GREGORY PALAMAS AMONG THE TURKS

AND DOCUMENTS OF HIS CAPTIVITY

AS HISTORICAL SOURCES
By G. GEORGIADES ARNAKIS
AMONG the papers of Spyridon Lampros published in the N eos Hellenomnemon
posthumously! is a transcript from an Athonite manuscript containing a pastoral
epistle of the leader of the hesychasts, Gregory Palamas, archbishop of Thes-
salonica (1347-1360), who was proclaimed a saint of the Greek Orthodox Church
shortly after his death in 1360.
2
The contents of this epistle are of great interest
to the student of Graeco-Turkish relations, as they describe the observations and
experiences of Gregory Palamas as a captive among the Osmanli Turks during
that crucial period in history when they crossed the Dardanelles and gained a
secure footing in Europe. Especially noteworthy are the archbishop's accounts
of the Greek communities still existing in Orhan's realm and of the impact of
Islam on Christianity in the last Byzantine stronghold in Asia Minor.
It is to be regretted that no historian of the foundation of the Ottoman Empire
has paid attention to this important document. Until 1922 it was accessible only
in manuscripts, in St Panteleemon's Monastery at Mt Athos, in the National
Library at Athens, in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, and elsewhere. The
Parisian manuscript must have been known to Du Cange, for in his Glossarium
ad scriptores mediae et infimae graecitatis (p. 1535) he includes the unique word
and cites the epistle of Gregory Palamas to the Thessalonians as its
source. In our own times, Prof. G. Papamichael of the University of Athens, in
his book on Gregory Palamas (p. l41), makes brief mention of the prelate's
captivity, but does not seem to be aware of the fact that the 'Achaimenidae'
whom he calls pirates (7rELpaTaL EK TWP 'AXaLJ.l.EPLOWP) , are no other
than the Osmanli Turks,3 whom fourteenth-century writers called by an archaic
name - Achaimenidae or Persians, after the classicist fashion of the times.
Papamichael evidently did not read the epistle itself, for, had he done so, the
identity of the Achaimenidae would have been obvious (the text reads TOtS
'AXaLJ.l.EP[oaLs, PUP TOVPKOVS KahOUJ.l.EP).
Interesting details of the captivity of Palamas and his relations with the
Turks might have been known from two texts published in the closing years of
the nineteenth century. The first is a short epistle of the saint, addressed to the
monk David Disypatos, which is an abridgement of the one he sent to the Thes-
salonians. The second is a public discussion (dialexis) which he held with Moslem
theologians at the behest of Orhan. It was recorded by the sultan's Greek phy-
sician, Taronites, who was present at the event. The letter to David was published
by M. Treu, in the Deltion of the Historical and Ethnological Society of Greece,
III (1889),227-234, from Codex No. 28 of Uppsala. The dialexis was published by
A. J. Sakellion, in the periodical Soter, xv (1892), 240-246, from a seventeenth-
century manuscript of the National Library at Athens. The dialexis appears also
in the Athonite manuscript right after the epistle to the Thessalonians. K.
Dyovouniotes says4 that he collated the Athenian with the older Athonite version
104
Gregory Palamas Among the Turks 105
and found only negligible differences. The publication of these two texts might
have offered a clue to the historian prior to 1922, but unfortunately they re-
mained unnoticed. Then, in 1922, came the publication of the long epistle, with
its remarkable authenticity and fascinating detail concerning the reign of Orhan,
so incompletely known from contemporary sources. But for a long time it, too,
failed to attract the attention of the historians of the Ottoman Empire.
The author of this article had occasion to use some parts of it in his book
Ol IIpwToL '08wp.aJloL, published as No. 41 of the Beihefte of the Byzantiniach-
neugriechische Jahrbilcher (Athens, 1947). But a fuller analysis and evaluation of
this important document is both interesting and useful. A careful study of its
contents will undoubtedly lead to conclusions which will give us a better ap-
proach to the thorny problem of the foundation of the Ottoman Empire.
After a preamble and expressions typical of the religious outlook of the times
- such as the 'height or depth of the wisdom of God is unfathomable' and
'we have been delivered into their hands as a minor punishment for our many
sins in the face of God' - the writer goes on to say that his recent experiences
would be worthy of narration, for - to use his own words - 'up to Tenedos 1
travelled on the imperial trireme and from there on, though journeying through
Bithynia and Mesothynia, 1 was never uninformed as to how Constantinople was
faring by land and by sea and as to the calamities which were sent to our nation
from above (I do not know whether 1 should call them education or abandon-
ment), especially that earthquake, which not only buildings and possessions
but also bodies and souls made a spoil for dogs and all manners of vultures, if
1 may speak like the poet - vultures both human and non-human. But in order
not to cause sorrow by the omission of all these, 1 shall tell some of my experiences
briefly to those of you who wish to know them.'
He then tells how, a few days after the earthquake, he and his retinue embarked
on 'a ship of 800 medimni' at Tenedos, and in stormy weather sailed as far
north as a point off Kallipolis (Gallipoli). There they saw that they could no
longer put up with the violent north wind, and the captain, much against his
will, fell back upon Gallipoli in order to avoid shipwreck. 'But since the earth-
quake had put that city, too, under the yoke of the Achaimenidae, whom we
now call Turks, and it was not possible to moor at the port, we brought the ship
to a halt somewhere near a neighboring coast and we cast all its anchors.'
At daybreak the wind began to subside. The passengers could now discern the
Turks on the European shore. Presently, groups of them set out in boats from
both shores, obviously directed against the ship with hostile intentions. Panic-
stricken, the passengers implored the captain to take them back to Tenedos,
but he refused, underestimating the strength of the enemy. The result of the
ensuing fight was the capture of the ship and all those on board.
Gregory Palamas and the rest of the prisoners were taken to Lampsacus, on
the Asiatic side of the straits. The archbishop hints at the humiliations and
hardships that were common to the prisoner's lot.
