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of the capitalist states repressive apparatus. To paraphrase Brecht, it was as if the rain began to fall from the ground to the sky. In this sense, our action while admittedly rude and uglyeffectively represented a reversal of existing social relations at the level of ideology. Militant activity as we conceive it prefigures a future in which the masses have seized political power. Our actions must therefore be assessed in terms of their capacity to address the problem of the relation of forcesnot as they correlate in the polite, civil space of symmetry (students, the Professor-General and police all in their proper places)but rather as they divide into discontinuous terms related to each other only through the irreducible gap that separates them. While the revisionist protest aims for a quantitative accumulation of power that will lead to a sudden inversion of placesan inversion that never arrivesthe ruptural action depends on a nearly invisible process anchored in the very qualitative principles of our power, foremost among which are division and struggle. We must hold firmly to the question of the relation of forces if we are to avoid drifting into petty bourgeois left opportunism. Power is at stake in each confrontation with the class enemy. Confrontation is never an end in itself. We must always ask ourselves: do our actions in a given concrete situation effectively transform existing social relations and thus help to build proletarian power? Our practice must therefore always be carried out under the command of political directives that are oriented toward the masses. This summation is a call always to elaborate the concrete politics of the class struggle in each concrete situation as we systematize our experiences in the form of political directives.
In This Issue:
THE FIGHT FOR CUNY HUNGER STRIKE SHAKES CALIFORNIA JUSTICE FOR ASHLEY WILLIAMS DONALD FELTON REMEMBERED INTERVIEW WITH B.I.K.O.
By THE SECRETARIAT OF THE REVOLUTIONARY STUDENT COORDINATING COMITTEE & THE SECRETARIAT OF IGNITE
The controversy surrounding the video of CUNY student protesters confronting David Petraeus has obscured a decisive fact: on September 9, there was not one protest, but there were two protests against the Professor-General. The first protest conformed to what we might call the revisionist protest-structure. The protesters were sequestered in their designated pens, the Professor-General taught [sic] in his classroom, police and university officials interposed themselves between the two sides in order to maintain the integrity of the structure. In this protest, everyone was in her or his proper place, everyone carried out her or his assigned function. The unity of the protesters here was what one might call a unity without principle, a unity that does not affirm a rupture with all forms of power of the adversary. The second protest was the one recorded in the now-infamous video of us raining words on the Professor-General as he acted the part of the teacher walking home from work. This was a demonstration of an essentially different type: let us call it a ruptural action. What it activated was precisely a qualitative rupture with the revisionist protest-structure, and beyond that, with existing social relations. In the ruptural action, division and struggle are absolute, while unity is conditional and relative. What many have described as ugliness and rudeness, we would characterize as a leap into the future that drew a political line of demarcation between the class enemy and ourselves. What do we mean by a qualitative rupture and a leap into the future? We should first note that the principal reason our video gained notoriety so quickly is that dominant ideology simply could not assimilate the spectacle we staged. Here, a mass of students exercised its power over a man who until very recently occupied the summit
Petraeus followed by student protesters, taken from a video recording of the event
Our action was nothing less than a taking in hand of our historical responsibilities with a view to transforming the terms of the class struggle.
Only by maintaining the primacy of the question of power can we contribute to the unification of the broad masses under the command of proletarian ideology. The qualitative rupture should thus not be identified, in empiricist fashion, with the literal, physical form of our action, but rather should always be referred to power as its real object. That our September 9 action effected a qualitative rupture at the level of ideology was confirmed by the events of September 17. That evening, we demonstrated outside a fundraising event featuring the Professor-General. Shortly after we abandoned the protest enclosure, the police violently arrested six individuals, most of them members of RSCC prominent in the original video. The brutality of the onslaught cannot be explained by the events of that day alone. In trying to come to terms with the nature of the attack, one can no more appeal to a quantitative relation of forces than to a redistribution of those
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I was told stories of his enormous generosity to his brothers and sisters around him from driving to homes to deliver Turkeys on Thanksgiving to needy families to buying shoes for children who needed them in the neighborhoods surrounding a particular jobsite. Don was a person if he saw you looking down or if he heard something tragic happened in your life he would come to you offering help and a sympathetic ear. Losing him in such a way hit home for many of us who knew him, and who laughed with him. It also brought us to face the reality that our job is a dan-
gerous one and that anyone of us could have died that night. According to Federal OSHA statistics 4,609 workers were killed on the job in 2011 of those 4,609, 17% were in the construction industry. Everyday we as workers in this field face the danger of our excavations being caved in, being struck by an object, falling and other common hazards faced by those of us in this industry. On top of the dangers we are undermanned, overworked and have had our wages frozen for years and still expected to be just as productive, while at the same time Kansas City subsidizes the Power and Light Entertainment District with
tens of millions of dollars, the same KCP&L, that was caught a few years back targeting and denying entrance to Black and Latino people. Many of us continue to lack training with the tools we are expected to use at the job. A worker of 10 years recalled not once being trained on the PSI limit to the inflatable pipe plugs, the same plug that gave way and caused Donalds death. With this in mind perhaps Dons death was preventable, and if so then Kansas City bears responsibility for his death.
