Naming and transplanted traditions: Change and continuity in Glasgow's Pakistani Muslim community

Ellen S. BRAMWELL

1. Introduction
Names are not only labels; they have social meaning. The assurnptions that personal names evoke help us to categorise people, to assign them to a particular gender, language, class, religion or culture. Personal naming practices differ across societies and so are often linked closely to cultural identity; for example in most Westem cultures the relationship between names and their lexical meaning is usually arbitrary whereas in many other cultural groups, such as amongst Muslim or Chinese people, the meaning of names can be crucially important. Moreover, these practices can change over time-in Bntain, hereditary sumames were only gradually established during the centunes of the second millennium but are now viewed as essential. If naming practices are dependant on the society and culture in which they occur an intriguing question arises: what happens to these na~ning practices when they are transplanted into another society with its own naming traditions? Are the distinct naming practices lost as their users assimilate into another culture? Do they continue intact? Or do they evolve in conjunction with the new situation? In this paper 1 investigate this question directly through an analysis of immigrant Pakistani Muslim naming practices in Glasgow, Scotland. Specifically, 1 seek to investigate al1 aspects of naming in this community: from names given at birth, to nicknames, to ways of referencing people in the community, and relate this to how and whether name usage has changed as a result of migration.

1.1. Socio-onomastic research

There is a fairly substantial body of anthropological literature concerned with naming practices within particular societies (e.g. Antoun
Onontn 46

(2011), 29-51. do: 10.2143/0N0.46.0.2975528. O Onama. All rights reserved.

1968, Barnberger 1974, Brandes, 1975, Breen 1982, 1984, Glasse 1987, Alford 1988). In recent years, the merits of this anthropological tradition have been recognised within the field of onomastics. As Lieberson (1984, 77) states, "the naming process is not independent of the society"; because naming takes place within a certain sociocultural environrnent, facto'rs which relate to the social context of language are crucial in explaining why, as well as how, a name has been given. This has led to efforts by onomastic researchers to consider names within the context of the societies in which they are used, seeking to employ anthropological and sociolinguistic methods whiist adding a particular focus on naming practices. Onomasts investigating current naming pattems have appropriated this approach and have formally labelled it socio-onomastics(Leslie & Skipper, 1990). The focus on society in these naming studies allies onomastic enquiry with methods of sociolinguistic investigation. Though research in socio-onomastics has generally concentrated on nicknames (see Skipper, 1986; Fortado, 1998; Crozier & Dimmock, 1999), this approach is capable of being applied to the entire range of names used within a community. Recently researchers have begun to expand the use of sociolinguistic techniques, for example by adopting a more quantitative approach to the collection of names with reference to such variables as age and social position (e.g. Duman, 2004), through surveys (e.g. De Klerk & Bosch, 1997), or through observation (e.g. Aceto 2002). Ultimately, by utilising a sociolinguistic approach to names and examining them within the context of their societies, and with an understanding of those who use them, a fuller picture may emerge of their significance and usage.

2. The Glasgow community

The original Pakistani Muslim migrants to Glasgow largely originated from the same small area of the Punjab region of Pakistan. This is due to the very concentrated leve1 of chain migration, which meant that people from the same area joined others in Glasgow who could help them to find work and to settle (Maan 1992), and it has resulted in a cornmunity with dense network ties. The idea of this being an immigrant community is no longer entirely accurate however, as 2001 Census statistics state that around 47% of Sconish Pakistanis were bom in Scotland, with a further 11% born in England. Around 37% of people

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reporting themselves as being 'Pakistani' in the 2001 Census in Scotland were actually born in Pakistan (Office of the Chef Statistician, 2004). Within Glasgow, the population is concentrated mainly on the south side of the city, with a lesser concentration in the west end.' Within Scotland over 89% of Pakistani people also report themselves as being Muslim (Office of the Chief Statistician, 2004). There are currently around twelve mosques in Glasgow, with the majority of these on the south side of the city (Mosque Map, 2006). Most religious, and much community, activity is centred on the Glasgow Central Mosque (also known as Jamiat Itihad Al-Muslimeen) in the Gorbals area of the city. English, Punjabi and Urdu are a l l spoken within the community and many people have some knowledge of Arabic. These languages tend to belong to very different domains. Arabic is likely only to be used for the purposes of religion, as Muslims believe that the Qur'an should be read in its original language. The use of Punjabi and Urdu is restricted to the home domain and the community itself within Glasgow, but the social networks of people within the community generally extend to kin in other parts of Britain and in Pakistan with whom they may use these languages (Wardak 2000,50; cf. Li Wei's passive network ties, 1994). Though Urdu is seen as the more prestigious language (it is the natioual language of Pakistan), people within the community appear more likely to know and use Punjabi. The use of English is necessary to interact with most people outside the Pakistani Muslim community, and is essential for gaining educalion in Britain. Therefore al1 of the 58% of the community who were bom and brought up in either Scotland or England are likely to have attended Englishspeaking schools. English is also likely to be the inain language used in any occupation outside the community. Al1 informants who were interviewed for this study identified themselves as belonging to the Pakistani Muslim cominunity in Glasgow. However, it is important to note that this was not an entirely straight-fonvard identification, with some informants touching on the "duality" of feeling that they have both a Muslim and Pakistani, and a Scottish identity. This echoes research amongst teenagers of this community by Saeed et al (1999), which found that the dual ethnicity
Extrapolated from school ethnicity statistics in relation to catchment area: daia supplied by Glasgow City Council.