5
The local Greek population
was astir with the news of the arrival of so distinguished a captive; but their at-
titude proved harmful to him because his captors increased their demands as to
106 Gregory Palama8 Among the Turks
the ransom and the Moslem populace took an unfriendly interest in him. 'And
those who held steadfast to the barbaric faith became enraged against me, and
some molested me and others sought to pick up an argument; but, unable to
prevail over me in any other respect, they mentioned my captivity as a proof of
the ineffectiveness of our religion. For this infidel and god-hated and all-abomi-
nable nation boasts that they have overcome the Romans on account of piety.
They ignore that this world is immersed in evil. ... ' A sermonette follows on
this topic. 'Since they have known Christ and have not glorified and worshipped
him as Christ, God has delivered them unto a lascivious mind, passions and
vices, so that they live shamefully and inhumanly and in a way hated by God
... they live by their bows and swords, rejoicing in enslavement, murder,
raiding, looting, wantonness, adultery, sodomy. And not only do they indulge
in such practices, but (0 madness!) they think that God approves of them. This
is my opinion concerning them, now that I know their ways more accurately.'
At Lampsacus the prisoners spent seven days. The archbishop received a
large number of visitors, who sought spiritual comfort and confirmation in their
faith; 'and most of them wanted to learn the cause of the abandonment of our
nation by God.'
On the seventh day of their captivity they underwent 'tribulations' which
were meant to increase their ransom, and they set out for Pegae, where they
arrived after three days. The archbishop and his suite of monks were separated
from their fellow-prisoners and were again threatened for the same purpose.
'When they did not achieve their end, however, they did not carry out their
threats, but they took us to the church of Christ which even now exists through
his power, praising him freely. We saw it like a secure haven after so many and
so varied storms.' A community of Christians lived arou'nd the church and they
offered hospitality to the prisoners. The archbishop and his retinue became the
guests of a prominent citizen, the hetaeriarch Mavrozoumis. 'He took uS under
his roof,' says Gregory, 'and clothed us when we were naked, and fed us when we
were hungry, and gave us to drink when we were thirsty, and took care of us for
three months. Moreover, he saved us from the company of the barbarians and
he invited us to preach in the church, as we were wont to do, and to give spiritual
comfort both to the native Christians and to those who had been brought there
in captivity.'
After this relieving respite, Gregory and his followers were taken to Brusa.
It was a four days' journey for them. 'Here those of the Christians who excelled in
wisdom used to meet us to discuss major matters, though the circuInstances were
not favorable; for the barbarians were surrounding us. But those who exerted
themselves about piety disregarded the unfavorable time, as they unexpectedly
had in front of them the man who would tell them about the things they wanted
to know.' The sojourn in Brusa was brief. A couple of days after their arrival
they were again on the march.
The second day of their journey, which happened to be a Friday, brought them
to 'a hilly place, surrounded by mountains at a distance and beautified by thick-
Gregory Palamas Among the Turks 107
shaded trees; winds, blowing now from this side, now from that side of the
mountain-ridges, give it a cool draught and the air all around is refreshing even
in summer time. This is the reason why the greatest ruler of the barbarians
(TWII /3ap/3apoLs 0 KpaTLUTos) was spending his summer there.' It is a
pity that the archbishop does not mention the name of the place.
It was here that he met 'the grandson of the Great Emir' (TOU J.LEl'aAou
'AJ.LTJPU).6 The youth, whose name is recorded as Ismail, took the archbishop
aside and sat down with him on the grass, while some prominent Turks stood by.
Gregory was offered fruits and the young prince meat. As they were lunching
together, Ismail asked the archbishop why he never ate any meat. The latter
explained the reasons. At that moment there came a man and apologized for his
tardiness. 'Only now,' he said, 'I have been able to finish the distribution of
alms, which the Great Emir has ordered for every Friday.' The prince then asked
the churchman if alms-giving was practised among the Greeks. Gregory answered
in the affirmative, adding that 'true alms-giving is a result of love for the true
God, and the more one loves God the more merciful he becomes.' The prince then
inquired if the Greeks accepted and loved the prophet of the Turks, Mohammed.
Gregory said no, and the prince asked why. The prelate answered cleverly that if
one does not believe a teacher's words, it is impossible for him to love the teacher
as a teacher. Hence the discussion went on about the martyrdom of Christ, the
worship of the Cross, the position and the virginity of Mary, the supernatural
birth of Christ-all irritating subjects to a Moslem. 'But even with regard to
these, he [the prince] did not show a hostile attitude, although it is said that he
is one of the most merciless enemies of the Christians.' A heavy rain put an end
to the conversation. The prince ran away to take cover and the archbishop re-
turned to the captives to be drenched to the bone.
'When the rain had stopped and the day was drawing to a close, our guards
took us all before the presence of the ruler. And at his orders we were led to a
neighboring town, inhabited by Christian Romans for a long time, in which
there was also a house for the imperial ambassadors. We met them, therefore,
day by day, receiving from them some material help and moral encouragement;
and in that rugged and tempestuous climate, when those of us who were ill had
none of the things we needed, there was no adversity that could lessen their kind
intentions. When the Emir suffered from liver trouble, the good Taronites came,
invited - he who was the most God-loving and the most beloved of God among
all physicians. He had done everything he could for my benefit, and when he
saw that I would improve remarkably, both in soul and in body, by going to live
at Nicaea, he tried to convince the Emir [to let me go]. The latter asked him,
"Who is this monk and what sort of a man is he?" And after he [Taronites] said
whatever he said, the Emir remarked, "I, too, have wise and erudite men, who
will hold a discussion with him." And he straightway sent to call for the X!OIlES
- men who have thought of nothing, and have been taught by Satan nothing,
except blasphemy and shamelessness towards our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of
God. And when they arrived, Taronites, who was present, an eye-witness and
108 Gregory Palamas Among the Turks
a listener, put down in writing the things that were spoken and done; and all
those who want to do so, may read them and learn them from his work, since it
has been copied and circulated.'
From the notes of Taronites, published, as it has already been stated, in the
periodical Soter, we are informed as to the content and the course of the discussion.
