As previously noted, the MDGs
target full and productive employment and decent work for all, including women and young people, as
well as to achieve universal primary education and to eliminate gender disparity in primary and
secondary education no later than 2015. “A World Fit for Children”, also calls for all children to have
access to and complete primary education that is free, compulsory and of good quality by 2015.
Additionally at the international policy level, there is the World Programme of Action for Youth.
Adopted in 1995, the WPAY serves as a blueprint to youth development policy worldwide. The UN
General Assembly regularly evaluates its implementation. At the regional level, education and youth
employment are covered in policy initiatives such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD) and the African Union’s African Youth Charter. Youth employment is also increasingly being
targeted in national growth and development strategies, the next generation of Poverty Reduction
Strategies Papers in many countries. Each of these policy steps is examined below in terms of
guidelines for potential programmatic responses.
2.2.1. Education and Youth Employment in the World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY)
Education and employment are two of the ten priority areas identified by the international community
in the World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY). In terms of education, the WPAY notes three
main concerns. The first is the inability of many parents in developing countries to send their children
to schools because of local economic and social conditions. The second concerns the paucity of
educational opportunities for girls and young women, migrants, refugees, displaced persons, street
children, indigenous youth minorities, young people in rural areas and young people with disabilities.
The third concerns the quality of education, its relevance to employment and its usefulness in
assisting young people in the transition to full adulthood, active citizenship and productive and gainful
employment.
The main proposals for action concerning education in the WPAY aim to improve the level of basic
education, skill training and literacy among youth, in line with the concept of lifelong education. The
WPAY gives special emphasis to the reform of education content and curricula, especially curricula
that reinforce traditional female roles that deny women opportunities for full and equal partnership in
society. It also stresses the importance of learning to access and use information, along with the
benefits of distance education. Lastly it acknowledges that Governments and educational institutions
need to establish or enhance vocational and technical training relevant to current and prospective
employment conditions, a subject that is more closely examined below in the context of West and
Central Africa.
In the area of employment, the WPAY acknowledges that unemployment and underemployment
among youth is a problem everywhere. It notes that economic growth is not always accompanied by
growth in employment and that the difficulty of finding suitable employment is compounded by a host
of other problems confronting young people, including illiteracy and insufficient training, and is
worsened by periods of world economic slow-down and by overall changing economic trends. The
Programme rightfully notes that the crisis of youth unemployment deprives young people of the
opportunity to secure independent housing or the accommodations necessary for the establishment of
families and participation in the life of society. Unemployment creates a wide range of social ills and
young people are particularly susceptible to its damaging effects: the lack of skills, low self-esteem,
marginalization, impoverishment and the wasting of an enormous human resource.
The main proposals for action concerning youth employment include increasing the opportunities of
young people for self-employment, creating employment opportunities for specific groups of young
35
people, and intensifying skills training for income-generation by young people. It also underscores
advances in technology and communications, coupled with improved productivity, as new
opportunities for youth employment.
In its more recent resolutions on the implementation of the WPAY, the UN General Assembly noted
the need to better monitor and evaluates progress in these areas. As such has recently approved set
of targets and indicators for young people’s advancement in the global economy.
2.2.2 Education and Youth Employment in NEPAD and the African Youth Charter
At the regional level, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is a strategic framework
document that arose in 2001 from a mandate given to the five initiating Heads of State (Algeria,
Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa) by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to develop an
integrated socio-economic development framework for Africa. The Partnership covers all areas of
development and specifically mentions children and youth in terms of education and the need to
“develop and produce a pool of ICT-proficient youth and students from which Africa can draw trainee
ICT engineers, programmers and software developers”.
Of particular interest is NEPAD’s African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an instrument voluntarily
acceded to by the Member States of the African Union (AU) as an African self-monitoring mechanism.
The APR process entails periodic reviews of the policies and practices of participating countries to
ascertain progress being made towards achieving compliance, including in the area of socio-
economic development. As of June 2008, 14 West and Central African countries had voluntarily
acceded to APRM: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Gabon, Ghana, Mali, Mauritania, Nigeria,
Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sao Tome & Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Part of the
APRM process involves consultations with civil society during the self-assessment process, including
with youth. For example, in the APRM progress reports for Ghana and Sierra Leone, youth
organizations were specifically targeted to be a part of the focus groups on economic development
and employment (UNECA, 2008).
More specific to youth is the African Youth Charter, which was adopted by the 7 th Ordinary Session of
the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union in July 2006. To date, two of the
four countries that have ratified the Charter are in the West and Central Africa, namely Gabon and
Mali, and 10 others have signed it (Benin, Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, DRC, The Gambia, Ghana, Nigeria,
Niger, Senegal and Togo). The Charter provides clear recommendations for Member States and other
stakeholders to accelerate youth development and participation in Africa, including in the areas of
education, employment, and sustainable livelihoods. In the domain of education and skills
development, the charter advocates for equal access to all levels of high quality education. Multiple
forms of education are endorsed, such as formal, non-formal, informal, distance learning, and life-long
learning, so as to meet the diverse needs of young people. The articles also refer to the provision of
education that is relevant to the needs of contemporary society and to the adoption of curricula that
trains young people in the use of modern information and communication technology.
2.2.3.Youth Employment in National Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRSPs)
At the national level, it is worth mentioning that youth education, training, and employment is
increasingly figuring in national development and growth strategies, a successor to previous Poverty
Reduction Strategy Papers. In a review conducted of PRSPs developed since January 2005, 15 out
of 17 of such policy documents dedicated a core section to youth employment in the analysis of the
strategy (UNECA, 2008). Some examples in the sub-region are below:
• Democratic Republic of the Congo: “One of the most pressing challenges that the Government
must address is the adoption of policies that will enable the economy to absorb the youths arriving
on the labour market. The problem is particularly acute owing to the rapid increase in the
population of working age in conjunction with the severe job shortage (DRC, 2007; 82).
• The Gambia: “The Gambia has a problem of youth unemployment especially those that have
limited skills. Consequently, a big proportion of the youth are part of the people categorised as
poor in The Gambia. PRSP II will focus on the problem of youth unemployment through various
approaches including supporting private sector investment that creates jobs for the youth,
increasing access to productive assets particularly credit by the youth, and retooling and training
the youth to increase their employability.
36
• Ghana: Ghana’s Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy II identifies human resource
development as the focal point of the strategy. It notes “while the rural areas can be expected to
lose population share to urban areas as part of the long-range perspective of economic growth, a
pressing social problem of Ghana today is the acute shortage of employment opportunities for the
youth” (Ghana, 2007; 55). The strategy than ensures the existence and implementation of a
coherent employment policy for the youth, which is discussed in this study below.
• Guinea-Bissau: “It is also necessary to enable rural youth are able to develop regular activities of
providing services to the community. Rural youth of both genders will benefit from access using
the micro-lending system to equipment to build or upgrade their shops in the areas of mechanics,
carpentry, civil construction, locks, woodwork, radio repair, dry cleaning, tailoring, etc. which will
enable them to generate financial resources and will be an incentive for them to stay in the rural
areas and not emigrate to Bissau or neighbouring countries” (Guinea-Bissau, 2007; 41). The
strategy also heavily emphasizes “ensuring qualified education for youth, the strategic programs
consist of revising the vocational education policy” (41).
• Senegal: People ranked the government’s number one priority as youth employment (by 20.1
percent) and the strategy notes “the Senegalese authorities have taken active steps to fight
unemployment. Among other measures, they established the National Fund to Promote Youth and
the National Agency for Youth Employment” (Senegal, 2007; 45).
• Sao Tome and Principe: “Regarding youth, the need for a development strategy is recognized and
the following actions must be studied and implemented: a credit system for youth to carry out
income generating activities, namely manufacturing craft products, creating micro-enterprises,
livestock rearing, small processing units, small stores; occupational and job market training; and
the creation of youth cooperatives for production and marketing (Sao Tome and Principe, 2005:
37).
2.3 Existing International and Regional Networks and Partners
There are several existing networks and partners that are working to advance young people’s access
to quality education in the sub-region, as well as promote their effective transition to sustainable
livelihoods. Some are described briefly below.
The Educational Research Network for West and Central Africa (ERNWACA)
http://www.ernwaca.org
ERNWACA undertakes research and activities to help the region meet the benchmarks for education
set out in the Millennium Development Goals. It was created to increase research capacity, strengthen
collaboration among researchers and practitioners, and promote African expertise on education so as
to positively impact educational practices and policies. ERNWACA members include several hundred
researchers in fourteen countries, namely Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Gambia,
Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. A steering
committee, housed at the Institute for Training and Applied Research (ISFRA) in Bamako determines
the broad strategic orientations of the network. These presently include the decentralization of
education, the pedagogical integration of information and communication technologies, and
investigation on how the UN can support the development of an innovative curriculum within the
context of Madrassa and Quranic schooling centres in terms of providing educational skills to
marginalized people, including literacy vocational training for meeting local needs and training for
income generating activities. It is mentioned here in relation to the importance that the data in this
section accords to addressing the gender stereotypes and cultural aspects of school environments to
overcome the disadvantages facing young women in the sub-region.
UNESCO International Centre for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET)
http://www.unevoc.unesco.org/
The UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre acts as a key component of UNESCO’s international

programme on technical and vocational education and training. It also works to support UNESCO’s
mandate for Education for All and Education for Sustainable Development. The Centre assists
Member States develop policies and practices concerning education for the world of work and skills
37
development for employability and citizenship, to achieve access for all and learning opportunities
throughout life. It has a sub-regional network focused on cooperation in TVET in West Africa, mainly in
the areas of school-enterprise relationships, competency-based approaches, diversification of
financing and basic transferable skills. It is mentioned here in relation to the importance that this
section accords to including TVET into the policy response to youth unemployment.
Youth Employment Network – An Initiative of the UN, World Bank and ILO
www.ilo.org/yen
The YEN works to educate and motivate actors to provide improved employment opportunities for
youth. It serves as a platform and service provider focusing on policy advice, innovative pilot projects,
knowledge sharing, and brokering partnerships. YEN makes use of its three core partners’ – the
United nations, the World bank and the ILO - know how and resources and currently has four
initiatives that are focused on youth employment:
• The Lead Country Process: Lead countries of the YEN have committed to tackle youth
employment challenges at the highest level by formulating, implementing, monitoring and
evaluating National Action Plans on youth employment (NAP) and regularly report on their
progress to the YEN secretariat. Within the West and Central Africa region, six countries have
joined YEN, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, and
Togo.
• The Private Sector Initiative (PSI): is a project of YEN’s sub-regional office for West Africa that
aims to strengthen the role that business in West Africa can play in enhancing employment
opportunities for youth. It is supported by the United Kingdom’s Department of Work and
Pensions and divides its work into three areas of action: Knowles development, network building
and brokering partnerships.
• The Competitive Grant Scheme: is a project designed to support youth employment projects in
the Mano River Union (Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone). It serves to support
small scale, innovative projects with the potential to provide employment for young people
through issuing grants of USD 2 000 to 50 000 and providing technical support. The scheme also
aims to test innovative projects, in order to extract lessons to be shared for possible replication
and scaling up. The project is in its early stages and will issue its first grants by mid-2009.
• The Youth Employment Inventory for West Africa: The inventory is based on the results of YEN
sub-regional office for West Africa’s survey of youth employment activities. The database will be
available on the YEN website in early 2009 and offer detailed information on organisations
implementing youth employment projects in 16 West African countries.
Each of these initiatives can be leveraged to provide greater support for addressing youth
unemployment challenges in the sub-region.
Youth unemployment is a problem because of a combination of general economic factors and specific
determinants that affect youth more than adults. General factors include low economic growth in
labour-intensive sectors, which results in inadequate job creation, particularly in relation to population
growth. It is difficult to address youth employment separately from the need to boost overall economic
conditions, but there are ways to target job opportunities toward young people. This deals with the
“demand” side of youth employment, i.e. creating prospects for young people in the labour market.
Then there is also the “supply” side, that is, ensuring that young people are equipped to take
advantage of the opportunities that exist. The promising approaches examined below are presented
along these two lines. Unfortunately, despite the scale of the youth employment challenge in the sub-
region, employment programmes targeted specifically at young people are relatively new and
untested. Nevertheless, there are some responses that seem to be generating initial results. On the
creating demand side, the use of integrated multi-sector and multi-sector responses seem to be
yielding promising results. On ensuring skilled labour supply, in addition to ensuring young people
have access to quality basic and secondary education, there is increasing focus on improving
technical and vocational training (TVET). These approaches are described below along with practical
examples of their application in the sub-region. They are presented here as options for UNICEF to
38
consider for further development, dissemination, and support.
2.4.1 Generating Demand: Creating Jobs for Youth Using An Integrated, Multi-Service & Multi-
Sector Approach
A principal challenge for African economies over the next decade is to find productive employment for
the 7 to 10 million annual new entrants to the labour force, a consequence of historical rapid
population growth and a swelling of the labour force by today’s school-leavers (Garcia and Fares,
2008). The World Bank has compiled a Youth Employment Inventory (YEI) that currently contains 289
interventions from around the world designed to integrate and create jobs for young people in the
labour market. Of these, 29 are drawn from sub-Saharan Africa and six in particular from the West
and Central region (see Table 2.5). The YEI aims to provide policy-makers information on what
options exist, what works in different situations, and what has been tried and failed. Where possible,
the interventions have been analyzed in order to identify what appears to work to improve
employment outcomes for youth.
Table 2.5: Summary of the six youth employment projects from West and Central Africa contained in the World
Bank’s Youth Employment Inventory.
Country Name of Programme Year Problem addressed
Implemente
d
Central Agricultural Services Development Project 1993-1999 Train rural youth who are discriminated
African through local traditions.
Republic
Nature of the programme: The project ran intensive training sessions on improved agricultural methods
for young literate farmers who are more likely to be receptive to technical innovations.
Outcomes: No evaluation on the rural youth training project has taken place.
Cote d’Ivoire Appui à l’introduction de la Formation 1998-2010 Young people have inadequate qualifications
Professionnelle par Alternance (AIFPA) for the labour market. Training programs do
not comply with the requirements of industry.
Nature of the programme: The programme is centred on the principle of ‘dual training’ – whereby
enterprises organise their professional training in co-operation with schools.
Outcomes: Due to the economic and political situation in the country, the inventory notes it is difficult to
say anything on impact.
Guinea Modernisation of the apprenticeship system 2000- 2009 Outdated apprenticeship system
Nature of the programme: The project establishes cooperation between institutions and youth involved
in apprenticeships. Co-operative training courses in labour-intensive business sectors have been
established as pilot measures in two of the country’s regions.
Outcomes: No evaluation has been carried out. Anticipated results in project description: Apprenticeship
programmes in the craft and service sector meet the country’s technical, economic and social needs and
empower youth.
Mali Vocational Education and Training 1996-2002 Improve training facilities and curricula
Consolidation Project
Nature of the programme: Upgraded selected training facilities, phased out others that were obsolete.
Improved quality of instruction via curriculum reform, training, and creation of enterprise support units.
Outcomes: The outcome was unsatisfactory. The project anticipated 70 percent of trainees to be
employed in reinforced stream within a year of graduation. Percentage of trainees employed is unknown.
Nigeria National Open Apprenticeship Scheme 1987 to Lack of work skills and experience/ practice
(NOAS) 2002
Nature of the programme: Scheme utilizes production facilities such as workshops and technical
instructors in private industries, government institutions and, by way of a sub-contracting arrangement,
informal sector operators.
Outcomes: Since 1987, 600,000 unemployed youth have been trained in 80 different trades. More than
400,000 of these started their own micro-enterprises.
39
Country Name of Programme Year Problem addressed

Implemente
d
Senegal Youth enterprise and capacity building Not Few jobs for graduates
specified
Nature of the programme: An intensive program trains young people to start their own business, for
example by writing project proposals and business plans, understanding the legal requirements of
starting a business and conducting feasibility studies.
Outcomes: Ninety-eight percent of new businesses are successful, creating jobs for young people as
well as providing a means for them to support their families and contributing to the economic
development of the community.
Source: The World Bank’s Youth Employment Inventory, available at: http://go.worldbank.org/WDRJKPQ6D0, Accessed 2 February
2009
In many cases, the lack of cost-benefit analysis makes it hard to assess the effectiveness and
efficiency of the programs contained in the YEI. To the extent that evaluations exist, they typically fail
to analyze the effect of policy interventions independent of other exogenous factors. Among the few
evaluation studies that exist, most report only on the outcomes rather than on the impact of the
underlying projects, for example, how many participated in the program, etc. (Rother, 2006). Even so,
eleven out of the 29 programs in Sub-Saharan Africa deemed more successful in the inventory have a
multi-sector approach that offer young people a number of services such as helping young people to
start their own businesses, combined with elements of skills development and training. Seven
programs focused exclusively at improving chances for young entrepreneurs, such as supporting
young people in starting their own business, including providing training on writing project proposals
and business plans; conducting feasibility studies; counselling on legal requirements; and improving
their access to credit/start-up loans. Six programs focused mainly on skills training for young people
and four programs adopted the objective of making existing training systems work better for young
people (World Bank, 2009).
In general, coherent youth employment interventions take into consideration gender, age-specific and
the rural-versus-urban challenges of young people. Gender factors may include differing access to
education and skills training or factors associated with early motherhood. Age-specific challenges
include a lack of job experience that make youth less attractive to employers or the inability to voice
their needs in policies and programs. Rural and urban factors include the migration dynamics, as well
as differences in access to quality education and the means to engage in the economy. Further, the
programs in the inventory depend almost entirely on external funding from international donor
institutions, bilaterals and their national implementation agencies. This suggests the need for
countries to consider innovative sources of financing for youth employment schemes.
In addition to these factors, an integrated, multi-service approach also considers all sectors of a
country’s economy, particularly in rural areas. For example, rural employment opportunities are not
only in agriculture, but also off-farm. The range of opportunities may be far wider than might be
apparent at first glance. The rural non-farm economy can be extremely assorted, ranging from
manufactured goods to the use of new technologies, such as renewable sources of energy. For
example, the African Rural Energy Enterprise Development (AREED), supported by UNEP and the
United Nations Foundation (active in Senegal, Mali, Ghana and other countries on the continent)
offers rural energy entrepreneurs assistance in training, business planning and start-up financing.
In terms of generating employment opportunities for young people, not all examples in the region are
included in the World Bank’s YEI. For example, several countries have used public works
programmes as a type of active labour market policies targeted towards young people. One example
is the AGETIP (Agence d’Exécution des Travaux d’Intérêt Public) programmes in Senegal. With the
assistance of the World Bank and the African Development Bank, the Senegalese government set up
a US$ 33 million public works programme that combined efforts to build public infrastructure such as
roads, buildings, and sanitation systems, with efforts to provide jobs and training for unemployed
youth. Construction firms agreed to use relatively labour-intensive practices to use local inexperienced
youth who received training funded by AGETIP. Overall, an evaluation of the first seven years of the
AGETIP indicates that projects resulted in 350,000 temporary jobs annually (World Bank, 2006a). The
main criticisms of the programme are that it did not address the urban-rural employment divide, there
40
was insufficient training for youth, and it needed better oversight to ensure that the projects are
targeted to the poor. In general, public works programmes need a more systematic evaluation in
terms of their effects and cost-to-benefit analysis on creating job for young people. This points to the
need for a more integrated approach.
2.4.2 Example of a Multi-Service and Sector Approach: Ghana’s National Youth Employment
Programme
Although not evaluated in the YEI, Ghana’s relatively recent National Youth Employment Programme
is an interesting example of a programme targeting young people’s access to employment across
economic sectors. Following a Presidential directive and within the context of Ghana’s Growth and
Poverty Reduction Strategy II (GPRS II), the Ministry of Manpower, Youth and Employment (MMYE)
established a National Employment Task Force that consisted of other sector Ministries, Departments
and Agencies to develop a coordinated youth employment programme. It aimed to facilitate job
creation and the placement of young people in a wide range of economic and social sectors.
The result was the creation of the National Youth Employment Programme (NYEP) with the specific
objectives to identify projects with economic potential that can generate employment for as many of
the youth as possible; to address youth rural-to-urban migration by creating opportunities in the rural
areas; to create employment opportunities for the youth through self-employment; and to foster a
sense of patriotism, self-discipline and hard work so as to promote good morals among Ghanaians. 9
At the onset of the project in 2006-07, the target beneficiaries were all young people, including junior,
senior secondary and technical and vocational school graduates, as well as school drop-outs and the
illiterate youth. The aim was to create 175,000 jobs in 2006-07 and then 500,000 jobs in the three
years following.
The nature of the NYEP is integrated insofar as it includes a combination of self-employment

opportunities, wage-earning jobs and voluntary service activities, the provision of essential social
services (e.g. law enforcement, environmental services), as well as enhancing access to good
education and health services. The multi-sector approach comes from the NYEP’s coverage of a wide
spectrum of economic ventures and social service activities in young people’s communities. A
designated national team by the MMYE centrally directs the operations of the NYEP, while
implementation is locally based. Each district chooses a combination of activities, within what the
Ministry calls “Modules”, based on the comparative advantages present in that locality. To implement
the programme, the National Employment Task Force works with a National Co-ordinator and
Deputies, a Regional Monitoring Team and a District Employment Task Force, with a District Co-
ordinator.
The table below describes the ten modules to the NYEP, each with their own objective and set of
suggested activities.
Table 2.6: Overview of the sectors and activities incorporated into Ghana’s National Youth Employment
Programme
OBJECTIVE SAMPLE ACTIVITIES
Module 1: Youth In Agricultural Services
To provide employment to youth in District Employment Task Forces decide what has potential to provide
agricultural-related activities and to sustainable employment to as many youth in the locality as possible.
encourage them to take up agriculture Activities include production/ cultivation, rearing and post-harvest
as an occupation. activities (logistics, storage, marketing, distribution, agro-processing
and transportation).
Module 2: Youth In Trades and Vocations, (Non-Agricultural services)
To empower youth to engage in non- Activities include the production of tangible outputs, which can be sold
agricultural ventures by providing (technical services such as trades and vocations), as well as
financial and other support to intermediary services that add to the value chain of the production of
undertake activities in a sustainable both agricultural and non-agricultural outputs (management services).
manner.
Module 3: Youth In ICT
To provide employment to youth by Training in designing and maintenance of ICT infrastructure in private
developing and sustaining a and public sectors (secondary schools, banks, etc.) in the districts;
knowledgeable ICT workforce in critical establishment of Internet café’s and computer training facilities; Training
skill areas and professions that will in the application of ICT for administrative and clerical duties, computer
contribute to Ghana’s information and hardware engineering, repair and maintenance of printers, photocopiers
knowledge economy. and other office equipment; Training in web-design, software
9
As published on Ghana’s Official Government website at http://www.ghana.gov.gh, Accessed Friday, 30 January 2009.
41
development, programming, network administration, maintenance, and

infrastructure cabling.
Module 4: Community Protection System and Waste and Sanitation Management Corps
To enhance safety and security in the Establish Community Protection Units of young men and women who
communities. support the law enforcement agencies.
To contribute to the maintenance of Assist District Environmental and Health Teams & other institutions in
clean public facilities and healthy hygiene and sanitation. Activities include garbage collection, spraying
households. gutters and small water-bodies, de-silting drains, etc.
Module 5: Rural Education Teacher Assistants
To create opportunities for youth with a Teaching of pre and basic school pupils and for volunteers whose level
second level of education to deliver of education is at the degree level; engage in the delivery of refresher
pre- and basic level education in rural courses for rewriting examinations; the beneficiaries work with trained
areas where there are insufficient teachers wherever they are posted.
teachers.
Module 6: Auxiliary Healthcare Workers Assistants
To assist health professionals to deliver Undertake public health education and hygiene campaigns at the
basic support at hospitals, clinics and community levels;
health posts, esp. in rural areas, to Programme also seeks to encourage the Auxiliary Healthcare Workers
ensure access to basic healthcare by to progress to professional nursing courses.
all Ghanaians.
Module 7: Paid Internships and Module 8: Industrial Attachments
To formalize internship and industrial Register all establishments with the potential to offer internships and
attachments among in-and-out of industrial attachments, as well as potential student trainees; NYEP will
school youth. identify a corresponding establishment and place trainees.
Module 9: Vacation Jobs and Module 10: Volunteer Services
To ensure that students in secondary Activities include community service, communal labour for development
and tertiary schools have opportunities projects, such as schools, health posts and clinics, construction and
to offer voluntary service to their mass immunizations.
communities during vacation time.
To provide services to communities on Youth Voluntary Camps will be organized during vacations to undertake
voluntary basis as a means of development projects in communities. Youth with diverse backgrounds
contributing to the socio-economic and in areas such as engineering, social services and the humanities from
sustainable development. work teams and are given the requisite inputs to undertake
development projects such as the construction of police stations or
health posts.
In terms of results, as of April 2008 there were 332,500 young people registered in the NYEP, out of
which jobs provided total 108,403. Of these, 69,464 were on payroll and monthly allowances range
from GH¢50 (approx. 37 USD) for sanitation workers; GH¢70 (52 USD) for Community Teaching
Assistants, GH¢80 (60 USD) for Community Protection Guards; GH¢110 (82 USD) for Health
Extension Workers, GH¢150 (113 USD) for Graduate Interns.
Several factors have contributed to the initial results of the NYEP thus far. This includes political will
and policy justification behind the initiative (i.e. top-level support in the government, reflection of youth
unemployment in the countries national growth and development strategy), clear national guidelines
coupled with decentralized implementation, and a cross-sector approach that responds to existing
needs within districts and communities. Additionally, the NYEP includes an innovative approach to
financing, which had become widely known as Talk Time Tax.
Within the first phase of the programme, the NYEP faced inadequate funds to implement planned
activities. The NYEP had multiple sources of funds, including the District Assemblies Common Fund
(DACF), the Ghana Education Trust Fund (GET Fund), the National Health Insurance Scheme
(NHIS), the Road Fund, the Highly Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC) Fund and the Investment
Fund. These are statutory funding sources, but there were shortfalls in the actual deliverance of the
contributions. In June 2008, the Government introduced a 6 percent Mobile Phone Talk Time tax to be
used to support the NYEP. The measure requires service providers to collect a 6 percent
Communication Service Tax on behalf of VAT Service, which equates to roughly tax comes up to
GHp0.01 (US$0.0098) per minute of talk time. The money collected in targeted towards sustaining the
Government’s youth employment programmes and has garnered mix pubic reviews.
Aside from funding, challenges remain for the programme. These include, as identified by the
Government, inadequate co-operation from political, religious and social interests, inadequate co-
42
operation from relevant Ministries, Departments and Agencies, conflict between existing projects and
programmes and the NYEP, difficulties in land acquisition and access to other requisite inputs, non-
adherence to proper financial management practices, ineffective monitoring and evaluation
mechanisms, personality conflicts, favouritism and nepotism, poor dissemination of information about
the programme and low orientation of the youth to existing job opportunities, and inability to deliver on
planned time-frames of programme implementation.
However, Programme Managers, District Employment Task Force, the National Task Force and the
MMYE have indicated their commitment to find appropriate solutions, as with the introduction of the
Talk Tax, and to continue to implement medium to long-term extensions of the programme. This is an
opportunity to learn from steps taken thus far and to examine more closely the programme’s potential
for adaptation and replication.
2.4.3 Ensuring Supply: Increasing Youth Employability through Improved Education and
Technical and Vocational Training in the sub-region
On the supply side of youth unemployment, an important factor to be addressed is the insufficient or
inappropriate skills possessed by young people. It has been argued that education systems in Africa
are geared towards producing job-seekers rather than job-creators and that the theoretical nature of
the skills gained, plus the perception that employment should primarily be a salaried job in the formal
sector, has helped to create a mismatch between labour supply and demand (ILO 2004).
Consequently, there have been efforts to “vocationalize” the curriculum of general education by
adding useful skills in areas such as agriculture, business, trades, or construction.
Certainly, there is a need to improve the quantity and quality of schooling by expanding school
enrolments, especially for girls, and by ensuring minimum standards of quality. The first step towards
universal education is naturally getting children enrolled in primary education, but the challenge is to
keep them in school and to provide pupils a decent education. In a globalized economy, young people
need to acquire skills and knowledge that are in demand in the labour market. This includes
accessing post-primary schooling, which is essential to making a successful school-to-work transition.
It has been noted that early interventions at the schooling stage are likely to be more effective than
trying to remedy education failures through subsequent youth training (Bechterman et. al, 2004).
Another option is to provide technical and vocational education and training (TVET) in separate
institutions. There are two compelling reasons towards looking closely at the role of TVET in providing
young people with practical and applicable skills, and thus the opportunity to engage in income-
generating livelihoods. First, as noted earlier, young people in the sub-region are a) more likely than
not to finish school without an appropriate set of skills required by the work place and b) to be
employed in the informal sector. Targeted programmes for disadvantaged youth and interventions that
include young people in the informal economy are thus of real importance to promoting lifelong
learning in an evolving global economy. This is best described as follows:
A large number of young people either fail to complete primary school or leave it without being
able to enter the first cycle of secondary education, and therefore end up on the street. Current
vocational training systems do not give these youngsters the slightest chance of maintaining
and consolidating their educational achievements or, above all, developing professional skills
while waiting to reach the legal age (15 years old) to enter the labour market. So thousands of
young people find themselves outside the educational system after the age of 12 and therefore
have no possibility to enter any sort of established education or training system that would
enhance their educational achievements while preparing them for the world of work. The
creation of a post-primary vocational training system for these young people is therefore both a
necessity and a strategic issue (Wahlter, 2008, 17).
The 2007 World Development Report defines the concept of post-primary education or training as
learning opportunities given to all. It favours a flexible definition of post-primary apprenticeship
schemes in secondary and higher education and perceives post-primary training for this group as a
second chance.
The second compelling reason for considering TVET is the unique role traditional apprenticeship
plays in developing the skills of young people in Africa’s West and Central region. It is not easy to
ascertain the situation of traditional apprenticeship because there are no quantitative or qualitative
data to provide overall insight into the process. Box 2.1 distinguishes between two major types of
43
apprenticeship in the sub-region: Sahelian apprenticeship and coastal apprenticeship. These

descriptions are included here primarily because they underscore the importance of this form of
training in the region as a well-established system of skills acquisition. As demonstrated by the
practical examples presented below, TVET systems are evolving in the region and expanding to
include a larger proportion of the youth cohort (World Bank, 2004). With proper support, traditional
apprenticeships are becoming a viable and sustainable post-primary vocational training system.
Box 2.1: Cultural Footholds in Youth Skills Acquisition:

Sahelian vs. Coastal Apprenticeships
Sahelian apprenticeship (in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, for example) is underpinned by family relationships.
Children are effectively taken to the workshop by their parents, who delegate part of their parental authority to
the master craftsmen. The master craftsmen are responsible for transmitting their know-how to the young
people, and for giving them an education and social values related to the profession they will enter. Although
there is an overall agreement between the parents and the employer, it does not determine the length of the
apprenticeship. This depends on the type or profession being acquired, the techniques used, apprentices’
acquisition rate and the employers’ willingness to validate the young persons’ know-how. No qualification is
awarded at the end of the apprenticeship, and employers grant a right to leave depending on their assessment of
apprentices’ know-how and assimilation of the profession’s techniques.
This type of apprenticeship is also characterised by the fact that it does not entail any completion ceremony, it
gives apprentices a minimum pay once they have assimilated the actions of the profession and participate
actively in production, but allows the employers to keep on the young persons who have been entrusted to them
for as long as they deem they have not recouped the equivalent of the investment they have made while training
them. Sometimes the employers help their apprentices set up in business. In reality, they consider them less as
competitors than as a family member to whom they continue to have a form of moral obligation.
Coastal apprenticeship differs in that it is paid for and is thus based on a commercial relationship between
employers, apprentices and their families. For example, data collected in Benin during the field survey showed
that parents pay between 50,000 and 150,000 CFA francs (US$100 to 300) for entry into apprenticeship,
depending on the profession chosen. Rates may vary from one workshop or profession to another. Craft sector
organisations and sometimes the public authorities intervene (for example in Togo) in order to regulate
apprenticeship starting and leaving fees.
According to the studies identified, employers in coastal countries commit themselves via a written contract on
the apprenticeship arrangements, the method of remuneration and the length of the contract. Often there are oral
contracts or contracts based on a moral commitment, along the lines of Sahelian apprenticeship. There is
frequently a code regulating certain lengths of apprenticeship (two years for cane furniture, five years for
carpentry, six years for jewellery making) and agreement on a certain average length of apprenticeship close to
four years (as is the case in Togo). On the other hand, despite the contractual relationship between the parents
that bear the cost of apprenticeship and employers who are paid for services rendered, the family-type
relationship between the young persons and employers exists just as much in coastal areas as in the Sahel. The
end of apprenticeship is marked by a release ceremony (“cérémonie libératoire”). This ceremony publicly
demonstrates that apprentices have become confirmed professionals and that they are capable of opening the
workshop and training other apprentices.
SOURCE: Walther R. 2008. Towards a Renewal of Apprenticeship in West Africa, Enhancing the Professional Integration of
Young People, Paris: Agence Française de Développement, Département de la Recherche, 33- 35.
In the past, technical and vocational education and training has been characterized by rigid and low-
quality education that was often disconnected from labour realities. However, programmes are
becoming more and more thorough, responsive to labour shortages, and inclusive of a range of
employment services. Increasingly training is developed in direct cooperation with the private sector
and is linked to the needs of local, national and increasingly international businesses. This is referred
to as a dual system of vocational learning, as it incorporates on-the-job training. TVET programmes
are also more effective when offered as part of broader employment services that include placement,
vocational information and guidance, and labour market information. Research undertaken among
discouraged workers shows that guidance and individual counselling activities round out public
employment services towards successful placement (see ILO, 2004 or Kanyenze et al., 2000). Access
44
to start-up capital may also be an important issue when dealing with the entrepreneurial aspects of
youth employment, though there is little to no research on the issue of youth access to venture capital
in African countries.
2.4.4 Practical Examples of Improved Technical and Vocational Training in the sub-region
They ask me to do too many things—it is as if to learn a trade I have to be exploited.