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labels of "Scottish-Pakistani" and "Scottish-Muslim" were most popular, more so than single terms such as "Pakistani" or "Muslim". This feeling of being part of a wider culture could suggest reasons for changes in the community naming system which some informants suggested were taking place. In the following discussion of the findings of this research al1 information has come directly from informants within the community, d. very ~ broad definition was taken of what unless otherwise ~ ~ e c i f i eA constituted a name. This was conceptualised as a continuum of core to peripheral names and allowed for any form of personal address or reference to be considered. Antoun (1968) writes expressly on what he considers to be the full range of address and reference forms used within an Arab village, rather than on just kinship terms or personal names, and this inclusive approach seemed an appropriate one to adopt for my own study. 3. Results Three main areas of naming practices emerged from these interviews: customary names, nicknames, and address terms. The first, and most important, of these-which 1have temed customary names-incorporates names generally given at birth or used traditionally within the community. These were divided further into sumames and given names. The second area is nicknames-specifically names given after birth and generally used alongside, aud additionally to, customary names. Thirdly, less name-like identifiers such as kinship terms and titles were gronped together as address terms. The latter shall not be discussed in this paper but could be considered as being part of the naming system as a whole within this community.
I n order to protect anonymity, particularly as the discussion often relates to iiames used in the family, quotes and particular pieces of information will not be attributed to any particular informant. Informants were also asked to wnte down any names they . ,. gave as examples to record local spellings as accurately as possible. Many Muslim names are Arabic and generally wntten in Arabic scnpt, and as Punjabi does not have a single spelling system, names and words will be given in the form which the infonnants gave. If this is not available, then spellings will be taken from Haq (1978). Bhardwaj (1995), Ahmed (1999). Goswami (2002), Baloch et al (200213) and Gandhi & Husain (2004). Names or address tenns are given in itulics throughout. Al1 data used in this study, unless referenced, were given by the informants themselves.

3.1. Customary names

Customary names in this context refer to names which are seen as being the official or true names of a person3. These have been further sub-divided into three sections examining: sumames, combinations of names and given names, as these areas were discussed quite separately by the informants. 3.1 .l. Surnames

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A survey by Alford (1988, 53) found that of the naming systems of sixty diverse societies, al1 had given names but only a th'ird also used sumames or patronyms. Indeed, this was the case in Britain until bynames started to become hereditary in the Middle Ages. In the rural village environment of the Punjab region of Pakistan, where al1 the informants have roots, a given name was generally enough to identify a person. Other members of their small community would already know which family they belonged to, as well as other information about their background. When members of the community began coming to Glasgow in large numbers in the 1950s and 1960s, they generally did not possess sumames in the traditional British sense of the term. However, they were required to register officially in Britain with a surname. This shows a concrete example of the conventions in Britain affecting the names of immigrants as they had to conform to this standard. The name that they chose, or ended up with, has become important because it is often this name which has been handed down to their descendants. A great number of what are now sumames in the Pakistani Muslim community began as a forename which was passed on from a father to his children4. So, for example, Asim Ali might cal1 his son Muhamnzad Asim. The generation in which a forename then became
1 avoid the term 'official names' as there are traditional names used in the commuuity which are part of an oral tradition, and so not officially wntten down. Examples were also given of relatives living in the Punjab who had followed this patronymic convention, such as a father, Ali Khun, giving his son the name Umar Ali. This suggests that sumames are more common in Pakistan today than when the first Glasgow migrants left, and that there has been some parallel development between the Glasgow community and Pakistan. This may be partly due to the strong cultural bonds which still exist between relatives in both places.