The came accompanied by 'not a few dignitaries (i1pxoVTEs) and a
man named Palapanis.' They all took seats out of doors, Palapanis (= Balaban)
presiding, and Gregory Palamas began to present the case for Christianity. He
started with the great stumbling block to the Moslems, the doctrine of the Holy
Trinity. The Moslems asked, 'How do you call Christ a God since he was a man
and was born as a man?' In answer to this question, Gregory spoke about the
Divine Plan for human salvation, stressing the virginity of Mary 'for according
to David everyone conceived of woman is a sinner.' Christ's resurrection was
a still greater scandal for the Turks. Some of them became restless. Others kept
repeating, 'God simply ordered and there was Christ.' Balaban, in accordance
with Orhan's orders, put the question very succinctly: 'We believe in your
prophet, why don't you believe in ours?' It was precisely what prince Ismail had
asked. The Ottoman court appears to have believed in the practicability of
some kind of religious syncretism as a basis for the of the two peoples.
If it is true that the Ottoman policy aimed at reconciling Christ with Mohammed,
then the answer of Gregory Palamas, quoting John, v, 43-44, and Gal. i, 8-9,
must have seemed to them very bigoted indeed.
Since the doctrines of Christianity were founded upon the Old as well as the
New Testament, the doctors of Islam sought to prove the archbishop inconsistent
by raising the question of circumcision. 'Circumcision,' they said, 'was ordered
by God from the beginning and Christ himself was circumcised; why are you
not?' Gregory retorted quickly, 'Why don't the Turks keep all of the precepts
of the Mosaic law - the Sabbath, the Passover, sacrifices by priests, the altar,
and so forth?' Instead of answering, the doctors of Islam asked another question,
'Why do you have images in your churches though it is written: "Thou shalt
not make any likeness whatsoever of all the things which are in heaven above, on
the earth below and in the sea"?, Gregory again used his wits. He said, 'Friends
are offered respects by one another, and yet they are not worshipped like Gods.'
He went on to state that even Moses made certain things in likeness - the inner
partition of the temple and the cherubim. And he concluded, 'We offer our
praises to things created, but we proceed through them to glorify God, the
Creator: The XL6vES expressed their doubts, but Gregory went on, trying to
convince them. At the end he felt certain that his apology was overwhelming.
'At last the Turkish dignitaries rose and bade the archbishop of Thessalonica
farewell with respect and they began to depart.' Then there was an unpleasant
incident, which marred the close of the meeting. One of them lagged behind and
struck the archbishop in the eye. Fortunately, the others ran back and held
him. They reprimanded him and - so we are told - they took him to the Emir
to be punished. Taronites ends the minutes of this interesting debate very ap-
Gregory Palamas Among the Turks 109
propriately by adding the date: 'in the month of July, the eighth indiction, of
the year 6863' (= A.D. 1355).
We do not know exactly how many days after the dialexf,s Gregory Palamas
set out for Nicaea. But we do have the information from the epistle that when
he arrived there it was still July. There were probably a number of stops on the
way, for he now tells us (a thing which could not be true of his earlier journeys)
that 'the barbarians assign to us guards only when they take us from one city
or village to another; when the guards lead us to the city or village of our desti-
nation, each one of them retires to his own, allowing us to live and move about
as we choose and we are free to associate with anyone we like.'
At Nicaea he took up his residence in the Monastery of St Hyacinthus, which
was the center of the main Christian quarter.
7
He had a very warm welcome
there. There was a beautiful church inside the precincts of the monastery, a well
with sweet water, and many fruit-trees. The whole atmosphere was pleasant and
refreshing.
During the first days after his arrival he was alone. The chartophylax, who had
been taken before Orhan, had been accommodated elsewhere, and the monks
Joseph and Gerasimos had found their way to Constantinople (we are not told
under what circumstances). Another member of his retinue was Constas Cala-
maris, who had been bought by a Christian at Brusa but had not paid off his
debt to his liberator. During his brief stay in the Osmanli capital, the archbishop,
finding money 'by the help - or rather by a miracle - of God,' had paid the
balance and had set him free. 'I did not take him along with me,' he adds, 'because
I did not know where I would end up. But now I wrote and asked him to come,
and I, the captive, have a free man as a companion and servant. And let this be
added to the strange stories: that a captive grants freedom to his felLow-prisoner
and he who is not a master of himself has a freed man under his control.'
It was on an afternoon before the arrival of his attendant that Gregory took
a lonely walk to the eastern gate of the city.s From an elevated position outside
the gate, he gazed at 'the tall, stately buildings and ramparts, for the city abounds
in them though they are now deserted.' Looking in the opposite direction, to-
wards the fields, he observed a cubical marble structure. He hardly had time to
ask about it, when he saw a funeral crowd coming out of the gate. He followed
them at a convenient distance. He saw them place the coffin, covered with
white sheets, on the marble cube, in deep silence. The imam, whom he calls
raCnp,all7]s,
9
stood in the midst of the crowd and, raising his hands, prayed aloud.
The crowd answered in response. This was done three times. Then the coffin
was borne away for burial and the crowd returned to the city. The archbishop
strolled back, too.
At the gate he saw the imam and some others taking a rest in the coolness of
the shadow. A group of Christians was quietly seated on the opposite side. He
sat down with them. Presently he asked if there was anyone who spoke both
languages. When such a man stepped forth, the archbishop commented favor-
ably upon the funeral rites and asked what was said in the prayers before the
110 Gregory Palamas Among the Turks
marble catafalque. The imam answered through the same interpreter. 'We have
prayed to God for the sake of the dead to forgive the sins of his soul.' Gregory
thereupon spoke of Christ's second coming, of the Last Judgment for all, and of
the need of all to worship Christ as the Word Incarnate, indivisible from the
Father. The tMimanu answered, 'Christ, too, is a servant of God.' Gregory re-
minded him of the prophecies in the Old Testament. As the discussion was
getting more and more heated, the crowd of Christians and Turks increased. At
a critical point the Turk said, 'We accept all the prophets and Christ with them
and the four books descended from Heaven. Why do you not accept our prophet?