View of a young apprentice from Senegal (World Bank, 2004, 132)
Traditional apprenticeship, which is widespread in the sub-region, is gradually changing in terms of

training content, pedagogical practices, and accreditation methods. In terms of formal training, a
World Bank report notes that the last decade has seen optimism amid the persistent difficulties faced
in reforming public TVET systems (2004). This consists of new governance arrangements emerging to
tackle system fragmentation, increased institutional autonomy, performance-based budgeting and
diversified financing. There is also evidence of greater involvement of both the private sector and non-
governmental organizations, which is reducing pressures on public spending and opening
opportunities for partnership.
While it is recognized that training for the informal sector is necessarily different from that for the
formal sector, the fact that traditional apprenticeships are enduring and expanding is evidence to their
effectiveness, as the poor can hardly afford long periods of training before seeing a payoff. The
Agence Française de Développement (AFD) launched an in-depth study of job training in sub-
Saharan Africa’s informal sector in 2006. The study included field surveys on TVET, primarily in the
form of traditional learning taking place in small-scale workshops and enterprises, in countries that
include Benin, Cameroon, and Senegal. Two main difficulties were found to undermine the training
undergone by young people: 1) the inability of master craftsmen and trainers to explain the theory
behind certain notions and techniques and 2) the lack of organised progression in the learning
process and taking part in the master craftsman’s tasks (Walther 2006). Despite these shortcomings,
the AFD’s studies concluded that traditional learning is a key factor in giving young people access to
the job market and argued in favour of giving it support and improving it with help from the local public
authorities. Some of the recommendations stress the necessity to develop structured professional
organisations, pre-apprenticeship schemes for children who dropped out school, and appropriate and
long term funding instruments.
Analysis of the restructuring of traditional apprenticeship in the four countries, specifically Benin, Mali,
Senegal and Togo, shows that apprenticeship is becoming a post-primary vocational training system
providing skills training and qualifications for young people who have either not completed primary
education, have done so but have not gone on to lower secondary school, or have started lower
secondary education but later dropped out (Walther, 2008).
Benin, Mali and Togo all began restructuring traditional apprenticeship in the late 1980s, basing their
reforms on the dual apprenticeship model. For example, since the beginning of the 1990s, Benin and
Togo have been transforming traditional apprenticeship into dual apprenticeship on the basis of joint
guidelines determined in partnership with German technical aid. They have developed different
methods for incorporating this restructuring within their TVET system and have introduced specific
ways of managing and devising training and certification schemes.
Since 2007, Senegal has been testing a form of modernising traditional apprenticeship in three
sectors (automotive repair, clothes-making and construction/civil engineering) which will lead both to
an overhaul of current training practices and an approach to certification based on the acquisition of
blocks of skills defined by professional standards and drawn up jointly by the TVET Ministry and
professional organisations (Walther, 2006--).
Since 1989, Mali has been undertaking its efforts to restructure apprenticeship in close co-operation
with the private sector and the public authorities in order to transform it into dual training. This
partnership fully involves professionals in the definition of professional profiles and the theoretical and
practical components of the training, while the public authorities guarantee pedagogical quality and
provide proof and certification of skills acquired. The State has decided to partly finance the
development of restructured apprenticeship by channelling the vocational training levy (approximately
2% of an enterprises’ total payroll) back to the Vocational Training and Apprenticeship Support Fund
(Walther, 2006--).
45
In spite of the diversity of the experiences, common characteristics have been noted in ensuring the
expansion of these systems of post-primary training. These include the inclusion of restructured
apprenticeship in national TVET restructuring strategies, the leadership role of the professional
organisations that in almost all cases define new professions and related skills profiles, the support
role of the technical and financial partners that provide both expertise and financing, and the
partnership between craft workshops and training colleges (Walther, 2006--).
These examples provide an opportunity to support the restructuring of traditional apprenticeship in

West and Central Africa as a means to addressing the need to provide the most vulnerable and
excluded adolescent skills to secure a decent livelihood. The fits particularly well with UNICEF’s
mandate of child and adolescent protection, particularly as a lack of supervision can allow for the
exploitation of apprenticeship labour.
2.5 Conclusion
[These are preliminary thoughts to be revisited and rounded out more when other sections are
complete]
The transitions of young people in West and Central Africa that pertain to attaining an education and
finding decent and productive employment are complex. In obtaining an education, the data presented
in this section indicate the need for continued improvement in terms of both access to and quality of
education. This is particularly true in terms of gender dimensions, as girls and young women continue
to be significantly disadvantaged, as well as addressing the high drop off in enrolment and attendance
in secondary schools. There are also important considerations in terms of income level and the
distinct challenges and needs of young people in rural versus urban areas. In terms of transitions to
employment, the data show that the vast majority of young people struggle in finding jobs, are
employed or underemployed in the informal sector, and again, face rural versus urban distinctions.
There are many partners and policies working to assist young people in finding their ways from
schools and training programmes into the labour market. Most are untested and insufficiently
analyzed in terms of results achieved, however there are promising approaches. The difficult question
in terms of the aims of this study is to ask how UNICEF, given its mandate in the region, can assist in
supporting these crucial transitions for adolescents.
Certainly, the attention and political will to address the youth employment challenge is growing. This is
seen from the perspective of Governments, as shown, for example, in the increased mention of youth
employment in overall development strategies such as PRSPs. It is also true in terms of the number
of international development partners, such as the World Bank and bilateral institutions, that are
working on youth employment inventories and other policy and programme support initiatives. In
terms of UNICEF's role, this is examined more fully in section 6, however two immediate areas stand
out. The first is the obvious link to agency’s mandate to work on education. Though its main focus is
on ensuring access to primary education, it must adopt a broad perspective and recognize the need to
move beyond basic literacy and numeric skills. It must not ignore the need to progress beyond
primary school and to ensure that children become equipped young adults with adequate chances of
entering the labour market.
The second area concerns providing young people, particularly in the informal sector, with
opportunities to gain useful job skills through technical and vocational education. Here UNICEF may
have a unique role to play in ensuring that promising approaches are being more closely examined,
better evaluated, and applied to specific country contexts. The agency can also work specifically on
ensuring that employment programmes include protection and participation aspects for young people,
as this fits with its focus and appears to be lacking in almost all approaches looked at thus far. Given
that the data looked at in this section notes the vast majority of young people toil in the informal
sector, UNICEF’s specialization in child and adolescent protection is particularly relevant to these
youth employment challenges.
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———————. 2006c. World Development Report 2007: Development and the Next Generation.
48
SECTION 3: The Transition to Healthy Independence – Choosing Habits, Forming New

Relationships, and Leaving the Parental Home
3.0 The Transition to Healthy Independence
This section examines how adolescents living in West and Central Africa currently realize greater
independence as they form new relationships and leave the parental home. During this time, young
people gradually become important actors in determining their own health by adopting new habits and
testing their perceptions of risk. Accordingly, the section discusses the data and trends concerning
some of the predominant threats to adolescent health, such as HIV/AIDS and injury, as well as
maternal conditions for young women. It also briefly examines other, less predominant health issues,
such as smoking, illicit drug use, disability, and mental illness. Yet, because sexual and reproductive
development constitutes a key component of the transition to adulthood and because of the degree to
which HIV/AIDS and maternal health impacts adolescents, a substantial part of the section is devoted
the trends in sexual and reproductive health behaviour. This includes examining some of the
traditional practices and beliefs influencing young people’s decisions in this area. Next, the chapter
draws on international and regional commitments and examines existing networks and policies that
support young people in making healthy decisions when exploring new relationships and forming
families. Lastly, the section highlights promising approaches and programmes to support young
people in becoming healthy, independent adults capable of enjoying marriage and parenthood.
3.1 Overall Trends in Adolescent Health for the Sub-region
Here in Ngaoundéré [town situated in Northern Cameroon] we don’t know this word ‘youth’. The
concepts used to establish the difference between a child and an adult in Fulani are: ‘buduruwa’ and
‘derkeedjo’, which translate respectively as unmarried girl and unmarried boy.
Village elder, quoted in Waage, p. 66
In many parts of West and Central Africa, particularly its rural areas, marriage remains an essential
criterion for achieving adulthood. At a certain point, when a young man is ready to take care of
himself, i.e. able to build a house, clear sufficient land for cultivation, find a trade, or complete a series
of rituals and religious training, he weds a wife. A young woman is commonly considered ready to
wed when she is capable of running a household and bearing children. Following negotiations
between families that may involve a dowry, a bride price, or other transaction, a marriage takes place
and imbues the young with a tacit status for moral and social behaviour (Waage, 2006). Yet, change
is underway in all parts of Africa, including the West and Central region.
Global epidemiological and social changes are altering the health environment in which young people
are growing up. This includes the increasing number of young people attending school, rapid
urbanization, the spread of a global youth culture, medical and technological progress, better access
to basic health care and family planning services, and a growing acceptance of worldwide norms
relating to reproductive rights (National Research Council, 2005). Many of these changes have
simultaneously brought both improvements (e.g. more information) and serious challenges (e.g.
greater exposure to communicable diseases) to the health environment surrounding adolescents.
Next to such change, traditional rites of initiation are being postponed or losing their former
significance. Elders, such as the one quoted above, may lament the past and show concern about
unmarried adolescents who have passed the expected age for marriage and lack the means to start a
responsible adult life. Many youth live with their parents far beyond the traditional marital age and
others choose to pursue formal education and/or migrate to cities (Blum, 2004). The socialization
process is increasingly parcelled between the family, school, faith-based institutions, peers, and the
adolescent’s own, personal experiences. Marriage and parenthood used to signal an automatic
transition to independence, but now that change involves much more. It presently requires taking
responsibility to avoid risks such as HIV/AIDS, smoking, alcohol, and drugs; exploring new
opportunities, expectations and norms (in cities or otherwise); and deciding whether or not to access
and use various services.
49
Ideally, adolescence should be a time without illness and disease, but in West and Central Africa,
largely but not exclusively because of HIV/AIDS and other sexual and reproductive health issues, that
is not the case. Adolescents living in the region are particularly vulnerable because of the difficult
overall environment in which they grow up. This may include levels of poverty and deprivation,
malnutrition, as well as violence and exploitation. In this respect, the susceptibility of young people to
different diseases, and hence the transition to a healthy adulthood, is dependent on both biological
and non-biological factors. Table 3.1 provides some data relevant to the broad health context for the
region.
Table 3.1 Select overall health status indicators for West and Central Africa
% of Pop with
% of Pop with Number of Prevalence
Life access to
Select Overall access to physicians of TB per
expectancy improved
Health Status 1 improved per 10,000 100 000
at birth drinking water
Indicators sanitation2 population population
(2003) (2006)
(2004) (2006) 3
Urban Rural Urban Rural
Benin 53 78 57 59 11 <1 135
Burkina Faso 45 97 66 41 6 <1 476
Cameroon 48 88 47 58 42 2 237
Cape Verde 70 86 73 61 19 5 324
Central African Republic 42 90 51 40 25 <1 528
Chad 46 71 40 23 4 <1 570
Congo 54 95 35 19 21 2 566
Cote d'Ivoire 45 98 66 38 12 1 747
Democratic Republic of Congo 44 29 22 42 25 1 645
Equatorial Guinea 51 42 45 60 46 3 404
Gabon 58 95 47 37 30 3 428
Gambia The 57 91 81 50 55 1 423
Ghana 58 90 80 15 6 2 379
Guinea 52 91 70 33 12 1 466
Guinea-Bissau 47 82 57 48 26 1 313
Liberia 41 72 52 49 7 <1 578
Mali 45 86 48 59 39 <1 578
Mauritania 51 70 54 44 10 1 606
Niger 41 91 32 27 3 <1 314
Nigeria 45 65 30 35 25 3 615
Sao Tome and Principe 59 83 88 29 18 5 252
Senegal 56 65 93 54 9 <1 504
Sierra Leone 38 32 83 20 5 <1 977
Togo 52 40 86 24 3 <1 787
1- The percentage of population with access to an improved drinking water source in a given year. An improved drinking water
source uses technology and services that are more likely to provide safe water (e.g. household connections, public standpipes,
boreholes, protected and springs, and rainwater collections).
2- The percentage of population with access to improved sanitation in a given year. Improved sanitation facilities use technology and
services that are more likely to be sanitary (e.g. connection to a public sewers, septic systems, pour-flush latrines, simple pit latrines
and ventilated improved pit latrines).
3-The number of cases per 100 000 of TB (all forms) in a population at a given point in time (referred to as "point prevalence").
Source: World Health Organization Statistical Information System (WHOSIS), Available at: http://www.who.int/whosis, Accessed on 3
April 2009 at 2:25 PM.
While not age-specific, these indicators set the context in which young people in the region are aiming
to become healthy and productive adults. For example, a 15-year old growing up in rural Mali would
be approximately a third into her expected life course and have less than a 50 percent chance of
access to sanitation facilities such as a pour-flush toilet or simple pit latrine. A young man in urban
Sierra Leone has less than a 35 percent chance of having access to safe drinking water. An
adolescent living in a village of 30,000 in Benin will likely never see a physician and if a young
Nigerian worked in the closest town with a population of just over 100 000 people, she would be
exposed to approximately 600 people infected with tuberculosis. Improvements in the health
environment are important not only for survival, but also for overall wellbeing and productivity.
Substantial decreases in nutritional deficiencies have contributed to increasing survival rates in
50
infancy and childhood as well as to improved cognitive and physical development of those entering
adolescence (UNICEF 2008; Smith and Haddad, 2000). Advances in immunization coverage have
reduced the incidence of a range of serious childhood illnesses that lead to lasting consequences.
These statistics highlight that fact that young men and women in West and Central Africa are
vulnerable to a range of diseases and injuries. If indeed their health situation is strongly influenced by
the environment in which they grow into adulthood, then they have both biological and non-biological
vulnerabilities that require support and protection.
3.1.1 Causes of Mortality among Adolescents
Comparable data on the causes of mortality and morbidity for the sub-region are rare and in effect
unavailable for the age range of 10 to 19 years that is of primary interest to this study. The closest
approximation comes from the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Global Burden of Disease
database for young people aged 15-29 for the entire region of sub-Saharan Africa. As displayed in
Figure 3.1, the top five causes of death for young men aged 15-29 in sub-Saharan Africa are: HIV and
AIDS (34.4 per cent of all deaths in 2004), tuberculosis (10.9 per cent), violence (10.5 per cent), other
unintentional injuries (7.5 per cent), and war (6.7 per cent). In comparison, the main cause of death
among young women is also HIV and AIDS but it accounts for over 53 per cent of deaths, followed by
maternal conditions (16.7 per cent), tuberculosis (4.5 per cent), STDs excluding HIV and AIDS (1.7
per cent) and malaria (1.5 per cent).
Figure 3.1: The top five causes of death of young women and men in sub-Saharan Africa
aged 15 to 29 years (shown as percentage of deaths)
Young women 15 to 29 years of age

60
53.62
50
40
30
Young men 15 to 19 years of age
Source: The20
World Health Organization, The global burden of disease: 2004 update. Available at:
16.72
60
http://www.who.int/healthinfo/global_burden_disease/estimates_regional/en/index.html
10
50 4.51
1.74 1.53
Important gender differences
0
in the predominant causes of death among young people emerge from
these data. During adolescence,
40
34.44
HIV/AIDS young men
Maternaland women’s opportunities
Tuberculosis and
STDs excluding experiences
Malaria increasingly
diverge in ways that reflect societal norms and expectations. These HIV
conditions differences have direct
30
implications for young men and women’s health as well as for health-related behaviours (WHOa,
2007). While less true
20 than in the past, young women often live more physically restricted lives than
young men do after puberty. Thus they 10.89may be relatively
10.53
more “protected” than young men from some
risks, such as dangerous
10 work conditions, road-related accidents, 7.52 violence and 6.68
military conflict, but
they face other risks that are sex-specific, such as early pregnancy and childbearing and gender-
0
based violence (UNFPAc, 2007). Furthermore, because of their greater “protection,” young women
HIV/AIDS
may have fewer opportunities Tuberculosis
to develop Violence
the negotiating Unintentional
skills and the knowledgeWarthey need to protect
injuries
and preserve their health and remain healthy as adults (United Nations, 2006).
The mortality data also show the extent to which HIV/AIDS has come to dominate the mortality profile
of young people in the region. More than half of all deaths among 15-29-year-old women in sub-
Saharan Africa can be attributed to HIV/AIDS. Close to 20 percent are due to maternal conditions, a
category that includes pregnancy and delivery difficulties, as well as complications with abortion.
Another top cause of death for young women is sexually transmitted diseases besides HIV/AIDS. For
young men, close to 35 percent of deaths are caused by HIV/AIDS. Clearly sexual and reproductive
health is paramount to the survival of adolescents in the region and, for this reason, it is covered in
some depth later in this section.
3.1.2 Unintentional injuries / road accidents
Almost a quarter of the deaths of young men in Africa are due to a combination of unintentional
injuries, violence and war. These combined categories predominate male deaths and make up as
large a share of all maternal deaths among females of the same age group. The deaths caused by
unintentional injuries are mainly road traffic accidents (WHOb, 2008). A recent global report on youth
51
and road safety notes that road traffic injuries are the leading cause of death globally among 15–19-
year-olds, while the second leading cause of death for those in the 10–14 and 20–24 years age range
(WHOa, 2007). In Africa, road accidents account for around 105,000 deaths annually for young
people under the age of 25 (ibid).
A number of factors increase the likelihood of road traffic injuries affecting adolescents. One set of
factors relate to child development, that is, young people may not understand or react to complex
traffic situations in the same way as adults. Their size, perceptions and motor skills may limit their
ability to interpret and react to dangerous traffic situations. While younger adolescents may
inadvertently take risks because they lack appropriate skills to do otherwise, older and adolescents
may actively seek out risk. Risk-taking behaviour, such as speeding and other risky habits on the
road, may allow adolescents to feel a sense of control over their lives or sometimes to oppose
authority. These behaviours, whether as novice drivers, riders, or pedestrians, combined with
inexperience, lead to significant hazards and loss of life (WHOa, 2007).
A part of the solution requires modifying the road environment and improving both vehicle and road
conditions, which tend to be of poor standards in many parts of West and Central Africa. However,
specific guidance and support, such as setting and enforcing speed limits, helmet distribution among
school children, introducing laws on blood alcohol levels and driving, and graduated driver license
programmes are all actions that can reduce unintentional deaths (WHOa, 2007).
3.1.3 Violence and war
In times of civil unrest, young people are particularly vulnerable to the effects of war and violence. In
West and Central Africa, the problem of adolescents becoming involved in armed conflict is acute.
There are no precise numbers of the number of adolescents recruited to fight in armed conflicts, a
reality that is complicated by the fact that while conflicts flare up in some countries in the region (e.g.
Chad, DRC), others come out of fighting (e.g. Liberia, Sierra Leone). As a part of the UN Security
Council’s Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict, the Secretary-General has most recently
issued detailed reports on children and armed conflicts for the following countries in the region:
Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Chad, and Côte d'Ivoire.
The effects on the health and development of adolescents of participating in war and being a victim of
abuse are immeasurable. Some may have been recruited or abducted against their will, while others
join armies or militias because there is nothing else for them to do, and because being a soldier is
often much safer than remaining a civilian. Violence is often the only way young people can gain a
livelihood or even recognition. Young people also make up a large proportion of refugees and
internally displaced people (WCRWC, 2000). Furthermore, conflict is only one aspect of violence by
and against young people. Girls in particular are victims of multiple forms of gender-based violence,
including female genital cutting/mutilation, the worst forms of child labour, and sexual exploitation, all
of which lead to disability, morbidity and mortality (UNFPA 2005).
The causes and required responses to adolescent involvement in armed conflict are complex and
examined more closely in section five that discusses child protection in the context of Transitions to
Well-Being. For the purposes of this section, war and violence are noted not only a significant cause
of mortality among adolescents in the region, but also as part of the overall environment that
complicate their transition to a healthy independence.
3.1.4 Risk Behaviours – smoking, alcohol abuse and drug use
The acquisition of unhealthy behaviours, such as substance abuse of tobacco, alcohol and drugs,
often happens during adolescence, but the effects are felt late into life (National Research Council,
2005). Smoking often starts in adolescence, before the development of risk perception. By the time
the risk to health is recognized, addicted individuals find it difficult to stop tobacco use. Smoking tends
to be more common among adolescent males. In countries such as the Congo, Cote d’Ivoire, Mali,
Mauritania, Nigeria and Senegal, more than 20 percent of males between 13 and 15 years of age
smoke.
Table 3.2: Prevalence of tobacco use among adolescents for countries with available data
52
Percentage of adolescents age 13 to 15 years

Country and using tobacco1
Year of data
Female Male Both sexes
Benin (2003) 5.8 14.6 11.0
Burkina Faso (2006) 6.7 19.9 13.6
Congo (2006) 21.9 26.1 23.8
Cote d'Ivoire (2003) 10.3 21.7 16.5
Ghana (2006) 10.9 11.6 11.7
Mali (2001) 7.4 42.6 25.5
Mauritania (2006) 29.5 31.5 30.7
Niger (2006) 8.0 15.2 11.7
Nigeria (2000) 11.2 22.6 18.1
Senegal (2007) 9.6 20.4 14.9
Togo (2007) 7.9 17.7 14.0
1 – Prevalence of tobacco use among adolescents includes smoking and the use of oral tobacco and
snuff among 13–15-year-olds on more than one occasion in the 30 days preceding the survey.
Source: World Health Organization Statistical Information System (WHOSIS), Available at:
http://www.who.int/whosis,
More than 100 surveys on smoking among young people have been conducted as a part of the World
Health Organization’s and Centres for Disease Control and Prevention’s Global Youth Tobacco Survey
(GYTS) program. The surveys use self-administered questionnaires of in-school students who are
primarily ages 13-15. For West and Central Africa, detailed surveys are available for Burkina Faso,
Congo, Ghana, Mauritania, Niger and Togo.
Data on alcohol abuse and illicit drug use among young people in developing countries are scarce
and a great deal more is known about this in developed than developing countries. Inhalants seem to
be mostly abused by adolescents in Africa, followed by the use of cannabis. There are indications
that, during the 1990s, the abuse of drugs among young people in Africa was increasing (United
Nations, 2001).
Research suggests that, unlike smoking, many young people who experiment with illicit drugs do not
become addicted and do not continue to use when they become adults (United Nations, 2001).
However, short-term experimental drug and alcohol use can have detrimental effects on progress in
school, and the impaired judgment that results can increase the likelihood of engaging in other risky
behaviour, such as unprotected sex, drunk driving, and violence (Call et al., 2002). Of existing
programmes, it has also been noted that many address drug abuse, but few address alcohol abuse as
it is often viewed as just another example of young men and women behaving badly. The fact that
some of the youth become alcoholics at an early age is hardly recognized (Odejide, 2006). More
research needs to be done into why young people turn so easily to alcohol. Very often, the only
recreational space for young people is the bar, most of which are strongly targeted by alcohol
advertising in ways that would not be allowed in other countries.
3.1.5 Unmeasured Adolescent Health Issues: Disability and Mental Health Illness
Two aspects of adolescent health, namely disability and mental health, go virtually unmeasured and
mostly unrecognized in reports. Both of these illnesses certainly interact with the incidence of
HIV/AIDS, injury, violence and other health issues discussed thus far. It is estimated that around 10
per cent of the world’s population has some form of disability and 80 per cent of that population lives
in low-income countries (WHO, 2005). In contrast, the official census statistics for many African
countries present a much lower proportion of people with disabilities (one to three per cent), although
this is attributed to problems of data collection rather than a lower number of people with disabilities
(UN-ECA, 2008).
While it may be assumed that young people will have a lower disability prevalence rate than older
people because of illness and the aging process, many children enter youth with existing disabilities.
Moreover, conflict (and the aftermath of conflict such as injuries caused by land mines and
unexploded ordinances), the most hazardous forms of child labour in mines and plantations, and
disabilities related to child bearing (such as vaginal fistula), all contribute significantly to the increased
prevalence of disabilities among young people in African countries. Without knowing the extent of the
53
problem, it is likely that the specific needs of young people with disabilities are not being met, despite
the best efforts of organisations working with people with disabilities to raise awareness of their
concerns.
The World Health Organization estimates that up to 20 per cent children and adolescents worldwide
suffer from a mental illness (2003). In areas of Africa ravaged by conflict and HIV/AIDS, the
percentages are likely to be higher, but unfortunately, there are very few large-scale programmes that
investigate and address this issue. The impact of war and the effects of HIV/AIDS on the mental
health of young people in affected countries have received increased attention in recent years (e.g.,
UNAIDS, 2002; UNICEF, 2005). The Machel study on the impacts of armed conflict on children, talks
of “healing minds” and calls for the integration of the psychological and social needs of war-
traumatized children into all aspects of development work (United Nations, 1996).
Depression and anxiety disorders are among the most common mental health problems among young
people, with diagnoses typically peaking during the 20s. (WHO, 2003). Furthermore, a recent review
of existing literature on the health of adolescent mothers found some evidence that this group may
suffer greater rates of depression compared to older mothers (WHO, forthcoming). A few studies
reported evidence for higher rates of mental illness, especially depression, in adolescent mothers
compared to older mothers.
3.2 Trends in Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health
3.2.1 HIV and AIDS among adolescents in West and Central Africa
HIV/AIDS is now the dominant cause of death among young people in Africa. Figure 3.2 shows the
most recent HIV/AIDS prevalence rates available for youth aged 15 to 24 years for the countries of
the region. (Note: Data are unavailable for Cape Verde, Liberia and Sao Tome and Principe).
Figure 3.2: HIV/AIDS prevalence rates among youth aged 15 to 24
HIV/AIDS rate among population 15-24 years (%)
Central African Republic 2.5 7.3

Gabon 1.8 5.4
Cote d'Ivoire 1.7 5.1
Cameroon 1.4 4.9
Congo 1.2
3.7
Nigeria 0.9 2.7
Guinea-Bissau 0.9 2.5
Equatorial Guinea 0.7 2.3
Togo 0.8 2.2
Country
Democratic Republic of Congo 0.8 2.2

Chad 0.9
2.2
Gambia The 0.6 1.7
Guinea 0.5 1.4
0.5 Young Men
Burkina Faso 1.4
Ghana 0.2 1.3 Young Women
Mali 0.4 1.2
Sierra Leone 0.4 1.1
Niger 0.2 0.8
Senegal 0.2 0.6
Mauritania 0.2 0.5
Benin 0.4 1.1
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Percentage
SOURCE: UNAIDS/WHO Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic 2006 (International estimate); Accessed
via the Millennium Development Goals Database, United Nations Statistics Division at:
http://data.un.org/
54
In a few countries in the West and Central region, such as Central African Republic and Gabon, the
prevalence rates are as high as those in Eastern and Southern Africa, which is considered the
epicentre of the disease. The most recent update in epidemiological trends observed by the United
Nations Joint Programme on HIV and AIDS (UNAIDS) indicate that most of the comparatively smaller
HIV epidemics in West Africa are stable or are declining—as is the case for Burkina Faso, Côte
d’Ivoire, and Mali. In Côte d’Ivoire, HIV prevalence rates among pregnant women in urban areas fell
from 10% in 2001 to 6.9% in 2005. The largest epidemic in West Africa—in Nigeria, the continent’s
most populous country—appears to have also stabilized (UNAIDSb, 2008).
The UNAIDS 2008 update also noted that sex work is an important factor in many of West Africa’s
HIV epidemics. 35% of female sex workers surveyed in 2006 in Mali were living with HIV, and
infection levels exceeding 20% have been documented among sex workers in Senegal and Burkina
Faso. Nevertheless, the majority of HIV infections are transmitted during sexual intercourse unrelated
to sex work, such that the vulnerability of young people is strongly influenced by their sexual
behaviour.
In general, the risk of infection during unprotected sex is two to four times higher for women than for
men (UNFPA, 2003). This is evidenced in the rates presented in Figure 3.2. There are both biological
and non-biological factors behind the disparity. Biologically, the viral load is generally higher in semen
than in vaginal secretions; in vaginal intercourse a larger surface area is exposed to sexual secretions
for a woman than for a man; and the vagina and cervix of adolescent women are less mature, with a
thinner cell structure that allows the virus to pass more easily (National Research Council, 2005).
There are also interactions with other diseases. Stillwaggon (2006) examines how malaria, helminths,
parasites and malnutrition all lower the immune system to the point where the likelihood of being
infected from sexual intercourse is significantly increased. Another example relates to genital
schistosomiasis, a form of bilharzia that affects the genital tract causing lesions similar to those
caused by sexually transmitted infections in the vulva and vagina. It makes young girls particularly
susceptible to HIV infection. The species of schistosomiasis most associated with genital infection is
common in most of sub-Saharan Africa (Mabala, 2006).
The non-biological factors associated with higher HIV/AIDS prevalence among young women relate to
enduring economic, gender and age inequalities. Adolescent girls lie at the intersection between
gender and generation and are doubly vulnerable because they are female and because they are
young. Bruce and Joyce (2006) sum it up by stating: “Wherever the HIV epidemic begins … it is
inexorably heading towards the poorest, youngest and least powerful segment of society – composed
of individuals with limited social and economic assets – unable to avoid, mitigate the effects of, or
leave unsafe relationships … Hundreds and millions of girls and young women living in the path of
HIV have had no or limited benefit from schooling, feel unsafe in their communities, face a significant
risk of sexual coercion and – having few or no assets or livelihood prospects – have been compelled
to exchange sex (inside and outside of marriage) for money, gifts, food, and shelter. These girls,
whose conditions and images are increasingly evoked in policy circles, are only on the edges, at best,
of current HIV protection, care and support, and treatment programmes.”
Further, as discussed in the next section, adolescent girls in West and Central Africa marry and have
children early, which also contributes to their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. In high HIV areas, early
marriage does not protect young women from risk. While marriage reduces the number of sexual
partners, it increases frequency of sex, decreases condom use, and virtually eliminates a girl’s ability
to abstain from sex, except possibly during the postpartum period (Clark, 2004). Young wives often
have little or no decision-making power, and even if a woman knows her husband is engaging in risky
extra marital sexual relationships, she is often unable to take any action. Outside of marriage, girls
remain a particular concern because of increasing evidence of widespread practice of sexual
partnerships between girls and much older men, who provide them with money, school fees, and gifts
(UNFPAb, 2007, WHO 2004). The young girls who participate in such relationships are often
motivated by immediate economic considerations, as well as by a desire to increase their future life
chances by staying in school or establishing a livelihood. In addition, older men prefer younger sexual
partners because they are believed to be less likely to be infected with HIV (Luke, 2003). While the
evidence that these relationships lead to higher rates of HIV infection or lower rates of condom use is
mixed, it is clear that girls have relatively little power to negotiate safe sex (Blanc, 2001; Luke, 2003).
The increasing movement of young people within a country from rural to urban areas has also created
conditions that encourage the spread of disease.
Future HIV/AIDS trends among young people depend on a range of factors. Clearly, the gender
aspects of the disease necessitate that the empowerment of female adolescents be central to
55
proposed policies and interventions. Additionally, basic knowledge about the disease and ways to
prevent it are crucial. Despite the high prevalence in the region, awareness of the illness amongst
young people, especially young women, remains inadequate.
Figure 3.3: Percentage of 15-24 year-olds who have comprehensive correct knowledge of HIV/AIDS
Comprehensive correct knowledge of HIV/AIDS
Sao Tome and Principe (2006) 44

Gambia The (2006) 39
Ghana (2006) 44
34
Cameroon (2006) 34
32
Togo (2006) 28
Gabon (2000) 22 24
Senegal (2005) 24
19
Burkina Faso (2006) 23
19
Nigeria (2003) 21
Country
18
Guinea-Bissau (2006) 18
Cote d'Ivoire (2005) 28
18
Sierra Leone (2005) 17
Guinea (2005) 23
17
Central African Republic (2006) 17
Niger (2006) 16 Young Men
13
Congo (2005) 22 Young Women
10
Mali (2001) 15
9
Chad (2004) 20
8
Benin (2001) 14
8
Equatorial Guinea (2000) 4
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
Percentage
SOURCE: The State of the World’s Children 2006 New York, United Nations Children's Fund, December 2005 and
supplemented with additional data from Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), Multiple Indicators Cluster Surveys
(MICS), AIDS Indicator Survey and other nationally-representative household surveys, 2000-2005.
Figure 3.3 indicates the percentage of young women and men aged 15 to 24 years of age with a
correct, comprehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS. This is defined as being able to correctly identify the
two major ways of preventing the sexual transmission of HIV (using condoms and limiting sex to one
faithful, uninfected partner), who reject the two most common local misconceptions about HIV
transmission, and who know that a healthy-looking person can transmit HIV.
In the majority of West and Central African countries, less than a quarter of young people have
adequate knowledge of the how to prevent HV/AIDS. Sao Tome and Principe, the Gambia, Ghana
and Cameroon are among the handful of countries where more than a quarter of young people have a
comprehensive knowledge of HIV/AIDS, but even in those countries, the percentage is well under
half. Chad, Mali, Benin and Equatorial Guinea have the lowest rankings with the levels below 10 per
cent. All countries except Gabon exhibit a much lower level of knowledge amongst young women.
A similar lack of knowledge is reflected in the use of condoms by youth who last had higher-risk
sexual intercourse, that is, intercourse with a non-marital, non-cohabiting partner. Consistent correct
use of condoms within non-regular sexual partnerships substantially reduces the risk of sexual HIV
transmission and is especially important for youth given their high HIV prevalence rates. The figures
below indicate that in most of West and Central Africa, more than half of young people have
unprotected sex with non-regular partners. In countries for which data are available, young women
use condoms less than men do.
Figure 3.3: Condom use among 15-24 year-olds, at last high-risk sex
56
Condom use, 15-24 year-olds, at last high-risk sex, by sex, per cent
Sao Tome and Principe (2006)

56
Gambia The (2006)
54
Burkina Faso (2003) 54
Cameroon (2004) 57
46
Central African Republic (2006)
41
Guinea-Bissau (2006)
39
Cote d'Ivoire (2005) 53
39
Country
Senegal (2005) 36
Ghana (2003) 52
33
Gabon (2000) 33
Guinea (2005) 37
26
Nigeria (2003) 24
Sierra Leone (2005)
20
38 Young Men
Congo (2005)
20 Young Women
Niger (2006) 37
18
Mali (2006) 35
17
Chad (2004) 25
17
Benin (2006) 17
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70
Percentage
SOURCE: The State of the World’s Children 2006 New York, United Nations Children's Fund, December 2005 and
supplemented with additional data from Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), Multiple Indicators Cluster Surveys (MICS),
AIDS Indicator Survey and other nationally-representative household surveys, 2000-2005.
Given the high prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS among adolescents, matched against the serious lack of
knowledge about prevention of the disease, there is a continued need for much awareness raising
and education. As the next sections on maternal health and early marriage underscore, the non-
biological aspects of the disease, such as its intersection with gender inequalities, must also be
addressed in order to reduce substantially HIV/AIDS mortality among young people.
3.2.2 Trends in Adolescent Maternal Health and Early Childbearing
To place adolescent pregnancy in a global context, about 16 million adolescent girls ages 15-19 give
birth each year, roughly 11 percent of all births worldwide. Almost 95 percent occur in developing
countries. The adolescent fertility rate worldwide was 55.3 per thousand for the 2000-2005 period,
meaning that on average about 5.5 percent of adolescents give birth each year. However, as to be
expected, the adolescent birth rate is highly variable between and within regions and countries.
Table 3.4 Fertility Rates of 15-19 year old women and percentage change, by sub-region, over
time
1995-2000 2000-2005 Change % change
Sub-Saharan Africa 140.6 133.7 (6.91) -5%
Eastern Africa 123.7 120.5 (3.27) -3%
Middle Africa 192.4 189.5 (2.92) -2%
Northern Africa 43.8 36.9 (6.93) -16%
Southern Africa 80.5 70.4 (10.12) -13%
Western Africa 159.0 146.9 (12.10) -8%
SOURCE: UN Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2008.
West and Central Africa has the highest rates of early motherhood. While the rate has declined
slightly in Central Africa (by 2 percent) and more still in Western Africa (by 8 percent) over the last
decade, these rates still represent a large percentage of young women who are prematurely removed
57
from the education system and labour market because of early motherhood.
Some of the factors that may be influencing the slight decline in adolescent birth rates include
increases in age at first marriage, as well as increasing rates of contraceptive use among both
married and unmarried adolescents. Educational levels for girls, which are closely associated with
early childbearing, have also risen in most countries, and job opportunities have expanded. Figure 3.4
below indicates fertility trends for select countries in the sub-region.
Figure 3.4 Trends in Fertility of 15-19 year-olds, select West and Central African countries
250
Chad
Niger
200 Niger
Nigeria
Chad
Cameroon
Guinea
Burkina Faso
Adolescent fertility rate
Guinea
150
Cameroon
Senegal Burkina Faso
Congo (Brazzaville) Congo (Brazzaville)
Nigeria
Ghana
100 Senegal
Ghana
50
0
15-19 0-4
Years before survey
SOURCE: Macro International Inc, 2009. MEASURE DHS STATcompiler: http://www.measuredhs.com, Accessed April 7 2009
Scattered evidence shows that very early childbearing—to mothers under 15—occurs on a significant
scale in some countries. Because the health risks of early childbearing appear to be magnified for the
youngest mothers, these very early births are a major concern (WHOb, 2007). An analysis of DHS
data for the sub-region show that 13.4 percent of women aged 20 to 24 years gave birth before by the
age of 16 and almost 31 percent by the age of 18.
Table 3.5 Percentage of Women Having Given Birth by Age 16 and 18.
% mothers by 16 % mothers by 18
Western/Middle Africa 20-24 30-34 40-44 20-24 30-34 40-44
13.4 18.6 20.6 30.9 36.3 38.6
SOURCE: Macro International Inc, 2009. MEASURE DHS STATcompiler: http://www.measuredhs.com, Accessed April 7
2009
58
About 84% of first births to adolescents in West and Central Africa occur within marriage (National
Research Council, 2005). Although few in-depth studies exist, one examination of adolescent
pregnancy in sub-Saharan Africa showed that almost half of pregnancies to adolescents in the region
are planned (Biddlecome, 2007). However, these figures should be interpreted with caution, because
many adolescent pregnancies may be planned or intended because of oppressive social and cultural
norms, or because unmarried young women see it as their only means of establishing their identity.
Births to unmarried adolescent mothers are far more likely to be unplanned. Unplanned pregnancies
that occur outside the context of marriage are more likely to end in abortion (WHOc, 2007). The World
Health Organization has also found that a small but significant percent of adolescent pregnancies
worldwide result from non-consensual sex and rates of coerced first sex range between 10 and 45%
of girls who first had sex before age 15 (WHO, forthcoming).
Figure 3.5 Adolescent Pregnancies in sub-Saharan Africa by Planning Status and Outcome
SOURCE: Biddlecome et al., 2007.
The World Health Organization has found that the risk of dying from maternal causes is substantially
higher for women under 20 versus women in their 20s and 30s (WHO, forthcoming). Although some of
this risk can be attributed to factors other than young age that are known to raise health risks, such as
giving birth for the first time, lack of access to care, or socioeconomic status, there appears to be an
independent effect of young maternal age on pregnancy risk to the mother. Conditions for which there
is strong evidence on the association between adolescent childbearing and maternal health problems
include obesity, anaemia, malaria, sexually transmitted infection, mental illness, unsafe abortion
complications, and post-partum haemorrhage (WHO, forthcoming). For example, the WHO estimates
that up to 65 percent of women with obstetric fistula develop this as adolescents, with severe
consequences for their lives, both physically and socially (WHO, 2006). Combining the death and
disability from too-early pregnancy leaves women under 20 bearing a disproportionate burden of
pregnancy-related death and illness. Too-early childbearing also has a negative impact on the survival
of newborns. As with health risks to the mothers, a combination of physical and socioeconomic factors
place babies of youngest mothers at higher risk of dying. Studies have shown an independent
adverse effect of early pregnancy on newborn health, even after controlling for a range of other
factors (WHO, forthcoming).
The underlying reasons why young maternal age may raise the risk of maternal and newborn health
problems are greatly intertwined, and many of the causal pathways are still unclear. However, it
appears that biological, behavioural, social and economic factors combine with inadequate access
and use of care to exacerbate health problems that directly raise the risk of maternal and newborn
health problems.
For women of all ages, use of pregnancy care services is a key determinant of maternal and infant
health outcomes. In spite of a widespread assumption that young mothers are less likely to get
adequate prenatal and obstetric care, the evidence is mixed regarding the extent to which
59
adolescents use these services relative to older women. One element of pregnancy care for which
there appears to be clear evidence that adolescents are relatively disadvantaged compared to older
women is access to contraception, abortion and post-abortion care. In sub-Saharan Africa, for
example, young women under the age of 25 account for nearly 60 percent of all unsafe abortions
(WHO, 2004). Several small-scale studies show that compared to older women, a young woman is
more likely to wait until the later stages of pregnancy to seek abortion, resort to an unskilled abortion
provider or use dangerous methods to self-abort, and delay seeking care for complications (WHOb,
2007, WHO forthcoming). In terms of access to contraception, only approximately 20 percent of
sexually active females aged 15 to 19 years of age in West and Central Africa use contraception
(National Research Council, 2005).
A wide range of demand and supply side factors influence access to and use of pregnancy care. On
the demand side, some evidence shows that adolescents have relatively less personal autonomy in
making health care decisions, are more economically disadvantaged, and have less authority over
use of economic resources. On the supply side, evidence shows that the treatment adolescent
women receive from health care workers can be an important barrier to use of services (WHO,
forthcoming). The existence of parental consent laws, abortion laws, the degree to which national
health policies include language on adolescents, the legal framework addressing coercion and
violence, school pregnancy policies, minimum age at marriage laws, and policies affecting girls’
access to education and jobs are all important determinants of access to pregnancy care.
3.2.3 Trends in Adolescent Marriage
Marriage is often a key component of the transition to adulthood and in many cases, precedes the
formation of new households and families. However, marriage, in and of itself, is not necessarily a
marker of adulthood, particularly for the numerous young women who wed during adolescence.
A successful transition to adulthood recognizes the value of increased agency and personal
development. Concerning marriage, this agency entails participation in the choice of partner and the
time of the union. This helps to ensure a young person acquires an appropriate amount of human and
social capital (for example, through schooling), the knowledge and means to sustain their health
during adulthood, and the capability to make choices by developing a sense of self and personal
competence (National Research Council, 2005). A marriage that is premature and not by choice is
unlikely to nurture the prerequisites for an effective transition to adulthood.
The involvement of a young woman in the marriage process is consistent with the UN Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Article 16 requires that women are
treated equally in all matters relating to marriage and family relations and guarantees a woman “the
same right freely to choose a spouse and to enter into marriage only with their free and full consent”.
Though the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child does not mention child marriage, it does define
childhood as up to age 18. There is an emerging international consensus that countries are in
violation of UN conventions by permitting marriage before that age. Table 3.6 gives the minimum age
at marriage without parental consent for men and women in West and Central African countries. The
differences in ages for young women and men present a challenge of perceived inequality between
the sexes.
Table 3.6 Minimum ages for marriage without parental consent for men and women (2000)
Country Male Female Country Male Female
Benin n/a n/a Ghana 21 21
Burkina Faso 20 17 Guinea 18 17
Cameroon 18 15 Guinea-Bissau 18 15
Cape Verde n/a n/a Liberia 16 16
Central African Republic 18 18 Mali 21 18
Chad None 14 Mauritania n/a N/a
Congo n/a n/a Niger n/a N/a
Cote d'Ivoire n/a n/a Nigeria 18 18
Dem. Republic of Congo 18 15 Sao Tome and Principe n/a N/a
Equatorial Guinea n/a n/a Senegal 20 16
60
Gabon 18 15 Sierra Leone 21 18