NAMING AND TRANSPLANTED a hereditary sumame seems to have varied between families, but it is clear that this process has been, and is still, t h g place. Often two names (which would roughly correspond to a forename and sumame) were given to a child that bore no relation ro the names of the rest of the family but were sirnply felt, in the words of one infonnant, to "go well together". This could mean that what are seen as the 'surnames' of individuals in a family group might be completely different from one another. This is reportedly becoming less common, however. The system which has now come to doininate in the Glasgow cornmunity is undoubtedly the traditional British one of a hereditary surname passed through families. Some informants believed that people within the community felt compelled to conform to the British. system and viewed this negatively. Indeed, it was seen by some as symptomatic of the casting off of cultural traditions brought from Pakistan. Conforming was seen as a way to avoid awkward situations-particularly when trying to explain the difference to white friends and colleagues. Other views expressed suggested that the change was more to do with familiarity with the wider British society. The youngest informants did not seem to perceive the change as being particularly negative. Other types of names which have come to be used as sumames have other roots, the vast majonty of which link culturally to Pakistan. Some of these denote the status the holder enjoyed. For example, a Chaudhry was the most senior person within a particular village, and the term can be used as a prefix or title to show status. This may have led those who were accorded this tenn to use it as their surname when they were required to give one5.

TRADITIONS

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forma occupation often ceased to be relevant on migration. Far more influential in terms of naming, and culture more generally, is the idea of Biraderi6/caste7which describes a "social network of kinship relationship" (Wardak 2000,74). These terms seem to be widely used but are not universally accepted by al1 in the community. Members of a particular caste or Biraderi generally occupied a particular place in the social stratum, and were associated with a particular occupationfor example Nai were barbers whereas Rajput were land-owners (Wardak 2000,75). It is important to remember though that these terms denote loose kinship groupings, not simply occupations. Some people took their cultural name as their sumame. One informant knew of people whose sumame was Ariari (a clan who were associated with farming and land-owning). Other sumames related people to particular tribes, giving information on which area of Pakistan their ancestors inhabited, as well as links to particular ethnic g~oupings.~ Usually, the surname today comes from a male forename, and information about people's cultural and kinship groupings is retained within the community through oral tradition. Therefore someone might he described or referenced as an Arkn although there is. no indication in their official name that they belong to this group. It was believed that the hierarchical information which these cultural groupings suppiy was less relevant in the Glasgow community, where hierarchy is now based much more on business and money than on ancestral occupation.

3.1.1.2. Surname on nzarriage

According to Islamic belief, a woman does not have to take her husband's iiame on maniage but can retain an independent identity.
This literally hanslates as 'brotherhood' which suggests a male-centric point of view and some infonnants preferred the use of the term 'clan'. Though in use, this term was disapproved of by some because it was felt that 'raste' .~~~~ had connotations of strict social hierarchy and that this contradicted Muslim teachings that al1 people are created equal. However, there was some controversy over what people considered to be a 'Kashmin name' o r a 'Mirpuri name', for example. Though links were stated quite confidentl~, others would assert that the same name 'belonged' to a different area of Pakistan or to no area in particular. This suggested that different cultural assumptions were being made. desoite the fact that al1 infomants (or their relations) had roots in the Punjab region.

3.1.1.1. Surname relating to cultural grouping

Many other names link to the concept of cultural or ethnic grouping. This can include occupations which an individual's family are associated with over a number of generations. However, occupational terms were felt to be more applicable to Pakistan and to the past, as someone's
Indeed, one infonnant described how when a particular individual moved to Glasgow he was called Chaudhry Sahih as a title of respect by others in the cornmunity and the term Chuudhrj became his family's hereditary sumame.

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However, cultural practice generally determines that a woman does become known by the name of her husband. As surnames have not been widely used in the rural areas of Pakistan until recently, a woman would not change her hereditary sumame to that of her husband as generally happens in Britain. Instead she would be known in the community by her first name plus her husband's given, or most familiar, name:For example, if her name was Fatima and she was married to a man with the fust or familiar name Iqbal, then she might be known as Fatima Iqbal. She might also be known as Mrs Iqbal (or a similar t e m to Mrs, such as Begum). This practice has canied on amongst the older generations of the Glasgow community. It was very specifically a community practice however, and would not be used for official purposes or when speaking to people who were not aware of it. This has changed markedly, however. It is now seen as more likely that a woman will change her surname to that of her husband under the British system. Some felt that a woman changing her sumame was part of the process of joining a new family group-a married woman traditionally lives with, and becomes part of, her husband's family. It was also seen as the result of extemal cultural pressures, in that changing to the British system would make things easier for the children of that marriage in British society more generally. Some women have begun to reclaim what they see as their nght to keep their own name after marriage. This is largely for religious reasons but in sorne cases was seen as being more to do with female independence than cultural roots or religious beliefs. So though at the moment women in the Glasgow community usually change their surname on mmiage, this may change in the future.

