book reviews

The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution By Francis Fukuyama Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011 US$35; 608 pages ISBN-13: 9780374227340

n 1989, Francis Fukuyama argued in The End of History that mankinds universal desire for modernisation would inevitably foster a desire for liberal democracy . Coinciding with the end of the Cold War, this essay and the subsequent book caught the zeitgeist and established Fukuyama as one of the worlds most influential political thinkers. Occasionally, he has ventured beyond the ivory tower to offer practical advice, at one stage cooperating with AusAid towards state building in the Pacific Islands. While his distinction was tarnished in the eyes of some by his association with neoconservatism, Fukuyama may well re-establish his authority with the release of the first volume of his new tome, The Origins of Political Order. Given the persistence of conflict and poverty in the world, attempting to understand the political order required for social and economic development is unquestionably a worthy although highly ambitious goal. However, with a professional reputation straddling anthropology, sociology, history, political science and economics, Fukuyamas multi-disciplinary approach allows him to provide

a unique theory on what makes for stable and well-functioning societies. In doing so, his book pays homage to his late mentor Samuel Huntington, best known as the author of The Clash of Civilizations, and also the author of Political Order in Changing Societies. The commonly accepted view of how political order arises (known as Whig history) begins with the Athenian city-state and follows on to the Roman Empire, Magna Carta, the Industrial Revolution, and Americas founding fathers. Fukuyama is critical of this narrowly focused doctrine and the implication that there can be only one sequence to building stable, accountable states. Focusing only on successful political evolution similarly fails to provide a proper understanding of how the separate elements of political order respond to one another and external factors in individual circumstance, resulting sometimes in political order and sometimes in political decay. Similar historical episodes such as Englands Magna Carta and the less well-known Golden Bull in Hungary produced different outcomes. To explain this, Fukuyama digs deep beyond history to study the origins of social hierarchy among apes and early humans. Humans, he argues, are by nature social beings, and subordination is ingrained behaviour necessary for establishing workable social units. Grouping initially takes place at a kin level, but confluence

of circumstancesuch as overpopulation, conflict for common resources, and the necessity of protection from a foreign common enemycan override kin affiliation and force disparate groups to cooperate and develop from family to tribal and ultimately state-level organisation. According to Fukuyama, the first modern state to emerge is Qin Chin (circa 221 BC), which notably developed a meritocratic civil service and conscription based army. The case of Qin China also demonstrates how centralisation under the state can be reversed. Moreover, statehood is only one element of political order, the other two being rule of law and political accountability, each of which is examined in the book. At times, The Origins of Political Order reads like a textbook and yet is accessible for those who dont know their Qin from their Ming. Each chapter begins with catchy descriptions of the content to follow, such as How English Common Law was based on royal power or Why absolutism triumphed more completely in Russia than in other parts of Europe. Along the way, Fukuyama recounts how the institutionalisation of the Catholic Church led to a normative legal order and checks on sovereigns absolutism, and how Latin Americas current lack of political accountability can be traced to the inherent and concealed weakness of sixteenth-century Spain. Towards the end of the book, Fukuyama begins linking these to his overall theory with practical applications. Fukuyama candidly points out the uncomfortable fact that

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external threats have often driven nation-building, and how this sits awkwardly with modern development theory prescriptions. Reassuringly, societies can arrive at political order via different paths, which he fleetingly illustrates with reference to Denmark and South Korea. Writing about authoritarianism in the contemporary Middle East, Fukuyama tantalisingly suggests that rule of law need not be incompatible with Islam and that current political order (or lack of it) in the Middle East is a result of the regions interaction with the West and subsequent transition to modernity. One hopes and expects these topics will be revisited in the next volume. A proper assessment of Fukuyamas work is only possible after the second volume is published. Even for a heavyweight like Fukuyama, attempting such a big project inevitably risks academic overreach. While his narrative is well-written and seems persuasive, as somewhat of a dilettante, your reviewer cannot respond authoritatively to Fukuyamas account of Indias revival under the Guptas, nor his critique of Weber and Hayek. The books accessibility, together with his kudos, means Fukuyamas views will likely be instructive for those making policies on state building, rule of law, and political accountability. For their part, one hopes that academics will put aside any indignation at Fukuyamas encroachment into their specialist field and respond constructively to correct or fine-tune his theories. Academics and policymakers aside, anyone with an interest in history and
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political science will gain a more insightful understanding of the past and present from reading this book. Watching The Tudors will never be the same. Reviewed by Joel Malan

Economics for Life By Ian Harper Acorn Press, Melbourne, 2011 $29.99; 174 pages ISBN 9780908284955

enjoyed reading Ian Harpers book, but evaluating it as a reviewer means deciding what kind of book it is. The book includes an excellent historical overview of the Australian economy (chapter 4) but is not a work of professional economic history. There are clear and perceptive comments on economic rationality, positive and normative economics, and ethical frameworks for economists (especially in chapters 2 and 3), but it is not a work of economic methodology. Nor is it a work on public policy, though a large part of the book is devoted to Harpers advisory roles in financial regulation, including the 1997 Wallis Inquiry (chapter 6), and setting minimum wages as Fair Pay Commissioner from 200609 (chapter 5). It is not the political tract that those who describe Harper as a conservative, rightwing religious zealot might have expected, though he certainly highlights markets as an engine of wealth creation. These readers, expecting a certain sort of political tract, would be surprised to discover Harpers discussion

on dealing with affluence (chapter 9). Nor is it a standard autobiography. It is best categorised as an apologia, along the lines of John Henry Newmans Apologia Pro Vita Sua (1865), responding to charges of insincerity by Charles Kingsley. Harper offers an eloquent defence both of professional economics and of the Christian faith he found later in life. As with Newman, who felt he could best defend his Catholicism by telling the story of the evolution of his religious position, Harpers particular arguments about economics and Christian faith gain unity and power from their context in the life journey he narrates, albeit perhaps a retrospective unity. Harpers professional journey began with studying economics in Queensland, through postgraduate studies at the Australian National University, his first job with the Reserve Bank of Australia, a crucial year at Princeton University, a Chair at the University of Melbourne and later Melbourne Business School, various policy roles, and now consulting with Deloitte. There is no trace of self-indulgence or self-congratulation in his narrative, rather a thoughtful account of choices, successes and disappointments. What comes through most strongly is Harpers love of economics as an absorbing, challenging and important subject. As well as defending economics against critics of the subject, Harpers other purpose is to encourage fellow economists to take a closer look at Christian faith. However, we do not get