Gambia The None none Togo 20 17
SOURCE: International Planned Parenthood Foundation and International Women’s Rights Action Watch, 2000, as presented in
National Research Council, 2005.
Though most countries in West and Central Africa have laws specifying a minimum age at marriage,
these are not generally enforced and, in a majority of countries, the actual age at marriage is lower
than the legal age. While the data below indicate a substantial decline in marriage among young
women 15–19 years old in West and Central Africa, child marriage, defined as marriage before the
age of 18, is still widespread and represents a major human rights violation.
Table 3.7: Percentage of women and men married by age, over time
Western and Ages 15 to 19 Ages 20 to 24 Ages 25 to 29
Central Africa 1970- 1990- Annual 1970- 1990- Annual 1970- 1990- Annual
1989 2000 change 1989 2000 change 1989 2000 change
Females 53.0 38.4 -.89 85.1 78.6 -.40 93.5 92.3 -0.05
Males - - - 28.4 26.5 -.10 61.6 60.5 -0.04
SOURCE: UN Population Division Database – Marriage Patterns, 1960 –2001
The decline in marriage of young women 15 to 19 years of age from 53 percent to 38.4 percent is a
substantial change over time. There has also been a decline in early marriage for men in the region,
but not nearly as steep. Nevertheless, this rate of marriage for 15 to 19 years olds at 38.4 percent is
the highest in the world. As recent data indicate, the rate of marriage for women aged 15 to 19 years
remains as high as 58.9 percent in Niger, 39.9 percent in Chad, 36.4 percent in Mali and 30.9 percent
in populous Nigeria. For many other countries in the region, such as Burkina Faso, Senegal and
Mauritania, over a quarter of 15 to 19 years old are currently married.
Figure 3.6 Current marital status – Percentage of young women currently married, according to age
Percentage of young women by current marital status, according to age
90 86.1 Age 15 to 19
81.1 80.6 Age 20 to 24
80
70.8 70.1
70
60.5 61.2
58.9 59.2
60
54.2
52.5
50.9
50 46.3
39.9 40.9 40.2

40 36.4
30.9 29.5
30 27.1 26.8
25.4 24
19.4 19.2
20 18 16.3
15.5
11.9 11.8
10 7.6 2.5
2.7
1.7
0
Niger Chad Mali Nigeria Guinea Burkina Senegal MauritaniaCameroon Benin Democratic Cote Togo Liberia Ghana Gabon Congo
Faso Republic of d'Ivoire
Congo
SOURCE: Macro International Inc, 2009. MEASURE DHS STATcompiler: http://www.measuredhs.com, Accessed April 2 2009.
Research has been undertaken on how early marriage is related to the amount of schooling an
individual has, as well as socioeconomic status and rural-urban geography. The analysis, which is not
exclusive to West and Central Africa but incorporates Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data
from some of the countries in the region, found that young women and men with 8 or more years of
schooling are much less likely to marry early than are those with 0-3 years of schooling (National
61
Research Council, 2005). Women and men in the top wealth category are much less likely to marry at
young ages than are those in the bottom category, and those in urban areas are much less likely to
marry early than young people living in the countryside. While all of these differences are
considerable for women, greater variability exists in the timing of marriage by education than by
household economic status or residence (ibid).
Although the increase of young women staying in school is often cited as the main reason for the
decline in early marriage, there is also some discussion in the literature that men are delaying
marriage due to the financial burden. With high unemployment, it is often difficult for males to
generate the necessary funds to marry (Waage, 2006; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994).
The age gap between spouses is receiving increasing attention and is especially relevant to West and
Central Africa. The graph below presents recent DHS data that analyses the age differences between
spouses by age of marriage of the wife. These data indicate that women who marry before age 18 are
more likely to have significantly older spouses. The influence of a spousal age gap and how it affects
the dynamics within the marriage as experienced by the couple deserves closer attention, as little is
documented on the topic. However, as noted in the section on HIV/AIDS, young brides married to
older men tend to be more economically dependent on their husbands and are at greater risk because
of the inability to negotiate safe terms for sexual intercourse.
Figure 3.7 Mean spouse age difference by woman’s

age at marriage
Mean Age Difference Between Spouse
14
12
Mean age difference
10
0
14-15 16-17 18-19 20-21 22-33 24-25
Woman's Age at Marriage
Western and Central Africa Eastern and Southern Africa
SOURCE: Demographic and Health Surveys as tabulated by Lloyd, 2005.
The graph in Figure 3.6 includes data for Eastern and Southern Africa for comparison sake, that is, to
demonstrate the degree to which larger spousal age differences are present in Western and Central
Africa. One explanation is that polygamy is still commonly practiced, especially in Western Africa.
Polygamous marriages are characterized by a large age gap between spouses, as adolescents often
become younger wives of older men (National research C0uncil, 2005). Though polygamy is expected
to decline with increasing urbanization, schooling, and exposure to the West, the data indicate that it
remains an important factor in the transitions to marriage in many young girls’ lives.
Table 3.8 Percentage of currently married women in polygamous marriage, by age

Country Age in five-year categories
15 to 19 20 to 24 25 to 29
Benin (2006) 27.4 27.5 38.80
Burkina Faso (2003) 29.1 32.6 41.4
Cameroon (2004) 19.0 19.8 29.2
Chad (2004) 18.8 27.3 32.0
Congo (2005) 10.3 7.8 13.4
Dem. Republic of the Congo (2007) 11.9 15.8 19.9
62
Cote d’Ivoire (1999) 23.5 27 27

Gabon (2000) 15.2 16.4 16.8
Ghana (2003) 9.9 14.1 15.2
Guinea (2005) 32.8 38.0 45.7
Liberia (2007) 10.3 12.2 14.8
Mali (2006) 20.0 27.5 35.5
Mauritania (2001) 4.5 7.1 6.6
Niger (2006) 18.6 25.6 35.8
Nigeria (2003) 26.9 26.1 32.6
Senegal (2005) 19.8 24.3 33.7
Togo (1998) 22.8 28.7 37.8
SOURCE: Macro International Inc, 2009. MEASURE DHS STATcompiler: http://www.measuredhs.com, Accessed
April 2 2009.
Very little is documented about the experiences of female adolescents in marriages with significantly
older spouses and/or in polygamous unions. Much more needs to be understood, particularly from the
perspective of the young woman themselves, in order to ensure that adolescents have a safe and
healthy transition to adulthood through marriage. Protective measures and supportive interventions
would be better designed with a more solid understanding of the nature of marital relations among
those newly wed. This includes the effects of significant age difference between spouses, the
decision-making process surrounding marriage, the nexus between marital behaviour, household
formation and structure, and financial transfers between families.
Young people’s first relationships and sexual experiences signal an important dimension in the
transition from childhood to adulthood. Not only do they indicate the possibilities of marriage and
parenthood, they also bring opportunities for further personal development. Unfortunately, the
negative health consequences of sexual behaviour among young people — HIV/AIDS and other
sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies, and premature parenthood — receive the bulk
of attention. Yet sexual initiation can also indicate a process of increasing awareness and appreciation
of one’s body, consolidation of personal identity, the establishment of mature relationships with others,
and the development of negotiation skills (Schutt-Aine and Maddaleno, 2003). Several policies are in
place to help guide and protect this part of a child’s transition to adulthood. Some are described briefly
below.
3.3.1. Adolescent Health in the World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY)
Health is one of the ten priority areas identified by the international community in the World
Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY). The Programme notes that youth often suffer from poor
health because of societal conditions, including customary attitudes and harmful traditional practices
and, in some cases, as a result of young people’s own actions. Poor health is often caused by an
unhealthy environment, such as missing support systems, a lack of information, and inadequate or
inappropriate health services. The Programme notes the indispensable responsibility of each
Government to mobilize the necessary awareness, resources and channels to achieve the goals of
national health-for-all strategies. Because poor health is often caused by lack of information for youth,
the Programme emphasizes the development of health education through the curricula at the primary
and secondary levels, as well as other, informal channels. These programmes need to be developed
in full awareness of the needs and priorities of young people and with their involvement. For example,
Governments, in cooperation with youth organizations, should promote healthier lifestyles and, in this
context, should investigate the possibility of adopting policies for discouraging drug, tobacco and
alcohol abuse.
In terms of sexual and reproductive health, the WPAY notes that early childbearing continues to be an
impediment to improvements in the educational, economic and social status of women in all parts of
the world. Overall for young women, early marriage and early motherhood can severely curtail
educational and employment opportunities and are likely to have a long-term adverse impact on the
quality of life of young women and their children. The Programme suggests that the response of
societies to the reproductive health needs of adolescents should be based on information that helps
63
them attain a level of maturity required to make responsible decisions. In particular, information and
services should be made available to adolescents to help them understand their sexuality and protect
them from unwanted pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases and the subsequent risk of infertility.
This should be combined with the education of young men to respect women’s self-determination and
to share responsibility with women in matters of sexuality and reproduction.
Most recently, the UN General Assembly decided to adopt the Supplement to the WPAY that more
fully outlined proposals for action to address the HIV/AIDS pandemic among young people. It is
essential for Governments to implement the Declaration of Commitment on HIV/AIDS adopted by the
General Assembly and to achieve the internationally agreed development goals and objectives, in
particular the goal to halt and begin to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS by 2015. The WPAY
supplement places raising awareness of prevention, supporting universal HIV/AIDS education, and
advancing legislation and legal instruments to protect vulnerable youth at the centre of action to help
combat the disease. It also requires that all programmes aimed at providing information about and
preventing HIV/AIDS among youth take into account the gender aspects and disproportionate
vulnerability of girls and young women to the disease.
3.3.2 Health in the African Youth Charter
Several articles in the African Youth Charter (AYC) relates to a young person’s health and well-being.
Article 16 specifically outlines the rights of young people in terms of health with an emphasis on
equitable access to medical assistance and health care especially in rural and poor urban areas and
with an emphasis on the development of primary health care. The charter also notes in several places
the need for the full involvement of youth in identifying their health needs and designing programmes
that respond to these needs with special attention to vulnerable and disadvantaged youth. In terms of
outlining responsibilities, the Charter notes that youth must engage in peer-to-peer education to
promote youth development in areas such as literacy, good health and lifestyle practices, and
HIV/AIDS prevention.
Article 8 on the Protection of the Family notes that young men and women of full age who enter into
marriage shall do so based on their free consent and shall enjoy equal rights and responsibilities.
Article 25 stipulates the elimination of harmful social and cultural practices that affect the welfare and
dignity of youth, in particular, customs and practices that are discriminatory to youth based on gender,
age or other status.
3.3.3 ICPD at 15 and Millennium Development Goal 5 and 6
The International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) was convened under the
auspices of the United Nations in Cairo, Egypt and was the largest intergovernmental conference on
population and development ever held. The Programme of Action, adopted by acclamation in
September 1994, endorses a strategy that focuses on meeting the needs of individual women and
men. One of the primary goals of the Programme of Action is to make family planning universally
available by 2015 as part of a broadened approach to reproductive health and rights. It also includes
goals concerning education, especially for girls, as well as goals to further reduce levels of infant,
child and maternal mortality. Key to the ICDP approach is the empowerment of women by providing
them with more choices through expanded access to education and health services, skill development
and employment, and through their full involvement in policy- and decision-making processes at all
levels.
2009 marks the 15th anniversary of the ICPD and signals the five years remaining to fulfil the
commitments made at Cairo. UNFPA, the lead agency in implementing the ICPD Programme of
Action, is taking the opportunity to acknowledge gaps and challenges, to consolidate lessons learned
over the last 15 years, and to come up with practical recommendations for accelerating progress. A
series of events and technical meetings will take place in 2009 as listed at:
http://www.unfpa.org/icpd/15/events.cfm
The outcomes of the ICPD underpin the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Increasing
international attention is being paid to the need to accelerate progress towards achieving Goal 5,
which is to improve maternal health and Goal 6, which is to combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other
diseases. Most recently, in February of 2009, governments, donor agencies and several
representatives of UN agencies met in Stockholm and Washington to discuss a coordinated approach
to securing resources in these areas. In particular, UNFPA and WHO made a strong case as to why
giving special attention to adolescents is important for reaching MDG 5 and 6 (personal communiqué
64
with UNFPA and WHO staff, 2009).
3.4 Key International and Regional Partners and Networks
In addition to UNICEF’s existing work, several partners are working to advance young people’s sexual
and reproductive health, as well as access to overall health education and services. Some are
described below.
United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Adolescent Youth Cluster, Reproductive Health
Branch (www.unfpa.org/adolescents/index.htm)
Given UNFPA’s crosscutting mandates on sustainable population development, reproductive health,

and gender equality, it is fitting that the agency is a strong proponent of adolescent rights and
development. Last year, the Fund launched its Framework for Action on Adolescents and Youth that
outlines a strategic direction to optimize UNFPA’s work with and for adolescents. In particular, the
Framework contains key elements that every UNFPA-supported adolescent and youth programme.
Under this framework, UNFPA has begun an “Adolescent Policy Analysis, Capacity Building and
Advocacy project” and commissioned the Population Council to undertake an in-depth analysis of
available data on adolescent health in a series of countries. This series of studies will focus
specifically on mapping the diversity among adolescents (e.g. be very specific in terms of rural-urban
and peri-urban dynamics), as well as focus on what UNFPA defines as “very young adolescents”
(VYAs), those 10-14-years-old, as a sub-group that currently receives minimal attention. The agency
is also piloting a series of service coverage exercises in select to determine exactly which segments
of the youth population within specific countries are being reached by existing health services.
Additionally, UNFPA has extensively supported the development of youth networks at the regional and
international level. This includes the Global Youth Partners (http://www.unfpa.org/hiv/gyp), Y-PEER
(http://www.youthpeer.net/site/index.php), the Global Youth Coalition on AIDS – GYCA
(http://www.youthaidscoalition.org/) and the African Youth Network on Population and Development
(http://www.unfpa.org/public/global/pid/270). Most of these networks operate through the Internet and
assist in peer education and advocacy for youth issues in international and regional forums. UNFPA is
also working to increase the number of Youth Advisory Panels or similar structures working at the
national level with its country offices.
The WHO Child and Adolescent Health (CAH) and Making Pregnancy Safer (MPS) Departments
(www.who.int/child_adolescent_health/en/index.html)
Within the WHO there are several units that share in the mandate of adolescent health issues. These
include the Department of Child Health and Adolescent Development (CAH), the Department of
Reproductive Health and Research (RHR), Department of Making Pregnancy Safer (MPS), and to
some extent, the Department of Gender, Women and Health (GWH). The Department of Child and
Adolescent Health and Development (CAH) advocates for a comprehensive, multisectoral approach
to adolescent health and development, but focuses its technical assistance on the contribution of the
health sector. It uses HIV and maternal mortality as entry points to working to advance international
development commitments. The WHO Regional Office for Africa
(http://www.afro.who.int/adh/index.html) is located in Libreville, Gabon and has both a Child and
Adolescent Health and Making Pregnancy Safer advisor.
Most recently, the Making Pregnancy Safer Department has initiated cooperation with the other
relevant WHO Departments to strengthen the agency’s response to incorporating adolescent
concerns into its existing work. Governments and WHO country and regional offices have shown
strong interest in receiving guidance on addressing pregnancy in women under 20, as adequately
addressing the health needs of adolescent is increasingly becoming a key strategy to achieve
internationally-agreed development goals. In February 2009, WHO held a technical meeting to review
current evidence on adolescent pregnancy and guide the determination to mainstream adolescent
pregnancy issues within the framework of the WHO Strategic Approach to Improving Maternal and
Newborn Survival and Health . As a result of the meeting, there is expected to be strengthened
coordination on adolescent health among relevant WHO Departments, as well as increased technical
support to the regional offices in response to country-driven needs.
The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS – UNAIDS
65
(www.unaids.org/en/PolicyAndPractice/KeyPopulations/YoungPeople/)
UNAIDS is a joint initiative of ten UN system organizations that works to help the world prevent new
HIV infections, care for people living with HIV, and mitigate the impact of the epidemic. It has
headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland and works on the ground in more than 80 countries worldwide.
UNAIDS recognizes young people as a key population and works to produce knowledge and
publications to combat the disease among young people, for example, the guide entitled “Preventing
HIV/AIDS in young People: A systematic review of the evidence from developing” (2006).
The World Bank’s Adolescent Girls Initiative
This is one of two recent and related initiatives (see the Girl Effect below) that aims to significant
increase the attention and support available to young women in making their transition to adulthood.
The purpose of the Adolescent Girls Initiative (AGI), which is a part of the World Bank Group’s Gender
Action Plan-Gender Equality as Smart Economics, is to smooth the transition from school to
productive employment for girls and young women aged 16-24 by helping them complete their
education, build skills that match market demand, find mentors and job placements, and by offering
incentives to potential employers to hire, retain and train young women. The Initiative has its origins
in World Bank President Zoellick’s six commitments to promote gender equality and was announced
in April 2008. One of these commitments was to “launch a work program with private and public sector
leaders on ‘young women count for economic development’.” Since then, the World Bank and the
Nike Foundation have been at work designing the first pilot in Liberia, which is due to launch in early
2009.
The Girl Effect (http://www.girleffect.org)
The Girl Effect is rooted in the work of the Nike Foundation, which is joined by several other partners
(the UN Foundation, the International Centre for Research on Women, the Population Council, CARE,
to name a few) to create opportunities for girls around the world. Essentially, the Girl Effect is a
polished campaign to educate a range of actors on the cascading positive effects of providing
opportunities to girls and young women. It also signals the increasing involvement of new actors, such
as the private foundations and the corporate sector, in advancing development through addressing
adolescent concerns
USAID’s Interagency Youth Working Group (IYWG) (http://www.infoforhealth.org/youthwg/)
The Interagency Youth Working Group (IYWG) was formed in 2006 and meets annually to advance
USAID’s mission to provide global technical leadership to advance the reproductive health and
HIV/AIDS outcomes of young people ages 10-24 in developing countries. The network consists of
nongovernmental agencies, donors, and cooperating agencies. IYWG partner organizations are
funded by USAID through the Global Leadership Priority (GLP) for Youth. Some if its activities include
the creation of the youth comparative reports and youth corner on the Measure DHS website as well
as a series of project evaluations and publications in cooperation with Family Health International
(FHI).
The Youth Coalition (http://www.youthcoalition.org)
The Youth Coalition is an international organization of young people (ages 15-29 years) committed to
promoting adolescent and youth sexual and reproductive rights at the national, regional and
international levels. It is a strong network that works to ensure that the sexual and reproductive rights
of all young people are respected, guaranteed and promoted. Activities include advocating, generating
knowledge, sharing information, building partnerships and training young activists with a focus on the
regional and international levels. Members participate in training and conferences with the objectives
to advocate for the inclusion of youth-friendly language in international documents and agreements
and build the capacity of young people working on sexual and reproductive rights issues to advocate
on their own behalf.
UN Office for Drugs and Crime’s (UNODC) Global Youth Network
The Global Youth Network project is run by UNODC to increase youth involvement with the
international community in developing drug abuse prevention policies and programmes. It aims to
create a community of interest among youth and youth workers in the field of drug abuse prevention.
The network has three main objectives: increase communication between youth groups and UNODC,
66
collect and disseminate information on good practices, and build the capacity of youth groups across
the world to successfully conceptualise and implement drug abuse prevention projects. They have
regional networks, but in Africa this is presently limited to East African countries.
Adolescence is a time when children become significant actors in determining their own health. Part of
the factors that challenge a young person’s transition to a healthy adulthood are environmental, for
example inadequate health care systems, the lack of a safe and sanitary living environment,
malnutrition, exposure to infectious (e.g. tuberculosis, malaria), parasitic and other communicable
diseases. Other factors involve their own choices, that is, school attendance, participation in
community-based youth groups or activities, the consumption tobacco, alcohol and drugs,
unwarranted risk-taking and destructive activity that results in injury, and the choice to abstain or
practice safe sex. The design and implementation of health interventions, programmes and services
for young people can thus have a considerable effect on their lifelong habits and behaviours.
Despite the emergence of a global consensus that young people are a population subgroup
warranting special attention, most adolescent health interventions have not been rigorously evaluated.
There are a few recently published studies using more rigorous evaluation designs, such as the
UNAIDS Inter-Agency Task Team on Young People’s systematic review of evidence from developing
countries on preventing HIV/AIDS and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded
FOCUS on Young Adults project. Many of the recommendations and lessons learned discussed below
stem from this limited pool of knowledge.
In its systematic review of evidence from developing countries, the UNAIDS Task Team on Young
People reviewed 80 studies and categorized the interventions based on the settings and strategies
used to reach young people. It was determined that undertaking sexual and reproductive health
education programs in schools has the potential to reach a large number of young people in countries
in which school enrolment rates are high. Such interventions are most effective when they are
curriculum-based and led by trained adults and role models. Given the rising proportions of young
people attending school, UNICEF should use this opportunity to reach more people with school-based
health education and interventions. The data presented in this section indicate that the years between
roughly ages 10 and 14 are a window of opportunity to reach young people before they become
sexually active and assume risk behaviours.
Another strategy that is deemed effective enough to implement on a large scale (with monitoring of
coverage and quality) is the use of mass media (radio, television and other available channels) to
deliver positive messages and accurate information. Young people are much attuned to media
messages, however a caution must be noted here. It is clear from the evidence presented in this
section that individual behaviour change is not the overall solution to many of the health issues that
confront youth, particularly as it concerns the situation of adolescent girls. Given the chance,
adolescents and youth can be the most constructive contributors to their own health and the health of
their communities, not just recipients of behavioural messages.
There is mixed evidence on the use of youth-friendly service initiatives, that is, making the use of
existing reproductive health services more acceptable and less daunting to young people. Training
health care service providers and undertaking steps to improve the overall quality of facilities are
particularly effective. Youth-friendly services placed in existing facilities can also provide a wide range
of services for young people in a single setting, allowing for other beneficial support and activities to
be offered.
Specific to West and Central Africa, there is also a tendency to use youth centres to offer health
information and services to young people. Youth centres generally have recreational and
educational/training components, as well as reproductive health counselling and clinical components.
Some youth centres also include peer educators who refer young people to the centre for both
recreational and health service visits. However, the evidence on the impact of youth centres on
service utilization is limited. The only rigorous study currently available is an evaluation of the
Association Togolaise pour le Bien-Etre Familiale (ATBEF) youth centre in Lomé, Togo (Speizer et al.,
2004). However, as discussed below, this study reached important conclusions.
At baseline, only a small percentage of youth knew about the ATBEF Youth Centre. The proportion
that had knowledge of the youth centre increased considerably over the study’s follow-up period,
partly due to greater exposure to peer educators and media messages promoting the facility and
67
partly due to informants learning about the youth centre at prior interview. Increases in youth centre
use rose by about an absolute value of 3% between the baseline and first follow-up, and the first
follow-up and the second follow-up. This suggests that use of the youth centre is rising over time,
although slowly. The results also demonstrated that youth who were exposed to a peer educator were
significantly more likely to have ever visited the youth centre than youth who never had contact with a
peer educator. Further, media exposure was positively associated with youth centre use, as ATBEF
advertised the youth centre on the local television station.
The study also showed that proximity to the youth centre matters. Youth who lived closer to the youth
centre were significantly more likely to have ever visited the youth centre than youth who lived further
away. Most importantly, youth centre use was significantly associated with contraceptive adoption and
consistent contraceptive use over the follow-up period. Peer educator contact also appeared
important for promoting visits to the youth centre as well as encouraging contraceptive use. The final
analysis examined whether clinical users of the youth centre were different from users of the other
clinical facilities. Indeed, clinic users of the youth centre were significantly younger and significantly
less likely to be married than clinic users of the other facilities. These are two important target groups
for the ATBEF Youth Centre clinic.
The comprehensive evaluation of the ATBEF youth centre points to the effectiveness of multi-
component, community-based programmes, a finding that is increasingly supported by other studies
as well (WHOd, 2007, National Research Council, 2005). Recognizing the diversity of risk factors in a
young person’s environment, multiple-component community-based health programmes for young
people are increasingly offering an integrated approach to adolescent health. When strategies such
as mass media messaging are coordinated with accessible services and peer outreach, desired
results in positively affecting young people’s habits and behaviours are achievable. Multiple
component programmes also acknowledge that no program strategy can work for all young people.
Some young people attend school while others do not; some are married while others are not; some
are HIV positive while others are not; some are parents while others are not. Programming for
adolescents must recognize this diversity.
3.5 Conclusions
In accordance with its programmatic focus on maternal health, child protection, and HIV/AIDS
prevention, there is much UNICEF can do to support adolescents in their transition to a healthy
independence.
UNICEF can work with partners to support multiple-component, community-based health programmes
for adolescents that combine the strategies described above as showing effectiveness. This includes
school-based interventions and health education, training of service providers, working to ensure
facilities are youth friendly and using widespread media to promote health messages. These
strategies are likely to be particularly effective if 1) they are designed to be culturally appropriate in the
local context and sensitive to the expressed needs of young and 2) they are informed by evidence
and take into account available data on the major health risks to young people in the region.
In terms of being culturally appropriate and sensitive to the needs of young people, programmes must
involve young people in the identification of issues and design of responses. A youth focus to health
strategies, therefore, depends on youth participation, a topic revisited in section four. There is a need
to look beyond adolescents solely as the ‘targets’ of health interventions and messages and to ensure
that they are given opportunities to participate actively in developing and implementing their own
programmes.
In terms of ensuring that strategies to support young people are evidence-based and informed by
current trends, this section provides important signposts:
• Substantial proportions of young people are sexually active at a young age in the sub-region, as
made inescapably clear by the HIV/AIDS pandemic. While most young women first have sex in a
marital relationship, substantial proportions do not. Moreover, in areas with high HIV prevalence,
marriage does not protect young women from risk. While marriage reduces the number of sexual
partners, it increases the frequency of sex, decreases condom use, and virtually eliminates a girl’s
ability to abstain from sex.
• Mortality and morbidity related to pregnancy and early childbirth are the most significant risks to
68
the health of girls and young women. Due to their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS, which is present for
both married and unmarried young adolescents, they must be at the centre of related
interventions. Protective measures must take into account the range of social, economic and
biological factors that place young female adolescents at greater risk. In particular, more
information is needed on the experiences of young adolescents within marriages in order to
effectively support and respond to their needs.
• Compared with young women, young men in developing countries are disproportionately likely to
be affected by road traffic accidents, violence, and war. In some countries, for example, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, violence caused by civil war has
characterized the experience of an entire generation of young men.
• It is difficult to quantify and fully understand the use of tobacco, illicit drugs, and alcohol abuse
among young people in the region, but data would suggest it is increasingly compromising the
health of adolescents in the region. Efforts to support healthy behaviours in regards to these
substances can have a lasting, lifelong positive effect for adolescents.
• Important aspects of young people’s health, such as disabilities and mental health problems are
often ignored conditions among young people. They must be acknowledged and addressed
alongside other threats to young people’s health, such as communicable diseases.
• The overall environment, in terms of aspects such as access to health care services, nutrition,
water and sanitation and other contextual factors, are quite difficult in terms of supporting young
people to maintain good health. As much as possible, programme responses should work to
address these overarching issues in addition to adolescent-specific concerns.
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SECTION 4: The Transition to Active Citizenship –Effective Engagement and

Meaningful Participation in Decision-Making
4.0 The Transition to Active Citizenship
An effective transition to adulthood involves the acquisition of civic rights and responsibilities, as well
as greater participation in the decisions that affect one’s life. This ideally begins in the family and
home, an adolescent’s immediate environment, and gradually extends to wider surroundings, such as
school or the larger community. Eventually, participation and engagement should broaden to areas of
national development, through activities such as voting and volunteering, and may even take on
global dimensions.
This section examines more closely how young people in West and Central Africa currently
experience transitions that pertain to acquiring greater agency in their societies. It presents some of
the trends that concern active citizenship, drawing on a range of its facets, from participation in home
life to community service, to civil society organizations and political processes. Next, it discusses
international and regional commitments and examines existing efforts to foster active citizenship in the
region. Lastly, the section highlights promising approaches to support young people in moving
towards effective engagement and meaningful participation in decision-making, with the aim of
helping UNICEF determine how best to assist in this aspect of adolescent development in the region.
4.1 Expanding Citizenship to Many Spheres of Adolescent Development
In its simplest form, citizenship is being vested with the duties, rights, and privileges of membership in
a society (Buckingham, 2000, Gaventa, 2002). Ideally, citizens have an interest and a stake in the
functioning and progress of their societies. However, to actively participate in a community, a young
person must have developed a degree of self-confidence, learned to interact with others, become able
to voice one’s needs and aspirations, and have the freedom to have an opinion. In this sense, the
process of learning citizenship begins in places like the home or school. A broader concept of
citizenship encompasses more than a narrow relationship between an individual and a state and links
directly to the concepts of adolescent participation and development. Full citizenship requires a young
person to acquire the capacity, relationships, and social skills to fully participate in a society’s
functioning. The activities, duties and rights most often considered a part of citizenship (e.g. obeying
laws, becoming self-sufficient, contributing to society, helping others) are a major part of a young
person’s socialization and transition to adulthood (Hart, 1992).
Fully optimizing the opportunities for participation that young people have in a range of social
environments is instrumental to their development and the transitions they make to adulthood. A
crosscutting issue to emerge from this study is the need for adolescents to participate in all areas of
their development and to have better access to information and opportunities to make informed
decisions about their lives. The proactive role that adolescents develop as part of the transition to
active citizenship links closely to their ability to guide other important transitions in the areas of health,
schooling, and work. Furthermore, this study has highlighted that despite increasing attention to
adolescent programming in Africa, there a dearth of data and accurate information to guide successful
programming. For example, little is well understood about the dynamics around decisions for
adolescents to stay or leave formal schooling, the challenges faced by numerous youth in the informal
economy, or the experience of adolescents in marriage and parenthood. In the absence of adequate
data, one safeguard to ensuring that policies and programmes work for young people is to make
certain a high degree of input and involvement from the young constituents that such efforts aim to
support and protect. This is particularly the case for integrating gender issues, for as long as
interventions remain unresponsive to the specific needs of female adolescents, the challenges facing
girls and young women in such areas as greater vulnerability to HIV/AIDS and difficulties in finding
decent jobs will persist. Supporting young women’s participation in the decisions that affect their lives,
and by extension their active citizenship, is essential to enabling their successful transitions to
adulthood.
72
There are other reasons to support young people in acquiring a greater stake in the functioning of
their societies. Young people who do not have such opportunities may be more likely to feel alienated,
to have a sense of hopelessness, and to engage in high-risk or antisocial behaviour (Urdal, 2007).
Individuals excluded from full citizenship may express apathy toward civic involvement, while others
may turn to violence, either to disrupt the system that denies them full rights or to create alternative
opportunities in which they find belonging and participation (National Research Council, 2005). A
young person’s early experiences of citizenship are formative and have lasting effects on the extent
and kind of participation throughout the life course (United Nations, 2007). When young people share
in society’s values, have stable social memberships, and participate fully in social life, it discourages
illicit activity and provides a sense of safety and protection. This is important for societies in West and
Central Africa, where citizenship involves membership in family units, religious communities, and
ethnic groups and is not constructed entirely in terms of the individual (Fokwang, 2006).
4.2 Overall Trends in Citizenship and Adolescent Participation
No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes that
continue to evolve over a lifetime. Young people must be included from birth.
Kofi Annan, 7th Secretary-General of the United Nations
This chapter uses a broad definition of citizenship in order to capture and understand the range of
possibilities that young people have to engage with and participate in their societies. It looks at
available data and trends in relation to the many opportunities available to adolescents to develop and
assume adult responsibilities in citizenship. These areas of engagement and some of the associated
activities are depicted below.
Figure 4.1: Building Blocks for Citizenship: Areas of adolescents engagement and related activities
(Internet activism)
(global youth culture)
Global Awareness &
Citizenship
(study abroad) (UN meetings)

(military or national service)
(media and information)
National Development
(formal politics, voting)

(national youth councils and other organizations)
(volunteerism)
(recreational spaces)
Community & School
(livelihood skills)
(sports) (youth organizations)
(emotional/ developmental support)

(confidence-building)
Family & the Home
(role in decision-making)
73
4.2.1 Engagement and Participation in the Family and the Home
The family is a fundamental unit of society in which adolescents grow and develop. The immediate
environment of the family can provide an adolescent with the self-confidence that fosters expression
and involvement within and beyond the home. At the age of adolescence, a child has the capacity to
contribute to many household activities and decisions. Gradually increasing an adolescent’s
contributions and responsibilities in the home is a way to encourage a sense of competence, increase
sensitivity to the perspectives and needs of others, impart democratic values and behaviours, and
prepare for lifelong patterns of learning (Ansell, 2005). Simply put, the agency of young people in the
family contributes to the attainment of skills and qualities for greater agency outside the home
(Kabeer, 2002).
Relationships and roles within a family are complex. How adolescents negotiate adult control and the
power relations in a family is influenced by a number of factors, including birth order, the number of
siblings, age, gender, and access to and distribution of household resources (Robson, 2007). Parents
often set the rules for young people in the household, establish the perimeters of discipline and
decision-making, and thus have a major influence on an adolescent’s agency in the home. As with
many areas of adolescent development, there is some ambiguity between providing guidance and
discipline versus acknowledging and fostering an adolescent’s self-reliance and agency.
Simultaneously acknowledging an adolescent’s dependency and agency is an area where adults
often require support. The Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes this aspect in adolescent
development by noting that the views of a child should be given “due weight in accordance with the
age and maturity of the child” (United Nations, 1992). Treating adolescents as competent social
beings, that is as “doers” and “thinkers” rather than as “not-yet-adults”, is an important component to
developing the self-sufficiency required for active citizenship (Lovell, 2006).
A young person’s ability to exercise agency in the home also depends on the demands of everyday
life. In many parts of West and Central Africa, socio-economic needs determine an adolescent’s roles
and responsibilities in the household. Poverty and social norms often require an adolescent to be a
productive family member and assume responsibilities such as growing crops, tending animals,
preparing meals, and looking after younger siblings. However, it is important to distinguish between
acting out of necessity versus out of conscious choice and agency. In considering the lives of rural
young people, Robson identifies a continuum for young people’s agency as depicted below (2007).
Adolescents have almost no agency when forced to do things against their will (e.g. move
households, find new friends) or out of necessity (e.g. income generation for basic survival). Moving to
the area where young people can negotiate their role and improve their lives is the area of agency
that is likely to foster the skills needed for greater citizenship outside the home.
Figure 4.2 Degrees of adolescent agency in the home

Continuum of Agency
NO AGENCY LITTLE AGENCY SECRET PUBLIC/ACTIVE

(almost) AGENCY AGENCY
Forced to act Acting out of Subtle resistance Openly acting with

Degree of agency against will necessity to to adult control adult support
survive
e.g. moving e.g. child e.g. playing when e.g. cultivating a

house, workers, leaving meant to be plot of land,
Examples
discontinuing school working/studying dedicating time to
friendships studies
SOURCE: Adapted from Robson, et al (2007), p.144
Little is known about how adolescents secure agency in the family and begin to establish greater
74
decision-making capacity in their own lives, particularly in West and Central Africa. In an effort to
better understand gender dynamics, the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) have collected
some data on the role of young women’s participation in household decision-making. Table 4.1
presents data for select countries in the region. While it is difficult to fully understand the context and
dynamics surrounding these numbers, the data nevertheless provide some insight into young
women’s agency in household decisions. For example, the data show the limited degree to which
female adolescents have a say in their own health care. In all eight countries for which data is
available, less than 20 percent of female adolescents aged 15 to 19 years have some input into
matters affecting their health. The percentages increase slightly for young women aged 20 to 24
years, but are still universally under 50 percent across all eight countries. The data would suggest that
young women need far greater support to assume control and responsibility over their well-being. The
same trend follows for visiting friends and relatives, suggesting that 15 to 19 years olds girls in these
countries may have very little agency in determining their social networks. The area where young
women in both age categories have the greatest say in decision-making is in the domain of what food
to cook daily. However, referring to the continuum of agency as represented in figure 4.2, one could
question whether this is active agency or limited agency based on necessity and prescribed gender
roles in the family. Young women are likely assigned cooking duties, possibly at the expense of other
activities they would undertake by choice, such as socializing or studying.
Table 4.1: Young women’s participation in decision-making in households, by age and selected countries
Percentage of young women who say that they alone or jointly have the final say in specific decisions
friendsVisits to relatives and
friendsVisits to relatives and