A child in the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow wi always be given at least two names at birth. It is common, though b no means essentid, for other names to be given in addition to thesegenerally only one but occasionally more. Initially, this may seer very close to the British naming tradition. However, closer analys: reveals considerable syntactic differences. Examples of typical con binations are:

Type A - Mohanlmed Haroon Khun, where the name Mohammed : used as the familiar name in everyday life, Khan is used as the su: name by the family unit, and Haroon is seldom used. Type B - Mohammed Haroon Khan, where Haroon is used as it familiar name, Khan as the sumame, and Mohammed is seldom usedl Type C - Molzammed Haroon, where Haroon is used as the famili; name, Mohammed is rarely used, and there is uothing which woul compare easily with the British notion of a sumame. Type D - Abdul Rehman Malik, where Abdul ~ e h m a n must be use as one name, as Abdul simply means 'servant' and Rehman is a attribute/name of Allah. Malik is the family name or sumame. Type E -Abdul Rehman, as Type D but without use of anythmg whic could easily be seen as being equivalent to a sumame. As indicated from these examples, the apparent order and combinatic of a name does not necessarily signal how the name is to be use1 Having two names is likely to mean that somebody possesses a fori name and sumame, but this is not always the case. Similarly, possessir three names probably means that the first is the familiar name, tf second a little-used middle naine, and the third equivalent to a SU name, but there are many exceptions to this.

3.2. Cornbinations9of customary names

The imposition of sumames signalled a change in the combinations of uames used by the initial immigrants. As this was due to an adaptation (though obligatory) to British culture, further change might suggest an additional shift toward the naming practices of the majority culture.

.,.

This refers to the combination of narnes given to individuals, e.g. forename + forename t suinamc. Ln other work, such as Bramwell(201 l), 1refer to this as name
Structure.

' O It was signalled that this might be particularly commonplace when a male chi was given the first "ame Mohnmmed. This name is particularly common in the cor munity, being the only Muslim or Pakistani name in the top one hundred nam given ui Scotland in 2008 (General Register Office for Scotland, 2008). By 2010 bo Muhammad and Mohammed were i n the top ten names for b y s bom i n the Glasxc City Council arca (General Rcgister Office for Scotland, 2010). There are religio reasons for this populanty, as this was the name of Islam's last and most importa prophet.

3.3. Given n a ~ n e s

Though surnames are not universal to ail cultures, evidente suggests that given names are (Alford 1988). Regardless of linguistic and culrural differences they remain important. The early Pakistani Muslim iinmigrants to Glasgow did not have hereditary surnames but they had given names, and this indicates their greater significance within the traditions of the community. 3.3.1. Why a name is given The single most irnportant factor in choosing a name for a child born into the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow is the meaning of that name (cf. Chinese names, Kuang Ching Hei 2005). This was stressed by every informant. One of the rights accorded to a Muslim child is the right to what is considered a 'good' name (Gatrad & Sheikh 2001, 6). Therefore this practice is connected with religion, in that being born to Muslim parents is expected to entaiI that those parents give the child what is considered to be a good name. This is because it is believed that the child will take on the characteristics and attributes of what that name ineans or symbolises; for example a man named Asinz (from Arabic and meaning 'protector') might be expected to take on protective roles. It is seen to impact upon their personality-being described by one informant as "a life-defining label". This means that Muslim people are very aware of the linguistic, cultural or religious roots of their names and their significance. This was universally the case in interviews, with al1 participants lcnowledgeable about the meanings of both their and others' names. What constitutes a 'good' meaning can be problematic, as some infomants found this difficult to articulate. However, there were certain cnteria which were agreed as being acceptable in giving the name what would be considered a good meaning. 3.3.1.1. Religious cviteria The name may be one of the ninety-nine names of AIIah or the ninetynine names of the Prophet Muhammad. These uames are really a list of attributes which they are believed to possess. However, many of them cannot be used on their own and must be preceded by a t e m