Why do you not believe in his book, which has come down from Heaven?'Gregory
said that, in the case of Mohammed, there were no heavenly signs, like those of
Moses and Jesus, and no testimony of the prophets regarding him. The imam's
answer seems to be typical of the attitude of the Turks. He said, 'Mohammed
was spoken of in the Gospel but you cut it out. Moreover, setting out from the
remote east, he came as far as the west, victorious, as you yourself see.' For the
Moslem theologian the spread of Islam undoubtedly was a miracle matching
those of Moses and Christ, and an indication of God's approval and help.
But the Christian did not question the reliability of the Scriptures. Nothing has
ever been cut out. And there is a warning about false Christs and false prophets
who will lead many astray. Mohammed, it is true, carried his banners in triumph
from the East to the ends of the earth but he won his victories by means of war,
slaughter, enslavement. Didn't Alexander march out of the West to conquer the
East? Various others, too, at different times collected armies and conquered the
world. 'But Christ's teaching, though offering none of the pleasures of this
world, has spread to the ends of the earth, and it stays even among its enemies,
without the use of force - nay, overcoming force. This is the victory that has
encompassed the world.'
But the apologist had gone too far. The Turks began to lose their temper.
In the words of Gregory: 'The Christians who were present made a sign to me to
finish my speech. Then, changing my tone to a mild one, I smiled gently at them
and said, "Had we been able to agree in debate, we might as well have been of
one faith." Let the understanding understand the purport of my words. And
one of them answered, "There will be a time when we shall all agree." I acquiesced
and wished that that time might come quicker. I did so, because I remembered
the Apostle's saying that every knee shall bow down before the name of Jesus
Christ and every tongue shall confess the Lord Jesus Christ to the glory of God
the Father, and this will come to pass in the Second Coming of our Lord Jesus
Christ. And so, the meeting was adjourned for that day. As to the things that were
spoken in subsequent meetings, the spirit is willing to write them, but the hand
is weak.'
The epistle ends with inspired admonitions to the Thessalonians, based upon
quotations from the Scriptures - mainly the Gospels and the Pauline epistles,
- urging them to follow steadfast in the Christian way of life. 'For he who clings
to God by means of works of virtue becomes one spirit with God by means of
Gregory Palamw Among the Turks 111
the grace of the Holy Spirit; and may the Holy Spirit be with you all, now and
evermore, unto the ages of ages. Amen.'
* * *
The great earthquake and the conquest of Gallipoli. The epistle of Gregory Pala-
mas outlined above helps us to establish in a conclusive way the date of the
capture of Gallipoli by the Turks, as it will appear from the following.
If we add up the days of his captivity from his landing at Lampsacus to the
time when he was brought before Orhan we shall have a total of 108 (or perhaps
110) days.lO From Orhan's summer resort he was taken to the town which served
as quarters for the Byzantine ambassadors. There he fell ill, was treated by
Taronites, Taronites was called to Orhan's court, Orhan underwent a treatment
and began to feel better, Taronites had a suitable occasion to ask a favor in be-
half of Gregory, the XdJIIES were called for by the sultan, they travelled to the
town of the ambassadors with Taronites and Balaban and they had the debate
with the archbishop. This debate, we are told by the recorder Taronites, was
held in July 1355. It is therefore very probable that there was at least a fortnight's
interval between his appearance before Orhan and the discussion with the XdJIIES,
and this fortnight may well be anywhere from late June to the first weeks of
July. It was still July when he took up his sojourn at Nicaea, as he himself tells
us in connection with the discussion with the imam at the eastern gate of the
city. If Gregory visited Orhan's summer court on one of the last days of June,
108 or 110 days prior to that time would be very close to 10 March 1355. It must
have been at about this time that his ship was captured and his troubles began.
According to the epistle, he had embarked at Tenedos a few days after the
earthquake. So we have a very important clue to the date of the earthquake
which opened the walls of Gallipoli to the Turkish conquerors. It must have
taken place in the beginning of March of the year 1355.
The date of this important event is usually mentioned as 1354. But the sources,
most of which are not contemporary, are confusing. Moslem historians, writing
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, surround the event with a halo of
romance, and their dates concerning the early Ottoman period are unreliable.
ll
A Bulgarian chronicle of the mid-sixteenth century places this important event
in the year 6867 from the Creation (i.e., 1359 A.D.), but, containing, as it does,
several errors about facts definitely known from other sources, it does not seem
to be trustworthy.12 A much earlier and a far better chronicle, written in Greek
in 1391, sets the date of the earthquake and of the fall of Gallipoli on 2 March
6862 (=A.D. 1354).13 Of the contemporaries, neither Nicephorus Gregoras nor
John Cantacuzenus mentions the exact date. Gregoras tells us that Cantacuzenus
had ceded to Orhan one of the main fortresses in Thrace so that it might be a bul-
wark against John V Palaeologus; 'then came the earthquake and the barbarians
jumped over the breaches of the walls and became masters of cities.'14 Cantacu-
zenus, always seeking to justify his political career, says that the fortress Tzympe
(usually identified with the first European possession of the Osmanlis) was taken
l l ~ Gregory Palamas Among the Turks
by the Turks;15 he protested and finally offered to ransom it; in the meantime
the earthquake unexpectedly put Gallipoli into the hands of the Turks, who
brought over Turkish colonists with women and children and rebuilt the walls.
1S
Subsequently, Orhan accepted ten thousand ducats for Tzympe, but he refused
to leave Gallipoli, saying that he could not give back what God had granted
him. To settle the matter, Cantacuzenus proposed a meeting with Orhan at
Nicomedia, which was Ottoman territory since 1337,17 and came to the appointed
place; but Orhan failed to turn up, alleging illness.
1s
The Greek emperor's pride
must have been hurt, for he felt that he had been duped by his obnoxious son-
in-law. Gregory's epistle, however, makes us think that there might be some
truth in the sultan's statement, because he actually suffered from liver trouble in
the summer of 1355. But Orhan had at least one thing to comfort him: Gallipoli
and the other Thracian places were to remain Turkish.
