Memorandum to the European Parliament:

Facts behind the Greek politics towards Macedonia

April 19, 2008

By Risto Nikovski
Source: Dnevnik

The Macedonian people find it hard to believe that a contemporary mosaic of

democratic and law abiding European states today can cause them such problems. How
can this be happening in a place where tolerance is synonymous with culture?

1. In April 1993 the Republic of Macedonia’s invitation to join the United Nations
was brutally violated even though Macedonia fulfilled all criteria of article 4.
Because of Greece’s strong pressure two new conditions were imposed resulting in
Macedonia’s denial to enter the UN under its historic and constitutional name;
accepting it instead under the burdensome temporary reference “Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia”. Here the UN ignored the fact that its own general council
in 1948 adopted a resolution which strictly prohibited the introduction of new
conditions for entry in this world organization. This however was done without
precedence or legal means prohibiting Macedonia from entering the UN by its chosen
name. This is a classic example of where rights, laws, rules and procedures are
circumvented to make room for strong politics. Unfortunately it is this kind of
behaviour that caused the Republic of Macedonia to endure economic and social
hardships.

2. To fulfill its own illegitimate aims, in the early 1990’s, Greece blockaded the
Republic of Macedonia’s border for nearly two years. This by the way was also a
European Union border. The blockade cost the Republic of Macedonia a fortune in
losses and brought economic hardship and suffering to the Macedonian people.
Greece blockaded all Macedonian products going through the port of Salonica the
only port accessible to this land-locked country. Greeks did this in violation of
article 5 of the GATT agreement which guarantees uninterrupted and obstacle free
transit of all goods. The fourteen other European Union States took Greece to
court in Strasburg and for almost two years did nothing to expedite the case in
spite of Macedonia’s daily suffering. Then in 1995 when the Interim agreement
between Macedonia and Greece was signed and the illegal blockade was lifted, the
European court dismissed the case pretending that the blockade never happened.
This is another classic example where politics dominated over fairness and
justice. The Republic of Macedonia could just as well have blockaded Greece but it
didn’t and allowed Greek trains and trucks with goods to flow through Macedonia
freely.

3. According to the Interim Agreement (Article 11), which is an internationally

supported document, signed and supported by the UN, Greece is obliged not to
prevent the Republic of Macedonia from joining international organizations and
associations in which Greece is a member. With that obligation Greece officially
has no right to veto. Unfortunately Greece did not respect that right and it did
not respect its own international obligation when, in April 2008 during the
Bucharest Summit, it undertook measures to block Macedonia’s entry into NATO even
though the Republic of Macedonia had fulfilled all necessary criteria required for
membership; the same criteria by which Greece was accepted as a member in NATO.
Furthermore Greece threatened to undertake measures to block Macedonia’s entry
into the EU.
4. Looking behind Greek politics with the name one can see that the problem they
have is the name defines the Macedonian peoples’ ethnic identity. It is not the
name that they are concerned with but the Macedonian identity. Before Yugoslavia’s
breakup Greece officially used Macedonia’s historical and constitutional name then
part of the Yugoslav Federation – (Socialist) Republic of Macedonia. This is
revealed in its own notes in correspondences with its own General Consul in
Skopje. The problem surfaced with the breakup of Yugoslavia. Greece was worried
that with an independent Republic of Macedonia it would mean unequivocal
affirmation of the Macedonian people, which, sooner or later, would lead to the
inescapable opening of the Macedonian question in Greece: how they were treated,
their current position and the whole rights issue associated with a Macedonian
ethnic minority in Greece. This minority is the basis of Greek politics in
relation to the name with the Republic of Macedonia. Greece is living the myth
that its population is homogeneous and therefore does not recognize the existence
of ethnic minorities which, among other things, is indisputable. The existence of
minorities and their maltreatment by Greece is affirmed by the yearly human rights
organization publications, including those of the US and the EU.

5. Greece’s problem is the existence of a separate Macedonian ethnic identity

which is hidden in the name of the country. For decades Greece has been convincing
generations of its own people that Macedonians do not exist. That is why the aim
of Greece’s strategy is to change the name, in order to destroy the Macedonian
peoples’ identity. As long as there is no France there can be no Francs, without
Denmark there are no Danes … the logic follows: as long as there is no ethnic
source for the Macedonian identity, there can be no Macedonian ethnic identity and
no Macedonian minority in Greece!

6. The Greek absurdity with regard to the Republic of Macedonia’s name is best
observed in the slogan “Greeks are Macedonians”! Prior to the 1980’s no
Macedonians existed, now Greeks are Macedonians. How can that be? Did this
identity just appear out of nowhere? These are baseless allegations without
substance which can’t stand up to even the most basic scrutiny. For example: where
are these Macedonians? When did these Macedonians allegedly appear? How did they
become Macedonians? Did they appear in a census? What language do they speak? What
is their history? Allegations alone are not proof.