Making large purchases
Making daily purchases

What food to cook daily
What food to cook daily

Making large purchases
Making daily purchases
Own health care

Own health care
Country
Young women aged 15 to 19 years Young women aged 20 to 24 years

Benin (2001) 5.8 5.3 11.4 18.0 19.0 23.1 21.9 45.3 41.0 56.5
Burkina Faso (2003) 7.7 7.9 11.9 16.5 24.2 16.9 18.0 29.7 28.1 56.7
Cameroon (2004) 8.9 6.7 10.5 16.9 26.8 28.2 24.2 35.2 42.0 58.3
Ghana (2003) 18.1 8.8 9.4 11.5 13.1 44.7 32.8 38.4 41.4 42.3
Guinea (2005) 17.8 15.6 17.1 19.8 23.0 34.6 32.6 40.7 40.1 54.9
Mali (2001) 9.9 9.9 12.8 19.9 26.6 12.0 13.2 19.3 26.4 47.5
Nigeria (2003) 9.7 6.3 8.3 16.1 15.5 19.7 13.3 21.0 27.1 31.2
Senegal (2005) 6.3 3.7 5.0 11.8 20.0 14.8 9.4 13.9 22.3 42.3
SOURCE: Macro International Inc, 2009. Measure DHS STATcompiler. http://www.measuredhs.com, April 22 2009
Participation and citizenship is rarely examined in the context of the family and home. However, young
people’s role in the household and their ability to make and contribute to decisions within that domain
begin to form their sense of identity, levels of confidence, and ability to actively participate in activities
outside the home. Examining agency in this environment and providing programmes that highlight its
contributions to adolescent development and full participation is instrumental to promoting active
citizenship and engagement outside the home.
4.2.2 Trends in Engagement and Participation in Schools and Communities
The opportunities available for youth to develop active citizenship depend on the principles and
customs that structure the political and social spaces throughout a nation.
The World Development Report 2007
A second important building block for active citizenship among adolescents is the world immediately
75
outside the home, which is often the school environment, as well as the larger community. Chapter 2
of this study examined school from the point of view of acquiring education and information in
preparation for labour force participation, but schools are also a place where adolescents acquire
skills as future citizens. Schools provide opportunities for youth to develop active citizenship both
directly, through the curriculum and school service projects, and indirectly through the practices,
policies, informal interaction, and peer influence.
Many schools use service learning, where students work outside the school to meet real community
needs. Teachers incorporate these outside activities into the curriculum, and students receive school
credit and recognition for their contributions. The 2007 World Development Report notes that service
learning can promote social awareness, increase social connectedness, and reduce smoking, alcohol
abuse, and unwanted pregnancies (World Bank, 2007). The report also notes that civic lessons are
particularly effective if the methods are participatory, classes meet frequently, and students find their
teachers charismatic. Schools that offer a range of activities, such as programmes that combine
sports, mentoring, theatre, life skills, leadership training, peace building, and livelihood skills assist
adolescents in acquiring self-confidence, trust, communication and problem-solving skills.
Outside the classroom, students learn as much about citizenship from the school’s broader culture.
The school environment is a space of interaction, allowing young people to acquire interpersonal skills
and test values, behaviours, and habits. This once again underscores the importance of ensuring that
young women reach parity in access and completion of education, as leaving school prematurely not
only undercuts their future employment prospects, but also further disadvantages them on obtaining
the skills and information useful to becoming active citizens. It is critical to examine and to better
understand why young women leave school. DHS data on this issue exist for approximately a dozen
countries in the West and Central Africa region. In Gabon, approximately 30 percent of adolescent
girls do not complete primary school because they become pregnant. In Chad and Nigeria, just over
20 percent of adolescent girls interrupt their primary education due to getting married. In seven
countries, namely Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Cote d’Ivoire, Gabon, Nigeria,
and Togo, at least 20 percent on young women abandon primary education because they cannot pay
the school fees. In Cameroon, the percentage is as high as 45, in Nigeria 34 percent.10
In the larger community, there may or may not be spaces and programmes, such as recreational
clubs or youth groups, to foster active citizenship and encourage youth participation in the shaping of
the local environment. Obstacles to successful youth programming and activities in developing
countries often include scepticism of parents, a tendency to draw only young men in urban areas, and
a social reluctance in many places to mix with individuals of other classes and ethnic groups (The
World Bank, 2007). Often, there is limited infrastructure for sporting, cultural (music, theatre, art
dance) and recreational activities, which constrains the extent to which such activities can provide
outlets for youth creativity and energy. As noted below, youth in West and Central Africa also have
poor access to information and communications technology like computers and the Internet.
In terms of involvement in local governance, UN-HABITAT reports that the recognition of the rights of
children and youth and the development of participatory mechanisms such as local youth forums,
junior district councils, and participatory local budgeting projects is increasing (2004). Such efforts are
being recognised as important ways to fight poverty and exclusion and to promote citizenship among
children and youth. Lessons learned from pilot projects to date include the need for clear protocols,
guidelines, training and capacity building among municipal staff, elected officials, NGOs, adolescents
themselves (UN-HABITATa, 2004). Although few of the initial projects from UN-HABITAT’s Global
Campaign on Urban Governance and Safer Cities Programme are reported to be in West and Central
Africa, there could be significant scope to use these lessons and modify existing programmes to
advance youth involvement in local governance in the region.
4.2.3 Trends in Civic Engagement and Participation in National Development
It is generally during adolescence that a nation confers certain rights and responsibilities on
individuals in order to assume adult status. Table 4.2 presents the legal ages in West and Central
African countries at which young people are able to vote, leave school, join or be conscripted into
the army, and be held responsible for their actions in the criminal justice system. The majority of
countries allow young people to exercise the right to vote and undertake military service at 18,
although a small number of countries grant this right at slightly older or younger ages. More
notable is the variation and much younger age (in many countries as low as 7 or 10 years of age)
10
Source: Macro International Inc., 2009. MEASURE DHS STATcompiler. http://www.measuredhs.com, April 22 2009.
76
that young people can be held criminally responsible. Several human rights organizations have
documented the juvenile abuse of many criminal justice systems (Amnesty International, 2009;
Human Rights Watch 2001). Most children and adolescents who come into conflict with the law do
so for minor, non-violent offences and, in some cases, their crime is that they are poor, homeless
and desperate. Therefore, the rights of adolescents in custody and before the law are indivisibly
linked to other basic rights, such as the right to education, health and well-being, and protection
from abuse and exploitation. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) sets out the
fundamental principles to guide the treatment of all children who come into contact with the law
and promotes the use of separate court systems and detention facilities for young people.
However, practice often differs from any provisions made in the law.
Table 4.2 Age of Majority for Various Citizen Rights and Responsibilities
Country Age of Majority for…
Voting Leaving Voluntary Compulsory Criminal
School Military Military Responsibility
Service Service
Benin 18 n/a 21 21 13
Burkina Faso 18 no minimum 20 18 13
Cameroon 20 no minimum 18 no conscription 10
Cape Verde 18 16 n/a n/a 16
Central African Republic 18 n/a 18 18 18
Chad 18 15 18 20 13
Congo n/a n/a 18 no conscription n/a
Cote d’Ivoire 21 no minimum 18 18 10
Dem. Rep. of the Congo n/a no minimum n/a n/a 16
Gabon 21 16 18 no conscription 13
Gambia 18 no minimum 18 no conscription 7
Ghana 18 15 18 18 7
Guinea 18 16 n/a 18 18
Guinea-Bissau 18 no minimum n/a 18 16
Liberia 18 n/a 18 no conscription n/a
Mali 18 n/a 18 18 13
Mauritania 18 no minimum 18 17 no minimum
Niger 18 16 n/a 18 13
Nigeria 18 n/a 18 no conscription 7
Senegal 18 n/a 18 18 13
Sierra Leone 21 15 18 18 10
Togo 18 15 18 18 no minimum
SOURCE: National Research Council & Institute of Medicine 2005.
Beyond state-defined ages at which young people acquire certain roles and rights, it is difficult to
present clear trends in youth engagement at the national level, partly for lack of data and partly
because of the many facets it entails. Everything from voting to volunteering to compulsory military
service constitutes some aspect of involvement in a nation’s development. However, there are factors
in the sub-region that affect young people’s ability to participate in their nation’s development. These
include, for example, the overall political climate, access to information and the media, and the
strength of existing youth organizations and networks.
Situational and political factors affecting national youth citizenship
The honeymoon period for young people’s participation and the celebration of their voices has now passed.
There is a growing realization that young people’s voices alone may not be sufficient to bring about
effective and meaningful outcomes. Relatively little attention has been paid to the wider social,
organizational and systemic contexts within which young people participate. Similarly, more attention
needs to be placed on the effectiveness of participation in conveying the reality of young people’s
experiences and values, how young people’s voices are responded to and what happens when
different voices collide.
(Percy-Smith 2006: 172).
This study has underscored the myriad of challenges faced by adolescents in West and Central
Africa, including inadequate education, unemployment, poverty, teenage pregnancies and early
marriages, and HIV/AIDS. Each of these problems exacerbates the lack of participation of
77
adolescents in decision-making processes at the national level. For example, poor access to
education dissuades governments from seeing youth as an important civic group in society since they
do not contribute largely to the formal economy. Furthermore, a related factor is found in many African
societies where older people are seen as wiser and more experienced, and thus make decisions for
younger people – even when they may themselves have reached adulthood with the responsibilities
of parenting and providing for their families (UNV, 2006).
Young women face particular challenges, especially in countries with strong traditions that constrain
women’s participation. The large gap in educational and participatory opportunities for girls and young
women (including informal opportunities, such as spaces and public acceptance to play) means that
girls are less likely than boys to participate in political activities. For example, recent data from Sierra
Leone show that girls are much less likely than boys to attend community meetings, and when they
do attend, they are much less likely to speak (World Bank, 2007). This situation risks perpetuating
itself, as the less girls are able to participate, the less they are represented in public life, and the less
their right to participate becomes universally expected and acknowledged. As noted in Table 4.3, the
persistent lack of female representation in the formal politics of West and Central African countries
deprives young women of role models and acceptance of their leadership abilities.
Table 4.3: Percentage of parliamentary seats held by women in countries of the sub-region
Seats in Parliament Country Seats in Parliament
Country
(% held by women) (% held by women)
Benin 8.4 Ghana 10.9
Burkina Faso 11.7 Guinea 19.3
Cameroon 8.9 Guinea-Bissau 14
Cape Verde 15.3 Liberia 13.8
Central African Republic 10.5 Mali 10.2
Chad 6.5 Mauritania 17.6
Congo 10.1 Niger 12.4
Cote d'Ivoire 8.5 Nigeria --
Dem. Republic of Congo 7.7 Sao Tome and Principe 7.3
Equatorial Guinea 18 Senegal 19.2
Gabon 13.7 Sierra Leone 14.5
Gambia The 9.4 Togo 8.6
SOURCE: World Bank. 2007b. World Development Indicators. CD-ROM. Washington, D.C. Calculated using data on parliamentary
seats from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). Data are as of 31 May 2007.
Aside from these socio-economic factors, there are political realities that shape the degree to which
adolescents can claim their roles as active citizens. Many countries in the West and Central region
have only recently, or have yet to still, emerge from situations of single-party rule. One description of
democracy in the region characterizes it as “pseudo, a package of recycled monolithic misrule, or
rather a sort of “T-shirt slogan” democracy, whereby the power elite set the agenda for the masses,
use them to serve their ends and, at the end of the day, abandon them to the misery and ignorance to
which they are accustomed” (Nyamnjoh, 1999, 115). This stands in stark contrast to young people’s
expectations about having a say in decisions that affect their lives and contradicts the values
promoted by schools, universities, and the media.
Furthermore, in many West and Central African countries, political party membership has strong
connections to ethnic identity. In some cases, government officials measure the degree of their
success within a state bureaucracy by the number of kinspeople and friends they have helped as a
result of their strategic position within the nexus of power (Fokwang, 2006). These “identity politics”
become increasingly relevant to the transition to adulthood in countries in which few economic
opportunities exist outside the civil service. For example, young people from minority communities
face particular challenges as they seek access to opportunities regulated by a dominant group, such
as enrolment at public universities and employment in the civil service (Adebanwi, 2002; Fokwang,
2006).
It is against this backdrop that young people in West and Central Africa attempt to develop their
citizenship and determine their options for participation in society. Full participation in society is very
much determined by social structures of inequality such as class, gender, ethnicity, disability, etc.
78
Faced with blocked opportunities, scarce resources, and social exclusion, young people nevertheless
attempt to negotiate pathways for participation. Some aspire to become a part of the ruling elite
themselves, particularly if they have strategic connections, backgrounds or other favourable
advantages. Others may avoid direct support for specific groups, but maintain relationships and make
use of opportunities that assist in advancing their aspirations. Others may choose to play a more
conspicuous role in changing the power dynamics, as young people are often on the forefront of
democratic struggles. Lastly, some may seek alternative citizenship, for example, through migration or
by simply disengaging from state activities completely. To many young people, the world of politics
seems far removed from their daily realities of school commitments, leisure activities, and
employment challenges. Many youth fail to see a connection between these realities and the impact
of public policies on their lives.
The exclusion of young people in their nation’s development is a significant challenge because it
means that they do not have the opportunity to participate in matters that affect them either directly or
indirectly. These challenges described here provide the context in which youth participation takes
place, whether as in formal politics or attempting to act as civil society. In some cases, the challenges
provide clear pointers as to what youth participation and engagement should confront e.g. youth
exclusion; in other cases, they represent constraints that young people bring to their engagement.
Access to information and the media
A passive and ignorant citizenry will never create a sustainable world.

Andrew Gaines
To be effective citizens, young people need access to reliable information on current issues, policy
debates and available services. Lack of transparency in how governments develop and implement
policy makes it possible to avoid responsibility and creates the opportunity for special interests to
exert greater influence (Stiglitz, 1999). Research on civic engagement suggests that access to
information is strongly associated with involvement in political activity (Putnam, 2000).
As both older and newer forms of information and communication technologies are increasingly
available throughout the world, the media has become an important vehicle in the political orientation
of young people. By providing spaces for public exchange and dialogue, the media is a key
determinant of adult citizenship values and practices (Buckingham, 2000; United Nations 2005). The
Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) have collected age-specific data on the percentage of
respondents who watch television, read the newspaper, or listen to the radio at least once a week.
Table 4.4 presents this data for 15 to 19 year olds for available countries in the sub-region.
Table 4.4: Percentage of young people with exposure to mass media

Exposure to mass media (Percentage) Age Category 15 to 19 years
Country No mass Reads Watches Listens to the All three
media newspaper television radio media
M F M F M F M F M F
Benin (2006) 4.5 14.7 10.9 7.7 41.1 34.3 78.2 57.1 7.0 4.9
Burkina Faso (2003) 17.6 25.6 7.9 7.8 35.6 31.6 62.4 50.9 5.6 5.5
Cameroon (2004) 9.7 22.9 20.6 15.2 55.2 44.9 65.2 47.5 14.9 11.0
Central Afr. Rep. (1995) 16.7 30.1 28.9 16.0 27.1 19.8 81.4 67.1 16.0 7.0
Chad (2004) 51.9 74.9 9.9 6.7 13.8 5.5 44.2 21.6 5.6 1.7
Congo (2005) 7.9 24.3 19.8 15.2 55.4 45.7 52.0 38.4 12.0 7.7
Cote d’Ivoire (1999) 6.1 23.0 20.3 17.2 87.7 72.4 47.8 26.1 11.9 8.2
Dem. Rep. Congo (2007) 34.9 44.6 19.8 10.1 27.2 24.9 44.1 31.6 7.1 4.0
Gabon (2000) 6.8 11.5 43.4 36.0 72.1 72.9 83.7 72.5 31.4 27.6
Ghana (2003) 4.3 8.6 21.8 19.6 55.2 54.5 84.0 73.0 18.5 14.7
Guinea (2005) 15.9 22.8 7.1 7.1 38.2 25.3 54.9 46.6 5.3 4.4
Liberia (2007) 15.3 22.8 21.8 17.3 48.6 42.7 63.2 49.0 15.1 12.0
Mali (2006) 12.4 12.5 8.7 10.3 62.9 54.8 65.9 71.5 6.9 8.6
Mauritania (2000/01) 37.0 47.9 13.8 15.2 43.2 30.0 46.8 35.9 8.1 7.0
Niger (2006) 21.5 36.5 7.4 4.4 31.7 18.8 61.3 43.6 5.7 3.2
Nigeria (2003) 4.7 20.1 18.8 12.2 51.4 41.3 75.5 58.4 14.6 10.3
Senegal (2005) -- 5.0 -- 9.7 -- 68.5 -- 78.7 -- 8.4
Togo (1998) 34.6 37.3 34.6 24.7 6.7 56.2 49.7 9.2 2.9 3.9
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One of the striking results of the surveys is the large number of adolescents in West and Central
Africa who do not have access to any of these three media. This is particularly more prevalent among
young women, whose lack of access to media is universally higher in all countries. In the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Mauritania, no access to media is the case for almost half of all female
adolescents; in Chad, close to three-quarters of young women have no access to any forms of these
media. Where access does exist, it is far more likely to be the radio. At least half of all male
adolescents in most countries listen to the radio during the week. Television also appears to be a
more accessible source of media. However, the table does not show rural-urban disparities, which
remain noticeable in all countries in the region.
Unfortunately, age specific-data does not exist on the use of newer technologies, such as cellular
phone or the Internet. However, these newer technologies cannot be ignored, especially the impact of
cell phone usage. Over the past five years, Africa’s mobile phone use has increased at an annual rate
of 65 percent, twice the global average, to more than 150 million users today (MIT, 2009). Table 4.5
below presents current estimates on the prevalence of cellular phone and Internet use in the sub-
region. While cellular subscribers is not be as high as in Eastern or Southern Africa, it is significant in
some countries, such as Cape Verde, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Mauritania, and the Gambia.
Internet usage is less prevalent and extremely low in countries such as Burkina Faso, Central African
Republic, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali, Niger, and Sierra Leone, where less
than 5 out of 1,000 people use the Internet. Although not youth-specific, young people dominate the
usage of new technologies and are likely to be highly represented in the figures below.
Table 4.5 Cellular phone and Internet Usage

Cellular Internet Cellular Internet
Subscribers Users Subscribers Users
Country (per 1,000 (per 1,000 Country (per 1,000 (per 1,000
people) people) people) people)
2005 2005 2005 2005
Benin 89 50 Ghana 129 18
Burkina Faso 43 5 Guinea 20 5
Cameroon 138 15 Guinea-Bissau 42 20
Cape Verde 161 49 Liberia 49 --
Central African Republic 25 3 Mali 64 4
Chad 22 4 Mauritania 243 7
Congo 123 13 Niger 21 2
Cote d'Ivoire 121 11 Nigeria 141 38
Dem. Republic of Congo 48 2 Sao Tome and Principe 77 131
Equatorial Guinea 192 14 Senegal 148 46
Gabon 470 48 Sierra Leone 22 2
Gambia The 163 33 Togo 72 49
SOURCE: World Bank 2007. World Development Indicators 2007. CD-ROM. Washington, D.C.
Mobile phones in Africa serve an ever-growing variety of uses. Contract labourers provide their phone
numbers to potential employers, instead of having to wait for hours at a workplace in case a job
arises. Rural farmers access daily fruit and vegetable prices from a dozen markets before making the
often arduous journey into urban centres to sell their produce; fishermen check the local fish market
prices on their phones to determine where to bring the day’s catch. The community payphone, owned
and operated by entrepreneurs who buy airtime from a network and subsequently sell it to local
people who do not own phones, has helped bring mobile phone usage to the poorest areas in the
region (MIT, 2009).
Mobile phones in Africa have also been used for activities more specifically related to civic
engagement. During the recent elections in Ghana, voters used cell phones and talk radio to report
voting fraud and put pressure on the authorities to be more vigilant. In Senegal, mobile SMS and
other applications are being used for data collection in public health, as well as serving in the
distribution of medical supplies. In 2004, a coalition of women’s rights groups used text messages to
initiate an electronic petition campaign to urge African governments to ratify the African Union’s
Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa.11
11
Further detail can be found at: http://www.fahamu.org/advocacy/article/mobile_phones_for_social_justice/
80
In terms of Internet usage, young people often access entertainment and news sites, as well as email
and chat services. They are also making use of the possibilities provided by the Internet to advance
their participation in a number of civic activities. For example, the Internet is used for communication
and coordination of youth actions across distance. In many countries, the Internet is the least-
controlled medium for information, serving as a tool for open expression and exchange of information
among young people. Lists servers, temporary online document editing, and websites, are common
features of today's youth activism. Such tools are commonly used by young people to prepare and
contribute their submissions to political processes, as was the case with youth lobbying for the recent
creation of the African Youth Charter. There is a growing effort to promote social action and
community development among young people through electronic communications, "cyber
participation” and "e-citizenship” (United Nations, 2006).
Despite the importance of the media as a globalizing force for cultural change, many parts of the
sub-region have poor access to most forms of information and communication technologies. The
important concerns of a global "digital divide” apply as much to youth as to any other age group.
The digital divide is not limited to differentials between countries; in any given nation, access is
also regulated by education, socioeconomic status, and residence in an urban or rural area (United
Nations, 2003). Access is mediated by not only literacy and fluency in English, but also basic
computer literacy.
Strength of youth organizations and networks
In addition to the overall socio-political climate and access to information, the strength of existing
youth organizations and networks is another key determinant of adolescent participation in national
affairs and development. Young people are increasingly becoming involved in decision-making
processes through the establishment of national youth councils and youth ministries, autonomous
youth parliaments, and the allocation of positions in village councils, local administrations and national
parliaments. Governments are gradually more open to holding consultations with youth organizations
in the preparation of national development strategies. Specific examples in West and Central Africa
are examined more closely below in the section on Existing Organizations and Networks. The
discussion here focuses more on the overall trends and realities that determine the effectiveness of
youth organizations in engaging youth in national decision-making processes.
Youth organizations in West and Central Africa tend to be an underdeveloped segment of civil society.
Youth participation and active citizenship involves much more than merely being informed about
government decisions or consulted beforehand by public officials. It also requires that youth
organizations have the necessary skills to participate in a meaningful way. These include the ability to
marshal relevant information, identify the key issues, develop and debate the merits and pitfalls of
different policy options, receive feedback on reasons for the government’s preferred option, and ways
of being part of implementing and evaluating the outcomes.
This is the ideal. The reality is that such engagement requires both capacity and resources, and for
the most part, youth organizations in the region are under-resourced and depend heavily on volunteer
time to coordinate and manage their day-to-day operations. They often cannot divert project-specific
funds to on-going participation processes. In some countries, the plethora of small and fragmented
youth organizations makes it difficult for young people to coordinate their endeavours and bewilders
decision-makers trying to choose suitable interlocutors.
It has also been noted that national youth councils and other organized youth structures often only
involve the urban elite, marginalizing certain groups of young people such as younger adolescents,
young women, poorer youth and those in rural and remote areas. Clearly young people are not a
homogeneous group and sometimes they need to be sensitized to their own diversity. Sometimes
youth leaders and organizations are attuned to marginalized groups of young people, but they lack the
experience, expertise or resources to reach out effectively to disadvantaged youth and to incorporate
their needs into regular activities and programming. Given UNICEF has a specific mandate to
safeguard the rights of children up until the age of 18, it can play a crucial role in ensuring that the
“younger” youth voices are made a part of essential discussions.
What is more, a review of over 20 different youth councils around the world reveals great variation in
the concept and structures of national youth councils (TakingITGlobal, 2006). For some, national
youth councils are meant to be umbrella organizations that are run by youth, independent from the
81
government, and operate in accordance with a democratic elective process to facilitate the work of
youth organizations nationally. Alternatively, and more common in many African countries, are national
youth councils housed within governments that manage the state’s relations with youth organizations.
Such youth councils register and confer public status on youth organizations in a country. Because of
their quasi-government status and dependency on government funding for their survival, many
national youth councils struggle to effectively and independently represent young people’s views and
requests. Many are deemed by young people to be “corrupted” or better at serving state- and self-
interests. Membership is increasingly viewed as a way to enhance a young person's career or other
prospects, rather than as an opportunity to advance youth-driven ideas and policies. As governments
in the region seek to establish or review national youth policies, such as is the case in Ghana, Mali or
Liberia, youth ministries are increasingly aware of the need to strengthen national youth platforms to
provide ministries with strong partners for all stages of policy implementation (United Nations, 2007).
Altogether, this means that adults must work alongside adolescents in creating the enabling
environment for effective engagement in the region. First and foremost, this requires the allocation of
sufficient resources, both in terms of financial input and time, to work towards strengthening youth
organizations. There is also a need to create acceptance of the concept of working with young people
in order to counter adult resistance to involving young people in important development issues. Adults
can be actively or passively resistant to youth participation. This can be due to cultural dissonance, as
many of the principles and practices of youth participation clash with assumptions regarding the role
of young people. In many societies within West and Central Africa, young people are expected to be
deferential, obedient and silent. It is essential to address the power dynamics involved in youth
participation in order to ensure that their involvement truly has the capacity to change things.
Insufficient funding and hasty processes can become part of a vicious cycle that compromises the
outcomes of youth involvement, thereby undermining the justification for working with youth in the
future.
Despite these factors, there are signs of progress. As described later in this section, the sub-region
has both national and supra-national organizations and networks that are working to improve young
people’s civic engagement in the matters that affect their lives, both present and future.
4.2.2 Trends in Civic Engagement and Participation at the Global Level
Young people are ever more aware and interested in global issues as the world becomes more and
more connected on all levels, including economically, politically and environmentally. Migration has
transplanted people far from their original homelands and travel is no longer solely a privilege of the
adventurous or wealthy. Study abroad programmes, cultural exchanges, global meetings and
conferences, and technology have reduced both real and imagined distances for young people.
Internationally, governments have established the participatory rights of young people and a number
of them are claiming such opportunities at UN sessions, conferences, and dialogues. For instance,
each Member State of the UN is invited to include a youth representative in their delegation to the
General Assembly; yet, in reality only a handful of countries regularly include such representatives.12
However, youth are playing increasingly active roles at UN and other global conferences dealing with
issues such as HIV/AIDS and climate change. For example, with each consecutive International
Conference on AIDS an international coalition of youth-focused organizations called YouthForce has
worked to institutionalize youth participation within the conference structure. At the last AIDS
conference in 2008 in Mexico, YouthForce also developed a strategic and targeted advocacy and
visibility campaign, moving beyond solely youth participation issues, and creating substantive
messages on the programming and policies changes needed to win the fight against AIDS.13 Over 200
young people congregated in Poznan, Poland before the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change to consolidate plans for their interventions during the 14th Conference of Parties. 14
UNICEF will organize the fifth annual Junior 8 (J8) Summit, a meeting of young people aged 14 to 17,
linked to the annual Group of 8 (G8) Summit. 15 The UN Youth Flash, an electronic news service of the
UN Programme on Youth, regularly circulates a list of youth events and conferences around the
world.16
12
The latest information on youth delegates to the United Nations General Assembly is available at:
http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unyin/youthrep.htm
13
For more information, see: http://youthaids2008.org
14
For more information, see: http://itsgettinghotinhere.org/youth-at-the-un/
15
For more information, see: http://www.j8summit.com/
16
For more information, see: http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unyin/flash.htm
82
Aside from global events, almost all of the UN agencies and programmes have begun to
institutionalize youth participation in their work. In February 2003, the Governing Council of United
Nations Environment Programme adopted a long-term strategy for engaging young people in
environmental activities and in the work of UNEP called the TUNZA Youth Strategy. (The word Tunza
means “to treat with care or affection” in Kiswahili). The United Nations Human Settlements
Programme is working to create youth advisory structures for its recently launched UN-HABITAT
Youth Fund and World Urban Youth Forum. UNESCO has been organizing Youth Forums in tandem
with its General Conference since 1999 to allow young people to voice their ideas and concerns and
make suggestions directly to the UNESCO members. UNFPA has created a Global Youth Advisory
Panel to provide advice on promoting the rights and needs of youth within UNFPA. It is also working
to establish Youth Advisory Panels at the country level to bring the voices of young people not only to
UNFPA, but also to the whole UN system in countries. Recently the United Nations Programme on
Youth, a focal point within the United Nations Secretariat on issues related to youth, produced a
comprehensive review of youth engagement within the United Nations system documenting well over
35 participatory mechanisms for youth involvement in the work of the organizations (United Nations,
2008).
Outside UN auspices, and as noted earlier in this chapter, young people are using technologies such
as the Internet and mobile messaging to connect with each other and advance their participation.
Youth are gradually becoming more informed of issues, resources and opportunities outside their own
communities. This translational activism relates not to a specific issue, but consists of networks and
alliances that form between young people based in different parts of the world. A primary example is
the online network called TakingITGlobal, whose mission is to create “a collaborative learning
community which provides youth with access to global opportunities, cross-cultural connections and
meaningful participation in decision-making” (TakingITGlobal, 2006). This interactive online
community has expanded to well over 200,000 young people between the ages of 13 to 30 years and
operates in 12 languages to creates resources, toolkits, and other tools for global citizenship. In
addition to their global “hub for civic participation”, they have country websites, including active
communities for all countries in the West and Central Africa region. For example, the Nigeria’s TIG
site has as many as 16,000 registered users, Ghana over 3,900 members, Cameroon over 1,400.17
TakingITGlobal is one example of a trend toward global youth networks supporting worldwide
engagement. Others include: the Oxfam International Youth Partnership program, which is made up of
300 young “Action Partners” aged 18-25 from around the world (http://oiyp.oxfam.org); the Global
Youth Action Network, an organization that works in part to facilitate the involvement of young people
into the work of the UN and its agencies (http://www.youthlink.org); and the YES Campaign, a network
in over 60 countries that works specifically on the global challenge of youth unemployment
(http://www.yesweb.org).
Many young people have adopted a worldview in which the globe represents the key arena for active
citizenship and trans-world contacts have helped to create lasting bonds of global youth solidarity,
learning and exchange. However, the one caveat to this burgeoning youth international youth
engagement is that being active does not necessarily equate to being powerful or influential. Many
people, including youth themselves, question the degree to which international youth advisory
structures and conferences affect policy and programming decisions, both at the global level, but
more importantly upon returning home. Many youth groups and their supporters also acknowledge
that announcements and preparations for forthcoming conferences and meetings are primarily posted
on web sites and listservs, thereby restricting participation to those with access to the Internet. These
concerns are particularly true for West and Central Africa.
The United Nations General Assembly observed 1985 as International Youth Year, with the theme
“Participation, Development and Peace”. Ten years later, when it adopted the World Programme of
Action for Youth (WPAY), youth participation and citizenship figured as predominate themes. One of
the WPAY’s ten original priorities is the “full and effective participation of youth in the life of society and
in decision-making” and it advocates for increased national, regional and international cooperation
and exchange between youth organizations. It notes that access to information is critical to enabling
young people to make better use of their opportunities to participate in decision-making and
17
The various countries websites can be accessed at: http://africa.tigweb.org/
83
acknowledges the importance of strengthening youth organizations as important forums for

developing skills necessary for effective citizenship. Specifically at the national level, the WPAY urges
governments to formulate a national youth policy as a means of addressing youth-related concerns.
This should be done as part of a continuing process of review and assessment of the situation of
youth. The formulation of a cross-sectoral national youth programme should incorporate specific,
time-bound objectives and a systematic evaluation of progress achieved and obstacles encountered.
Additional efforts could also be directed towards strengthening national capacities for data collection
and dissemination of information, research and policy studies, planning, implementation and
coordination.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child also contains strong support for adolescent participation,
establishing it as a legal right for all children and an end in itself. Article 12 stipulates children’s right to
express opinions freely and to have their opinions taken into account in any matter or procedure
affecting them. Other pertinent aspects to citizenship in the Convention include articles on the
freedom of expression, freedom of thought, conscience and religion and the freedom of association.
At a regional level, young people’s participation in decision-making has most recently been
reconfirmed in the African Youth Charter. Article 11 states that every young person shall have the right
to participate in all spheres of society and describes a number of measures to promote this end.
Among these is the directive to ensure equal access to young men and young women to participate in
fulfilling civic duties. Article 12 of the Charter also appeals to States to develop a comprehensive and
coherent national youth policy that shall be informed by extensive consultation with young people and
cater for their active participation in decision-making at all levels of governance. It requires a national
youth coordinating mechanism be set up to provide a platform and a link for youth organisations to
participate in youth policy development as well as the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of
related programmes.
National policy responses
Several countries in West and Central Africa have created or revised a national youth policy in the last
two or three years, including Benin, Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone.
These policies look broadly at international and regional youth commitments and tailor them to suit the
specific development needs of their country’s youth population. Each policy therefore has its own
domestic priorities and variations. For example, in Nigeria, the youth agenda seeks to align with
guidance from the UN World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY), the Commonwealth Plan of
Action for Youth Empowerment (PAYE) and the African Youth Charter, yet also focuses on the
country’s unique needs such as specific initiatives targeting the needs of youth living in the Niger
Delta.
It should be noted however that having a youth policy in place does not necessarily ensure
responsive and effective adolescent development programmes. The policy must be matched with
political commitment, intra-governmental coordination, sufficient resource allocation, and measures
for monitoring and evaluation. For instance, in Sierra Leone, legislation ensures that the youth policy
is reviewed in three-year cycles to ensure that its responsiveness to changing conditions. In
Cameroon, the Ministry of Youth is devising appropriate mechanisms for coordination and
consultation with young people and their organizations and different UN partners active in the country
will join forces in providing capacity building in different areas for both government and youth
organizations.
Further, the absence of a youth policy does not necessarily mean that adolescent needs are being
disregarded. Cape Verde, for example, does not have a national youth policy in place, but regards
youth as a crosscutting issue that informs other national policies (UNV, 2006). Within the new
government strategy for 2006-2011, Cape Verde has included some important initiatives to develop
the youth sector, case in point a youth national strategic plan that includes youth volunteerism. In the
absence of an overall youth policy, Senegal has a national youth employment strategy and a poverty
reduction strategy that outlines priority actions aimed at reducing adolescent’s socio-economic
vulnerability.
Another common policy response to promote adolescent citizenship in the region is national youth
service programmes. African nations have more national service programmes than other regions
(McBride et. al, 2006). Major areas of youth service include health, education, vocational training,
environmental conservation, public works and care for the aging and children. These programmes can
be either compulsory or voluntary. Different approaches are used in respect of the scope and form of
84
the national youth service programmes. In Niger, for example, any young person who has completed
university or professional studies can take part in the national youth service for a two-year period. The
Nigerian national youth service is part of the curriculum and is compulsory for graduates of
universities and polytechnics who are under 30 years old. It lasts for a period of one year and is one
of the largest programmes on the continent. In Burkina Faso, national youth service is done through
the existing network of the Burkina Faso Scouts and other youth associations. More research is
needed on the impact of national youth service programmes in the African countries, but indications
are that service and volunteering strengthen cohesion between groups, increase participation and
empower youth in various development projects, and contribute to their skills development (UNV,
2006).
4.4 Existing Networks and Partners
Ministries Responsible for Youth
Ultimately the successful implementation of any policy designed to support active citizenship among
adolescents requires strong partners. On the government side, national ministries responsible for
youth development must play a part. A survey of over 25 national government structures responsible
for youth development in Africa shows considerable variation in available resources and capacity
(UNV, 2006). Often youth development is clustered with other issues, such as sports and culture, as is
the case, for example, in Cote d’Ivoire and Gabon. This can detract staff and resources from youth
development projects, which tend to require more time and expertise to implement and monitor
effectively. Other ministries providing support to the youth are often the ministries of education,
gender, social welfare, and health. In Nigeria, the federal government recently signalled youth as a
priority issue by creating a new Federal Ministry of Youth Development with about 400 staff and a
20% increase in its 2008 budget. In Ghana, youth issues fall within the Ministry of Labour, Manpower
and Employment, which benefits the advancement of programmes to address the priority issue of
youth unemployment.
Unfortunately, most ministries responsible for youth are not on par with ministries such as education
and health in terms of budgetary allocations and status within the government hierarchy (UNV 2006).
This may explain why a lack of resources, both human and financial, was mentioned by more than
half of the surveyed countries as some of the operational challenges faced by youth ministries. Other
challenges reported include a lack of national and legal recognition, insufficient coordination and
communication with other ministries, a lack of infrastructure and technical expertise, and a lack of
independence in terms of decision-making. In many cases, national youth ministries are responsible
for the operations of youth structures at the national, provincial, district and municipal level, further
requiring vertical coordination to achieve desired outcomes. Countries such as Chad, Nigeria and
Togo have national youth structures that incorporate decentralized state or provincial youth service
departments.
National Youth Councils
On the non-governmental side, national youth councils should be common partners for supporting
youth engagement. As discussed earlier in this chapter, these consultative bodies differ widely in how
they are structured from country to country. Some are established through an act of parliament and
include members appointed by government, while others are autonomous bodies set up by youth
organizations. In instances where these structures are non-existent or ineffective, the implementation
of the national youth policy and other programmes are noticeably less effective and active (United
Nations, 2005). Moreover, it becomes difficult for institutions and organizations to engage with young
people in the absence of effective mechanisms for representing young people. The lack of a clear
focal point makes it much harder for organisations wishing to involve young people to identify readily
reputable partners with whom they can work.
Youth parliaments
Some countries, like the Gambia and Niger, have created or supported youth parliaments as a way to
encourage young people to participate in the political process. In the Gambia, the national youth
parliament is a representative network of seven regional parliaments across the country, which meet
annually and share the outcomes of discussions with members of the country’s National Assembly.
Niger’s Youth Parliament elects youth representatives and holds events to discuss youth development
concerns, in addition to implementing a public access program at the National Assembly in Niger.
85
However, youth parliaments are only effective if they are well structured and taken seriously by
elected officials. They must interface with the government to affect real change and incorporate youth
perspectives into decision-making. Youth parliaments are criticized at times as largely one-off events
with little evidence of ongoing activities or follow-through in terms of responses from governments
(United Nations, 2006).
Regional youth structures
A number of regional youth networks have been established in Africa, though it is often not clear
whom they represent and how their members are selected. The lack of updated information on
their websites suggests that, though they have made some effort to initiate activities, they have
limited capacity to maintain momentum for ongoing work. The number of different networks with
similar aims and objectives also suggests duplication and possibly resistance to sharing resources,
even at the cost of sustainability.
African Youth Parliament (AYP)