Henceforth, since the middle of the century, Orhan's fortunes rose steadily as
the star of Byzantium was rapidly declining. The campaign of Stephen Dushan,
the expeditions and the raids of the Turks,19 the ravages of the Black Death, and
the prolonged civil war had destroyed the very fibres of the political organism
that had fallen heir to the onerous tradition of the Empire. At Constantinople
inflation had become a nightmare. Nicephorus Gregoras tells us that from one
day to the next the purchasing power of the nomisma fell twenty per cent.20
Thousands of destitute refugees from Thrace were seeking protection within the
city's walls.
21
The anxiety for the immediate future was such that there might be
a panic in the capital when a man scolded his child in a slightly louder voice or
when a woman wailed for the prisoners from her family. On such occasions people
would think that the Turks had entered the city.22 In the midst of this turmoil,
John VI Cantacuzenus finally realized that he could no longer keep the throne
against the opposition of John V Palaeologus, who had the support of the people's
party and of the Serbs. Cantacuzenus already knew that no help could be expected
from his son-in-law, Orhan. He had therefore invited the leader of the hesychasts
to Constantinople to reconcile the two royal houses and thus bring the civil war
to an end. Gregory fell into the hands of the Turks and never fulfilled his mission.
John VI Cantacuzenus was overthrown and became a monk a few months
later.
Orkan and tke Ottoman court. The epistle is an equally important source of
information regarding the life of Orhan and his immediate entourage.
In addition to the interesting detail that towards the end of his life the emir
suffered from his liver and was treated by a Greek doctor (Taronites), we learn
that he had a grandson named Ismail, a youth mature enough to discuss theology
with the archbishop, an alert, educated youth, whose personality, as far as we can
judge from his behavior, was a combination of primitive spontaneity and thought-
ful consideration.
After Ismail, our attention is drawn to the interesting figure whom Taronites
calls Palapanis, the man who presided over the dialexis. There can be little doubt
that he is identical with Balaban, one of the most prominent of Osman's associ-
Gregory Palamas Among the Turks 113
ates, usually mentioned as Balabangik, who is connected with the blockade of
Brusa. At any rate, the fortress Balabangik, named after him, which was built
in the reign of Osman near the Nilufer brook, together with the fortress of
Kapliga, proved an effective weapon against the hitherto prosperous city of
Bithynia.
23
It is interesting to note that the veteran warrior took an interest in
matters theological and, in spite of his old age, accompanied the XdlVES, to
Gregory's town in order to preside over the meeting. Among the Turks of later
generations Balaban was a sort of a semi-legendary personage. To Byzantine
writers, some of whom were his contemporaries, he was unknown. But now,
thanks to the erudite physician of Orhan's court, we know something definite
about him.
Furthermore, the captivity of Gregory Palamas gives us the opportunity to
get a glimpse at Orhan's private life. Gregory tells us that the sultan was spending
the summer at a beautiful spot which was more than a day's journey outside
Brusa. Brusa is a delightful place to spend the summer in. But Orhan preferred
a valley surrounded by mountains, where there was abundant green grass for
his cattle. Ibn Khaldun, the greatest Arab historian (1322-1406), says that
Orhan took Brusa and made it his capital, but he never gave up his tents for
the sake of a palace.
24
'He lived under a tent, which he pitched in the meadows and
on his estates.' Ibn Battuta, who visited Brusa in summer-time, did not find
Orhan there. He was told that the emir never stayed more than one month in
the same town.
25
Cantacuzenus,26 speaking of the Osmanlis on the eve of the battle
of Pelekanos (1329), writes that 'they were still under tents in the valleys, as the
spring was in its middle, in the month of May'; and further on, 'the barbarians
were about to move from the lowlands to higher altitudes, avoiding the heat of
the summer; for this was their custom, as they were nomads.' Gregory Palamas,
the sole extant writer, besides Cantacuzenus, to have seen Orhan with his own
eyes, corroborates the information from other sources that there were noticeable
evidences of a nomadic background as late as the middle of the fourteenth cen-
tury. From the epistle to the Thessalonians we gather that the early Osmanlis
were exceedingly fond of outdoor, pastoral life; their manners were simple and
their spirit democratic. There was no court etiquette worthy of the name. The
sultan was easily accessible to his people. He organized systematic alms-giving
every Friday and placed one of his trusted lieutenants in charge of it. In general,
from what the archbishop says, we may conclude that, dreaded as they were by
their enemies, the Osmanlis were mild, tolerant, and even generous to their sub-
jects. And, if we judge by the rapid increase of their numbers, they must have
shown confidence in many of their former enemies. In this respect they were
superior to the Greeks. Taronites, a Greek, felt quite at home at Orhan's court,
but it would be inconceivable to come across an alien physician in the Byzantine
palace.
The XdlVES and the spread of Islam in Orhan's realm. Though the word was
corrupted as it passed from one language into another, it is not hard to recognize
that it stands for the Akhis. The archbishop, and perhaps others before him,
114 Gregory Palamas Among the Turks
fonned the word X'WJI from al-Akhiyan, by leaving out the article and shortening
the word in such a way as to give it a Hellenic appearance that suited their taste
and was easier to pronounce. The plural, of course, is XWJlES.
The Akhi organization - that remarkable Turkish institution, which was con-
temporary with the growth of the Ottoman state and undoubtedly one of the
main factors that brought it about - has been viewed as a craftsmen's union
established along socialistic lines or a political body serving as the main prop of
the Turkish emirates in Asia Minor, but its significance as a militant religious
group has not been recognized to the extent it deserves.
27
The epistle of Gregory
Palamas sheds light upon the religious and missionary aspect of their activity.