such as Ahdul, which means servant. Examples o this would be Abdullah, meaning 'servant of Allah' and Ahdul Rahman (or Rehnzan) meaning 'servant of the merciful', where 'the merciful' is seen as an attribute, and so a name, of Allah. These names are male names and do not generally have female equivalents. If a name has more than one part like this, both parts must be articulated or it is deemed that sorneone is being called, for example, just 'servant' or just 'Allah' and this can be felt to be offensive. It was acknowledged, though, that even within the community people sometimes forget this. Altematively, the name may have belonged to someone who is mentioned in the Qur'an or other scriptures. The root meaning of such names may not in itself be religious. Nonetheless, it is felt that as they belonged to someone who is believed to have been a good person, then the child will inherit the qualities which that person was believed to have possessed. An example of this is Khadijah who is mentioned in the Qur'an as the first wife of the Prophet Muhammad but whose name root simply means 'prematnre born' (Gandhi & Husain 2004, 226). These types of names need not even have an Arabic root, as they might be Arabic versions of Hebrew names, e.g. lmvan is the Arabic equivalent of the Hebrew Anzran who was named in the Bible as the father of the prophet Moses (Qazi 1974, 36). 3.3.1.2. Meaning of root word The name may relate to something that is considered to have physical qualities which would be advantageous to the child. These included things considered to be beautiful, such as Yasmin, which is a particular tlower. It was suggested though that this beauty would apply to the person's personality as well as to their physical appearance, so these names could also be seen as bestowing attributes. The name could instead relate to something suggesting positive qualities which will impact on a child's personality. Many of these narnes have an Arabic word as their root and have male and female equivalents with the same meaning. Farhan (male) and Farhana (female) both mean "glad; joyful; joyous; happy" (Gandhi & Husain 2004, 125), and it would be expected that a child given this name would be a happy person. Similarly, Tahir and Tahirah both rnean 'purity'. Another important prerequisite of naming, which is closely related to meaning and character, is that a name should be found

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which suits the child. This means giving a rime ~ h i ~as h one , informant described it, "fits what you perceive to be the nature of the ~ h i l ~ , , , Findi% a name that fits the child's character means djscarding the rIames which have been considered before bhh11.

3.3.2. Names and language

As may be clear from the examples, most names given in this community have an Arabic root. This is largely because Arabic is the language of the Qur'an. Also, Arabic names tend to have meanings which are known to the community through many people's ability to read some Arabic (for the purpose of reading scripture) and through the explanation of some of these meanings in the Qur'an. Names need not necessarily be Arabic, though. Many of the names, mentioned in the Qur'an and adopted by people within the Muslim community onginally come from different languages. Many earlier prophets and religious figures had Hebrew names which were Arabicised (see Amran to Irnran, discussed above). Many names in the Qur'an are also from the Farsi language, due to the historical links and close proximity of the Persian and Arab peoples. Also, some of the elderly generation were taught Farsi in school and are able to read Persian literaturc. This liad infiuenced the mother of one infomant to give her a Farsi name. Non-Arabic names could also be seen to have good meanings, following the same criteria relating to the meaning of a root word used in naming.

es can also end with /a/ (note Abdullah, above). m e s e suffxes n mas pmnounced by the Glasgow Pakistani Punjabi/Urdu-spe&ng are conmunity, rather than necessarily by an Arabic speaker. Some n m e s beused by males or females, some examples being Ifitihz and Iqhai ~ ~ ~ even~these e arermore , likely to be given to one gender ver the other12. 3.3.4. Name change

3.3.3. Names and gender

Names are generally gender-specific. The suffix /a/ often denotes a specifically female Arabic name, as descnhed above in the example of FavhanlFarhana. However, this is not always the case and male
" The final name (or names) is not arrived at by the parents alon-the extended family is heavily involved in the decision. This involvement seems to vary according 10 individual families. I n most cases their role is as advisors to the paren%,willi the 'paren- making the ultimate decision. This is done to make the entire family feel that they are involved with the binh and the naming. However, it also accords respect to the elders within the family; there is etiquette involved. Some also feel that elders may have more hsight into the type of name that might attract good life experiences.

fie meaning of the name is believed to play such an important role in a child's development, there can be instances where it becomes desirable to change that name. This can happen for a number of rea,O,,, but examples given inclnded instances: where a child had been very ill; where the parents had found out that the child's name did not actually have what they considered to be a good meaning; where a child's behaviour seemed wild or inappropriate; where a religious person had suggested that the name did not suit the child. In these cases the family would consult with a person who was considered to be knowledgeable about names and their meanings and change the narne to something which was thought of as more appropnate.for the child. Changing the name is believed to change the condition of a person, as it is reflected in their character. Though informants suggested that this type of name-change was rare, they al1 gave examples of instances where it had happened. It could take place at any age, though one informant suggested that thirteen was too late for the name change to have any real impact. It was unclear whether name change of this type was a religiously-motivated practice or not.