7. Greece for the first time in its history gained access to part of Macedonia’s
territory in 1913 after the Second Balkan War. Never before did part of Macedonia
belong to Greece nor was it under Greek control! Greece received parts of
Macedonia and Thrace by the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest and up to the middle of the
1930’s officially called it “Newly Acquired Territories (or “New Greece”) After
that the region was renamed to “Northern territories” and this name was used up
until August 1988 when it was again changed.

8. Because there was a large Macedonian population that Greece acquired with its
part of the Macedonian territory it annexed after 1913, which it intended to
assimilate, the name “Macedonia” was forbidden from use. Never in its own history
has Greece used the name “Macedonia” prior to August 1988. Then when it became
very clear that Yugoslavia was breaking up, the Greek Prime Minister by decree
informally renamed the region to Macedonia and Thrace. In other words, this part
of the region was not a part of any administrative-political division of land. In
parallel with this three districts were created and named “Western Macedonia”,
Central Macedonia” and “Eastern Macedonia and Thrace”. That means that IN GREECE
THERE NEVER WAS NOR IS A PROVINCE CALLED “MACEDONIA”! This is another one of
Greece’s many manipulations, which is accepted by all without question. Even if
there was such a province by that name, it can hardly be an obstacle to a name of
a sovereign state.
The Rule of Championship

9. The Republic of Macedonia carries its name from 1944, when a Macedonian state
was proclaimed. The Republic of Macedonia WAS THE FIRST STATE TO MAKE USE OF THE
NAME MACEDONIA and with international rights, rightly defined by “Qui prior est
tempore, potior est jure”, NO ONE HAS THE RIGHT TO DISPUTE THAT NAME.

10. All this time Greece stood firmly behind its position on the name while its
primary aim has always been to destroy the Macedonian identity. From the beginning
Greece strongly insisted that the Republic of Macedonia eliminate the word
“Macedonia” from its name. With the extorted Lisbon declaration of 1992 Greece
obtained the support it needed from the European Union to begin the long and
absurd campaign against Macedonia’s name, forgetting the fact that the Republic of
Macedonia has full rights to use the word “Macedonia” since its entire territory
lies inside historic and geographic Macedonia. It is a well known fact that the
Republic of Macedonia encompasses [37.8 %] of Macedonia’s entire territory and
Greece should have no problem with that just as the Republic of Macedonia has no
problem with Greece using the name “Macedonia” for its own purposes in accordance
with international standards and agreements.

11. Given all these facts, it is clear that Greek propaganda claiming to have
reached two thirds of the way to achieving a compromise is pure manipulation.
Their insistence that they have arrived at a compromise “willing” to “permit” the
Republic of Macedonia to use the word “Macedonia” in its name is absolutely
unsupported. There is no evidence to show that Greece has even moved a millimeter
from its original position to which it is stubbornly clinging and is using to make
entirely categorical demands. Greece has yet to make it clear why it is insisting
on making the use of the name “Macedonia” exclusive?

Change of tactics

12. When it became very clear to Greece that it could in no way dispute the use of
the word “Macedonia” in its northern neighbour’s name it changed its tactics and
began to insist that the meaning of that word be made conditional to NOT symbolize
the Macedonian ethnic identity. Greece’s tactics may have changed but its aims, it
appears, remained the same: to destroy the Macedonian ethnic identity. This became
apparent by the way the Greek minister of foreign affairs Dora Bakoyannis reacted
to the comments of US Under-secretary Daniel Fried on April 8, 2008 when he said
“The Macedonian language exists. Macedonian people exist. The ethnicity is – you
know, it’s just a fact as far as I can tell.” Greek Foreign Minister Dora
Bakoyannis told media Tuesday that “these kinds of comments are not useful for
talks.” She further commented that Greece will not get involved in “this kind of
discussion”! How then is it possible that today one can ignore an entire people?

13. Given the extreme stand imposed by Greece on the process of finding a solution
to the problem, the Republic of Macedonia showed much cooperation and flexibility,
even though every argument and fact supported its side. Up to this day the
Republic of Macedonia has made every effort to placate Greece by agreeing to make
concessions including changes to its constitution giving Greece guarantees that a)
it will not change its borders and b) it will not interfere in Greece’s internal
affairs with regard to the Macedonian minority living inside Greece. It is
interesting to note that even though Greece claims it does not have or recognize a
Macedonian minority on its soil it was more than happy to accept such a guarantee.
The Republic of Macedonia also changed its flag on account that the symbol on it
was contested by Athens. There is also a need to mention the fact that the
Badinter Arbitration Committee which was charged by the EU with the responsibility
to evaluate the qualification of the former Yugoslav states for international
recognition, found that the Republic of Macedonia and Slovenia fulfilled all
criteria to qualify for recognition. A commission of top legal experts which
included the presidents of five constitutional courts from member countries
clearly concluded that the word “Macedonia” in the name of the Republic of
Macedonia did not imply any kind of territorial aspirations.