The African Youth Parliament (AYP) aims to be continental network of young leaders, peace
builders and social activists from approximately 50 African Countries. Its last meeting appears to
have been March 2003 in Nairobi, Kenya followed by communication and sharing information
across distance via its website and other online networking tools. It was during the IYP's first sitting
in 2000 that youth delegates conceived the idea of having a specifically continental platform to
discuss African issues, and develop key strategies around those issues. In its beginnings, the AYP
appears to have been an initiative of African Action Partners (AAP) of the Oxfam International
Youth Parliament. Members have developed individual and collective action plans focused on the
themes of developing youth-based enterprises, improving the environment, fostering African
culture and identity, HIV and AIDS prevention, resolving armed conflict, and promoting human
rights. (www.ayparliament.org)
Mano River Union Youth Parliament

The Mano River Union Youth Parliament (MRUYP) is a sub-regional network of young peace
builders, students, journalists, development practitioners and human rights activists within the
Mano River Union Basin (Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea). It is an initiative of the West African
Youth Network (WAYN) with initial support from the Open Society Initiative of West Africa (OSIWA)
and the United Network of Young Peacebuilders. The parliament was launched during a training
seminar on Peace building and Conflict Resolution in Freetown, Sierra Leone in 2003. The idea of
the youth parliament was a direct reaction to the marginalised position of youth in the
peacebuilding process. The members of the parliament aim to meet yearly to discuss their actions
in the country of the president of the Mano River Union Parliament. The most recent session
appears to have taken place. The most recent Mano River Union Youth Parliament was held in
Monrovia in August 2007.
www.waynyouth.org/Files/MRU.htm
Conference of the Youth and Sports Ministers of French-speaking Countries (CONFEJES)

CONFEJES was established with the purpose of supporting French-speaking countries to channel
resources and energies into efforts that promote sustainable development, including the participation
and the involvement of young people within their society. CONFEJES administers several funds to
support such efforts, the largest of which is the Youth Integration Fund (Fonds d’Insertion des Jeunes)
that promotes entrepreneurship among young people in order to facilitate their social and economic
integration. It finances projects for young people less than 30 years of age, regardless of their level of
education, following extensive training in the creation and management businesses. The amount of
the micro-loans is between 200 to 1,000 USD, without an interest rate between 0 and 5 percent over a
payment period of four years. IN 2008, the fund financed approximately 96 projects, of which 42 per
cent were managed by young women and leading to the creation of 316 jobs. CONFEJES works
closely with UNESCO, the African programme against drugs (PAAD) and ECOWAS.
(www.confejes.org)
The ECOWAS Youth Ambassadors for Peace programme

The Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS) Youth Ambassadors for Peace
programme is a volunteering initiative involving five countries in the region: Guinea Bissau, Cote
d’Ivoire, Liberia, Togo and Sierra Leone. Launched in 2006 by ECOWAS and United Nation
Volunteers, the initiative focuses on deploying graduates from universities and vocational colleges in
86
the West Africa as volunteers in non-governmental organizations. Beginning in 2008, the programme
has coordinated and placed 200 West African young people to strengthen non-governmental
organisations, community-based associations and other civil society organisations working in the area
of conflict resolution, reconciliation, and peace-building. At the same time, the programme builds the
skills of the young volunteers by giving them the opportunity to gain practical experience in
peacekeeping organisations, to foster their leadership potential, and to build regional linkages. This
project is part of a larger Peace and Development Programme (PADEP) led by ECOWAS, and
complements existing initiatives across West Africa such as the Mano River Union Secretariat and the
UNDP Programme to strengthen Africa’s Regional Capacities for Peace Building. The project will be
managed by ECOWAS regionally and through its national representatives, and UNESCO (as an
implementing partner) will deliver training to the volunteers in the area of culture of peace.
West African Youth Network

The West African Youth Network, established in 2001, has a secretariat in Freetown, Sierra Leone,
and has members and focal points in 11 West African countries. The Network seeks to serve as an
advocacy mechanism and public policy voice for the cause of young people in West Africa as well
as to empower young people to get involved in practical projects geared towards sustainable
development. WAYN is financed on a project basis. Over the last five years, WAYN has been
funded by a number of funding agencies. The organization has received funding from the Open
Society Initiative of West Africa (OSIWA), Royal Netherlands Embassy, Senegal, Canadian
International Development Agency, and the Outreach Section of the Special Court for Sierra
Leone. 18 Recent Network activities include a forum held in Niger, which brought together 40 youth
leaders and 10 members of parliament. Papers were presented on various topics related to
NEPAD and its African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), human rights, good governance, youth
employment and participation. The Forum in Niger was organised with support from the UNDP
Country Office and the World Bank. (www.waynyouth.org)
Pan African Youth Union

The Pan African Youth Union (PYU) was created in Windhoek in 2003 as a renewal of the Pan African
Youth Movement (PYM), which was established in 1962 in Conakry (Guinea) as part of the struggle
for African liberation. The PYU structure consists of the Congress that meets every four years, the
Executive Committee, which meets annually, and the General Secretariat that is convened biannually.
The PYU is officially recognized by the African Union and currently being revitalized to better meet the
needs of youth development in the future. It is focusing on implementing the provisions of the ratified
African Youth Charter. The PYU has also recently formed links with the EU-AU Youth Network, which
is in its fledging stages of creating long-term cooperation between youth organizations in Africa and
Europe. (http://www.panafricanyouthunion.org)
UN Agencies, Programmes and Funds
Many of these governmental and non-governmental initiatives are supported by various UN agencies
at the country level. As previously noted in this chapter, just about all UN agencies and programmes
have endorsed youth participation in their work and are in the process of creating structures, technical
expertise and resources in support of this direction. Based on their priority activities in various West
and Central African countries, UN agencies and programmes are likely partners in strengthening
youth engagement and citizenship in the region. UN-HABITAT is specifically engaged in strengthening
adolescent citizenship and engagement at the district and municipal levels, most recently through its
Opportunities Fund for Urban Youth-Led Development. The Opportunities Fund is designed to provide
financial support of up to one million dollars per year, to youth-led initiatives aimed at sustainable
urbanization. It provides grants up to $5,000 and larger grants of $25,000 to organizations led by
young people, aged 15-32 years. UNPFA is working towards establishing consultative youth bodies in
support of national development. In addition to it work and experience in strengthening national youth
council structures, UNESCO is developing training materials to assist adults to better engage with
youth organizations. UNV’s mandate also fits closely with citizenship development, as volunteering is
a core approach to its youth development activities.
Several comprehensive resources exist that provide excellent guidelines, directives and best practices
on effectively engaging adolescents in decision-making and supporting their active role in shaping
18
87
there societies.
The Commonwealth Youth Programme, in collaboration with UNICEF’s Adolescent Development and
Participation (ADAP) Unit in New York, has produced a set of four how-to guides on promoting
adolescent participation in decision-making. The framework and tools presented in the four booklets
are meant to be adaptable to various social and cultural environments. The first booklet, Participation
in the Second Decade of Life – What and Why? helps to explain what participation is and why it is
important to involve young people in decision-making processes. The second booklet, Adolescents
and Youth Participation – Adults Get Ready! addresses the role adults can play in creating an
environment that enables meaningful youth participation. The third booklet looks at fitting participation
into the life cycle of a project, and the fourth booklet lists “tools” for making participation happen. The
booklets are aimed at UNICEF country offices worldwide and youth projects of all kinds
(Commonwealth Secretariat, 2005).
UNICEF’s ADAP Unit has also initiated a Learning Series that collates current knowledge,
experiences and lessons learnt on adolescent issues and UNICEF programming in various countries
and regions. Most recently the series has issued two new documents that relate to the topic of
promoting citizenship among adolescents, namely Learning Series Volume 3: Adolescents and Civil
Engagement: Social Entrepreneurship and Young People (UNICEF, 2007) and Learning Series
Volume 4: Youth Participation in Poverty Reduction Strategies and National Development
Plans (UNICEF, 2009). Specific to consultation, the international non-government organization, Save
the Children developed and piloted minimum standards on consulting with children during East Asia
Pacific Regional Consultations for the United Nations Secretary General’s Global Study on Violence
against Children in 2005. The resulting report highlights the key issues that emerged, examines how
standards are different from good practice, and provides a foundational set of standards on child
participation (Veitch, 2007).
Moreover, in 2003, the theme of UNICEF’s flagship report State of the World’s Children was
participation. A comprehensive overview of websites, listservs, resources, journals, institutes and
organizations dedicated to advancing the best examples and tools for engaging youth is also provided
in the UNICEF publication “Child and Youth Resources Guide” (2006). The publication covers all
aspects of child participation and the majority of sources are accessible via the Internet using the
provided links.
Taken together, these resources underscore the lessons learned and promising approaches to
supporting active citizenship among adolescents in the last decade. This includes the need to develop
a detailed strategy for implementing the programme or project at an early stage. Critical to ensuring
the sustainability and ownership of activities is engaging adolescents in an intervention’s design,
development, implementation, assessment and management, including the creation of materials. The
importance of establishing an enabling environment is also key, recognising the role of parents,
families and communities. Efforts must also be made to increase the participation of adolescents from
minority and other disadvantaged groups and attention paid to the quality or nature of participation.
Adolescents should be offered opportunities to express themselves as they wish on issues of their
interest and should not be manipulated to serve the interests or needs of others. Traditional
partnerships with government and non-governmental organization are essential, but so to is
collaboration with partners such as independent technical experts, the media, and the private sector. It
may take much longer than expected to understand the full situation and the complex interpersonal
relations of adolescents, situational assessments are essential to working with all adolescents.
In terms of specific opportunities and points of entry to promote adolescent citizenship in the West
and Central Africa region, the data, trends and background information presented in this chapter point
to many.
The first is that citizenship in West and Central Africa must be understood as far more than a narrow
relationship between a young person and the state. Active citizenship links directly to adolescent
development in that it requires a young person to acquire the capacity, relationships, and social skills
to fully participate in a society’s development. To this end, young people must be able to use all
opportunities to acquire these tools in their full range of social environments. This starts in the family
and home and extends to the larger community and the nation. Although citizenship is rarely
examined in the context of the family, it is here that young people begin to form their sense of identity
and to acquire the self-confidence for greater agency outside the home. This is particularly the case
for young women, as household attitudes towards their role in society are likely to leave deep imprints
on their future choices and decisions. UNICEF could consider working with families and community
88
leaders to establish projects that acknowledge young people’s role in the household and their ability to
contribute to decisions within that domain. Essentially, democracy begins there.
School-level interventions to promote active citizenship should not be ignored by UNICEF. Schools
that offer a range of activities, such as programmes that combine sports, mentoring, theatre, life skills,
leadership training, peace building, and livelihood skills assist adolescents in acquiring self-
confidence, trust, communication and problem-solving skills. Further, students learn as much about
citizenship from the school’s broader culture and UNICEF can work with educational systems to
create positive spaces and programmes for informal learning and interaction.
Next, UNICEF’s work in the region must ensure that young women are supported in obtaining all the
rights and benefits of membership in their societies. In every aspect of citizenship examined in this
chapter, female adolescents are disadvantaged. The data show the limited degree to which female
adolescents have a say in matters of their own health, economic choices and social networks. Young
women’s participation in the decisions that affect their lives is essential to ensuring their rights.
Female adolescents may face strong traditions that constrain their participation. It is critical to rectify
the large gap in educational and participatory opportunities for girls and young women in both informal
and formal spheres of public life. Otherwise the situation risks perpetuating itself, as the less girls are
able to participate, the less they are represented in public life, and the less their contributions and
leadership abilities will be valued and accepted.
At the local level, participatory mechanisms such as local youth forums, junior district councils, and
participatory budgeting projects offer promising results. There could be significant scope to use these
lessons and modify existing programmes to advance youth involvement in local governance in the
region. The initial pilot projects from UN-HABITAT’s Global Campaign on Urban Governance and
Safer Cities Programme are useful sources of information.
Within the context of ages of majority for various aspects of citizenship, one very apparent
transgression is the young age at which adolescents can be held criminally responsible in many
countries in the region. The rights of adolescents in custody and before the law are indivisibly linked to
other basic rights, such as the right to education, health and well-being, and protection from abuse
and exploitation. It is imperative that UNICEF be among the actors that speak up and protect children
who come into contact with the criminal justice system.
In addition, at the national level, young people’s participation is deeply affected by the overall
political and social context of their countries. It is often against a backdrop of struggling
democracies, closed and inaccessible public institutions, and a myriad of socio-economic
challenges that young people in West and Central Africa attempt to develop their citizenship and
determine their options for participation in society. In this context, access to information and the
media and the strength of existing youth organizations and networks is an area of obvious
importance.
UNICEF could support adolescents in claiming their active citizenship by providing spaces for public
exchange and dialogue. The data underscore the large number of adolescents in West and Central
Africa who do not have access to mainstream media, such as radio and television, let alone the
Internet. UNICEF’s own electronic platform for engagement, Voices of Youth, likely remains
inaccessible to many adolescents in the region, given that less then 10 out of 1,000 people in many
countries have access to the Internet. Solutions to accessibility must be greatly expanded.
In terms of strengthening existing youth organizations, the value of an effective national youth
structure is not to be underestimated as a requirement to the successful implementation of
programmes and policies. The successful implementation of national youth policies is very difficult in
the absence of a strong, transparent, and vibrant umbrella structure that incorporates a full range of
diverse youth organizations. UNICEF must determine how to assist in strengthening and revitalizing
existing national youth councils to better coordinate youth activities and represent segments of the
youth population that are often marginalised in leadership processes. This includes girls and young
women, youth living in remote areas, younger adolescents (e.g. 10 to 15 years of age) and youth
living with disabilities, to name a few. This may involve, for example, organizational skills and ethics
training or the preparation of a joint strategic implementation plan with relevant ministries and other
partners. Government ministries must be cautioned about developing parallel youth leadership
structures, such as youth parliaments, without renewing and strengthening the national youth council
and its links to state and local youth leadership.
89
Many governments in the region have recently dedicated their limited resources to developing
national youth policies. However, having a youth policy in place does not necessarily ensure
responsive and effective adolescent development programmes. UNICEF must join forces with other
UN agencies and donors to ensure these policies are matched with intra-governmental coordination,
sufficient resource allocation, and measures for monitoring and evaluation.
4.6 Conclusion
The end of the youth transition is not simply adulthood, but full social and political citizenship. For
many young people today in the African region, this end is elusive.
(Fokwang, 2006, 70)
This chapter has underscored the need for adolescents to participate in all areas of their development
and to have better access to information and opportunities to make informed decisions about their
lives. The proactive role that adolescents develop as part of the transition to active citizenship links
closely to their ability to guide other important transitions in the areas of health, schooling, and work.
Active participation and engagement is also a practical safeguard to ensuring that policies and
programmes effectively support and encourage young people’s transitions to adulthood. Young people
who do not have such opportunities may be more likely to feel alienated, to have a sense of
hopelessness, and to engage in high-risk or antisocial behaviour. Thankfully, there are several entry
points and areas where further work could be undertaken to support young people in claiming their
active role in society. The overall context is difficult and challenging, but there are many partners with
whom to undertake this work.
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SECTION 5: The Transition to Self-directed, Overall Wellbeing -

Protection from Poverty, Violence, Exploitation & Conflict
5.0 The Transition to Self-directed, Overall Wellbeing
In order for young people to realize their own, autonomous well-being, they must be protected at
times from detrimental actions, practices, and environments that can imperil their education, health
and participation in society. Protecting children from violence, exploitation and abuse is an integral
component of protecting their rights to growth and development. One of UNICEF’s core mandates is
child protection.
UNICEF uses the term ‘child protection’ to refer to preventing and responding to violence, exploitation
and abuse against children, including, child labour, trafficking, and harmful traditional practices, such
as female genital mutilation and child marriage (UNICEF, 2006). UNICEF’s child protection
programmes target children who are particularly vulnerable to these abuses, such as when living in
situations of armed conflict. The Fund’s commitment to protecting children is underlined in its Child
Protection Strategy (2008a), as well as its Medium Term Strategic Plan (MTSP) (2008b). The fourth
focus area of the MTSP commits UNICEF to strengthening country environments, capacities and
responses to prevent and protect children from violence, exploitation, abuse, neglect and the effects
of conflict. Both of these strategies are grounded in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and other international human rights agreements.
This section begins to examine abuses against young people living in West and Central Africa by
using poverty as an entry point. Adolescents represent a disproportionately large number of the poor,
putting them in precarious situations that make them more susceptible to abuses such as child labour,
trafficking, and commercial sexual exploitation. It also examines the need to address harmful
practices in the sub-region such as child marriage and female genital mutilation. Next, it looks more
critically at protecting the rights and needs of adolescents in situations of armed conflict and recovery,
as this is particularly relevant to some countries in the sub-region. It concludes with lessons learned
and recommendations on how UNICEF’s expertise in supporting the creation of protective
environments for children can best be applied to the West and Central African region.
5.1 Trends in Poverty and Its Links to Neglect, Abuse, and Exploitation
Policies for adolescents must be based on two essential and interlocking objectives: the enablement
of young people to make a constructive contribution now and in the future towards the economic,
social, and cultural development of their own country; and the recognition that youth is vulnerable,
and that safeguards must be created to prevent the exploitation of youth, politically, economically and
morally. Thus youth policy is primarily developmental, but also protective and remedial.
Paul Ewen in Towards a Youth Policy (1972)

The Convention on the Rights of the Child mandates UNICEF and, more importantly, States Parties,
with the duty to ensure that all children enjoy their rights. Eradicating poverty is essential to realizing
adolescents’ rights. Children and adolescents represent a disproportionately large number of the poor.
A recent study found that in 2000, every second person under the age of 18 years in the developing
world was severely deprived of one or more of the following dimensions of poverty: nutrition, health,
education, water, sanitation, information, and housing conditions (Gordon et al., 2005). With nearly a
quarter of the sub-region’s population between the ages 10 to 19 years 19, young people are crucial to
eradicating poverty. The magnitude of their numbers alone suggests that youth warrant special
consideration, while their unique situations make consideration even more compelling.
That it is hard for adolescents to recover from early setbacks in human development is well
recognized (The World Bank 2007; United Nations, 2005). Because human development is
cumulative, missed opportunities to invest in and prepare adolescents are extremely costly to reverse,
for both young people and their societies. Poverty endangers the health of adolescents and hinders
19
Authors own calculations based on data from the World Population Prospects 2006 Revision, UN Population Division. See
Annex 1: Summary Chart of Population by Age Group and Sex.
93
their chances of acquiring the skills and capacities they need to deal with the transitions facing them
now, as well as to reach their full potential in the future. Consideration needs to be given to rights that
are costly to recover or irrevocably lost during adolescence, such that protecting and fulfilling
children's rights does not stop at 5 or 10 years old.
The persistence of the poverty problem is closely related to the daily deprivations and abuse that
millions of young people suffer, though it can be difficult to find published data to show this. In an effort
to provide an overview of adolescent poverty in the sub-region and to determine the degree to which it
undermines adolescent protection and development, Table 5.1 provides an estimated headcount of
the young people in the region living on less than US$ 1 and US$ 2 a day. It also present estimates of
the number of adolescents living in hunger, based on available data. To do so, it applies data on
income poverty and hunger to the proportion to the number of people aged 10-to-19 years in West
and Central African countries. Evidently, this approach assumes that young people are likely to
experience poverty no more or less than the population as a whole, likely resulting in conservative
estimates.
Table 5.1 Estimated numbers of adolescent living in poverty and under-nourished in the region.
Percentage Percentage
Total of Estimate of of Estimate of Percentage
adolescent adolescents adolescents adolescents adolescents of Estimate of
population living below living on less living below living on less adolescents adolescents
(10 to 19 $1 a day than US$1 a $2 a day than US$2 a under- under-
years) a (PPP) b day (PPP) b day nourished c nourished
(% of total
Country (thousands) (%) (thousands) (%) (thousands) pop) (thousands)
Benin 2,000 30.9 618.0 73.7 1,474.0 12 240.0
Burkina Faso 3,316 27.2 902.0 71.8 2,380.9 15 497.4
Cameroon 4,233 17.1 723.8 50.6 2,141.9 26 1,100.6
Cape Verde 126 .. .. .. .. .. ..
CAR 997 66.6 664.0 84.0 837.5 44 438.7
Chad 2,353 .. .. .. .. 35 823.6
Congo 828 .. .. .. .. 33 273.2
Côte d'Ivoire 4,556 14.8 674.3 49.2 2,223.3 13 592.3
DRC 13,706 .. .. .. .. 74 10,142.4
Equatorial .. .. .. .. ..
Guinea 108 ..
Gabon 297 .. .. .. .. 5 14.9
Gambia (The) 349 59.3 207.0 82.9 289.3 29 101.2
Ghana 5,261 44.8 2,356.9 78.5 4,129.9 11 578.7
Guinea 2,067 .. .. .. .. 24 496.1
Guinea-Bissau 364 .. .. .. .. 39 142.0
Liberia 807 .. .. .. .. 50 403.5
Mali 2,830 36.1 1,021.6 72.1 2,040.4 29 820.7
Mauritania 662 25.9 171.5 63.1 417.7 10 66.2
Niger 2,983 60.6 1,807.7 85.8 2,559.4 32 954.6
Nigeria 33,641 70.8 23,817.8 92.4 31,084.3 9 3,027.7
Sao Tome &
36 .. .. .. .. 10 3.6
Principe
Senegal 2,778 17.0 472.3 56.2 1,561.2 20 555.6
Sierra Leone 1,229 57.0 700.5 74.5 915.6 51 626.8
Togo 1,468 .. .. .. .. 24 352.3
a -Source: Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, World
Population Prospects 2006 Revision: http://esa.un.org/unpp, Accessed: Wednesday, October 8,
2008; 11:55:01 AM.
b - UNDP Human Development Report 2007, Data refer to the most recent year available during 2000-2005.
c - FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization). 2007a. FAOSTAT Database. [http://faostat.fao.org/]. Data refer to
the average from 2002-2004.
d - .. indicates data was not available.
94
These are rough-and-ready estimates. Poverty is widely understood to be multi-dimensional and

encompassing much more than levels of income. For example, a dynamic view of poverty
understands that the determining condition for poor people is uncertainty (United Nations, 2005).
Young people’s capacities to cope with uncertainties, such as a sudden loss of income, are shaped by
a range of supports. These include the legal rights, entitlements and support systems provided by
families, schools, employers, or governments. They also include an individual’s own personal
attributes such as level of education attainment and physical health. Income alone does not determine
these attributes. The World Bank’s 2006 World Development Report Equity and Development argues
that that an equity approach to poverty should focus on “individuals having equal opportunities to
pursue a life of their choosing and be spared from extreme deprivation in outcomes” (The World Bank,
2006: 2). This is far from the reality of most adolescents in the region. Both the Bank and the UN
agree that existing social inequalities are least justifiable when they affect children and young people,
the groups for whom the effects of social and material disparities are the most harmful and persistent
(United Nations, 2005b; World Bank, 2006).
Despite these considerations, the crude estimates presented in table 5.1 suggest that the proportion
of young people living in poverty in West and Central Africa is extremely high. In Nigeria, 23 million
adolescents live on less than US$ 1 a day, in Ghana 2.3 million, and in Niger 1.8 million. Without
exception, at least half of all young people aged 10 to 19 years old live on less than US$ 2 in every
country in the sub-region. In terms of undernourishment, it is high among adolescents in countries
such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (74 percent), Central African Republic (44 percent),
Sierra Leone (51 percent) and Liberia (50 percent), all countries that are experiencing or have
recently experienced violent conflict. By matching countries for which there is no data to a country in
close geographic proximity with an available poverty measure, overall estimates can be produced for
the sub-region.20 Such calculations indicate that roughly 48 million adolescents in West and Central
Africa live on less than US$1, approximately 70 million on less than US$2, and 22 million are
undernourished. Though the estimates presented in Table 5.1 are extrapolations from the proportions
of the total population living in poverty in the countries shown, they are likely to be accurate estimates
of youth who live in poverty, as the situation of youth in many countries is often dependent on that of
adults.
With these high levels of poverty, a picture takes shape of the desperate situations faced by many
adolescents that leave them highly vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. It also underscores the
degree to which UNICEF must link its child protection work to efforts to identify and address current
gaps in economic strategies and social policy responses (including social protection systems).
Children living in the poorest households and in rural areas are most likely to be engaged in child
labour. Progress in reducing adolescent poverty, such as providing viable, local livelihood options, will
likely promote progress in an area of child protection, such as exploitative labour and trafficking. To
this end, the needs of adolescents must be well embedded into the sub-region’s poverty reduction
agendas. Beyond this, specific forms of violence, exploitation and abuse are also examined below.
5.2 Trends in child labour and trafficking
(...) when she (the intermediary) came, she gave me 25,000 FCFA (US$ 35) to take care of my
children. She promised to find my son a job and said that I would receive some money every month. I
thanked God, because I thought that I had at last found a way of taking care of my seven children. I
had no idea what she really had in mind for my child.
Interviewee from Togo, as quoted in a study on child trafficking in the subregion (ILO, 2001)
As noted in Chapter 2 on the transition from school to work, adolescents should make this transition
when it is beneficial to their development. The term “child labour” generally applies to work that
20
This approach has been used by other researchers, such as Curtain R. in UNFPA, 2008. Putting Young People into National
Poverty Reduction Strategies - A Guide to Statistics on Young People in Poverty, New York; UNFPA. and UNFPA, 2005. Case
for Investing in Young People As part of a National Poverty Reduction Strategy, New York: UNFPA. The substitute countries
used for the West and Central Africa sub-region calculations are as follows: Cape Verde, Equatoial Guinea and Sao Tome &
Principe = Senegal; Chad = Niger, Congo and DRC = CAR, Gabon = Cameroon, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia = Sierra
Leone, and Togo = Benin.
95
deprives children of their childhood, their potential and their dignity, and that is harmful to physical and
mental development. In its most extreme forms, child labour involves children being enslaved,
separated from their families, exposed to serious hazards and illnesses or left to fend for themselves
on the streets of large cities (ILO, 2006).
The International Labour Organization (ILO)’s Minimum Age Convention (No. 138) establishes that the
minimum age for work should not be below the age for finishing compulsory schooling, which is
generally 15. Children between the ages of 13 and 15 years old may do light work, as long as it does
not threaten their health and safety, or hinder their education or vocational training. UNICEF defines
child labour as work that exceeds a minimum number of hours, depending on the age of a child and
on the type of work. For example, children 5 to 11 years of age should not work more than one hour
outside the home or 28 hours within the home per week. Adolescents aged 12 to 14 should not work
more than 14 hours a week outside the home and adolescents from 15 to 17 should not work more
than 43 hours a week outside the home (UNICEF, 2006).
Based on these definitions, approximately 41 percent of children 5–14 years of age in West and
Central Africa are subject to child labour (UNICEF, 2008c). This is higher in many countries, such over
55 percent in the Central African Republic, Chad, Ghana, Niger, Sierra Leone and Togo. Though
percentages vary only slightly between males and females, the kinds of child labour often differs.
Boys are more likely to be engaged in child labour outside the home and in the economic sphere,
whereas those burdened with household chores are overwhelmingly girls. The ILO estimates that
more girls under age 16 are in domestic service than in any other category of work or child labour
(2004).
Some of the worst forms of child labour include sexual exploitation and trafficking. Trafficked children
and adolescents often end up in situations of sexual exploitation. It is only recently that the
phenomenon of trafficking in children for labour is being studied. In Africa, the lack of information
concerning statistics on trafficking over the years makes it difficult to ascertain whether trafficking in
adolescents is on the rise.
Moving adolescents across borders is facilitated by the African tradition of migration for labour, land or
fodder. Migration from rural to urban areas, during the dry season, in order to find temporary jobs has
always existed in many African communities. Moreover, in the extended African family system, the
upbringing of a child is everyone’s responsibility. If there are relatives living in better circumstances,
the child is entrusted to them for its education and social upbringing. Today, more and more of these
children end up being exploited. Studies show that countries that have widespread poverty, low
education levels and high fertility rates tend to be those from which children are trafficked, while those
that are less populated and more developed are the countries to which children are sent (ILO 2001).
Gabon, for example, is a “receiving country”. The political stability of countries like Cameroon attracts
traffic in children from the surrounding unstable countries such as Chad and the Congo (UNICEF,
2002).
In general, boys are mainly trafficked to work in plantations and girls as domestics. Both sexes are
found in activities such as street trade, catering and prostitution (ILO, 2004). The education level of
trafficked children as well as that of their parents is generally very low. In general, trafficked children
come from poor families with more than five children, living in rural areas. The rivalry between
spouses in polygamous families or the death of a parent can be a cause for the placement or
trafficking of a child (ILO, 2001). Certain ethnic groups, like the Kotokoli from Togo, are more
susceptible to becoming victims of trafficking. In Bamenda, Cameroon, bulletin boards advertised jobs
for children from 6 to 14. In Kayes and Bamako, Mali, organised networks exist that assist children in
going to France. Two testimonies from Cameroon revealed that recruiters operated under the cover of
religious organisations or football clubs to send boys and girls to Europe for prostitution (ibid).
Poverty remains one of the main reasons behind the trafficking of children and adolescents. In
addition, the belief that better services and facilities are available in urban areas has a strong pull on
deprived rural communities. Besides economic gains, parents believe that work will develop the
child’s self-assurance and be an opportunity for education (ILO, 2006). It is difficult to understand child
labour and develop effective protective responses, especially during adolescence, a period when
agency is increasingly tested and exercised. In one ethnographic study, the stories told by the
adolescent migrants and their parents show that adolescents do not abide passively with adults’
strategies for survival or profit-maximisation, but make their own decisions about migration and work
(Thorsen, 2007). Importantly, this study shows that adolescents’ independent migration stems in part
from their own aspirations. It is beyond the scope of this study to fully explore the dimensions and
96
differences between independent adolescent migration, forced migration, trafficking and exploitation.
However, in terms of UNICEF’s response in this area, it must take care to understand the nuanced
picture of adolescent migration by providing space for adolescent migrants to explain, in depth, their
motivations and actual experiences. For example, for most young people living in rural areas in West
and Central African countries, most educational strategies outside farming imply leaving home before
the age of 18 (Thorsen, 2006).
5.3 Trends in early marriage, domestic violence, and female genital mutilation
Several widespread socio-cultural practices in West and Central Africa also necessitate specific
attention to adolescent protection, including early marriage, domestic violence and female genital
cutting.
Child marriage
Child marriage, usually defined as marriage or union before 18 years of age, is a violation of human
rights whether it happens to a girl or a boy, but it represents perhaps the most prevalent form of
sexual abuse and exploitation of girls (UNICEF, 2006). The health consequences of early adolescent
marriage are discussed in Chapter 3 of this study, including increased exposure to premature
pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections and HIV/AIDS. Other harmful consequences include
separation from social isolation, lack of freedom to interact with peers and participate in community
activities, and decreased opportunities for education (ibid).
As noted in Chapter 3, many countries in West and Central Africa have laws specifying a minimum
age at marriage, but these are not widely enforced and, in a majority of countries, the actual age at
marriage is lower than the legal age. The right to 'free and full' consent to a marriage is recognized in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which also notes that consent cannot be 'free and full'
when one of the parties involved is not sufficiently mature to make an informed decision about a life
partner. In West and Central Africa, 45 percent of women 20 to 24 years of age were married or in
union before they were 18 years old. This is much higher in rural areas, where the proportion is as
high as 56 percent (UNICEF, 2008c). There are also intra-regional variations, as shown by the
percentages of women 15 to 19 years of age currently married depicted in Figure 5.1 below.
Figure 5.1 Percentage of young women currently married, according to age
Percentage of young women by current marital status, according to age
90 86.1 Age 15 to 19
81.1 80.6 Age 20 to 24
80
70.8 70.1
70
60.5 61.2
58.9 59.2
60
54.2
52.5
50.9
50 46.3
39.9 40.9 40.2

40 36.4
30.9 29.5
30 27.1 26.8
25.4 24
19.4 19.2
20 18 16.3
15.5
11.9 11.8
10 7.6 2.5
2.7
1.7
0
Niger Chad Mali Nigeria Guinea Burkina Senegal MauritaniaCameroon Benin Democratic Cote Togo Liberia Ghana Gabon Congo
Faso Republic of d'Ivoire
Congo
SOURCE: Macro International Inc, 2009. MEASURE DHS STATcompiler: http://www.measuredhs.com, Accessed April 2 2009.
Research shows that early marriage is related to the amount of schooling an individual has, as well as
socioeconomic status and rural-urban geography (National Research Council, 2005; Jenson, 2003).
The analysis, which is not exclusive to West and Central Africa but incorporates Demographic and
Health Survey (DHS) data from some of the countries in the region, found that young women and men
97
with 8 or more years of schooling are much less likely to marry early than are those with 0-3 years of
schooling (National Research Council, 2005). Women and men in the top wealth category are much
less likely to marry at young ages than are those in the bottom category, and those in urban areas are
much less likely to marry early than young people living in the countryside. However, of all factors,
greater variability exists in the timing of marriage by education than by household economic status or
residence (ibid). This suggests that UNICEF current approach to addressing the issue of early
marriage through the promotion of girls’ education continues to be important.
Domestic and other forms of violence
In relation to domestic violence, young women who married at younger ages are more likely to believe
that it is sometimes acceptable for a husband to beat his wife and are more likely to experience
domestic violence themselves (Jensen, 2003). Gender plays an important role in patterns of violence.
Stereotypes, and traditions are often used to justify violence and domestic violence is the most
common form of violence against women. The Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) collect
information to determine attitudes towards domestic violence, which is available for eight countries in
the sub-region as listed in Table 5.2. They show that many West and Central young African women
believe that a husband or partner is justified in beating his wife under certain circumstances. In all
eight countries except Ghana, close to 50 percent or more of adolescents between the ages of 15 to
19 years agree that a husband is justified in beating his wife if she is neglecting the children. This
information helps to expose the extent to which many adolescents likely experience domestic
violence.
Table 5.2 Female adolescent views towards domestic violence in select countries
Percentage of women who agree that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife when she…
himRefuses to have sex with
himRefuses to have sex with

Goes out without telling him
Goes out without telling him
Neglects the children

Neglects the children
Argues with him
Argues with him

Burns the food
Burns the food
Country
Young women aged 15 to 19 years Young women aged 20 to 24 years