3.4. Nicknames

As they can be fairly changeable, nicknames are likely to be more easily influenced by variation in society. McClure (1981,74) hypothesises that the nature of a community, for example its social preoccupations, may detennine the nature and leve1 of nicknaming within
IZ Meldgaasd (2006: 94) notes that there are distinctions in meaning between male and femaleMuslim names with malc names refemng tu atbibutes "such as courage, bravery and manhood and female names alluding to "female virtues such as beauty, grace and modesty."

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TR~PLANTED TRADITIONS

43

that society. Leslie & Skipper (1990,278) even go so far as to describe nickname use as "social action". Wierzbicka (1992, 227) discusses the varying pragmatic values which different f o m s of names for the same person can have. For example, several different people might separately cal1 the same person Willianz, Billy, or Baldie. Descnbing what a nickname is can be difficult, as its permanence and strength lies upon a continuum of usage-from nicknames which virtually replace the person's established nameiwithin a community to t e m s which might not be described as nicknames at al), but simply as descriptions. Nicknames are both familiar, in ihat they imply informal and familiar relationships, and altemative. They are altemative to the official name within society but are also linguistically alternative, showing either phonological, morphological, lexical, or semantic variation (McClure 1981).
3.4.1. Nicknames in the family

Nicknames used within families were traditional within Pakistani culture and are also a feature of the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow. Most informants reported systems of nicknaming used within families and groups of close friends. However, some informants expressed unease at the use of nicknames. This is because changing the form of the name can render it meaningless, and this would distort what the name was supposed to symbolise. These informants still participated in the cultural practice of nicknaming though, at least within the family situation. Though to an extent these names were, unsurprisingly, idiosyncratic, they also shared many similarities in areas such as morphological smicture or type of meaning. Particularly cornmon was a tendency to Use diminutive fonns of an individual's first name. Examples of this included:

Haroo~r> /hari/ Haroon > lrunil Muneer > /muni/ Bilal > /bali/ Furhnna > /fan/ These forms typically show a simplification of the forename into one of its syllables with the addition of a hypocoristic /i/ suffix. This type

of hypocoristic name appears to be very common within nicknaming in the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow and this could be connected to rules relating to the formation of Urdu nicknames. Anwar (2002, 273) found similar results in a study of Urdu nicknames collected in Pakistan, with the majority having the phonological stnicture CVCVV or CWCVV. Koul (n.d.) gives examples of Kashmiri Muslim diminutives, most of which follow this pattem with many ending in an /i/ suffix. Using diminutive f o m s of personal names appears to be a wide-spread, or possibly even universal, phcnomenon; Jurafsky (1996, 564) gives cross-cultural examples of such suffixes, for example ka in Hungarian andpil in Nahuatl". In English, terms like .limmy, Jackie and Tomnzy demonstrate use of a hypocoristic /i/ suffix in a similar way to the names used in the Pakistani Muslim community. It is also worth noting the similady of these names to patterns of speech in infancy, as they are largely given in a family environrnent during childhood. Other nicknames used an existing word in English, Punjabi or Urdu to denote an individual. These seemed particularly common for females (as the dirninutive forms seemed slightly more common amongst males) and tended to use a word which might be considered as cute or feminine14. Similarly amongst North American women, Phillips (1990,285) found that nicknames had far greater connotations of beauty, kindness and pleasantness than male nicknames and attributed this to the perception of women within that society. It is possible that similar conclusions could be inferred from these data. Nicknames such as Dolly and Pinky were given, with oihers such as Mano billi (meaning 'little pussy cat' in Punjabi) and Gul-puri (which was translated as the Urdu for 'fairy') also being used within this multilingual community. Multilingualism was occasionally brought into play when creating nicknames, with a sound in the name Maimunah (lmunl 0 1 ' 'moon') giving nse to the nickname Chanda, or 'moon-like' in Punjabi. This type is not entirely restricted to women however, as the name Chand, the male equivalent of Chanda, was recorded, as was the petname Gonglu, or 'tumip', given to a male child.
'%e also suggests hypoconstic suffixes for names as the origin for diminutives in languages more generally but does not examine why nanies might be particularly suited to being given a diminutive fom. l4 See note above about typical meanings of female given names.