Members of the Akhi organization were familiar to Orhan as learned theologians
of Mohammedanism, and he wanted them to encounter the outstanding repre-
sentative of the Eastern Christian Church of his time. Orhan, we are given to
understand, took pride in these men. It is noteworthy, therefore, that regardless
of the inconvenience it must have meant to Balaban and the others, the debate
took place in the town where the Byzantine embassy was located, a town in-
habited by Greeks. Obviously, he sought to create an effect on the Byzantines
- an intention which reveals his subtle political astuteness.
Indeed, under those circumstances religion was one of the main concerns of
the Osmanlis. From Gregory's epistle we gather that, from Orhan's grandson down
to the last hangers-on at the eastern gate of Nicaea, they were keenly aware of
the significance of the struggle going on between Christianity and Islam. It was
a struggle of succession to the Byzantine Empire.
About two decades before Palamas, another eye-witness, the much-travelled
Ibn Battuta, gave an equally vivid account of the fervent Islamic zeal that pre-
vailed at Brusa under Akhi inHuence.
28
He describes how in their nocturnal meet-
ings the Akhis came under the spell of missionaries like Megdeddin al-Kunewi
and Abdullah al-Misri and they cultivated spiritual qualities and ways of life
that had made Christianity a world religion in the past but were extremely rare
among the Christians of that time. The results of such an upheaval were not slow
in appearing. There is no doubt that many thousands of Anatolian Greeks joined
Islam during the first half of the fourteenth century. We know, for instance, that
hardly a decade after the fall of Nicaea the Patriarch John XIV was obliged to
send to its inhabitants two pastoral letters urging them to return to the Christian
faith, 'renouncing the evil of the Moslems, into which they had lapsed.'29 It was
a futile admonition. Less than two decades later the outstanding Greek theologian
of his era was destined to see the forlorn remnants of Christianity in the fonnerly
populous city of the Nicene creed.
The cities and the condition of the Greeks. Nicaea was not unlike a ghost town
in the year 1855. Gregory Palamas saw blocks of stately buildings which had been
deserted and, in general, from his account we may infer that the population of
the city had dwindled to a fraction of what it was a century before.
3o
There is no doubt that a large part of the people emigrated during the critical
Gregory Palamas Among the Turks 115
years that preceded Ottoman rule
31
and those who stayed behind suffered from
the dislocation of the old economic system. Henceforth Nicaea was cut off from
the great market of Constantinople and, situated as it was on the confines of the
Ottoman state, it lay outside the trade routes that led to Brusa. So, while the
latter survived as a commercial center and as the main silk producer of Anatolia,
Nicaea fell to the rank of a village, which had only its pottery for exportation.
When all hope for improvement was gone, many of the inhabitants joined Islam,
as we learn from the patriarchal documents mentioned above, and then, as
members of the ruling caste, they sought a better fortune elsewhere.
The decay of Nicaea was a long and gradual process - not merely a result
of the Ottoman conquest but a natural consequence of the anarchy and war that
was ravaging the area from 1261 to 1331. The testimony of Ibn Buttuta is en-
lightening in this connection. He says32 that most of the private homes lay in a
state of utter neglect, almost in ruins. Yet the walls were intact; they were sur-
rounded by a moat, filled with water. To enter the city the Moroccan traveller
had to cross a narrow, wooden drawbridge meant for the passage of a single horse-
man at a time. There were no evidences of warfare for the possession of the city.
It is true that Orhan paid some attention to Nicaea. It was the home of one of
his wives and, during Ibn Battuta's stay, the emir himself arrived on a visit.
There is at least one building erected in his reign - the imaret (poorhouse)
named after him - and other buildings were added by later sultans and magis-
trates.
33
But the great days of Nicaea had come to an end. It has remained a
little village until the present.
Brusa fared much better. It retained its prosperity even after it ceased to be
the capital of the Osmanlis. Its bazaars and its warm springs were famous all
over the Near East.
34
When the city surrendered on 6 April 1326,35 its population,
almost exclusively Greeks, was about 30,000. They paid a total ransom of
30,000 pieces of gold and were allowed to leave the city. Nesri
36
tells us that they
went down to 'the place of ships' (Kemlik), whence they betook themselves to
Constantinople. There is no doubt, however, that a large number remained in
the city of their birth to swell the ranks of the Osmanlis. Some kept their Chris-
tian faith. Gregory Palamas noticed that their vitality and their Greek conscious-
ness remained unaffected. They did not seem to be particularly afraid of the Turks.
Here, as elsewhere, the attitude of the Turks was one of tolerance.
Neither was there any evidence of a national conflict at Pegae. As this place
was by the sea, its Greek population was noticeably larger down to the exchange
of populations in 1922-23. In the middle of the fourteenth century the outstand-
ing citizen of Pegae was the hetaeriarch Mavrozoumis - a collaborationist
Byzantine general, who had a great prestige among the Turks and was recog-
nized as the leader of the local Greek population. His name, therefore, should be
added to those of Kose-Mikhal, Evrenos, and Markos - prominent Greeks who
threw in their lot with the rising star of the Osmanlis.
37
There is no evidence that
they had to embrace Islam. About Mikhal, in particular, we know that he be-
came a Moslem only at the end of his life.
38
Mavrozoumis was a devout Chris-
116 Gregory Palamas Among the Turks
tian. Yet, as a political leader and perhaps as a military man, he must have offered
important services to the Osmanlis. Otherwise he would not have been allowed
to stay as a free man at Pegae, a key position open to attack.
At Lampsacus the Turks were inclined to be biased, says Gregory Palamas.
But this might have been owing to the fact that it was near the scene of conflict
and a relatively new acquisition. Nevertheless, the local Greeks associated
with the Turks freely.
Lampsacus, Pegae, Brusa, and Nicaea - all had their Christian inhabitants,
men and women who had survived from one of the greatest upheavals in all
history. As the thousand-year-old Byzantine Empire was irretrievably perishing
in the vortex of time, these last Greeks of Asia Minor contributed to the making
of a new political structure that was to dominate the Near East for four centuries
and a half. Gregory Palamas came to the cross-roads of two worlds. He saw the
forces of history at work, but it is questionable whether he had the historical in-
sight to grasp the significance of what was happening.
UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS CITY
1 In vol. XVI (1922), pp.7--21. The heading of the epistle is: TOV a.wov [rp'I'YOPioll ll.u.Q.J.tCi] awroM,
~ " U; 'Au!a.s, a.1X1'a}.W'Tos &I", 7rp3s T ~ " ia.l1'TOv aC/c}.'l/ua." d.7rmf'}.'''. A. Adamantiou, later professor at
the University of Athens, transcribed the document in 1895 in collaboration with Sp. Lampros.
Z Concerning Gregory Palamas and the hesychast movement, the following are noteworthy: G.
Papamichael, '0 "A-ym rp"I'Y6pm lla.}.a.!,as (St Petersburg and Alexandria, 1911), containing an ex-
tensive, though unsystematic, bibliography with due attention to Russian works; B. Krivocheine,
'Asketitcheskoe i bogoslovskoe utchenie sv. Gr. Palamy,' Seminarium Kondakornanum, VIII (1986),
99-154, with a summary in French; also in German translation, Die atlketiache und theologiache Lehre
deB hl. GregorioB Palamatl, Dati Oatliche Ohriatentum, VIII (WUrzburg, 1989); D. Staniloae, ViatBa Bi
inlJatBatura Bfantului Grigori Palama [Life and Teachings of St Gregory Palamas] (Sibiu, 1988); M.
Jugie, 'Palamas, Gregoire,' Dictionnaire de Theologie Oatholique, XI (1982), col. 1750-76; A. Vasiliev,
Hiatoire de l' Empire Byzantin (Paris, 1982), II, 862-869. For further bibliography of recent works one
may turn to J. Gouillard's discussion 'Autour du Palamisme-Notes sur quelques ouvrages recentes,'
EchoB d'Orient, XXXVII (1988), 424-460. Basic source material on hesychasm may be found in A. M.
Amann, Die Gotte8Bchau im Palamitiachen HeaychatlmuB:ein Handbuch der Bpiitbyzantiniachen Myatik,
Dati Oatliche Chriatentum, VI-VII (1988). In connection with Palamas, besides his own works and the
historical and polemic literature of the time, we must cite the 'E-YKW!,'a.O"'Tuc3s A6-yos dedicated to
him by Patriarch Philotheos (Migne, P.G., CLI, cols. 552-(56) and the 'E-YKW!'W" of Patriarch Neilos
(P.G., CLI, cols. 656-678). The work of Philotheos is of cardinal importance, particularly as he knew
Gregory's life from personal observation. It was Philotheos who took the initiative in the canonization
of Gregory Palamas.
3 See note to p. 141, in the Appendix, p. viii.
'Neol HeUenomnemon, XVI, 5,7.
5 Nicephorus Gregoras (Bonn ed., vol. III, p. 228). a staunch opponent of the hesychast movement
and very bigoted concerning its leader, Gregory Palamas, says that the Turks, among whom sexual
perversion was very common, frequently abused the Christian captives. In the case of Gregory
Palamas, Gregoras attributes it to divine judgment, 'so that even those who ignore or neglect religious
matters may observe the depravity of his heresy; .. and the vileness, covered up by his wicked
schemes, may be made manifest by means of the most shameless of carnal and conspicuous vices, in a
more theatrical manner.' That the archbishop was abused by the Turks may be untrue. But in his
episUe he does speak of homosexuality (d."apo!,a.va.) as one of the vices of the Turks - which goes
to support the reputation they had among the Byzantines. Homosexuality is a common phenomenon
among nomadic peoples, where the number of women is inevitably small.
Gregory Palama3 Among the Turks 117
6 Already on some of the earliest Osmanli coins, cut in the year 18!l8-!l9, Orhan's title is 'the
greatest sultan' - viz., 'aI-sultan al-azem Orhan ibn Osman.' See Ismail Galip, Takvimi meskukati
oamaniye (Constantinople, 1307 [1889]), p. 4; and Ali, in Tarihi Osmani Encilmeni Mecmuasi, VUI
(1334 [1918]), 363. It is very likely that the title 'great emir' was also in current nse, at least among
the Greeks.
7 It is significant that Gregory does not mention the church of St Sophia, the site of the First
Oecumenical Council. It had been transformed into a mosque, together with other Christian churches.
See N. Brounoff, 'L'eglise de Sainte-Sophie de Nicee,' Echos d'Orient, XXIV (1925), 471-481; also K.
Otto-Dorn, Das islamische Iznik (Berlin, 1941), p. 9. The policy of the Osmanlis to seize places of
worship particularly sacred to Christianity had an inevitable effect on the thought of the Christians:
it drove home the idea that Mohammed had replaced Jesus Christ.
8 Concerning the walls, gates, and adjoining monuments of Nicaea, mention should be made of
A. M. Schneider and W. Karnapp, Die Stadtmauer von Iznik (Nicaea) (Berlin, 1938). It has fine illus-
trations showing, among other places, the eastern gate, and a very successful bird's eye view of the
whole city.
9 Du Cange does not give the origin of the word. In all probability it is the Turkish word ba-imam
(chief priest), which Gregory misheard and mispronounced.
10 He spent seven days at Lampsacus and three on the road to Pegae, three months at Pegae, four
days on the road to Brusa, two days at Brusa and more than one day walking or riding from Brusa
to Orhan's summer resort. He must have arrived there in the forenoon and he was taken before
Orhan in the evening. We do not know if the three months at Pegae are ninety days exactly. If they
were March, April, and May the days would be ninety-two. Then the total would rise to 110.
II Ha=er, Geschichte des oamanischen Reiches (Pest, 18!l7), I, 151. H. A. Gibbons, The Founda-
tion of the Ottoman Empire (Oxford University Press, 1916), p. 100.
12 Published by J. Bogdan, Archivfur Slavische Philologie, XIII (1891), 520.
13 Published by Joseph Muller, Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philologisch-Historische Classe, IX (185!l), 39!l. Cf. Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 544.