Benin (2001)
28.5 38.6 41.4 48.7 15.1 29.0 39.3 45.0 51.5 17.1
Burkina Faso
28.2 49.0 49.8 51.9 31.9 25.0 49.9 50.8 54.1 36.6
(2003)
Cameroon
21.9 27.3 33.5 46.5 16.7 17.6 26.3 32.2 44.6 18.5
(2004)
Ghana (2003)
13.2 27.0 34.5 36.7 16.4 14.2 29.7 34.5 38.1 19.1
Guinea (2005)
30.6 49.4 67.2 64.9 48.8 33.2 56.2 71.0 71.5 58.9
Mali (2001)
33.2 58.7 71.2 70.8 64.0 33.5 61.0 74.4 70.1 72.0
Nigeria (2003)
29.6 42.5 51.1 49.3 33.3 29.6 43.4 51.6 48.0 36.1
Senegal
25.5 49.9 50.1 49.2 41.4 22.3 47.9 49.5 49.0 43.9
(2005)
Other forms of violence experienced by adolescents can take place in schools, care facilities, on the
streets or in the workplace (United Nations, 2006). For example, in Burkina Faso, excessive corporal
punishment in rural schools, along with frequent absence among teachers and lack of opportunities at
the labour market for school leavers, were found to be some of the reasons that adolescents leave
98
school (Throsen, 2006). Data indicate that while some violence is unexpected and isolated, the
majority of violent acts experienced by children and adolescents is perpetrated by people who are part
of their lives: parents, schoolmates, teachers, or employers (United Nations, 2006). While young
children are at greatest risk of physical violence, sexual violence predominantly affects female
adolescents (Krug, 2002).
Most violence against children remains hidden. Many children are afraid to report incidents of violence
against them or there are no safe or trusted ways for children or adults to report it. In some parts of
the world, people do not trust police, social services or others in authority; in others, particularly rural
areas, there is no accessible authority to which one can report. In many cases, parents, who should
protect their children, remain silent if a spouse, other family member, or a more powerful member of
society, such as a community leader, perpetrates the violence.
Female genital mutilation or cutting
Even though cultural practices may appear senseless or destructive from the standpoint of others,
they have meaning and fulfil a function for those who practise them. However, culture is not static; it is
in constant flux, adapting and reforming. People will change their behaviour when they understand
the hazards and indignity of harmful practices and when they realize that it is possible to give up
harmful practices without giving up meaningful aspects of their culture.
WHO/UNICEF/UNFPA joint statement on Female Genital Mutilation, 1997
Female genital mutilation or cutting (FGM/C) is another form of abuse against female adolescents.
The procedure is generally carried out on girls between the ages of 4 and 14 and is often performed
by traditional practitioners such as midwives. While health consequences vary, immediate
complications can include excruciating pain, shock, urine retention, ulceration of the genitals and
injury to adjacent tissue, and septicaemia (blood poisoning) (UNICEF, 2006). Gynecological
complications that result from female genital mutilation/cutting can become particularly serious during
and after childbirth.
In West and Central Africa, nearly a fifth of all women aged 15 to 49 years of age have at least one
daughter who has undergone FGM/C, though data from many countries in the sub-region are sparse
(UNICEF, 2008c). This percentage is much greater in some countries. For example, 73 percent of
women in Mali have at least one mutilated/cut daughter, 66 percent in Mauritania, 54 percent in
Guinea, and 32 percent in Burkina Faso (ibid).
The reasons for FGM/C are varied, but the most significant seems to be the belief that a girl who has
not undergone the procedure will not be considered suitable for marriage. Some governments have
been reluctant to address FGM/C. Considered a sensitive issue, it has been widely viewed as a
private act by individuals and family members rather than state actors. But the health and
psychological consequences of the practice, as well as its underlying causes, make it imperative for
societies and governments to take action towards ending FGM/C. The practice reinforces the
inequality suffered by girls and women and is a violation of universally recognized human rights,
including the rights to bodily integrity and to the highest attainable standard of physical and mental
health.
In 1997, UNICEF, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and WHO released a joint statement
to bring about a substantial decline in FGM/C in 10 years and to end the practice within three
generations. The statement calls for a multidisciplinary approach and emphasizes the importance of
teamwork at the national, regional and global levels. It further identifies the need to educate the public
and lawmakers on the importance of ending FGM/C, to tackle FGM/C as a violation of human rights,
in addition to being a danger to women's health, and to encourage every country where it is practised
to develop a national, culturally specific plan to end FGM/C. At the UN General Assembly Special
Session on Children in 2002, governments forged a commitment to end FGM/C by 2010. In February
2003, 30 African countries vowed to end FGM/C and called for the establishment of an International
Day of Zero Tolerance.
5.4 Trends and issues in situations of armed conflict and recovery
Global data are not systematically collected on youth affected by armed conflict as a specific cohort,
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nor is there reliable information on their sex composition. However, an estimated 300,000 children
under 18 years of age, representative of approximately 10 percent of global combatants, either are
fighting in wars or have been recently demobilized (The World Bank, 2007). Within West and Central
Africa, the problem is prevalent in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic,
Cote d’Ivoire, and Chad (United Nations, 2009). Between 30,000 and 50,000 child soldiers are
engaged in the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 30 percent of all combatants there (The
World Bank, 2007). In the past few years, Sierra Leone and Liberia have emerged from conflicts in
which large numbers of adolescents were directly or indirectly affected by armed conflict and are now
faced with the task of reintegration.
A large percentage of child combatants, as many as one-third, are abducted or otherwise forces into
fighting (The World Bank, 2007). Other young people join because of poverty and social marginality:
armies and militias offer youth employment, food, shelter, and social membership, and in many cases
the promise of drugs, sex, and material goods. A third of the fighters in the civil war in Sierra Leone
had lost at least one parent, and 60 percent had been displaced from their homes before the war
started; most were uneducated and poor. Political marginalization and the lack of economic
opportunities encouraged the formation of factions among both rural and urban youth (The World
Bank, 2007).
The impact of armed conflict on the lives of young people and on society as a whole is enormous.
Conflict seriously endangers the socialization process, affecting young people's chances of becoming
economically and socially independent adults. Conflict often destroys the safe environment provided
by a family, adequate nutrition, schooling and employment. During conflict, youth health risks
increase, especially for young women. Anxiety and depression, extreme stress, high-risk drug use and
suicide are disturbing aspects of youth health that are particularly prevalent in countries experiencing
war, occupation or sanctions (United Nations, 2005). In countries in which HIV prevalence is high in
peacetime, rates of HIV infection among both soldiers and civilians can jump dramatically during
periods of conflict, spurred by an increase in sexual violence and prostitution, massive population
displacements, and the breakdown of health systems (UNAIDS, 2004). Trauma and the lack of social
support and services seriously affect young people and cause lasting harm to their physical and
mental health.
The range of pain and loss for surviving ex-combatants includes almost every dimension of social and
economic wellbeing: injury, exposure to disease, psychological trauma, sexual abuse, social isolation,
poverty, lost of education. Strikingly, there is some evidence that these effects might be worse for
youth than for children, possibly because children are more resilient, or perhaps because they suffer
fewer stigmas (The World Bank, 2007). Overall, adolescents 10 to 19 years of age are more likely
than young children under 10 years of age to be forcibly recruited into fighting forces; to suffer sexual
violence; to miss out on educational opportunities; to head households and/or be forced to generate a
livelihood for themselves and others with little support or training (Lowicki, 2000). These experiences
occur in a variety of settings, including refugee and IDP camps, urban areas, and rural villages and
towns—and within fighting forces (United Nations, 2005). The security of camps for internally
displaced persons and refugees, in places such as eastern Chad and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, are especially hazardous and prime areas for recruiting adolescents. Lack of security in and
around camps has led to increased vulnerability of children to other grave violations, such as sexual
violence and abduction (United Nations, 2009).
Adolescents and Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration (DDR)
The most common approach to working with youth in situations of conflict and their aftermath is the
process of demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration (DDR). Minimally, youth require a DDR
process that not only meets their nutritional and health needs, but also their psychosocial needs,
including the need to re-establish acceptance of themselves and possibly their families and
communities. In very violent conflicts, the need for trauma counselling is critical, as can be indigenous
forms of healing and community reconciliation (United Nations, 1996). Children and youth often
describe ways in which conflict causes them to feel disconnected from their natural environment, their
cultural identities, and their emotions (CIDA, 2001).
Education, training, and recreation for youth is also an important part of the DDR process.
Overwhelmingly, youth in post-conflict situations identify both security and education as their top two
priority needs (USAID, 2001). Education enables youth to recover some degree of normalcy,
psychologically, and begins to help them rebuild their lives economically. There are many challenges,
including the fact that many war-affected youth have been out of school for long periods, and that
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many have the responsibility of supporting family members. Nevertheless, informal and accelerated
schooling should be provided.
Most challenging for DDR programmes is the need to help youth develop viable livelihoods. Many
past DDR operations have been criticized for failing to train ex-combatants for the actual range of
employment opportunities available, and this is especially true for young people. Microfinance
programs typically serve young people if they have had some prior business experience, even
marketplace hawking. Youth without such experience, however, may be better served by
entrepreneurial skills training in conjunction with microfinance.
As peace becomes a possibility in regions experiencing violence, planning for the needs of youth
should begin immediately. While the needs of youth associated with the fighting should be addressed,
they should not be segregated from other young people if possible. If former combatants are offered
services and educational opportunities that are denied other young people, a perverse economy of
entitlement may be established in which participation in war is rewarded (USAID, 2001). Similarly,
focusing exclusively on collecting the weapons of ex-combatants without also taking steps to limit
arms trading ignores the fact that most post-conflict environments are awash in small arms. For this
reason, the emphasis should be on social integration and meeting the needs of all youth, since, in
fact, the effects of conflict spare none (United Nations, 2005).
Gender considerations in DDR
An important lesson learned from past DDR processes is the need to integrate gender considerations.
Female adolescents play different roles within armed forces or armed groups. They may have been
wives (forced or not; married according to traditional customs or not), daughters of male combatants,
providers of logistical support (voluntary or forced), sexual partners to male combatants (again,
voluntary or forced), or been combatants themselves. In cultures where women and girls are
habitually subjected to discrimination and violence, conflict will simply make matters worse (Holst-
Roness, 2006).
Girls must be eligible to enter DDR processes as full persons (not as family members or dependants),
whether or not they surrender weapons. More particularly, girls in the company of male combatants
must not be considered as dependents, even if they did not bear weapons or engage in violence. It is
essential to ensure that girls have the possibility of being interviewed separately from men so that the
roles played by the girls and their wishes for the future can be better understood (for example,
abducted girls might not wish to resettle with their partners).
At the very least, separate facilities must be set up for boys and girls to ensure the safety of girls in
transit centres. Girls suffer constant harassment, stigmatization and sexual aggression when living in
transit centres, which prevents them from starting a healing process, attending school, going to
medical centres, performing their daily tasks and so forth. Specific support programmes must be set
up for girls to reduce the risk of their being isolated or rejected for being a former arms carrier or for
having had an "inappropriate" sexual life (Holst-Roness, 2006). Training in economically profitable
skills should not be confined to "gender-related training" in low-paid skills such as soap manufacturing
or hairdressing, which simply perpetuates gender discrimination. Finally, to ensure that the specific
needs of women and girls are adequately addressed, young women should be systematically involved
in defining and planning DDR processes and be represented on the relevant supervisory bodies and
on the teams of military and civilian personnel in charge of disarmament areas and demobilization
centres (United Nations, 2005).
It is also important not to apply gender stereotypes to male youth as well. For example, young men
may also be victims of rape and other forms of sexual abuse, and social taboos governing their ability
to seek help are often more restrictive than those facing females. As is the case with females, sexual
violence against males has the power not only to devastate the victim but also to destabilize society
as a whole, given the prevailing gender norms. The few services that exist for survivors of gender-
based violence rarely address the needs of males (World Health Organization, 2000).
Securing Livelihoods and Other Opportunities for Young People in Post-Conflict Situations
Any discussion of the youth bulge in Africa risks veering into the land of breathless alarmism - young
men and street gangs and guns, oh my!…
…The relationship between youth bulges and violence is important, but it speaks to just one
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manifestation of youth frustrations and desires. Other avenues for affecting the future include partisan
political action, participation in civil society organizations, student activism, and engagement in
translational religious movements. Regardless of whether these manifold forms of expression are
accompanied by violence, in light of youths’ demographic dominance, all of them will affect the
region’s future. In one way or another, young Africans are in the market for alternatives to the status
quo. People interested in Africa’s future ought to concern themselves not just with potential conflict,
but also potential political change.
Michelle Gavin, Adjunct Fellow for Africa, Council on Foreign Relations, 2007
Perhaps the most challenging aspect of DDR programmes is securing viable livelihoods for young
people. This is presently a challenge in all countries, but particularly rendered difficult where
prolonged conflict has undermined or destroyed the social and economic base. Yet, youth
unemployment in fragile states is increasingly a priority in peace-building efforts. The latest report of
the UN Representative on Children and Armed Conflict notes the “recycling” of young fighters in
regional conflicts. Evidence suggests that significant numbers of young people are being compelled to
join armed groups and take up lives as fighters because this provides them with the most viable
livelihood opportunity. These factors lead to the perpetuation of cycles of violence and instability
(United Nations, 2009).
Research also shows that an important factor associated with political violence and internal social
conflict is when young people are a prominent group within in the population, referred to as a youth
bulge, while the economy is weak and governance is poor (Sommers, 2006). Countries with youth
cohorts aged 15-24 who make up at least 35 per cent of the adult population, run a high risk of
internal armed conflict, after taking into account a range of factors such as the country’s level of
development and extent of democracy (Urdal 2006).
The reasons why young people are prone to political violence may be due to several overlapping
factors. The larger the size of the youth cohort, the fewer the opportunities for young people in a weak
economy (Urdal 2007). Certainly, the lack of alternative income opportunities is a reason, especially
for the less educated youth who join rebel forces as a source of income (Collier 2007:20). Also
important in explaining the connection between young people and political violence is their lack of
opportunity to participate politically. Where large youth groups seeking recognition are excluded from
political participation in a state that is neither fully autocratic nor fully democratic, youth may engage in
violent conflict behaviour to force democratic reform (Urdal 2007). This would include riots,
demonstrations, and other ‘low-level intensity’ political violence conflicts rather than full-scale war.
Therefore it would seem that an essential component of maintaining peace in war-affected and other
fragile nations is to ensure effective methods for including and engaging with youth (Sommers, 2007).
A prominent challenge confronting nations with youth-dominated populations is that their
governments’ policies are rarely centred on youth concerns, despite their majority numbers. Working
with young people in poor and unstable areas hinges on providing them with viable, appropriate
options based on their needs and choices (Gavin, 2007). For example, young people migrate to cities
for a number of reasons. This may be to diversify the household income, to make use of perceived
opportunities, to claim more freedom that is “adult-like” or a number of other reasons combined.
Although governments and institutions may not want to promote youth migration to cities, trying to
relocate young people to rural areas may prove counterproductive unless the reasons for urban
migration are well understood. Specific to post-conflict situations, youth often emerge from war with
new skills, experiences, and identities, and may have no interest in a return to the past. Integration of
young people, by working with them and giving them a voice, but more importantly an audience that
listens to their needs, is likely to be highly more effective than trying to reintegrate them into the pre-
conflict status quo (Sommers, 2007).
There are many international programmes, conventions and treaties that protect adolescent against
violence, abuse and exploitation. The World Programme of Action for Youth notes that young people
must be provided with a physical and social environment that promotes good health, offers protection
from disease and addiction, and is free from all types of violence. Under the priority of health, the
Programme notes that Governments should take effective steps, including specific preventive
measures to protect children, adolescents and youth from neglect, abandonment and all types of
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exploitation and abuse, such as abduction, rape and incest, trafficking, as well as from commercial
sexual exploitation resulting from pornography and prostitution (United Nations, 1995).
In 2007, Governments supplemented the World Programme with an additional set of actions to
address the situation of young people living in situations of armed conflict. This includes taking
measures to ensure that those who have not attained the age of 18 years are not compulsorily
recruited into their armed forces. Governments also should protect young people in situations of
armed conflict, post-conflict settings and settings involving refugees and internally displaced persons,
where youth are at risk of violence and where their ability to seek and receive redress is often
restricted. They should also take all appropriate measures to promote physical and psychological
recovery and social reintegration of young victims of armed conflicts, in particular by restoring access
to health care and education, and by putting in place effective youth employment strategies to help
provide a decent living for young people and to facilitate their reintegration into society (United
Nations, 2007).
The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) outlines the fundamental rights of children, including
the right to be protected from economic exploitation and harmful work, from all forms of sexual
exploitation and abuse, and from physical or mental violence, as well as ensuring that children will not
be separated from their family against their will. Two Optional Protocols further define these rights,
one on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, and the other on the involvement
of children in armed conflict.
In terms of child labour, the Convention concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the
Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (Convention No. 182) was created when the ILO
concluded that it was necessary to strengthen existing Conventions on child labour. There is also
Convention No. 138 on the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment and Work, which set the age
at which children can legally be employed or otherwise work. Both Conventions Nos 138 and 182 are
fundamental Conventions. Under the ILO Declaration, even the member States that have not yet
ratified these Conventions should respect, promote and realize the principles.
The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women protects female
adolescents from child marriage, as Article 16 requires that women are treated equally in all matters
relating to marriage and family relations and guarantees a woman “the same right freely to choose a
spouse and to enter into marriage only with their free and full consent”. Article 1 also defines
discrimination as "any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the
effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women,
irrespective of their marital status, on a basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and
fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field". Some have
used this provision to discourage female genital cutting as an extreme example of discrimination
based on sex.
At the regional level, the African Youth Charter also touches upon protective measures for
adolescents’ wellbeing. Article 8 notes that young men and women of full age who enter into marriage
shall do so based on their free consent and shall enjoy equal rights and responsibilities. Under article
23 on girls and young women, governments agree to enact and enforce legislation that protect girls
and young women from all forms of violence, genital mutilation, incest, rape, sexual abuse, sexual
exploitation, trafficking, prostitution and pornography. Article 17 makes extensive commitments in the
area of peace in security, noting the important role of youth in promoting peace and non-violence. It
commits signatories to strengthen the capacity of young people and youth organisations in peace
building, conflict prevention and conflict resolution and to mobilise youth for the reconstruction of
areas devastated by war, bringing help to refugees and war victims and promoting peace,
reconciliation and rehabilitation activities. The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child
of the Organization for African Unity (now African Union) adopted in 1990 also asserts many of these
same provisions.
Creating a protective environment is the basis of UNICEF’s strategy for protecting children. Of the
various approaches and policies reviewed, UNICEF’s approach to child protection is exceedingly
comprehensive and reinforced by other extensive studies on the issue, for example, the report of the
Independent Expert for the United Nations’ study on violence against children in 2006 (United
Nations, 2006). Through its country offices and programmes, UNICEF has amassed experience in the
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design, implementation and monitoring national child protection systems, social outreach, and
children’s own empowerment. UNICEF must continue to apply these promising approaches in the
sub-region.
The Protective Environment Framework (PEF), set out in the 2002 UNICEF Operational Guidance
Note, defines eight broad elements that are critical to good protection. These elements work
individually and collectively to strengthen protection and reduce the vulnerability of adolescents to
poverty, child labour and the harmful cultural practices discussed earlier in this chapter. This section
applies an adolescent lens to these eight strategies and provides examples of their promising
applications in the West and Central African region.
Strategy 1: Strengthen government commitment to fulfilling protection rights
Preventing the exploitation and abuse of adolescents requires social policies, adequate budgets, and
public knowledge and ratification of international instruments. Standards set out in the Convention on
the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW), and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, for example, provide a
strong footing for national actions to ensure adolescents are protected from violence and exploitation.
Government commitment to respecting, protecting and fulfilling the rights of adolescents is an
essential element of a protective environment.
Very often governments in the sub-region will deny the exploitation of adolescents in their country and
sometimes need to be shown that this is a problem found all over the world. For this reason, the more
promising legislative approaches tend to be regional in nature. The Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) initiated its first plan of action on the fight against illegal trafficking of
persons in 2002. Their latest three-year Plan of Action, from 2006-2009, aims at protecting and
supporting the victims by creating awareness of human trafficking abuses, as well as planning
strategies for its elimination by the collection of data and the analysis of relevant information. UNICEF
needs to continue to make sure that adolescents are well placed as a population of concern in such
regional agreements. In July, 2005, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, Mali, Nigeria,
Benin and Ghana signed a multilateral agreement on child trafficking in West Africa, while
Memorandums of Understanding were signed between governments.
Experience at country level shows that a range of entry points can be used to strengthen child
protection systems, for example linking support for HIV/AIDS prevention to exploitation issues.
Earmarking funds for child protection within national budgets is also an emerging phenomenon. The
challenge is to obtain recognition of the importance and the costs of child protection. No less than
health or education, this sector needs adequate funding, oversight, measurement and monitoring, with
the requisite capacity and policies in place (UNICEF, 2008).
Strategy 2: Enforce legislation
Effective national laws protecting adolescents need to be reliably enforced. Given the diversity of
economic and political contexts in the sub-region, there are different priorities for strengthening
protection systems. However, all countries in the sub-region must continue to concentrate on
implementing a minimum package of child protection laws and services.
One of the more promising developments in the application of international child legislations and
standards is ending the impunity for engaging youth in armed conflict. In 2007, the Report of the
Special Representative of the Secretary-General reported significant steps in this regard. This
includes the confirmation by the International Criminal Court of the charges against Thomas Lubanga
Dyilo, founder and leader of the Union of Congolese Patriots in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, for the conscription and enlistment of children under the age of 15 and the use of children for
active participation in hostilities. Another tribunal, the Special Court for Sierra Leone, convicted and
sentenced several leaders of the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council for, among other crimes, the
recruitment and use of child soldiers. The Special Court in The Hague tried Liberia’s Charles Taylor for
11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including conscripting or enlisting children into
armed forces or groups and using them to participate actively in hostilities (United Nations, 2009).
This action against a former President sends a clear message that no individual is beyond the reach
of justice for crimes against children.
These applications of international norms, combined with increasingly political commitment through
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the Security Council (e.g. resolution 1612 on Children and Armed Conflict passed in 2005), have
strengthened UNICEF’s ability to have for more meaningful protection dialogue with parties to conflict.
Such dialogue has begun to yield concrete results in terms of commitments by parties to conflict,
which are being translated into tangible protection for children on the ground. In Côte d’Ivoire, for
example, approximately 1,200 children were released to UNICEF and its child protection partners on
the strength of the action plan agreed in November 2005 by the Forces armées des forces nouvelles.
The momentum of that initial dialogue also led to similar action-plan commitments by the four major
pro-Government militia groups in western Côte d’Ivoire, which has now resulted in the identification of
children in their forces and a process of releasing some 204 children, 84 of whom are girls. In Chad,
dialogue between UNICEF and the Government of Chad led to the signature in April 2007 of a
protocol of agreement on protecting children who are victims of armed conflict and their sustainable
reintegration into communities and families. In the Central African Republic, the Government, the
Assembly of the Union of Democratic Forces rebel group and UNICEF signed an agreement in June
2007 for the release and reintegration of some 400 children associated with armed groups (ibid).
The challenge now, as identified in the remaining strategies, is how to successful reintegrate these
children and adolescents and provide them with viable options for building their future.
Strategy 3: Address harmful attitudes, traditions, customs, behaviour and practices often through
Strategy 4: Open discussion, including the engagement of media and civil society
If attitudes condone violence against and abuse of adolescents, this facilitates ignoring their rights and
protection. Adolescents are more likely to be protected in societies where all forms of violence against
young people are taboo and where the rights of young people are broadly respected by custom and
tradition. Gender plays an important role in patterns of violence and stereotypes, and traditions are
often used to justify violence. Many forms of violence against adolescents are accepted by society,
including abusive power relationships, early marriage, female genital mutilation/cutting, and the sexual
exploitation of young women. In Senegal, UNICEF provided financial and communication support to
local NGOs which helped create the movement against female genital mutilation/cutting.
Addressing harmful attitudes, behaviours and practices relates very much to encouraging open
discussion and engaging new partners. Violence against young people is not a private matter and
needs to be brought to public attention. The media can be very effective in challenging attitudes that
condone violence and in promoting more protective behaviours and practices. They can also help
children express themselves about violence in their lives. Silence is a major impediment to securing
supportive environments for young people.
An example of fostering dialogue and working with new stakeholders to protect adolescents in the
region is the International Cocoa Initiative (ICI). The ICI was established in 2002 as a result of a
groundswell of opinion urging the chocolate industry to ensure child and forced labour were not used
in the production of their products. The initiative is a partnership of concerned companies, labour
unions and NGOs, with the objective to support changes in practices that will overtime eliminate child
labour in the sector. The initiative works with communities to sensitise farmers and community leaders
to abusive labour practices and help them identify how they might work to end these. At the outset,
each community creates an action plan to ensure children are not involved in hazardous practices, a
mechanism for the identification and rescue of trafficked children, investment in education and youth
programmes, and a framework to ensure these changes become permanent. Some of the results
from pilot projects in Ghana and Ivory Coast are as follows: In 87.5% of communities, children are no
longer involved in spraying of cocoa; 79% of communities have taken measures to reduce the loads
children carry; In all communities, parents and guardians have started providing protective clothing for
children when they accompany them to the farms; 83% of communities have taken measures against
children breaking pods; In 87.5% of communities, the Traditional Labour Cooperation has been
revived, thereby allowing children to go to school; and 87.5% of communities officially requested
teachers, 54% were granted (ICI, 2006).
Strategy 5: Build adolescent’s life skills, knowledge and participation
Life skills and knowledge allow a young person to be proactive in their own development, including
the protection of their rights. Adolescents can learn to identify, avoid and, if necessary, deal with
potentially abusive situations, for example, by bringing it to the notice of someone who will take action.
More generally, optimizing the opportunities for learning and participation that young people have in a
range of social environments is instrumental to their development and the transitions they make to
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adulthood. A crosscutting issue to emerge from this study is the need for adolescents to participate in
all areas of their development and to have better access to information and opportunities to make
informed decisions about their lives.
In Sierra Leone, the government is working to establish three pathways for its young people: improve
basic human capital services, enhance opportunities for productive employment, and encourage civic
participation to rebuild social capital. To respond to the high demand for second-chance education, it
has instituted programmes such as Complementary Rapid Education for Primary Schools (CREPS),
which provides condensed education to youth forced to leave school during the conflict. The
programme has benefited approximately 110,000 youth (The World Bank, 2007).
Chapter one of this study examined the demographic dividend, that is how a large youth cohort, when
supported by investments in their education and health, can provide economic growth and returns for
their countries. However, the realization of the demographic dividend depends on several individual
social, economic, and political factors. As part its ongoing work on issues related to youth and
violence, the World Bank has funded a Youth Exclusion and Political Violence project. The project
seeks to identify relationship between youth bulges, marginalization and political violence and to
engage large youth cohorts positively in development. Identifying, such as a lack of engagement,
which break the general adverse relationship between youth bulges and political violence is an
important step in assisting policy makers to realize the economic and social potential of large youth
cohorts.
Strategy 6: Build the capacity of those in contact with adolescents
Families, teachers, health and social workers, medical personnel and others in proximity of
adolescents need to be trained in prevention and protection efforts, including early recognition of
abuse and appropriate responses. After having experienced or witnessed violence, children often feel
guilty or blame themselves; adequate and professional assistance is crucial to mitigate or avoid this
reaction.
The UN Report on Violence Against Children notes that factors that are likely to be protective in the
home include good parenting, positive non-violent discipline, and open communication between
parents and children (United Nations, 2006). It can be useful to develop gender-sensitive caregiver
programmes that orient parents towards constructive and positive forms of discipline, taking into
account an adolescent’s evolving capacities. Factors that are likely to protect against violence at
school include school-wide policies and effective curricula that support the development of non-violent
and non-discriminatory attitudes and behaviours. High levels of social cohesion have been shown to
have a protective effect against violence in the community, even when other risk factors are present
(United Nations, 2005). In urban areas, it can be useful to implement adolescent-rights training within
police authorities that includes information on appropriate ways to deal with all children, particularly
those from marginalized groups; the stages of child development, the process of identity
development, the dynamics and nature of violence against children, the difference between regular
peer groups and gangs, and the appropriate management of children who are under the influence of
alcohol or drugs (UNICEF, 2006).
One of the organized responses to trafficking in the region that builds the capacity of those in contact
with adolescents is the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour’s (IPEC)
Subregional Project to Combat Trafficking in Children for Labour Exploitation in West and Central
Africa (LUTRENA). Since July 2001, nine countries (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire,
Gabon, Ghana, Mali, Nigeria and Togo) created local vigilance committees (LVCs) to stop trafficking in
sending areas. LVCs, which are composed of trained community volunteers, identify traffickers,
monitor borders for cross-border movement of children, and organize educational alternatives and
other activities to keep children in their homes and villages. In Mali, for example, LVC’s set up in the
towns of Kolondieba and Koutiala have been instrumental in curbing trafficking of girls to larger cities
in Mali and across the border to Côte d’Ivoire and to Burkina Faso to work as domestics, market
porters, and vendors. These girls are often sexually abused and face the risk of being pulled into the
sex trade. To organize the LVCs, the LUTRENA team turned to child protection and community
development NGOs with proven records of accomplishment and long experience in the target areas.
Today, 26 LVCs with 222 members are strategically located in communities around Kolondieba and
Koutiala. Since 2005, they have repatriated 430 children and more than 3,500 children have been re-
enrolled in public school or vocational centres. The committees have worked with school boards,
teachers, journalists, parent/teacher associations and government officials to monitor children and
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provide meaningful alternatives for them and their families (ILO, 2006).
Strategy 7: Provide basic and targeted service for prevention, recovery and reintegration
Adolescents have the right to basic social services, health and education, without discrimination, and
specific services that help to prevent violence and exploitation. For example, services for adolescents
experiencing of domestic violence should be accessible. Outreach efforts should consider targeting
women who were married before age 18 as potentially in need of assistance. Mapping child marriage
levels within countries may be a useful practice for programmatic purposes when determining where
to launch new prevention campaigns. It can also be used to track future progress by comparing child
marriage levels at different points in time (UNICEF, 2006).
In situations of conflict and recovery, it is critical to undertake all necessary measures to demobilize
youth who are still in the ranks of armed groups. Proper integration of young people in their
communities is crucial to avoid re-recruitment and to ensure stability in the peace process. As noted
earlier in this chapter, there needs to be concerted effort at solving youth unemployment. This
requires a more systematic lessons-learned analysis, but also the ability to work directly with young
people to determine their needs and choices, the opportunity to experiment with new solutions, and
the open acceptance that some efforts will fail, while others may point to new possibilities.
Furthermore, participatory, adaptable programmes for youth that can adjust to changing conditions
and problems surfacing from the monitoring process require sufficient resources. Governments and
the donor community may have to be sensitized to the situation to ensure adequate and multi-year
funding commitments.
Strategy 8: Activate monitoring, reporting and oversight channels
Abuse, exploitation and violence against young people, especially sexual violence, are often shrouded
in secrecy. In many countries data collection is weak or non-existent and follow-up mechanisms are
deficient.
There is a need to standardize formats for the collection of information on adolescents in relation to
trafficking and other forms of exploitation. In Mali’s National Plan of Action to Combat Child Trafficking
(Plan National d’urgence de lutte contre le trafic d’enfants), committees and technical units to monitor
implementation have been established at national, provincial and local level. These generally include
representatives from government, technical and financial partners, national and international NGOs,
the consular services and other diplomatic representations. In the Sikasso region, for example, a
consultative committee has been established, including representatives of Provincial Government
departments, civil society and the transport workers’ union, and directed by a steering unit headed by
the administrative Governor of the Province (Diarra, 2001).
In terms of adolescents in conflict situations, with the establishment of the Security Council Working
Group on Children and Armed Conflict, the Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-
General for Children and Armed Conflict, and the Task Force on Children and Armed Conflict at UN
Headquarters, monitoring and reporting channels at have been greatly strengthened. This has trickled
down to country-level task forces on monitoring and reporting, peacekeeping and political missions
and United Nations country teams, as well as with some Member States and non-governmental
organizations (NGOs). It means that regular reports are submitted to the Security Council to assess
Member States with respect to whether they have ceased recruiting and using children, and whether
they have refrained from committing other grave violations. Progress made by the parties is also
assessed against whether they have engaged in dialogue with country-level task forces on monitoring
and reporting, as called for in Security Council resolutions 1539 (2004) and 1612 (2005), and whether
through that dialogue, or in the context of other processes, such as DDR programmes, they have
developed and implemented action plans to end the use of children soldiers. Parties who fully comply
with terms set forth in action plans and undertake verified measures to address other grave violations
for which they have been cited, to the satisfaction of the country-level task force on monitoring and
reporting and the Task Force on Children and Armed Conflict, are de-listed from Security council
watch lists.
5.4 Conclusion
Failing to protect children from such issues as poverty, child labour, violence, harmful traditional
practices, and armed conflict threaten all aspects of their transitions to adulthood. Violations of the
107
child’s right to protection take place in every country and are massive, under-recognized and under-
reported barriers to adolescent development, in addition to being human rights violations.
In the West and Central Africa region, strenuous advocacy efforts by UNICEF and its partners,
coupled with media coverage and partnerships across sectors, have helped to push child protection
up the agenda. The information reviewed in this section of creating a protective environment for
adolescents will require further strengthening, especially as concerns working directly with
adolescents on reducing their poverty through viable livelihood options that meet their needs and
aspirations. Clearly, UNICEF has accrued extensive experience and is able to provide leadership in
the area of child protection. However, UNICEF must ensure that this experience extends to
adolescents in the region, as the evidence presented here shows the degree to which they are not
immune to human rights violations.
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SECTION 6: Current Investments in Adolescent Development
6.0 Current Investments in Adolescent Development
This chapter examines current investment and spending on programmes that aim to support
adolescent development in West and Central Africa. It is an important part of this study, as the
recommended programmes and interventions discussed in previous chapters require adequate
human and financial resources. The section begins by presenting information that indicates if and how
youth development issues are considered among the five largest bilateral donors to the sub-region,
namely France, the United Kingdom, Germany, the United States, and Japan. Next, it looks more
specifically at funds for youth development from multilaterals institutions that work across several
areas of youth development, such as the World Bank and the European Union, as well as regional
entities such as African Development Bank and the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS). Lastly, the chapter looks at the spending of some of the main agencies and programmes
working in specific areas such as education and livelihood opportunities for young people, adolescent
health (HIV/AIDS, early marriage, risk behaviours), and youth civic engagement.
As far as possible, specific levels of investment are reported in order to better assist UNICEF WCARO
in identifying current funding streams for young people in the region, as well as significant gaps where
resources are lacking in relation to adolescent needs.
6.1 Current Investments in Youth from Bilateral Donors
In terms of a broad overview, donor assistance accounts for approximately nine percent of the
aggregate GDP of the West and Central African countries. Of this amount, approximately half derives
from multilateral sources and half from bilateral. The principal multilateral sources include the World
Bank, the African Development Bank (AfDB), the UN agencies and the European Union (EU), each of
which is examined further in this chapter (USAID, 2009).
In terms of bilateral aid, France is the largest donor to the region, providing 3.3 billion dollars of
Official Development Assistance (ODA) to the region’s 24 countries in 2005 (ADF, 2007). Other major
bilateral donors include the United Kingdom (largely concentrated on Nigeria and Ghana), Germany,
the United States, and Japan. In 2005, these countries accounted for approximately 86 per cent of the
12.1 billion USD net disbursements of ODA to the WCARO region from OECD21 donor countries.22 In
2006, two countries from the region, namely Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
ranked among the OECD’s top ten recipients of gross ODA.
Agence Française de Développement (AFD) www.afd.fr
The Agence Française de Développement (AFD) currently directs its funds and associated technical
assistance as defined by the strategic plan adopted by AFD’s Supervisory Board for the 2007-2011
period (ADF, 2007). In this roadmap, Africa continues to be the priority region for French cooperation,
receiving two-thirds of all French bilateral aid. Seven priority sectors are assigned to AFD, which
include agriculture and rural development, health, including HIV/AIDS, education and vocational
training, environment protection, water and sanitation, infrastructure and private sector financing. In
West and Central Africa, leading themes include reinforcing regional integration in conjunction with
NEPAD and the Franc CFA Zone, as well as sustainable management of migration flows.
A survey of the ADF’s guiding policies and current projects indicate no particular priority emphasis on
child and adolescent development. However, there are indications that the Agency is becoming more
aware of the need to consider youth development in its assistance. For example, the Agency’s
research department, which in part guides future priorities, has produced several working papers on
youth issues of late. Most recent is a working paper that resituates the demography issue at the
21
The OECD Development Assistance Committee consists of 23 bilateral donors. A list of members is at: www.oecd.org/dac
22
Based on the author’s own calculation using the OECD’s Geographical Distribution of Financial Flows to Aid Recipients
2001/2005, 2007 Edition. A 2008 edition is available for this data and the updated data reflects two trends: the end of specific
high levels of debt relief (notably for Nigeria) and a small increase in other official development assistance.
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centre of the debate on growth and development. The paper highlights the importance of the
demographic variable, particularly in West and Central Africa, which is set to triple or quadruple by
2050 in countries like Niger, Mali or Chad and will require massive efforts to achieve the MDGs. It
notes that the behaviour of young generations in upcoming years will be decisive in shaping this
region’s population dynamics and advocates for improved adolescent access to reproductive health
services within a framework that goes well beyond the mere provision of healthcare (ADF, 2008b).
The Agency is also looking more closely at the problem of youth unemployment in the region. It has
undertaken an extensive literature review, with an emphasis on identifying significant knowledge gaps
(ADF, 2008c). It has identified the need to acquire better information and data for rural areas, to place
more attention to under-employment and to the quality of jobs, and be more focussed on the informal
sector and its links to economic growth, labour demand and the types of jobs being created. The
Agency is particularly interested in reviving and improving technical and vocational educational
programmes and has commissioned extensive research on the restructuring of traditional
apprenticeship in countries such as Benin, Mali, Senegal and Togo (Walther, 2008). It views
apprenticeship in West Africa as a key strategy in providing skills training and qualifications for young
people who have not completed primary or lower secondary education.
United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DfID) www.dfid.gov.uk
The Department for International Development (DFID) manages the United Kingdom’s development
assistance with a budget of over 12 billion USD. In 2007/08, 57 per cent of DFID expenditure was
bilateral assistance and 38 per cent was multilateral assistance. Of its 14 priority countries in 2007-08,
four are in the West and Central Africa region, namely the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ghana,
Nigeria and Sierra Leone. It also has smaller programmes in Cameroon, Liberia and Niger.
DFID’s priorities and projects align closely with the MDGs. In terms of its work in poverty reduction,
“DFID works to encourage its development partners to adopt an inclusive approach and to involve all
groups in society, including young people, in developing and monitoring their Poverty Reduction
Strategies. DFID will take forward work to encourage participation by young people in decisions that
affect their lives, in particular as an integral part of its work on social exclusion” (DFID, 2008a). To
advance this effort, a Youth Working Group of the DFID/Civil Society Network on Children and Youth
came together in late 2007. The Working Group commissioned a study to assess the current
approaches to youth in DFID’s development cooperation in both policy and country assistance
practice (Maguire, 2007). The study undertook a review of a substantial sample of DFID documents
and interviews with a selection of DFID staff members (field and HQ) and partner organisations. As a
result, DfID is currently working to develop a policy framework for working with and incorporating the
needs of young people in their cooperation and assistance (DFID / CSO Children and Youth Network,
2008).
At a meeting on Youth Exclusion and Political Violence organized by the World Bank in December
2008, DFID confirmed its interest in developing guidelines for donor agencies for engaging with youth.
It also has a strong concern for promoting inclusive economic growth, particularly in terms of
addressing youth unemployment in fragile states.
In the absence of an explicit commitment and coherent approach to adolescent development, the bulk
of DFID’s support in this area appears to be through multilateral channels. The UK Government
supports the youth employment work of both the ILO and the World Bank. It provides 30% of the
funding for the Commonwealth Youth Programme, an amount that was £650,000 in 2008. DFID also
provided £5 million to the Population Council’s 2001-2007 research on ‘Transitions to Adulthood’.
DFID contributes a core annual grant of £7.5 million to the International Planned Parenthood
Federation to support their work to provide youth friendly services to meet the reproductive health
needs of young people (DFID, 2008a). In 2007, the UK and Denmark together provided $101.5 million
in core and non-core resources to UNFPA as a “reflection of the importance both countries attach to
UNFPA’s contribution to the MDGs and UN Reform”. This amount, which represented about 13% of
UNFPA’s total 2007 income of $752 million, will support youth development initiatives as outlined in
the Institutional Strategy document that governs the use of the contribution (DFID, 2008b).
At the country level, DFID also provides direct support for young people’s participation in development
programming in a number of countries. Some examples of this in the West and Central African region
include: support to the Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s plan to include children
and young people in their consultations of the Poverty Reduction Strategy; £5.6 million to a STOP HIV
mass media campaign in Nigeria between 2005 and 2008 to the campaign; and £1,140,000 to a
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project called “School for Life’ that will run until December 2011 to improving access to basic
education in four districts in northern Ghana.
German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) / GTZ:
http://www.gtz.de/en/index.htm
The Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) is a federally owned international
cooperation enterprise. The German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development
(BMZ) is its major client, but it also operates on behalf of other German ministries, the governments of
other countries and international clients, such as the European Commission, the United Nations and
the World Bank. The GTZ works on a broad range of topics that include rural development, economic
development and employment, environment and infrastructure, good governance, social
development, and cross-sectoral themes.
GTZ views youth development as a cross-sectoral theme and identifies young people as a target
group in their own right. In 1997, the BMZ became one of the first international donors to carefully
examine the role of young people in development. It recognized that in many partner countries of
German development cooperation, children and youth constitute 50-70 percent of the total population.
As a result, it initiated a multi-year sectoral study on the promotion of children and youth as a target
group in development cooperation. GTZ has produced an extensive handbook that aims to capture
the best of current approaches and methods for the promotion of children and youth (GTZ, 2006).
The GTZ has implemented programmes on youth employment, children's and young people's health,
high-risk behaviour in children and youth, education and training, and peace education and crisis
prevention. Current projects in the West and Central African region include:
Cote d’Ivoire: Combating child trafficking and worst forms of child labour (Aug 2002 to March 2011)
(See: http://www.gtz.de/en/weltweit/afrika/cote-d-ivoire/8046.htm)
Democratic Republic of the Congo: Reintegration of Child Soldiers in the East of the DRC in
partnership with the Commission Nationale de Désarmement, Démobilisation et Réinsertion
(CONADER) (Jan 2005 to Dec 2009) (See: http://www.gtz.de/en/weltweit/afrika/kongo/16157.htm)
Nigeria: Strengthening women’s and girls’ rights in Borno State, (July 2006 to September 2009)
(See: http://www.gtz.de/en/weltweit/afrika/nigeria/19226.htm)
Senegal: Promotion of Youth Employment in Urban Areas, in partnership with the Ministry of
Economy and Finance (Oct 2005 to Sept 2014) (See:
http://www.gtz.de/en/weltweit/afrika/14568.htm)
Sierra Leone: Promotion of the Development Capacity of Youths and Young Adults, in cooperation
with the Ministry of Education (Feb 2007 to Jan 2011) (See;
http://www.gtz.de/en/weltweit/afrika/senegal/20477.htm)
Sierra Leone: Promotion of Employment for Marginalised Youths, in cooperation with the Ministry of
Labour, Ministry of Youth and Sports (Jan 2006 to Mach 2010) See:
http://www.gtz.de/en/weltweit/afrika/senegal/15272.htm
United States Agency for International Development (USAID)