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TRADITIONS

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The motivations for bestowing and using these names were usually those of intimacy and affection. As one informant put it, the names were given "out of love". They were seen as being very personal to the bearer, as they were used by a small group who were close to each other emotionally. Some were in use throughout adulthood, though to a much lesser extent than in childhood15. 3.4.2. Nicknames in the younger generation Though older generations may have practised the familial forms of nicknaming only within groups of their closest friends, the younger generation are expanding this practice quite considerably into the wider community. These nicknames are generally shortened, abbreviated versions of personal names. They appear to be a continuation, on a larger, community-wide scale, of the types of nickname which might be given in a family group. Informants stated that most maIes up to their early thirties in the Pakistani Muslim community in the south-side area of Glasgow had some type of nickname. These names have apparently become so popular that an abbreviated nickname alone is not always enough to distinguish someone uniquely and other strategies, such as calling an older youth Big Hari and a younger Wee Hari, are now being adopted. It was also reported that many individuals were known almost exclusively by their nickname within the peer group, to the point where most other people did not know their real name (this is similar to the situation in some other Bntish communities (Bramwell 2007)). The nicknames reported were largely of the type shown above, but can also include other tems. These other terms usually consist of an English cornmon noun which has been adopted for some reason as a name, such as Teddy, Nappy and Killer, but can also consist of what can seem like nonsense words, including Deebo and Doey. The nicknaming strategies adopted by these men appear very similar to those found to have been adopted in studies of nicknaming in a school environment (e.g. Morgan, O'Neill & Harre 1979). With
-

one exceptionI6,only English common nouns (rather than Punjabi or Urdu words) were given as examples of nicknames amongst young people in the wider cornmunity. This mirrors a similar situation in the bdingual Gaelic-English Western Isles, where nicknames given at school were also far more likely to be in English (Bramwell 2007). ~ o s of t the names discussed above had been bestowed at school which does imply influence of the wider Scottish culture. It also reflects the fact that the younger informants, and presumahly their cohort, usually spoke English when outside the home. It was suggested that because many males have the same given name bestowed on them (e.g. Muharnrnad, Imran, Ali) nicknaming was a way of easily distinguishing them. This is likely, as it has been evidenced in numerous other communities with a limited name stock (e.g. Antoun 1968; Donan 1970; Bramwell2007). Some members of the older generation viewed this system of nicknaming as something alien, believing it had more in common with "gang culture and rap culture". Another thought it was a way of anglicising their names because he believed that the younger generation only felt Scottish, rather than feeling Pakistani and Muslim, and that this meant that they did not want to uphold their cultural roots. However, the similar phonetic strategies adopted for these nicknames and more traditional nicknames used within the family suggest that this may not be the case, They appear to be continuing and expanding a naming practice which is rooted in their traditions, though it might also be seen as reverting to a universal pattem of nicknaming.

4. Conclusions
The naming system in the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow is clearly different from the traditional British system which surrounds it and encroaches upon it. Indeed, all names volunteered by informants were al1 distinctively of their community, as opposed to names horrowed from the white Bntish majonv. Lieberson (1984, 81) suggests that if assimilation is taking place then it w o ~ l d be expected that first names distinctive to the assimilating group would be discarded. That this does not appear to be happening could suggest
l6

It was suggested that the names might be uscd by family and friends at private gatherings and amongst themselves, but that it would be considered discourteous to the nickname holder if they were called a niclaiame with people from outside that group present.
l5

The use of chhotn to describe someone who is small

46

ELLEN S. BRAMWELL
of other cultural practices, change before the more noticeable elements of that practice. Altematively, it may be the case that certain aspects nf naming - can change within a close-knit grouping without being perceived as a threat to the group identity. Nicknaming emerged as an impodant element of the naming system as it had expanded from its role as cementing an intimate bond w;thjn the family to creating a feeling of solidanty amongst the young males in the community. This function of solidifying social ties is atteSted in other communities where nicknames are used extensively (e,g. Brandes 1975; Skipper 1986). That the young men then exhibited this through displays of nicknames on football shirts and car registration plates shows the pride which they appeared to feel-that this practice rnarked them out as a group within the wider society. This system did seem to be in part a continuation of nicknaming pattems used in Paki,tan (Anwar 2002), aiid so could be seen as building upon tradition. However, it also created unease, as it was seen by some infomants as "ruining the meaning of their name". Here, religious and cultural naming practices are in conflict. In conclusion, when studying the group of naming practices used within the Pakistani Muslim community in Glasgow, what became apparent was the multi-faceted nature of this system. Kinship markers, clan terms, nicknames, religious markers, and different ways of referencing were al1 used for different purposes and, in some cases, amongst particular groups. This study produced evidence to suggest that some form of assimilation into the wider culture is taking place in the bestowal of sumames, while other practices-such as nicknamingare helping to maintain the cohesive social bonds which exist in the community. A larger study ~nanying a theory of cultural change with one of shifting naming practice might allow for a picture of what changes are to come-a subject which my infomants felt strongly about and one which may become a significant issue in terms of ideutity and community.
u .