14 Gregoras (Bonn ed.), vol. III, p. !l!l4.
,. Cantacuzenus (Bonn ed.), vol. III, pp. 242, !l76. 18 Ibid., p. !l78.
17 About the fall of Nicomedia, see the author's O! IIpwro, 'OOwp.o.vo (Athens, 1947), pp. 195-197.
18 Cantacuzenus (Bonn ed.), vol. III, p. !l81.
19 The Osmanli Turks, under Orhan's eldest son, Suleyman, were at home in Thrace, as they had
been brought over, just like the Turks of Aydin, to fight the battles of Cantacuzenus against John V
Palaeologus. Cf. Gregoras (Bonn ed.), vol. III, pp. 171, 181, and Cantacuzenus (Bonn ed.), vol. II,
pp. 476, 482, 498-499, vol. III, pp. 3!l, 63, 115, !l48.
20 Gregoras (Bonn ed.), vol. III, p. 52. 21 Ibid., p. 2!l5. 22 Ibid.
23 ASikpasazade (Istanbul ed.), p. !l!l. Cf. the author, op. cit., pp. 88, 148. Balabangik (Little Balaban)
was his pet name among the Turks. In the same way Osman, the founder of the dynasty, was called
Osmangik, for Ibn Battuta (Voyages, ed. and trans. by C. Defremery and B. Sanguinetti, Paris, 1853,
11,321), who visited the Ottoman realm between the years 1331 and 1333, mentions Orhan's father
Osmangik, as does Ibn Khaldun (Kitab el-ibar, Bulak ed., v, 56!l), and the eighteenth-century Greek
historian A. Comnenos-Ypsilantes (Ta. p.era. r ~ v "AXw(nv, Constantinople, 1870, pp. 13, 49, 270).
Ypsilantes might have known the work of Ibn Khaldun but not that of Ibn Battuta, which was dis-
covered in the nineteenth century.
24 Ibn Khaldun,loc. cit. Also, French translation by Cl. Huart, in Journal des Savants, n.s., xv, 163.
25 Ibn Battuta, op. cit., p. 3!l2. 26 Bonn ed., vol. I, p. 341.
27 In connection with the Akhi movement, Ibn Battuta is the first contemporary source. (Voyages,
II, 261 fr.). A generation later we have the Futu1Jf)etname of Yahya b. Khalil, which was intended
to be a handbook for those initiated into the Brotherhood. This interesting work was made known
thanks to Prof. F. Taeschner, who summarized it and discussed its contents in his 'Beitrage zur
Geschichte der Achis in Anatolien,' published in Islamica, IV (19!l9), 1-47. The Russian scholar V. A.
Gordlevski has studied the Brotherhood as a workers' organization: - 'From the Guild Life of
Turkey, Contributions to the History of the Akhis' (in Russian), Zapiski KoUegii Vostokovedov, II, 2
(19!l6-27) , 235-248; 'The Dervishes of Akhi Evran and the Guilds in Turkey' (in Russian), Izvestiya
118 Gregory Palamas Among the Turks
Akademii Nauk SSSR, 6th series (1927), fasc. 15-17, pp. 1171-94; 'The Organization of the Guilds
among the Tartars of the Crimea' (in Russian), Trudi Etnograjo-archeologeskogo Muzeya, IV (1928),
56-65. The Turkish historian Mehmed Fuat KoprulU has pointed out the mystic character of the
Brotherhood in his valuable book Turk edebiyatinda ilk mutesavvijler (Istanbul, 1918), pp. 237 If. A
synthetic study of the Akhis and their political significance has been attempted by the author, op. cit.,
pp. 110-124, where further bibliography is available.
28 Voyages, II, 318-321.
29 Miklosich and Muller, Acta et diplomata graeca, I, 18$, 197.
30 An authority has estimated the population of Nicaea before the Turkish conquest from thirty to
fifty thousand - J. Saleh, 'Historisch-geographische Studien tiber bithynische Siedlungen-
Nikomedia, Niklia, Prusa,' Byzantinisch-neugriechische JahrbUcher, I (1920),282-283.
31 Nicaea capitulated to the Osmanlis on 2 March 1331. Cf. Lampros and Amantos, BpaXEa
XPOVLKa. (Athens, 1932), p. 46. This date remained unnoticed by historians, though the chronicle was
published in 19lO, Neos Hellenomnemon, x, 154. Prof. P. Charanis was the first scholar to drawatten-
tion to these important chronicles, Byzantion, XIII (1938),335--362.
32 Voyages, II, 323-324.
33 See K. Otto-Dorn, Das islamische Iznik, pp. 13-18, 50-59, 102-100.
34 The warm springs of Brusa were known to the contemporary Arab writer Sihabeddin al-Umari,
who wrote in Egypt and never visited Asia Minor, - Notices et E:Liraits des ManusCTits de la Bib-
liotheque du Roi, XIII (1838),365. - Concerning the trade of Brusa under the Turks, see the well-
known classic, W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-age (Leipzig, 1936), II, 352; and J.
Saleh, op. cit., pp. 302-303.
II The exact date is given in another Bpaxv XPOVLKOV, op. cit., pp. 31,88.
36 Zeitschrijt der Deutschen Morgenliindischen GeseUschajt, XIII (1859),215.
37 Leunclavius, Annales (editio altera, Frankfurt, 1596), p. 125. Cf. J. H. Mordtmann, article
'Evrenos,' in Encyclopedie de l'Islam, II, 37-38.
38 F. Babinger, article 'Mikhaloghlu,' ibid., III, 561-562.
Gregory Palamas among the Turks and Documents of His Captivity as
Historical Sources
G. Georgiades Arnakis
Speculum, Vol. 26, No.1 (Jan., 1951), 104-118.
STOR
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0038-7134%28195101%2926%3Al%3C104%3AGPATTA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-X
Speculum is currently published by Medieval Academy of America.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/aboutiterms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you
have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and
you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.
Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www .j stor .org/journals/medacad.html.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or
printed page of such transmission.
JSTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of
scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
http://www .j stor.org/
Thu Jun 205:43:522005