CENTRAL BOOKING JAIL KILLS SICK BROOKLYN WOMAN WITH MEDICAL NEGLECT
By NEW YORK CORRESPONDENTS
Anyone who has ever been held at Brooklyn Central Booking, or waited in the arraignment part for a family members first appearance in court during the uncertain hours and days after arrest, would probably not be very surprised to learn about the horrifying story of 37-yearold Kyam Decol Livingstons recent death in a holding cell there. Born and raised in Brooklyn, Kyam Livingston was a mother and worked as a security guard. She attended Holy Innocents School, P.S. 181, Dyker Heights Junior High School, and New Utrecht High School, all in Brooklyn. On Saturday, July 20, around 1 AM, she was arrested at her apartment in Brooklyn for allegations related to drinking. By early Sunday morning, July 21, after roughly 30 hours in state custody, she was dead. The account of events leading to Livingstons death provides a very revealing exposure of the bureaucratic cruelty of the repressive institutions of New York City. On Saturday, July 20, NYPD cops confronted Livingston inside her apartment as she was coming out of the shower wearing a bath towel. They arrested her for violating a limited order of protection that barred her from drinking or arguing loudly in her apartment. They brought her to the Kings County Hospital around 1:30 AM for medical tests. At 9 AM, the hospital released her back into the custody of the state. Cops took her under arrest to the 70th Precinct station at 154 Lawrence Avenue. An hour and a half later, around 10:30 AM, she was transferred from the precinct to Central Booking at 120 Schermerhorn Street. Livingston would go on to spend the next 20 hours at Brooklyn Central Booking in a small jail cell packed with approximately 15 women, as her body went into crisis in the filthy and overcrowded conditions. Central Booking holds people who have not yet been charged with any crime and are supposed to be presumed innocent under the bourgeois law. It is well-known that the cells there are disgusting, generally covered with urine, feces, and rotten half-eaten jailhouse food. There are often rodents present. The conditions in the womens section are even worse than the conditions in the mens section. Livingston banged on the metal bars of the cell, pleading for medical attention for stomach pains and diarrhea. The other women joined her. to little more than to help the ADAs and facilitate this process. There are court officers quick to manhandle and humiliate any handcuffed defendant who walks out of the bullpen too slowly or in the wrong direction, or asks too many questions due to confusion about their case in the midst of the legal jargon flying back and forth, or waits at the stand unsure about the resolution of their case, which often happens in mere minutes after a wait of more than 24 hours in custody. There are rude and disrespectful clerks who treat family members and friends as if they are stupid when they ask about the location of their loved ones inside the system, or what time they are supposed to be produced in court, or whether they are in the right courtroom. For proletarian and oppressed people, the urine-soaked and feces-stained cells of Central Booking, with their torn mattresses and pests, and on the other side of the jail cell doors the suits and robes, the uniforms and firearms, the fine engraved emblems on courtroom walls, and the rough wooden benches form a single machinery of class repression. A day spent in the arraignment part, observing the raw and uncovered power of the bourgeois state, is enough to dispel many of the illusions about Justice and Equality For All taught by the school system, the media, and the NGOs. Many people, like Kyam Livingston, do not even make it that far in the system. They are killed by police bullets or medical neglect it is the same before they even get to see a judge.
Jail officers told them to quiet down and threatened to delay Livingston from seeing a judge if they refused. When she went into convulsions, one woman officer witnessed it and instructed the others to just let it play out rather than calling for help. The jail staff called emergency medical services only after 6:30 AM on Sunday, July 21. The EMS team arrived in time only to transport Livingstons lifeless body from Central Booking to the Brooklyn Hospital Center at
121 Dekalb Avenue, where she was pronounced dead. Working and poor people in Brooklyn know that the downtown criminal court with its attached jail is a hellhole, with an assortment of personalities all working together in concert to implement the class justice of the rich. There are vicious judges who are quick to send people to Rikers Island, including at least one open and proud racist. There are patronizing judges who speak to grown adults who have cases as if they are children. There are banal and mindless assistant district attorneys (ADAs) with mountains of case folders on their tables, processing hundreds of mostly black and Latino proletarians everyday to feed the prison system. There are many cooperating and cynical defense attorneys, whose work amounts
ASHLEY WILLIAMS
DiGeorges Syndrome, a highly lethal genetic disorder. Several of Williams nephews and cousins suffer from the same genetic condition.
Dseans autopsy report revealed cultures of Staph and the pneumonia virus. It also clearly indicated that Dsean had died of sepsis (severe internal infection) and had been fed 72 hours prior to his death, but that his body could not produce food because the sepsis had destroyed his intestinal villi. Dsean died because Ashley Williams had been instructed by her Medicaid family phy-
medical writer Pauline M. Ewald stated in an interview on a local radio show: His mother could have fed him 20 cans of PediaSure a day, it would not have saved him. His body had lost the ability to process any nutrients. I want to make it clear, unequivocally, this kid did not need PediaSure, he needed IV antibiotics, period, end of reportthat child only had a 50% chance of surviving if he had gone to the emergency room the day his