that cultural assimilation is not occuming to a great extent. The community W a S repeatedly described as "close-knit" and so it seems reasonable that dense network ties help to maintain cultural norms such as naming practices (Milroy 1980). This draws on the shared cultural roots of the community to produce a feeling of shared identity by the use of these names. Given names are important within the community, as elsewhere. The distinctly Muslim names which were generally used would be far more meaningful to another member of the community than, for example, Jeremy or Joanna might be in a traditional British context. They might suggest elements of that person's personality through either the meaning of the root word or the characteristics of an illustrious bearer, or it might remind them of their shared religious values. While the names themselves have remained the same, it is clear that some aspects of their bestowal have altered to fit the British tradition. It is possible that the change in organisation rather than vocabuLary could have parallels with substratal influence on a dominant lanp a g e (e.g. Tristram 2007; Filppula & Klemola 2009). The imposition ~f surnames on the early immigrants to Glasgow created a situation her re members of tbe community had to create names for themselves o fit with British official requirements. This, to an extent, was forced assimilation into the dominant naming system. That these sumames did not necessarily become hereditary, though, shows that this process was more gradual than first appears. It is still possible to give children a set of names which have no reIation to the rest of their families, or even which do not quite fit with the forenarne plus surname mould. This has gradually reduced over time, with younger members of the community generally possessing a surname which identifies them with the rest of their family, in the same way as a hereditary British surname. As this practice has become the norm, women have also begun taking their busband's sumame which was explained by some informants as a way of making life easier for their children in British society. Therefore it appears that while the names of the Pakistani Muslim cmmunity still identify them as a distinct unassimilated group, the relations of these names to others in their family tell a slightiy different story. This may also be a result of the cultural duality to which some members of the cornmunity felt that they subcnbed (cf. Saeed et al 1999). One might suggest then that tlie orgatiisatiou of narnes, or potentially

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Summary: Naming and transplanted traditions: Change and continuity in Glasgow's Pakistani Muslim commlinity If the premise is assumed that naming practices are dependent oti the society aid culme in which they occur, an intriguing question arises: what happeiis to these naming practices when they are transplaiited into another society with its own nming traditions? Are the distinct naming practices lost as their users assimilate into another culture? Do they continue intact? 01 do they evolve in eonjunetion with the new situation? This article investigates these questions duectly through an analysis of namiiig practices within the pakistani Muslim comunity in Glasgow. Specifically, it considers al1 aspects of naming in this comunity and relates them to how and whether name usage has changed as a result of migratioii. Rsum: L a nomination et les traditions transplantes: changement et continuit dans la coininunaut musulmane pkistanaise de Glasgow Si l'on pose pour prmisse que les pratiques de nomination dpendent de la socit et de la culture o& elles se dveloppeut, surviennent des questions fascinantes: qu'advient-il de ces pratiques quand dles sont transplantes dans une autre socit qui possede ses propres traditions de nomination? Ces pratiqnes distinctes se perdent-elles avec l'assnilation de leurs utilisateurs dans une autre culture? Coiitinuent-elles a l'identique? Ou voluent-elles en lien avec la nouvelle situation? L'article enquete siir ces questions directemeiit en analysant les pratiques de nomination dans la coinmunaut musulmane pakistanaise de Glasgow. En particulier, il tudie tous les aspects de la nomination dans cette communaut et les met en relation pour savou commeiit et si l'usage du nom a chang en tant que rsultat de l'immigration. Zusammenfassung: Namen und Transfer der Traditionen: Wandel und Kontinuitit in der Gemeinschaft pakistanischer Muslime in Glasgow Bei Annahme der Voraussetzung, dass die Methoden der Nainengebung von Gesellschaft und Kultur abhangig sind, in denen sie praktiriert wii-d, ergibt sich cine fasziiemde Frage: Was passiert mit diesen Name~i~rakt'iIen, weiin sie auf eine andere Gesellschaft mit eigeiier Namengebuiigstradition herUagen werden? Gehen die unterschiedlichen Methoden bei der Assimilatioii an eine andere Kultur verloren? Bleibeii sie intakt? Oder entfalten sie sich in Verbindung mit der neueii Situation? Der Beitrag untersucht diese Fragen direkt anhand einer Analyse der Namengebungspraxis iimei-halb der Gemeinschaft pakistanischer Muslime in Glasgow. Insbesondere werden samtliche Aspekte der Namengebung i n dieser Gemeinschaft he~cksichtigt und zu delFrage in Beziehung gesetzt, ob und wie sich der Namengebrauch infolge Migration Xndem kann.