14. The Greek thesis that it is afraid of “Macedonian irredentism” is very

difficult to support. The idea of a threat from “Macedonian irredentism” is a pure
Greek invention. Greece’s brutal block of the Republic of Macedonia’s entry into
NATO is a guarantee to create irredentism and not to eliminate it but this
irredentism is not from Macedonia towards Greece but from others towards
Macedonia. Greece’s assumptions of “Macedonian irredentism” are not only false but
even if there was such a thing how can it be supported with 8 thousand soldiers
against an army of 240 thousand? Greece has an army of 240 thousand soldiers armed
with the most modern NATO armaments while Macedonia has only 8 thousand soldiers
and four helicopters, two of which are permanently grounded. So whose “territorial
integrity” is truly in danger?

15. If there is any irredentism it is on the Greek side. The Greek side
continuously uses the slogan “Macedonia is Greece” which implies what? What else
could it imply except aspiration for more of Macedonia’s territory! Just a while
ago the Bishop of Salonica announced to the world that parts of the Republic of
Macedonia, the Bitola region in particular, needs to “be with Greece.” In contrast
the Macedonian minority living inside Greece has always been loyal to Greece in
spite of all the wrongs Greece has committed against it since 1913. The Republic
of Macedonia has entirely supported Greece on that. There are always extremists
everywhere but no extremist Macedonian can be found in Greece who talks about
irredentism.

16. Greece’s opinion that some kind of “Greek cultural heritage” exists in the
Republic of Macedonia is not only a myth it’s pure Greek manipulation of history.
All the lands that were once part of Alexander the Greats’ vast empire have the
right to equally share all the symbols from that period. The Skopje airport is no
exception. No one needs to depend on or obtain permission from Athens to share
this heritage. The renaming of the airport to “Alexander the Great” may have been
done at an inappropriate time but nonetheless the Republic of Macedonia has full
rights to use the name no matter what Athens thinks. No one should have exclusive
rights to the ancient heritage. Ancient history belongs to all of humanity.

Commitment to Good Neighbourly Relations

17. In spite of Greece’s inflexibility and attitude towards the Republic of

Macedonia, Macedonians are still willing to talk and search for a compromise
solution to the Greek problem. The compromise however cannot be allowed, under any
circumstance, to touch on the identity of the Macedonian people or place the
Macedonian state at a disadvantage in the world scene. No one has the right to
prohibit the Republic of Macedonia from using its rightful name in bilateral and
multilateral relations. “Macedonia” is a symbol of the “Macedonian ethnic
identity” just as Germany, Italy, Switzerland and other countries are symbols of
their ethnic identities. It is very sad that Greece’s single aim is to stop that
symbol and by doing so destroy the Macedonian ethnic identity. The Macedonian
people refuse to believe that Europe can be party to or allow such an act to take
place.

18. The way Greece is acting with its current politics it is threatening to
destabilize not only the Republic of Macedonia but the entire region. Commitment
to good neighbourly relations cannot be just for the new democratic states and not
for NATO and EU members. Greece has the potential to become a leader in the
region, an example for the other countries. The Republic of Macedonia is
wholeheartedly interested in getting over the Greek misunderstandings and opening
wider relations and cooperation. The Republic of Macedonia has much respect for
Greece as an old ally and as its logical promoter into its Euro-Atlantic
integration. Unfortunately so far Greece has made the mistake of working against
such a process and threatening the peace and stability of the region.

19. The foundation of values in most Western styled states is their legal system.
By that definition the European parliament is the highest democratic symbol of
legality in Europe by which justice can be served over all else. The Republic of
Macedonia is now at the juncture of testing this justice. Will European justice
triumph over regional self serving politics? Only time will tell.

20. The Macedonian people find it hard to believe that a contemporary mosaic of
democratic and law abiding European states today can cause them such problems. How
can this be happening in a place where tolerance is synonymous with culture?

**********

This memorandum is directed at the European Union Parliament which, by the end of
the month, must produce a report about our country. It needs to be forwarded to
all parliamentarians preferably hand delivered in person. With minor adjustments,
this memorandum can be used for other means such as disseminating the truth about
the name dispute. Very few people know the truth about the name dispute including
those in power who make decisions. Doris Pac, a European Parliamentarian, who is
involved in the Balkans and is expected to know a great deal about these things,
is a prime example. Only recently she made a comment in Skopje which not only
proved her lack of sensitivity but also her lack of knowledge about the name
dispute.

Risto Nikovski, the author of this article, is also a diplomat.