http://www.usaid.gov/missions/westafrica/
USAID currently has 9 bilateral missions in West and Central Africa, namely in Mali, Senegal, Guinea,
Sierra Leone, Liberia, Benin, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Ghana. USAID’s joint
Strategic Plan for Fiscal Years 2007 to 2012 outlines seven strategic goals. Young people are
mentioned specifically in a number of areas. Strategic Goal 3, Investing in People, describes social
services and protection for those whose needs are not addressed under humanitarian assistance or
other programs, including at-risk youth. Young people are also mentioned in terms of strategic
interventions in the areas of HIV/AIDS, conflict management, workforce development, and
improvement in the quality of education.
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USAID supports the MEASURE DHS (Demographic and Health Surveys) project that assists in the
collection and sharing data on the health and population trends in numerous countries. It maintains
the “Youth Corner!” website at http://www.measuredhs.com/topics/Youth/ in order to highlight DHS
findings specifically on youth concerning education, employment, media exposure, nutrition, sexual
activity, fertility, and general reproductive health. The Youth Corner is a part of the work of the
Interagency Youth Working Group (IYWG) (http://www.infoforhealth.org/youthwg). Formed in 2006,
the Working Group seeks to provide global technical leadership to advance the reproductive health
and HIV/AIDS outcomes of young people ages 10-24 by sharing research and programmatic results
and lessons on youth reproductive health and HIV/AIDS. Partners include organizations such as the
Population Reference Bureau and WHO’s Children and Adolescents Unit. USAID also supports Youth-
policy.com (http://www.youth-policy.com/), an online repository of mainly youth-focused reproductive
health and HIV/AIDS policies worldwide. This site contains a searchable database of over 130 full-text
policies addressing youth development from 48 countries.
Outside the area of reproductive health, USAID is also concerned with youth and conflict. Specific to
the sub-region, USAID supports post-conflict assistance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Liberia and Sierra Leone. The Agency’s Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance
offer technical guidance on a number of critical areas that have been shown to be contributing causes
of conflict, including youth underdevelopment, a lack of opportunities to gain livelihoods, human rights
abuses and gender equality. The Bureau has produced a toolkit on lessons learned in developing
programs for youth affected by conflict, which is available at http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/cross-
cutting_programs/conflict/publications/toolkits.html. USAID’s Workforce Development programme also
aims to reach at-risk, out-of-school youth in post-conflict environments to help them develop livelihood
skills, find or create employment, and continue with their education.
In the area of education, USAID runs the Educational Quality Improvement Program (EQUIP3), which
operates on three levels: building educational quality in the classroom, school and local community,
supporting educational policy, systems, and management, and promoting “learning and earning”
opportunities for out-of-school youth. EQUIP activities are undertaken at the request of USAID
missions or regional bureaus (such as the one in Ghana) in countries receiving assistance from the
Agency. Activities include, but are not be limited to, policy and situational analyses; needs
assessments; skill-gap analyses; feasibility studies; pilot interventions; applied research; data
collection; monitoring and evaluation studies; and dissemination of results and lessons learned. The
EQUIP project presently operates in Ghana, Liberia, Mali, and Senegal. (http://www.equip123.net)
The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) http://www.jica.go.jp/
The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) is one of the world’s largest bilateral development
assistance agencies with an estimated annual budget of $10 billion dollars. Its vision includes an
emphasis on “socially inclusive development” (JICA, 2008). JICA has offices in many of the countries
located in the West and Central African region and specifically targets the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Ghana, and Sierra Leone as countries in the region for priority assistance. Based on current
activities, projects and publications, the agency’s approach to youth development appears undirected
and limited to assistance in education and technical and vocational training.
Nevertheless, youth development seems to be increasingly figuring in the agency’s dialogue on the
integration on conflict prevention and global security. In November 2007, JICA, in collaboration with
the UNDP Africa Division in New York, held the Wilton Park Conference to discuss the link between
development aid and conflict prevention. Of the structural factors discussed, high proportions of young
people, their social exclusion and their unemployment were viewed as contributing elements to
outbreaks of conflicts. Remarks by high-level officials in JICA and notations in reports following the
conference indicate that the agency would like to “move these ideas forward in forms of both policy
initiatives and research projects” (Sakiko, 2007).
6.2 Current Investments in Youth from Multilateral Donors
In 2005, aid to net disbursements from multilateral agencies to the region was approximately 3.6
billion US dollars (USAID, 2009). Some of the main multilateral sources include the World Bank, the
African Development Bank (AfDB), the European Union (EU) and UN agencies. This section reviews
the spending on youth development of these institutions, as well as the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS).
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The World Bank www.worldbank.org/childrenandyouth
The World Bank’s interest in adolescent development emerged in the 1990s as a part of its increased
involvement in structural adjustment, social protection, primary education and healthcare. It was later
further stimulated by the invitation of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to then World Bank President
James Wolffensohn to join in the establishment of a Youth Employment Network at the time of the
Millennium Summit in September 2000. The Bank has also established a Children and Youth Unit in
its Human Development Network at Headquarters to manage its youth agenda and to ensure the
harmonization of investments across sectors and the life cycle. The Unit focuses on coordination,
rather than direct execution, and relies on strategic partnerships within and outside the Bank (United
Nations, 2008). Currently, the Children and Youth Unit is focusing on four areas: facilitating the
economic empowerment of young women; understanding preference formation and young people’s
risky decision-making; enhancing voice, reducing violence and crime; and assisting in the school-to-
work transition. The Unit is also keen to strengthen the evidence base for youth development work
and is working to compile and disseminate knowledge of what works in terms of technical assistance
and developing practical tools for Bank clients (ibid).
The Bank has invested heavily in its institutional knowledge development on young people. This
culminated in 2006 in the publication of a special edition of its flagship publication the World
Development Report, entitled Development and the Next Generation. At present, the logical
framework outlined in the report guides the Bank’s youth work. The framework focuses on creating an
enabling environment for youth development by focusing on policies and institutions, families and
communities, and participation and empowerment. It also emphasizes the opportunities facing youth
as they grow, their capabilities to choose wisely and the importance of second chances to recover
from harm received or poor decisions made earlier in youth (World Bank, 2006). The Bank has also
experimented with direct involvement of youth groups in its work, among other initiatives through the
establishment of Youth Advisory Groups at the country level and at a global policymaking level (The
World Bank, 2008a).
The World Bank has expanded its work on youth in response to increasing demands from country
clients and in recognition that the youth bulge in many countries provides an opportunity to invest in
young people for significant future benefits. As a result, the Bank reports increased lending for youth
development work. In fiscal year 2005, it claims to have lent nearly $1 billion for youth, though it is
difficult to use published sources to determine where and how this lending has been directed towards
more and better programming on the ground (United Nations, 2008). The Bank also reports that Africa
has seen fast growth in lending. It has increased its non-lending activities in response to rapidly
growing demand, especially for youth employment, youth at risk, vulnerable children and children and
youth in fragile States. The Bank also continues to invest heavily in strengthening the evidence base
for successful youth interventions. For example, under the Development Impact Evaluation Initiative
(DIME), a Bank-wide effort, youth employment interventions are a main thematic area.
It is difficult to establish whether the heavy investment in the knowledge and evidence base has
resulted in increased interventions or positive outcomes for adolescents in the Bank’s operations in
the West and Central African region. While some of the topics covered are certainly relevant for the
region, neither any of the six instalments of the “Human Development Network Children and Youth
Department (HDNCY) Working Paper Series” nor the thirteen “Youth Policy Notes” have had a
specific geographical focus on the sub-region. Bank staff have indicated the difficulty in convincing
World Bank country managers that investing in young people is good for the Bank and its clients.
Three fourths of outstanding loans are managed by country directors located away from the Bank’s
headquarters (The World Bank, 2008b).
A review of its 2008 Annual Report reveals that Africa as a continent received 5 per cent of its $5.7
billion lending in 2008 on “social development, gender and inclusion” which is lower then in South Asia
or in Latin America, but higher then the Middle East and North Africa region. On the other hand,
lending to Africa for both the education health and other social services amounted to some 15 per
cent of all International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the International
Development Association (IDA) lending in 2008 (The World Bank, 2008b).
The African Development Bank (AfDB) Group http://www.afdb.org
The African Development Bank (AfDB) Group is a regional multilateral finance institution established
to contribute to the economic development and social progress of African countries that are the
institution’s Regional Member Countries. The Bank Group has 77 member countries, comprising 53
115
regional member and 24 non-regional member countries, primarily from Europe, America and Asia
(ADB, 2009a)
The Bank finances projects, programs and studies in the areas of agriculture, health, education, public
utilities, transport and telecommunications, and the private sector. Projects are usually run by either a
government or the private sector. The Bank also finances non-project operations, such as structural
adjustment loans, policy-based reforms and various forms of technical assistance. In recent years, the
AfDB Group has also widened the scope of its activities to cover new initiatives such as the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), water and sanitation as well as HIV/AIDS. Since its
inception in 1967 until present, the cumulative loans and grants to the sub-region total US$ 6.3 billion
or 9.4 percent for Central Africa and US$ 12.0 billion or 22.6 percent for West Africa (African
Development Bank, 2009a).
In 2008, the AfDB approved a total of US$ 2.92 billion in financing (African Development Bank,
2009b). However, very limited funding was directed towards what AfDB refers to as the human and
social sector. Approvals by the Bank for the social sector in 2007 amounted to approximately US$1.8
million, or 4.6 percent of total loans and grants (African Development Bank, 2009b). This is actually a
decrease since 2006, which the Bank attributes to “enhanced selectivity toward projects and
programs that will have the maximum impact on poverty reduction” (African Development Bank,
2009c). In addition to health and education operations, the social sector includes the Bank’s support
for social protection projects targeting the poor and vulnerable, with an emphasis on fragile states. For
example, the Bank contributes to the reconstruction of socio-economic infrastructure in post conflict
settings, with an emphasis on labour-based public works, skills building and employment/income
generation. The Bank also works closely with other development partners in contributing to selected
demobilization, demilitarization and reintegration efforts. In 2007, three operations were approved for
the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Côte d’Ivoire, and Liberia to provide employment and
income-generating opportunities to former combatants and youth.
By comparison, the Bank favours the infrastructure sector, for example, by devoting 45 percent of its
total commitments to this sector in 2008. The four key areas under the infrastructure sector are
sanitation, energy, transport and telecommunications (African Development Bank, 2009d). In general,
poor infrastructure in Africa is a major impediment to development and the improvement in living
conditions, such that it can be argued that these investments will indirectly improve the situation of
young people in the region. Other AfDB’s activities are relevant for young people, as they would
support for example, reduction of maternal mortality or improvement of the higher education sector
through national and multinational financing. Nevertheless, the AfDB has no stated policy specifically
targeting young people nor does it have any specific projects aimed at youth participation or
adolescent development. It does however, at a political level, support African initiatives that seek to
augment policy attention to young people, arguing that the three interlinked challenges of leadership,
institutions and capacity are all implicitly reflected in Africa’s leaders of the future, its youth.23
The European Union (EU) http://europa.eu/
The work of the European Commission, which promotes the common interest of the 27 member
states of the European Union, is of interest in two ways, namely as a donor and a partner in
development cooperation, and through extensions of its own internal youth policies. Both are
reviewed here.
The history of an integrated European development partnership with Africa, including the West and
Central Africa region, is relatively new, and still developing. A significant attempt towards greater
integration was laid down in the 2005 EU Strategy for Africa to solicit more coherent and effective aid
from the EU and its individual member countries. Its purpose was to give the EU, as a whole, a
comprehensive, integrated and long-term framework for its relations with the African continent. The
EU-Africa Summit, held in December 2007 in Lisbon, cemented a new Africa-EU strategic partnership.
The Joint Africa-EU Strategy agreed upon provides an overarching long-term framework for Africa-EU
relations, while its first action plan specifies concrete proposals for 2008-2010, structured along eight
areas of strategic partnerships. The two most relevant areas of cooperation are in the partnerships on
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and on the topic of migration, mobility and employment
(Joint Africa-EU Strategy, 2007a).
23
See Statement Youth and Leadership in the 21st Century made by Donald Kaberuka, President of AfDB at ADF-V, Addis
Ababa, November 2006. Accessed at http://www.afdb.org/en/news-events/speeches/
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Concerning the MDGs, the joint policy contains four elements: to ensure the finance and policy base
for the MDGs, and three areas of action to achieve each of the food security targets, health targets,
and education targets of the MDGs. They thus support UNICEF’s larger programme in support of the
achievement of the child-related MDGs (Joint Africa-EU Strategy, 2007b).
In the second important area of migration, mobility and employment, the agreement carries three
distinct priority actions. The first is aimed at positive outcomes on migration and mobility, both for the
EU and African nationals. The second element is to better implement the existing EU-Africa Plan of
Action on trafficking of human beings, and activities in this area would be of great coherence with
UNICEF’s child protection activities in the region. The third action is to create more productive and
better jobs in Africa, in particular for youth and women in line with the UN (ILO’s) Decent Work for all
agenda in follow-up to the 2004 Ouagadougou Declaration on employment and poverty alleviation in
Africa (Joint Africa-EU Strategy, 2007c).
On a more practical level, the European Union has established regional strategies both for the West
Africa as for Central Africa sub-regions. They were implemented both for the periods 2002-2007 and
2007-2013.24 In addition to regional strategies, the EU also publishes, in similarity to the United
Nations system, a wide set of country strategy papers, similar in coverage to the UNDAF exercises by
the United Nations.25
There is limited, but growing, relevance of the EU’s own youth policies for the sub-region. After the
adoption of a extensively debated blueprint for European youth policy, commonly referred to as “White
Paper on Youth,” in 2001, the European Union’s resources for its youth policy are primarily used to
promote young people’s active citizenship in general and their European citizenship in particular. 26
However, the EU Youth in Action programme27 does contain a programme that promotes partnerships
and exchanges among young people and youth organisations across the world, including in Africa,
through its programme “Youth in the World.” The Programme aims to open up new horizons to
European youth and youth organisations beyond the EU’s borders, by facilitating exchanges and
other non-formal education activities aiming to deepen mutual understanding and tolerance. Very
unfortunately however, this programme is currently only supporting exchange with the neighbouring
regions of Eastern Europe and Caucasus, the Mediterranean region, and South-East Europe.
Partly to address this concern, an Africa-Europe Youth Summit was held in conjunction with the EU-
Africa Summit in Lisbon in December 2007 to highlight issues of concern to young people within the
context of EU-Africa co-operation and to engage more African and European youth in development
work. Its conclusions were collated into a ‘Final Declaration’ and presented to the participating heads
of state. Organised for the European Union by the Council of Europe’s North-South Centre, the
Summit addressed gender equality; health and HIV/AIDS; education; employment; peace and conflict;
globalisation; migration, co-development and human trafficking; inter-cultural dialogue; the
environment; participation and decision-making; and human rights and democratisation. The Summit
aimed to help towards the establishment of a permanent framework for youth dialogue and mutual
aid, which would allow European and African youth organisations to meet on a regular basis.28
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) www.ecowas.int and http://www.bidc-

ebid.org
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is a regional group of fifteen West
African countries, established in 1975 with as mission to promote economic integration. It was
founded to achieve "collective self-sufficiency" for the member states by means of economic and
monetary union creating a single trading bloc. The ECOWAS Secretariat and the ECOWAS Bank for
Investment and Development (EBID) are its two main institutions to implement policies.29
As part of its “Gender, Youth, CSO, Employment, Drug Control Department,” the objective of the
ECOWAS youth programme is to mobilize youth to contribute effectively to economic, social and
cultural development and integration of the region. The need to harness the potential of young people
24
These are available for review at: http://ec.europa.eu/development/geographical/methodologies/regiopapers_en.cfm
25
These are available for review at: http://ec.europa.eu/development/geographical/methodologies/strategypapers10_en.cfm
26
See: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/youth-policies/doc23_en.htm
27
See: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/youth-in-action-programme/doc247_en.htm
28
See: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/news/news245_en.htm
29
See http://www.bidc-ebid.org/en/bidc_historique.php
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in its integration drive was the focus of the first ECOWAS Youth Forum held in August 2003 in Abuja,
Nigeria. A policy and strategic plan of action is currently in preparation.30 There is no evidence of
country-based programming and/or funding aimed at adolescents through the ECOWAS Secretariat.
In terms of the activities of the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID), more
commonly known as the ECOWAS Fund, the initial capital is roughly US$ 750 million (EBID, 2008a).
EBID was given a new impetus in 2007 when the Heads of State of ECOWAS initiated institutional
reform of the Fund. The areas of intervention are infrastructure, rural development and the
environment, the social sector (which includes vocational training, education, health, and municipal
social services and equipment and decentralization support), industry development and general
services (e.g. financial, engineering, management). EBID's interventions are done either in the form of
direct funding of projects, or indirectly through intermediaries such as non-governmental organizations
(NGOs), associations, micro-finance organizations, or local banks (ibid).
As of September 2008, EBID’s Board of Directors has granted to its Member States financial
assistance relating to 65 projects for a total amount of US$ 702.45 million. Similarly to the African
Development Bank, the majority of this investment (64 percent or US$ 470 million) has been directed
towards infrastructure. Three of the 65 projects are in the social sector, amounting to approximately
41 million or 5.9 percent of investment (EBID, 2008b). All fifteen ECOWAS Member States have
received some of the funds, however main recipients include Burkina Faso (20 percent or US$ 117
million), Benin (16 percent or 93 million), Togo (15 percent or US$ 86 million) and Senegal (14 percent
or US$ 83 million).
Discussions are on-going with the African Development Bank (ADB), the World Bank, the European
Investment Bank (EIB), and the Governments of India, China, and the USA to mobilising additional
resources. The financial markets of Ghana and Nigeria are also being explored. The expected volume
of financing to be devoted to projects over the next five years is close to US$ 1.5 billion or roughly
US$ 300 million yearly. Infrastructure and support for the private sector and intra-regional trade will
continue to be priorities (EBID, 2008b).
The African Union Commission http://www.africa-union.org/youth
Though not a multilateral funding agency, the African Union Commission is increasingly a catalyst for
drawing attention to and raising resources for youth development activities on the continent. As a
political organization dedicated to the socio-economic integration of Africa, the African Union
generates political will and commitment for various initiatives. Most recently, the AUC’s work on youth
development has centred on bringing into full operation the African Youth Charter. Through its
department for Human Resources Science and Technology, it also convenes the sessions of the
Conference of the Ministers in Charge of Youth, at which it advances the political agenda for youth
development.
Most recently, the Executive Council at its 14th ordinary session held in Addis Ababa in January 2009
adopted the Decade on Youth Development in Africa for 2009 to 2018 (African Union, 2008). The
Commission, through its Department for Human Resources Science and Technology, has also
announced the creation of an African Youth Volunteers Corps in collaboration with UNFPA, UNV, and
with the support of the European Commission. The Corps will focus on population and public works
(census, statistics, environment, engineering etc); health, medical services (skilled attendants, para-
medical, counselling, nursing care, policy and management); vocational training and social welfare
service (special education, entrepreneurships, enter-educate); micro-credit projects (small medium
enterprises, farming, administration & accounting, marketing); and peace, security, and post-conflict
reconstruction projects (African Union, 2009).
6.3 Current Investments in Youth According to Specific Transitions
In order to better determine and evaluate levels of investment and spending in certain areas of
adolescent development, the remaining multilateral donors (mainly UN agencies and some private
foundations) are examined in relation to specific transitions to adulthood.
6.3.1.Education and livelihood opportunities for young people
30
As described on the ECOWAS website: http://www.comm.ecowas.int/dept/stand.php?id=e_e2_brief&lang=en
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UNESCO www.unesco.org/youth/
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) works in the fields of
education, natural sciences, social and human sciences, culture and communication. While its main
youth activities are run by a Youth Section within the Social and Human Sciences sector at
headquarters, a series of youth-related projects have been developed by focal points in UNESCO’s
various specialized sectors (United Nations, 2008).
UNESCO’s Education Sector has developed three core initiatives in response to the need for
sustained concerted action to address three persistent challenges to education in Africa. These are 1)
The Teacher Training Initiative in Sub-Saharan Africa (TTISSA), a 10-year initiative to improve teacher
training capacities in 46 sub-Saharan countries (www.unesco.org/fr/ttissa/); 2) The Literacy Initiative
for Empowerment (LIFE), an initiative targeting the 35 countries with 85 per cent of the world's
illiterate population (www.unesco.org/en/literacy); and 3) EDUCAIDS: The Global Initiative on
Education and HIV/AIDS, a UNESCO-led initiative carried out with 10 UN agencies to help
governments provide a comprehensive response in the area of HIV and AIDS education
(www.unesco.org/en/aids).
These programmes receive core funding from UNESCO and are administered by their decentralized
cluster offices (UNESCO, 2008). In the sub-region, UNESCO has offices in Accra (cluster office to
Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Togo), Bamako (cluster office to
Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Niger) Libreville (cluster office to Congo, Democratic Republic of the
Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Sao Tome and Principe) and Yaoundé (cluster office to Cameroon,
Chad and the Central African Republic). UNESCO’s Regional Bureau for Education in Africa (BREDA)
is located in Dakar.
As a specialized agency of the United Nations system, UNESCO is funded from assessed
contributions from its Member States. However, the approved Programme and Budget for the 2008-
2009 biennium, which amounted to US $631 million, is increasingly supplemented by extra budgetary
resources (UNESCO, 2008a). UNESCO currently receives more than half of its resources from extra
budgetary funding sources. The document Additional Programme of targeted/projected extra
budgetary activities is UNESCO’s main vehicle for resource mobilization throughout the biennium. As
of April 2009, the Additional Programme summarizes 908 project proposals for a total budget of some
US$ 1,181 million. Of this, approximately 280 million is earmarked for projects in Africa (UNESCO,
2009). Specific to the Regional Bureau in Dakar, some of the larger projects include US$ 2.4 million to
provide capacity-building to Governments to address the challenges of out-of-school and
disadvantaged youths in post-conflict countries of West and Central Africa (project 23); US$ 3 million
for capacity development and research in sector analysis and planning for education (project 120);
US$ 4.8 million to promote human rights and a culture of peace across regional zones (project 13);
US$ 1.3 million to strengthen social cohesion and psychosocial care of populations affected by
conflicts in five ECOWAS countries (project 65); and US$ 1.2 million for training of teacher in Guinea-
Bissau (project 262). Smaller amounts (between US$ 200 000 and US$ 500 000) are requested for
activities such as curriculum and textbook development, improving technical education and vocational
training, literacy and ICT projects, and improving the quality of statistics and information gathering
(UNESCO, 2009).
The UNESCO Youth Section works more particularly in the area of youth policy and participation. The
Section organizes UNESCO’s biennial Youth Forums, an integral part UNESCO General Conference
and a mechanism for channelling young people’s voices into the organization’s work. Following the
recommendations of the 2005 UNESCO Youth Forum, the Youth Section organized a series of
regional youth forums. As a follow-up to the recommendations adopted at the first UNESCO African
Youth Forum (September 2007, Burkina Faso), UNESCO is finalising a five-year Action Plan for Youth
Empowerment in Africa through consultations with Member States, youth organisations and regional
partners. Activities will focus on three thematic areas: youth participation in the development of youth
policies and programs; regional integration and dialogue; socio-professional integration (technical and
vocational education and entrepreneurialism). The plan currently lacks full-scale funding and
UNESCO is seeking institutional, technical and financial partnerships with a range of development
and regional actors, including youth organisations and networks.
International Labour Organization (ILO)
The International Labour Organization (ILO) is the tripartite UN agency that brings together
119
Governments, employers and workers to promote decent work. Recognizing the need to integrate
young people into the world’s labour markets, and because of the increased attention given to the
subject under the joint Youth Employment Network (see below), the ILO Governing Council authorized
in June 2005 the “ILO plan of action to promote pathways to decent work”. Youth employment seems
to have been successfully mainstreamed in ILO’s main programmes on social protection, labour
standards and social dialogue.
ILO’s Youth Employment Programme (YEP) is an intra-departmental “umbrella” programme that

coordinates ILO action on youth employment. Its activities include advocacy for youth employment
issues, broadening the knowledge base on youth employment through a number of publications, and
providing advisory services and technical assistance for ILO’s constituents in the field. Reports such
as biannual Global Employment Trends for Youth (2006, 2008) and Guide for the preparation of
National Action Plans on Youth Employment (2008) are products that have value to in-country work.
At the regional level, the ILO Office for Africa, based in Addis Ababa, provides a coordination function
to its youth employment work on the continent. At a country level, ILO reports that within the context of
UN coherence and reform, youth employment become a key component of Decent Work Country
Programmes (DWCPs) designed for implementation within UNDAF. However, there is little evidence
of in-country activity by ILO itself on youth employment, as distinct from its collaboration in YEN and in
UNOWA, in the West and Central Africa region. Most ILO offices reporting activities on youth
employment are in North, East and Southern Africa and within West and Central Africa only the
Democratic Republic of Congo youth employment has been identified as a priority of the DWCP (ILO,
2007).
The ILO’s regular budget expenditure for 2008 was approximately US$ 291 million, which has
remained relatively unchanged since the 2000-01 biennia (ILO, 2009a). Because of this stagnant
growth and the fact that the regular budget principally finances fixed operating costs, in January 2008
the ILO created a Regular Budget Supplementary Account (RBSA). The RBSA was established for
voluntary contributions to expand the capacity to deliver on the priorities set by the ILO Programme
and Budget for 2008–09, in particular the implementation of Decent Work Country Programmes
(DWCPs) (ILO, 2009b). In 2007, the ILO implemented US$170 million worth of technical cooperation
projects and programmes in 94 countries worldwide, including work on combating child labour,
creating employment and livelihoods, and developing policies on occupational safety and health. In
2008, in part due to the creation of the RBSA, the ILO was able to expand its technical cooperation,
particularly to Africa. For the period of January 2008 to December 2009, the ILO anticipates RBSA
expenditure of approximately US$ 20.7 million in the African region (ILO, 2008). The main contributors
to the RBSA are the United States, the European Commission, the Netherlands and the United
Kingdom.
There is potential for ILO to provide policy advice and training programmes tailored to ex-combatants.
It has done so in other parts of the world, and may be able to extend this expertise to the WCARO
region. In addition, of interest is the work undertaken by ILO in relation to HIV/AIDS and the
workplace. ILO’s groundbreaking work against child labour, and the transitions of child labourers to
working youth, particularly by vulnerable children and adolescents such as urban slum dwellers and
ex-combatants, deserves more exploration, and could be of potential interest for collaboration
between ILO and UNICEF in the West and Central African region.
Youth Employment Network (YEN) www.ilo.org/yen
The Youth Employment Network (YEN), a partnership among the United Nations, the International
Labour Organization (ILO) and the World Bank, brings together policymakers, employers’ and
workers’ organizations, young people and other stakeholders to pool skills, experience and knowledge
so as to propose policies and programmes addressing the youth employment challenge.31
YEN’s core budget, which is supported primarily by the Swedish International Development Agency, is
limited to mainly support staffing expenses. However, it seeks to augment its impact by seeking
partnerships with lead countries, the private sector, and other actors, including youth organizations. To
date, twenty-one countries have agreed to act as lead countries, which primarily requires them to
formulate and implement National Action Plans (NAPs) on youth employment.
YEN has a strong and unique field presence in the West Africa sub-region, where it is focusing almost
31
This section is based on information available from YEN’s main website, www.ilo.org/yen. Accessed 4 June 2009.
120
all of its practical work. Activities include the building of a online databank of organisations
implementing youth employment projects in West Africa, as well as a private sector initiative, focusing
on knowledge development, network building, and the brokering of partnerships for young people in
the sub-region. Additionally, in December 2008, YEN started a grant scheme for youth led
organizations in the countries of the Mano River Union (Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra
Leone). Over 280 applications were received for grants between USD 2,000 and 50,000. Apart from
its core partners, YEN works closely in these activities with UNDP, UNIDO, UNOWA and the
ECOWAS Secretariat.
6.3.2. Adolescent health (HIV/AIDS, early marriage, maternal health)
The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) http://www.unfpa.org/adolescents/
Globally, the mandate of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) encompasses three focus
areas, namely population and development, reproductive health and rights, and gender equality, all of
which are relevant for adolescent development in the West and Central Africa (UNFPA, 2008a). In
2007, UNFPA attained its highest-ever total operating budget, consisting of regular resources and co-
funding that amounted to roughly $715.3 million (UNFPA, 2008b). The Netherlands, Sweden, Norway,
the United Kingdom and Japan were the Fund’s five largest donors to regular resources and the
European Commission the largest co-financing contributor. In 2006, over 60 per cent of its resources
was allocated to population and development programmes, with some 20 per cent on reproductive
rights, approximately 6 per cent on gender programmes, and the rest in programme coordination and
support.32
UNFPA also has a series of Thematic Funds, a modality that enables donors to provide funding for
core areas of its mandate as a faster and more flexible funding mechanism. While core funding
provides the base for all UNPFA action – established systems, knowledge, expertise, coverage and
partnership – thematic funds leverage existing systems for optimal efficiency and effectiveness in their
implementation. For example, in 2007, UNFPA established the thematic fund for maternal health
aiming at scaling up UNFPA and partners’ response to MDG 5 on improving maternal health. The
thematic fund (2008-2015) focuses on supporting 75 countries with the greatest need. It has an
indicative budget for the first period (2008-2011) of $465 million, focusing on a phased implementation
at scale in at least 25 of the 75 priority countries (UNFPA, 2008b). Phasing in of the remaining
countries will continue over the second period (2012-2015), as resources permit and based on a
proposal and budget reflecting the experiences of the first period.
In accordance with its financial resources framework for the 2008-2011 strategic plan, the approved
resource requirements for all resources (regular and other) amount to $2.6 billion for the four-year
period. The framework for 2008–2011 increases the proportion and amount of resources directed to
country programmes over previous framework. If UNFPA is to succeed in its endeavours, its regular
resources will need to annually exceed the $450 million level, and its other resources the $200 million
level (UNFPA, 2008).
UNFPA’s priorities for Sub-Saharan Africa were most recently articulated in a report to its Executive
Board. It draws a picture of unsustainable population growth, shrinking life expectancy due to AIDS,
lack of data on population issues; heavy migration patterns related to poverty, instability and
insecurity; related joblessness; and slow progress on combating HIV. For young women and girls,
areas of concern remain the feminization of HIV/AIDS and poverty, continued gender-based violence,
low literacy rates, low representation in decision-making, and low contraceptive use (UNFPA, 2007a).
In terms of country programming, UNFPA employs a resource allocation system based on a set of
eight indicators and their thresholds (UNFPA, 2007b). They are noted here as they are almost entirely
related to adolescent health and well-being. The current system is based on a set of eight indicators
and their thresholds: proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel; contraceptive
prevalence rate for modern methods; proportion of population aged 15-24 years living with HIV/AIDS;
adolescent fertility rate; under-five mortality rate; maternal mortality ratio; literacy rate among 15-24
year-old females; and age dependency ratio of females. Countries are classified into A, B and C
groups based on the threshold levels they have attained for the eight indicators. Without exception, all
West and Central African countries fall into Group A.
32
United Nations Population Fund Information Pamphlet Accessed Online 1 December 2008 at:
http://www.unfpa.org/about/report/2006/pdf/15_expenditures_income.pdf
121
Increasingly, criteria for distributing resources to individual countries are based on the actual needs and
priorities of those countries as determined through the United Nations Development Assistance
Framework (UNDAF). At the same time however, the size and direction of each of UNFPA’s country
programmes are decided by its Executive Board. At its two regular sessions in 2008, it approved
around a dozen country programmes in the WCARO region. As an example of a large country within
the WCARO region, the country programme for Nigeria carried a commitment of US$ 64 million over
four years commencing in 2009 (UNFPA, 2008c).
World Health Organization http://www.who.int/child_adolescent_health/en/
The World Health Organization is responsible for providing leadership on global health matters and
research, setting norms and standards, articulating evidence-based policy options, and providing
technical support to countries to monitor and assess health trends. Its current Medium-Term Strategic
Plan for 2008-2013 provides the framework for WHO's results-based management and is guided by
13 strategic objectives. A total of US$ 4 227 million is allocated or the achievement of the Strategic
Plan in WHO’s Programme Budget 2008-2009. Of this, approximately 28 percent or US$ 1 193 million
is earmarked to achieve the WHO’s strategic objectives in Africa (WHO, 2008).
Based on areas of work for 2006-2007, WHO’s Department of Child and Adolescent Health (CAH)
was involved directly in the achievement of five of WHO overall thirteen strategic objectives as
follows: Objective 1) To reduce the health, social and economic burden of communicable diseases
(US$ 316 million); Objective 2) To combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis (US$ 243 million);
Objective 4) To reduce morbidity and mortality and improve health during key stages of life, including
pregnancy, childbirth, the neonatal period, childhood and adolescence, and improve sexual and
reproductive health and promote active and healthy ageing for all individuals (US$ 115 million);
Objective 6) To promote health and development, and prevent or reduce risk factors for health
conditions associated with use of tobacco, alcohol, drugs and other psychoactive substances,
unhealthy diets, physical inactivity and unsafe sex (US$ 26 million); and Objective 9) To improve
nutrition, food safety and food security throughout the life-course (US$ 40 million). The amounts in
brackets listed after each objective is the funding that is earmarked towards the achievement of these
objectives in Africa according to WHO’s 2008-2009 Programme Budget (WHO, 2008). For some of
these objectives, CAH worked closely with the two other Departments in WHO that work on
adolescent issues, namely Making Pregnancy Safer and Reproductive Health and Research (WHO,
2009).
CAH reports a growing number of requests from countries in the African Region for technical support
to improve their health sector interventions for adolescent health and development. To respond, CAH
has developed a streamlined approach to strengthening the response of the health sector. It is
referred to as the “4-S” framework, as it advocates Strategic information (collecting and analyzing the
data needed for advocacy, policies and programmes; Supportive policies (advocating for and
supporting the development of policies that protect and improve the health and human rights of
adolescents; Service provision (developing a systematic approach to making health services
responsive to the needs of adolescents, guided by national standards; and Strengthening other
sectors (improving collaboration, support and linkages between the health sector and other sectors,
notably schools and the media.
Three countries in West and Central Africa are WHO/CAH focus countries in which the 4-S framework
is being piloted, namely Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Ghana (WHO, 2009).
For example, in 2008, the WHO’s African Regional Office, which is located in Brazzaville, and
Headquarters jointly organized the first capacity building workshop for consultants and resource
persons in Ghana. Participants included seven staff from WHO Country Offices in the Region, one
inter-country team CAH adviser, two representatives of Ministries of Health, and six Ghanaian
professionals working in the field of adolescent health. The aim of the workshop was to build skills in
the use of WHO tools and approaches for supporting the health sector response to adolescent health.
WHO’s African Regional Office has already begun to use some of the resource persons who
participated in the course, and those participants selected from WHO Country Offices are additionally
contributing to adolescent health activities in their own countries.
Population Council http://www.popcouncil.org
The Population Council is an international nongovernmental organization that undertakes biomedical,
122
public health, and social science research on population issues around the world. It has recently
organized its activities into three main areas: HIV and AIDS; Poverty, Gender, and Youth; and
Reproductive Health. Through the Poverty, Gender, and Youth program, the Council’s researchers
seek to understand the social dimensions of poverty, the determinants and consequences of gender
inequality, the disparities that arise during adolescence, and the critical elements of a successful
transition to adulthood in developing countries (Population Council, 2007).
The Council closed 2007 with operating revenue of $71.1 million, of which 63 percent came from the
United States Government. 24 percent of its income derives from foundations, corporations,
investment returns and royalties. The remaining 13 percent comes from other Governments and
multilateral organizations, in part for the Council’s work in assisting in the design of health products,
service-delivery programmes, and public policies in some of the world’s poorest countries. Operating
expenditures for 2007 totalled $74.2 million, of which 85 percent was invested directly into programme
activities (Population Council, 2007).
Currently within West and Central Africa, the Council is concluding a project in Burkina Faso where it
worked with the government, the Burkinabe Association for Family Welfare, the Mille Jeunes Filles
project, and the UNFPA/UNICEF/United Nations Foundation to strengthen social and health services
to meet adolescent girls' health and development needs. The project aimed to test the feasibility of
using community resource people to provide reproductive health information to adolescent girls;
define appropriate venues, including special spaces for adolescent girls; determine appropriate
content of training; and develop appropriate indicators for evaluating project outcomes.
The Council is also undertaking two community-based distribution projects in Cameroon and Côte
d'Ivoire in an effort to increase access to and use of reproductive heath services in rural areas.
Activities consist of strengthening the functional capacity of district health centres and introducing a
community-based intervention program on reproductive health services. A research focus in
Cameroon is to test the community-based distribution model and determine its cost-effectiveness in
improving access, quality, and sustainability of community-level reproductive health services.
Family Health International www.fhi.org
Family Health International (FHI) undertakes research and public health and development
programmes in over 60 developing countries with the goal to prevent the spread and reduce the
impact of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, and other infectious or chronic diseases. Based in the
United States, FHI has a Research Group that conducts behavioural, biomedical and health services
research in support of numerous global health priorities, including contraception, reproductive health,
HIV, malaria, and other infectious diseases. It also has a Public Health Programmes group that
implements programmes and conducts applied research. Both divisions offer services to support
implementing partners to design, deliver, and evaluate local responses to public health problems in
resource-poor settings.
FHI operates management centres in Washington, Bangkok, and Nairobi, and implements
programmes through with over 2,000 employees working in 40 local offices. In West and Central
Africa, FHI has operations in Côte d'Ivoire, the Democratic republic of the Congo, Ghana, Guinea,
Nigeria and Senegal. Its operating revenue in 2008 was approximately US$ 370 million, of which just
over US$ 300 million came from the US Government. Other sources include other governments (6
percent), foundations and individuals (5 percent), corporations (3 percent) and multilaterals (3
percent). Of its 2008 expenditures of roughly US$ 366 million, 24 percent was used for research and
76 percent towards health and development programmes. HIV/AIDS works receives the bulk of its
resources, followed by reproductive health (FHI, 2009).
One of FHI areas of practice is addressing the reproductive health needs of young people. With
partners that include the U.S. Agency for International Development, the Centres for Disease Control,
and other international and local stakeholders, FHI works with youth to address their disproportionate
share of unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections, including HIV, sexual violence, and
other serious reproductive health problems. Embracing youth as an asset rather than a liability, FHI
strengthens youth involvement, scales up activities based on the best evidence available, and builds
organizations that can continue this work beyond short-term project funding.
The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation www.gatesfoundation.org
In developing countries, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation focuses on improving people’s health
123
and enabling them to lift themselves out of hunger and extreme poverty. The Foundation has three
grantmaking areas, two of which, the Global Development Programme and the Global Health
Programme provide funds for work outside the United States. As of December 2008, endowment
assets available for charitable activities totalled US$ 29.5 billion. In 2009, the Foundation expects a
total cash payout for grants and other charitable expenses to be approximately US$ 3.5 billion (Bill &
Melinda Gates Foundation 2008).
Within the Global Development Programme, priorities include improvement in agriculture, urban
poverty, water and sanitation and the creation of global libraries. In 2008, the Foundations disbursed
approximately US$462 million in grants in this area. Within the Global Health Programme, support is
provided in the areas of HIV/AIDS, malaria, maternal health and tobacco use. A current example is the
request for letters of inquiry concerning efforts on Advancing Tobacco Control in Sub-Saharan Africa.
In 2008, the Foundation disbursed approximately US$ 1.8 billion worth of grants within the Global
Health Programme.
The foundation awards the majority of its grants to U.S. 501(c)(3) organizations and other tax-exempt
organizations, however past grantees include the World Food Programme, the UN Foundations and
the World Bank. Grantees and partners then work with beneficiaries in the field. Within the sub-region,
the Carter Centre has been awarded a grant of approximately US$ 40 million in 2008 to work in
Guinea on eradicating the transmission of Guinea worm disease as part of the Foundation’s work on
neglected disease. In 2007, the University of Dakar received approximately US$ 4 million to reduce
mortality and morbidity from malaria in Senegalese children by the administration of anti-malarial
drugs. There is no specific youth focus to the Foundations grantmaking procedures, though many of
the topics are particularly relevant to improvements in adolescent health.
6.3.3 Youth civic engagement and participation
Many of the institutions examined above invest in the area of adolescent participation. The following
organizations also support activities in this area.
United Nations Volunteers http://www.unv.org/
United Nations Volunteers (UNV) programme was created as a development partner to the UN
system. UNV places over 7,000 qualified professionals each year to work as volunteers in 144
countries, often in areas of direct concern to the challenges facing young people. UNV also empowers
youth to serve as active development agents within their communities, helping to broaden public
awareness of volunteering, and to shape the direction of volunteer policies and interventions. (Annual
Report). UNV provides direct technical assistance to countries in establishing volunteer infrastructure,
including youth volunteering schemes (UNV, 2008).
In 2007, UNV placed 47 percent or 3, 626 of its volunteers in Africa, the majority of who worked in
programme areas of crisis prevention and recovery, achieving the MDGs and fostering democratic
governance. Total contributions from donors, the UN systems and other sources in 2007 amounted to
US$ 198 million. Total expenditures in 2007 were approximately US$ 192 million (UNV, 2008b).
UNV is active in youth development and participation activities in the sub-region. Through a joint
UNDP, UNV and Ministry of Youth and Sport programme entitled “Youth engagement and job creation
through agriculture”, some 15,000 young men and women between 15 and 35 years are involved in
improving food security in Sierra Leone. In addition to supporting young people in farming activities,
the programme also provides training and resources that help the young people sustain their
businesses and livelihoods. In addition, the programme organizes and supports various voluntary
group projects and establishes networks between engaged youth groups for sharing good practices.
UNV is also supporting the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to set up the
ECOWAS Youth Ambassadors for Peace programme. Having ensured the integration of volunteerism
in the conceptual design and planning of the initiative, UNV will be supporting pilot projects in the five
countries: Guinea Bissau, Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, Togo and Sierra Leone. The pilots, which will be
coordinated by UNV volunteers, will mobilize graduates from universities and technical and vocational
colleges as volunteers in West Africa. Some 200 volunteers will serve to strengthen non-governmental
organizations, community-based associations and other civil society organizations working in the area
of conflict resolution, reconciliation and peace-building. UNV is also working to establish National
Youth Volunteer Schemes in the Mano River Union (MRU) countries with the support of UNDP and
124
the European Commission.33
UN-HABITAT http://www.unhabitat.org/
The United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) aims to promote socially and
environmentally sustainable towns and cities, with the goal of providing adequate shelter for all. UN-
HABITAT regards young people as a major force for a better world and as active partners in meeting
the challenges posed by the world’s urbanization. It also recognizes that young people constitute a
large proportion of the urban population in rapidly urbanizing developing countries (United Nations,
2008).
UN-HABITAT has many programmes that engage with young people. The Safer Cities Programme
aims at building capacities of local authorities and youth to address urban insecurity adequately and
thereby contribute to the establishment of a culture of prevention. The Global Partnership Initiative on
Urban Youth Development (GPI), launched at the Second World Urban Forum in 2004, seeks to
integrate the Millennium Development Goals with development programmes at the city level focusing
on and working with urban youth.
UN-HABITAT’s income for the biennium ending on 31 December 2007 was $290.0 million, an
increased $61.5 million (27 per cent from the previous biennium. Expenditure for the same period was
$250.4 million, increased by $81.1 million (48 per cent) from 2005-2006 (UN-HABITAT, 2009a). During
the 2007 session of the Governing Council that oversees the work programme and budget of UN-
HABITAT, member countries passed a resolution calling for the set up of a special fund to help young
people living in poverty. Championed by Norway, the new Opportunities Fund for urban youth-led
development is designed to support the involvement of young people in sustainable urban
development. Currently in its pilot phase, the Fund will be managed by a committee of experts who
will oversee grants of up to USD 25,000 each. UN-HABITAT is also working to establish a Youth
Advisory structure to assist in overseeing the Youth Fund. There is no published literature on the
amount of contributions and income currently available within the Special Youth Fund, though this will
be reported to the Governing Council at its next session in 2010.
Open Society Institute and the Soros Foundations Network

http://www.soros.org/initiatives/youth and http://www.osiwa.org
The Open Society Institute (OSI) works to build vibrant and tolerant democracies whose governments
are accountable to their citizens. On a local level, OSI implements a range of initiatives to advance
justice, education, public health, and independent media. At the same time, OSI builds alliances
across borders and continents on issues such as corruption and freedom of information. In 2007, the
Society spent roughly US$ 129 million on its network programmes (outside the US), with US$ 6.5
million spent specifically on children and youth programmes (OSI, 2008).
The Institute has a special focus on youth-led projects that support open society values. Created in
mid-2008, the OSI Youth Initiative seeks to empower youth to become active citizens who are willing
and able to influence public life and promote open society ideals. The Initiative provides small grants
and technical assistance to build the capacity of youth-focused local organizations and encourage a
broader range of projects. Looking ahead, the Youth Initiative plans to develop strategies for achieving
greater structural impact in targeted countries through work with Ministries of Youth and Sport and the
development of national youth policies.
Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) is one of two regional foundations in the Soros
Foundations Network. OSIWA has funded community-level projects that address the struggles of sex
workers, youth, and people living with HIV/AIDS. Its expenditures in 2007 amounted to approximately
US$ 13 million, of which US$ 4 million were disbursed to civil society initiatives and US$ 29,000 were
disbursed specifically to youth-led projects (OSI, 2008).
6.3.4 Protection
Many of the institutions examined above also invest in the area of adolescent protection in situations
of conflict and recovery. The following two UN entities also specifically support activities in this area.
Though neither brings significantly large monetary investment to the area of youth and conflict
33
Published on UNV in the News section of the organizations website on 28 May 2009 and available at:
http://www.unv.org/en/news-resources/press-review.html
125
prevention, their work, field presence and expertise are of value.
UNDP’s Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery www.undp.org/cpr/
The Bureau for Crisis Prevention and Recovery (BCPR) guides the work of the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) to prevent and recover from natural disaster or violent conflict. A
repository for tools, methods and experience, BCPR supports country offices and advises UNDP
Senior Management on issues related to conflict prevention and recovery, natural disaster risk
reduction and recovery and cross-cutting issues, such as early recovery and gender equality. BCPR
works closely with UNDP country offices and, through them, with their national counterparts, by
providing technical assistance, best practices and financial resources in support of their prevention
and recovery activities (United Nations, 2008).
As a first step towards working on youth issues, BCPR published the report ‘Youth and Violent
Conflict: Society and Development in Crisis? (UNDP, 2006). The report reviews existing analytical and
policy frameworks and provides a preliminary mapping of relevant strategies and programming efforts
put in place by UNDP, other UN agencies and partner organizations to engage with youth in recovery
and prevention efforts. Building on the findings of the report, BCPR is carrying out a number of
activities in collaboration with UNDP Country Offices that will ultimately result in programming
guidance for UNDP and its partners. This presently includes a desk review of UNDP youth-related
programmes in conflict prevention and recovery and internal discussion among UNDP practitioners
with specific expertise on youth-related programming in conflict prevention and recovery. The Bureau
is also engaged in in-depth reviews of selected youth-related programmes at the country level and
technical support for UNDP Country Offices and national partners in designing and implementing
youth-related programmes, including codifying experience and lessons learned (UNDP, 2008). Liberia
is one of the countries in which BCPR is undertaking an in-depth review.34
UNOWA
The United Nations Office for West Africa was formed in 2001 by the United Nations Security Council
as a way to assist a number of West African countries to embark on the path to peace and stability, in
particular those countries where the UN system has been active in a range of development and
humanitarian activities through peacekeeping missions. It is a unique example of an integrated
regional office of a number of United Nations agencies.35 Its establishment was a result of a call by
ECOWAS leaders in the Security Council for a sub-regional approach to the many challenges facing
peace and security. Geographical coverage of UNOWA is identical to the 15 ECOWAS member
States.
Among UNOWA’s project activities aimed in the area of DDR, its commitment to youth unemployment
stands out. At the request of the UN Security Council, it is working on practical recommendations and
a regional strategy to address to tackle the challenge of youth unemployment. To this end, UNOWA
hosted, in March 2007, a high-level consultative meeting on the topic in Accra with support of the
African Union, UNIDO, and the UN Secretary-General’s Youth Employment Network (YEN), a
collaboration between the United Nations Secretariat, ILO and the World Bank.36
6.4 Overall conclusions
The above information is meant to provide an overview of some of the main income streams that are
available for adolescent programming in the sub-region. In some cases, significant funds are available
in areas such as HIV/AIDS initiatives and post-conflict support, but it is difficult to determine the
degree to which these are earmarked specifically for young people. It should also be noted that the
above information concentrates mainly on traditional sources of development financing. However,
there is growing interest in youth development from new actors, such as the private sector and the
media, which could be become significant contributors to adolescent programming in the future.
Nike’s “The Girl Effect” campaign to promote the needs of adolescent girls is a good example of this
(www.girleffect.org).
34
As described on UNDP’s webpage at: http://www.undp.org/cpr/how_we_do/youth/Liberia.shtml
35
Basic information in this section is based on UNOWA’s website. See “The UN Office for West Africa.”
http://www.un.org/unowa/unowa/bckgrdnew.pdf . For UNOWA’s mandate, see Security Council documents such as S/2007/753.
http://www.un.org/unowa/unowa/mandate.pdf .
36
See press release http://www.un.org/unowa/unowa/preleas/pr052007.pdf
126
The information presented here indicates several important trends regarding current investments in
youth development in West and Central Africa. The first is that despite numerous conferences,
declarations, political statements and commitments, very few comparable resources have been
directed towards adolescent development as a key strategy for national progress. Of the few youth –
specific projects that are described above, most have budgets within the range of between 5 and 15
US$ million. When considering that by 2015 an estimated 110 million young people between the ages
10 to 19 years will live in the sub-region, such amounts are wholly inadequate.
The importance of investing in young people has long been recognized among countries of the world.
The United Nations first acknowledged this officially in 1965 when they endorsed the Declaration on
the Promotion among Youth of the Ideals of Peace, Mutual Respect and Understanding between
Peoples. Two decades later, the General Assembly observed 1985 as International Youth Year and, in
1995, marked the Year’s tenth anniversary by adopting the World Programme of Action for Youth to
the Year 2000 and Beyond. There have since been numerous meetings and conferences designed to
engage young people as active agents in their own development. This includes four UN World Youth
Forums, which brought together hundreds of youth delegates and resulted in youth-led strategies
such as the Lisbon Declaration and Braga Youth Action Plan in 1998 and the Dakar Youth
Empowerment Strategy in 2001. The World Bank has held major Youth, Development and Peace
conferences with over 170 delegates from more than 83 countries in order to advance its approach to
working with young people. Most recently, the United Nations Office of Sport for Development and
Peace (UNOSDP) held a series of regional Global Youth Leadership Summits that culminated in a
global event designed to highlight young people’s contributions to achieving the Millennium
Development Goals.
Just about every UN agency and programmes, including UNESCO, UNEP, UN-HABITAT, UNFPA,
UNICEF and others have mechanisms and programmes in place to outreach to and work with youth
(United Nations, 2008). The information presented in this section confirms that UN agencies and
programmes are beginning to allocate more and more resources to adolescent development, however
information is lacking as to how funds allocated to youth compare to other priorities, as well as
detailed information on the types of programmes and interventions that are being implemented.
The African Youth Charter, which was adopted at the Seventh Ordinary Session of the Assembly of
the Heads of State and Government of the African Union held in Banjul, the Gambia, in July 2006,
provides clear recommendations for Member States and partners to accelerate youth development
and participation in Africa. Since its adoption in July 2006, 12 African countries (Burkina Faso,
Djibouti, Gabon, Guinea Bissau, Libya, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Rwanda, and
Uganda) have ratified the African Youth Charter, while another five (Chad, Guinea, Togo, and
Madagascar) have ratified it but not yet deposited the ratification instrument with the Legal Office of
the African Union Commission37. Therefore, in principle the threshold of 15 ratifications has been
reached, thus bringing the Charter into force. However, bringing the Charter into force is only the first
step. Further ratification among the other 38 African member States is important, while ultimately, the
most challenging task will be to convert this regional document into more effective national policies,
programmes and plans to promote youth development in Africa. This will require significant resources,
particularly at the regional and national levels, which to date have been absent.
The information presented in this chapter also reveals the degree to which funding for youth
development is often undisclosed and difficult to track, therefore fragmented and piecemeal. The
occurrence of many conflicts in the region, combined with recent awareness on the devastating
effects of conflict on children and youth, means that post-conflict country are receiving funding for
improving young people's livelihood opportunities. However, most falls short of needs and are not
accompanied by a long-term commitment. There are also variations in levels of funding available from
country to country, as some appear frequently in the annual reports, such as Sierra Leone, Liberia or
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, while others, such as Mali, Togo, Benin, Chad, seem entirely
absent. One issue that has never attracted serious investments from donor is supporting youth
participation and governance programmes. Small funding streams have emerged from a variety of
sources, creating a need for information sharing, if not coordination. This does not appear to be
happening now, which could be a significant contribution from UNICEF in the area.
Among the reasons for this lack of investment is the fact that adolescent development is both
complicated and sensitive. This must be acknowledged up front and removed as a continual barrier to
37
Source: African union website, www.africa-union.org and personal communication with the African Union Commission about
ratifications.
127
investment. It is difficult to be clear about determinants of adolescent behaviour. The lack of data and
evidenced-based examples of successful interventions, particularly that yield results on the scale
necessary for the region, exacerbates the issue. The evaluation of youth development projects poses
special challenges, both conceptual and the logistical, particularly if they are multi-sectoral. Youth
projects are often diffuse in nature and scope, extend over a long period, vary widely across
applications, and have outcomes across a range of sectors. There are few solid evaluations of youth
programmes in developing countries that unambiguously identify the causality from policy to program
to effect and the majority of youth programmes fall into the “promising but unproven camp” (The World
Bank, 2007). This makes it difficult to systematically identify key vulnerabilities and strategic
opportunities for scaling up investment for adolescents.
However, in the absence of strong evidence, perhaps the international community must be moved by
imperatives. The reality is that nearly two thirds of premature deaths and one third of the total disease
burden in adults are associated with conditions or behaviours that began in youth (World
Development Report 2007). Protecting, respecting and fulfilling children's rights should not stop at 5
or 19 years of age and consideration needs to be given to rights delayed, rights costly to recover, and
rights irrevocably lost. A group of leading experts assembled by the WHO in February 2009 to discuss
responses to adolescent pregnancy care and prevention were resolute on the need to move the
agenda forward on responding to the needs of adolescents in the absence of sufficient evidence
(WHO, forthcoming). They recognised that governments are required to implement policies even in
the absence of sufficient information. They recommended youth development practitioners pursue a
parallel approach of research and active programming that would promote “learning by doing” and
integrate elements of evidence gathering and impact evaluation into new interventions from the
beginning.
Meeting adolescents' rights to education, livelihood, health and development helps countries take
advantage of the demographic transition, which the World Bank describes as “a short window of
opportunity to invest in youth before their record numbers become middle-aged”. To this end, the
rights of adolescents are important for their health and development now, but also for their
development as adults and parents, and for the development of their children.
Lastly, it is clear from this review of donor spending that there are many competing priorities. Large
multilateral institutions are responsible for several priorities and youth development can easily be
sidetracked in the mix. For example, despite the strong case made for investment in young people in
the 2007 World Development Report, the Bank has competing priorities of rural development, new
measurements of poverty, health, education and gender, social protection in crises, and migration, to
name but a few. As a result, it becomes necessary for agencies that are wholly dedicated to child and
adolescent development, such as UNICEF, to take a strong lead in ensuring resources are matched to
the magnitude of the issues.
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131
Terms of Reference
Desk Study on Young People in West and Central Africa
Trends, Priorities, Investments and Champions
4 September 2008
I. Background
An estimated 123 million young people (ages 10-24) live in West and Central Africa (BRP, World's
Youth 2006 Data Sheet).38 This is the largest youth cohort to ever have lived in the region. In a region
affected by wide-spread poverty and frequent conflicts and where traditional practices and norms are
strong, young people are facing many challenges in their transition to adulthood in relation to health,
protection, education, employment, and involvement in political decision making. For example, HIV
rates are highest among young women in all West and Central African countries (WFFC Statistical
Review, 2007), and unemployment rates are particularly high for young people. Faced with a lack of
opportunities, many young people are seeking better opportunities in urban centres, in neighbouring
countries or in Europe, sometimes taking considerable risks to reach their destination. Climate
change, globalisation, fuel and food crises are aggravating and accelerating existing problems.
But the picture is not all negative. Millions of young boys and girls are completing their education to
attain gainful employment. Many young people are contributing to the economy of their family and
community in agriculture, industry, trade and services, or are involved in groups aimed at finding
meaning and improving the social condition in their communities. A few have achieved international
star status in sports, especially in football. A range of youth networks have been set up to enable
young people to express their views and to influence decisions affecting them.
African governments are concerned about the potentially destabilising effects of large groups of
disenfranchised urban (and rural) youth who could potentially get involved in criminal activities or in
civil conflict. After every conflict, there tends to be an increase in youth-focused development
programmes, but many of these programmes are not sustained long enough to provide young people
with secure opportunities in the long term. European governments are worried about large numbers of
young African migrants coming to EU countries in search of better livelihood opportunities. Some EU
funding has been made available to create greater opportunities in Africa, but much more is spent on
securing Europe’s coasts to keep African migrants out of the continent. Many UN agencies, such as
UNESCO, UNFPA, ILO, UNICEF and UNV, have specific mandates for young people, but on the
whole, investments in young people are falling far short of existing needs and are insufficient to bring
about measurable improvements in the lives of the large majority of young people in West and Central
Africa.
II. Purpose of the study
Recognising the need for greater investments in young people in West and Central Africa, UNICEF
West and Central Africa Regional Office (WCARO) is carrying out a desk study to obtain greater
clarity on the bigger picture regarding young people and youth programming in the region. The study
will provide a general overview of the situation of young people, identify promising approaches and
key opportunities for additional investments for young people, identify major champions and donors
for young people, and present options for UNICEF investments aimed at young people’s development
and fuller participation in programming. The study will provide a basis for internal discussions on the
needs, areas, opportunities and options for greater investments in young people in the region. Based
on these discussions, priorities will be identified and agreed upon regarding greater investments for
and with young people in the region. Where necessary, more in-depth studies may be carried out
following the initial desk study in order to lay the foundation for programmatic collaboration with key
partner agencies (UN, donors, inter-governmental African organisations).
More specifically, using available data and documentation, the study will:
1. Assess the broad demographic, economic, social and political trends in relation to young people
in the WCA region.
2. Assess the opportunities, risks, vulnerabilities and protective factors for different groups of young
38
The UNICEF region of West and Central Africa includes: Mauritania, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau,
Sierra Leone, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Togo, Benin, Ghana, Cameroon, Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Gabon,
Equatorial Guinea, Sao Tome and Principe, Central African Republic, Chad, Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso.
132
boys and girls in the region (including HIV/AIDS, child protection, etc.), and identify coping
mechanisms adopted by young people in constrained environments.
3. Review the aspirations of young people and declarations for young people.
4. Analyse the current scale of investments in young people in the region (by source of investment)
and identify effective approaches that address - on a large scale – the challenges young people in
the region are facing in their transitions to adulthood.
5. Identify the main champions for and potential allies of young people in the region (and the issues
they are focusing on). This includes governments, civil society, major donors, and young people
and their networks.
6. Assess the strengths and weaknesses of existing youth networks and youth policies
7. Propose possible priorities for greater UNICEF investments in terms of actions, partnerships and
alliances for young people in the region. Proposed priorities should relate clearly to UNICEF’s
main programme areas39.
Five transitions to adulthood

- Leaving basic education and assessing post school options
- Leaving parental home and setting up or joining new household
- Forming new relationships
- Finding means of earning a living
- Participating politically
The study will provide a broad overview of youth development – within the framework of the
‘transitions to adulthood’ – and will highlight issues related to education and employment
opportunities; health and protection; and empowerment and decision making, including gender
inequalities and generation relations. The age focus of this overview will be on the 10 to 24 year age
group, but with a specific concentration on adolescents ages 10 to 17. This general overview is
necessary in order to position specific programmatic, policy and advocacy initiatives that UNICEF
could support for and with young people.
UNICEF’s main programmatic focus in the region is on (primary and pre-primary) education, mother
and child survival (including health, nutrition, water and sanitation), HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment
and care, on child protection from exploitation, abuse, violence and neglect, and on social policies and
budgets for children. The age focus is on children below the age of 18. The study will identify (a) what
additional investments UNICEF programme areas could make for and with young people (within the
UNICEF mandate); and (b) in which areas UNICEF could partner, leverage and advocate for greater
investments for and with young people.
The study provides a broad regional overview. Within its scope it is not possible to provide detailed
country specific analysis. An analysis of intra-country differences would have to be carried out
separately.
III. Key questions and topics
The following list of questions is indicative rather than comprehensive.
What can UNICEF contribute within its programmatic and age-specific mandate to the broader youth
agenda in order to support large numbers of young people in their ‘transitions to adulthood’?
1. Definitions
• Definitions and roles of ‘young people’, ‘youth’ in the region and conceptualisation of transitions
from childhood to adulthood (initiation). This includes changing patterns of adolescent transitions.
How are children prepared for adulthood?
2. What are the trends?

• Demographic trends and size of young people’s population
• Migration and urbanisation trends (percentage of rural/urban population of young people)
• Health and education indicators for young people
• HIV and reproductive health indicators, including risk and protective factors
39
UNICEF programme areas: child health and nutrition, water and sanitation, primary and pre-primary education, child
protection, HIV/AIDS, social and economic policies for children.
133
• Trends in age of marriage, sexual initiation and relationships, pregnancy

• Youth employment and unemployment trends
• Trends in Youth involvement in entertainment, sports, extra-curricula activities
• Trends in young people’s involvement in conflicts
• Trends in violence (young people as victims and perpetrators), exploitation and abuse of young
people (disaggregated by age and sex)
• Trends in adolescent health and safety: mental health, drug use, accidents and injury
• Traditional practices and beliefs affecting young people’s physical and mental development
• Young people’s involvement in decision making (at home, in communities, in the public sphere:
decisions concerning marriage and other forms of partnerships, movement, education,
involvement in media, governance, young people’s organisations, economic development,
entrepreneurship)
• Social change, migration, urbanisation, globalisation, generation conflict, new forms of
communities and social networks
• Where possible, analyse regional and sub-regional disparities (e.g. West Africa and Central Africa,
Sahelian versus coastal African countries, oil producers versus agricultural states) and the
situation of particularly excluded groups of young boys and girls based on disability, gender,
ethnicity (pygmies), religion or other factors.
• Identify gaps in data
3. Aspirations and declarations

• Summarise aspirations of young people (age and sex disaggregated, if possible) – based on
research studies and declarations
• International declarations (World and Africa level) and commitments for young people
• Highlight differences between younger and older young people and between female and male
young people.40 Always be clear which age group the declarations and investments refer to and
who they are focused on – male or female young people. Given UNICEF’s mandate, the main
focus of the study has to be on adolescents ages 10 to 17.
4. Investments for young people

Numerous declarations have been made on the need for greater investments in young people (e.g.
WPAY, African Youth Charter, International Conference on the Great Lakes region involving DRC and
Congo-Brazzaville, etc). Have these declarations led to greater investments in young people? How
much? Where are these investments coming from?
• Who is investing what in young people in West and Central Africa?
o In which sectors do we find the greatest investments in relation to young people:
education (formal/non-formal, secondary, relevance and quality of education),
employment and livelihoods, health, protection from abuse, violence and exploitation,
governance and decision making, post-conflict rehabilitation…?
o Who are the main investors and champions for young people: governments, donors, UN,
foundations, NGOs and civil society, private sector, young people and their networks…?
o Which groups of young people are being targeted by existing programmes and initiatives
(age and sex). What are the per capita investments? What changes can realistically be
expected as a result of these investments? How long will it take before significant
changes are visible and measurable?
• How do these investments compare in volume to the investments in other sectors: child survival,
HIV/AIDS, education, mining, oil industry, cost of conflict (to put investments in young people into
perspective)?
• How much would have to be invested (by how much would investments have to increase) in order
to adequately address the needs of young people in the region?
• Conflict situations pose some of the greatest challenges for young people in the region. At the
same time, post-conflict contexts offer some potential for positive change. To what extent have
post-conflict situations led to lasting changes in the situation and opportunities of young people in
the region?
5. Strengths and weaknesses of existing youth networks and youth policies

• In which countries have significant investments and efforts been made at macro level (e.g.
creation of ministry of youth affairs, elaboration of national document for youth (policy, strategy,
plan)? What impact have they had? What can be recommended to governments? Analyse the
effects of different definitions of youth used in national youth policy and programmes. What are
40
Much of the literature is on youth, i.e. young adults above the age of 18
134
examples of effective coordination of different ministries in relation to youth development?

• Are youth adequately integrated into poverty reduction, development planning and budget
processes?
6. Youth empowerment and mobilisation

• What are the experiences with existing youth networks and youth empowerment initiatives: status,
strengths, weaknesses and potentials?
• What have been the roles of older young people (young adults) on young people's development?
Age disaggregation and gender analysis: Throughout the study, analyse and highlight gender
differences and disaggregate data by sex and by age (years from 10 to 24). To the extent possible,
age disaggregation should be by year rather than by age group.
Possible questions to guide future programming and policy purposes may include:
• What are the existing youth policies and gaps?
• Which assets are important to youth for their development?
• What assets do youth themselves bring to development?
• What are the main barriers or processes that prevent access of youth to development?
• What are the issues related to the coordination and national leadership in the response for children (given
the currently high fragmentation of youth programmes and the multidimensional nature of youth
development).
• What are the features of effective programmes for youth and what experiences have shown such
potentials
IV. Conclusions
• Where could the political will for significantly greater investments in young people come from?
Who are the major players and the greatest champions of the rights of young people in West and
Central Africa? Since the study is looking at the ‘big picture’ it will search only for major
investments (i.e. tens of millions of Euros or Dollars) affecting tens of thousands of young people?
• What are some innovative and promising initiatives (even if at relatively small scale) that are
being supported in the region (e.g. 6% Talk Tax on mobile phone calls to support youth
employment in Ghana)?
• What should UNICEF support and advocate for (while staying within its age-specific and
programmatic mandate)?
• What are some promising entry points for greater UNICEF investments (e.g. post-conflict
situations when the political will and available funding for youth programmes are highest). Identify
priority countries for greater youth investments in the region.
• Who should UNICEF work with and what could UNICEF do to harness greater commitments and
investments for young people?
• Suggested next steps for analysis and research, collaboration and partnerships, and high-level
political contacts and alliances. Recommendations should be specific to different countries and
contexts in the region
V. Expected outputs
• Report according to the themes of the study, including a brief chapter on adolescent development
and the transitions to adulthood
• Presentation of the study to UNICEF
VI. Duration of consultancy: 35 days
VII. Timeline:
Due date Number of days Activities

15 October 2008 10 • First round of data gathering
• Preliminary analysis of data
• Presentation of initial findings and conclusions, and draft
outline of report
31 October • Feedback from WCAR
30 November 20 • Further data gathering and analysis
• Presentation of draft report
135
15 December • Feedback from WCAR

31 December 5 • Presentation of final report
Total number of days 35
VIII. Costs
Total costs: $16,250 (SIDA ADAP – total allocation = $20,000)

• 35 days @ $350 = $12,250 for consultant fees
• $4,000 for travel and DSA to make presentation in Dakar
Payment schedule
30% initial findings and draft outline
30% draft report
40% final report
PBA: SI/06/0116-01 – SIDA, expires June 2009
IX. Sources of information
• Trends in situation of young people: UNDESA, World Bank, UNFPA, ILO, UNESCO, African
Development Bank, etc.
• Development spending for young people: websites of donors, UN agencies (e.g. UNV), NGOs,
African regional economic commissions, development banks, EU, UNDP, Social Watch and other
development aid monitoring bodies analysing aid flows
• Young people’s aspirations: Plan International research on young people in five West African
countries (http://www.reactions-africa.org/etude-recherche.php?etu=d), consultations with young
people, Voices of Youth, Speak Africa, African youth networks, etc.
• Other sources: Gates Foundation, Population Council, ICRW, CDG, GTZ, Kofi Annan foundation,
faith-based alliances, Social Economic Centres in Africa (NISER in Nigeria, CODESRIA and IFAN
in Senegal, etc.)
• For the baseline data, the WCARO PM&E section can provide some data and produce the
analysis in graph and map formats
• Recent ODEROI study on adolescents and young people in the Indian Ocean (for background)
http://oderoi.uom.ac.mu/oderoi/etudeAdolescents.html
X. Qualifications of consultant
The study covers a wide range of issues, including education and employment; health and protection;
empowerment and decision making; gender inequalities; generation relations; youth policies and
budgeting for young people. This needs to be taken into consideration when selecting consultant.
Qualifications and experiences:

• Advanced degree in social science, development economics or related field;
• At least 8 years professional experience working with institutions and programmes on research,
development and implementation for children, adolescents and youth;
• Demonstrated experience in social and economic analysis (qualitative and quantitative)
• Experience in preparing professional reports, documentation, analysis and presentation
• Good understanding of issues related to adolescents and youth development,
• Good knowledge of Africa and especially West and Central Region will be an asset
• Able to work independently and to meet deadlines
• Fluent in English and French
• Excellent writing skills in English and/or French
136

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YOUNG PEOPLE IN WEST AND CENTRAL AFRICA

Trends, Priorities, Investments and Partners

CHAPTER 1: ISSUES AND OVERALL DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS

SECTION 2: TRANSITIONS THROUGH SCHOOL AND TO WORK: ATTAINING AN EDUCATION

SECTION 3: THE TRANSITION TO HEALTHY INDEPENDENCE - CHOOSING HABITS, FORMING

SECTION 4: THE TRANSITION TO ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP – EFFECTIVE ENGAGEMENT &

SECTION 5: THE TRANSITION TO SELF-DIRECTED, OVERALL WELLBEING - PROTECTION

SECTION 6: CURRENT INVESTMENTS IN ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT

LIST OF TABLES & FIGURES

Table 1.1 Various age-specific definitions of youth in the sub-region

ADAP Adolescent Development and Participation (UNICEF)

Securing a decent and productive livelihood

The Transition to Marriage and Parenthood

The Transition to Citizenship and Political Participation

Current Investments in Adolescent Programming

amounts are wholly inadequate.

- Jim Grant, UNICEF Executive Director, 1980-19951

1.2 Purpose and Scope of the Study

1.3 Framework and Structure for the Study

1. The transition to securing a decent and productive livelihood – attaining an

2. The transition to marriage and parenthood – forming new relationships and

4. The transition to self-directed, overall wellbeing – including protection from

1.4. Definitions and Concepts related to Adolescent Development

Adolescents are children in the second decade of life. (UNICEF, 2005)

Definition of youth Countries in the West and Central Africa Region

15-30 Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Gabon

14-24 Cape Verde

18-35 Guinea-Bissau; Nigeria; Senegal; Togo

Unknown or Central African Republic, Congo, DRC, Equatorial Guinea, Guinea,

15-34 African Union

Young man from Cameroon5

Instead of approaching the concept of youth as an age-defined developmental life-stage, it may be

1.6 Overview of Demographic, Urbanization, and Migration Trends for Adolescents

Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - West & Central Africa

% of Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - West & Central Africa

% of Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - West Africa

% of Total Population - 10-19 Years of Age - Central Africa

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1.6.2. Urbanization Trends

10-14 34,166 16,918 17,248 30,636 15,526 15,110

1.6.3. Migration Trends

Net number of Net number of

Benin 1.089 Ghana -0.432

Burkina Faso -0.866 Guinea -6.306

Cameroon -0.203 Guinea-Bissau -1.428

Cape Verde -1.863 Liberia 13.554

Central African Republic 0.228 Mali -3.211

Chad -1.372 Mauritania 0.626

Congo -2.624 Niger -0.392

Cote d'Ivoire -1.488 Nigeria -0.4

Equatorial Guinea 0 Senegal -1.595

Gabon 0.746 Sierra Leone -3.755

Gambia 1.727 Togo -0.163

Still to add - Sources for

- UNFPA 2008 – The Guide to including young people in statistics…

SECTION 2: Transitions through School and to Work: Attaining an Education and

2.0 Transitions through School and to Work

2.1 Overall Trends in Education

- Report of the Secretary-General on the Progress of Youth in the Global Economy

2.1.2 Gender and other Factors Affecting Access to Education

Table 2.2: Effects of household income on school attendance

2.1.3 Trends in Secondary Education

In the context of globalization, secondary education is fast becoming a prerequisite to participating in

2.2 Overall Trends in Employment