Behavioral Manifestations

137

Possession and Trance

Erika Bourguignon

INTRODUCTION
The English term possession includes both the concept of ownership and of control and domination. Belief in possession by spirits, that is, the possibility that an individuals actions and behavior may be controlled by spirits or demons, is attested in English usage from the 16th century. These beliefs have left their traces in everyday language. Belief in spirit possession is both ancient and very widespread as seen in the historical and ethnographic record. One of the remarkable features of this system of beliefs and associated ritual practices is its very great flexibility and innovative potential. This is demonstrated by its expansion and diffusion, where decline and indeed disappearance might have been expected. In a large-scale, cross-cultural study, some form of such beliefs was found to be present in 77% of 488 sample societies (Bourguignon, 1973). Given the terminological confusion at the time of this research and a great deal of ad hoc generalization in the literature on the basis of single ethnographic cases, such systems of belief needed to be studied in the larger context of their behavioral and sociocultural correlates. Once the geographic distributions and the cultural linkages had been identified, the special features of specific ethnographic instances could be studied in depth. A distinction between beliefs and behaviors revealed that certain types of behaviors reflect general human physiological and psychological features and that these are not necessarily associated with possession beliefs. A broad sampling of human societies made it clear that what may be considered pathological in Western bio-medicine is often conceptualized in radically different ways in other cultures.

replaced, temporarily or permanently, by another entity. More rarely, a second entity may also be thought to enter the body without displacing the first, even though the behavioral manifestations are those of this additional presence. Such an explanation for possession by the spirit of a dead sinner (dybbuk) is found in the Jewish tradition. A belief in entities that may possess individuals is also required, be they hostile or benevolent, spirits of the dead, sometimes of animals or witchcraft beings. High gods are rare among the spirits that are believed to possess humans. It is apparent that beliefs in spirit possession are linked to complex cosmologies, although the details of such esoteric systems may be known only to ritual specialists. For the ritual participants, such cosmologies may be more implicit than explicit. The behavior acted out is largely learned and structured by local expectations. Understanding the human being as consisting of several potentially separable parts may be used to account not only for spirit possession, but also for dreams, hallucinations, seizures, and death.

BEHAVIORAL MANIFESTATIONS
The behavioral manifestations of such possessions, or displacement of a persons soul or other key element by another entity, vary widely but fall into two main groups: (1) negative changes in physical health or behavior or, on the other hand, enhanced powers, and (2) alterations in state of consciousness and behavior. Bourguignon (1973) refers to the second type as Possession Trance and to the former simply as Possession (or non-Trance Possession). These two types have different geographic distributions and are linked to different sociocultural and economic variables. Also, where they occur in the same society, they are likely to have different distributions within the population. The second type, Possession Trance, is significantly linked to female participation. Trance (or dissociation), not linked to possession belief (non-Possession Trance), may be sought intentionally, as in the vision quest of North American Indians.

SOURCES

AND

TYPES

OF

BELIEFS

Possession beliefs are rooted in conceptions of the human being as consisting of several elements (such as body, mind, personhood, self, name, identity, soul or souls, even part souls), where one or more of these may be

138

Possession and Trance

As such it refers to communication with spirits, usually in visions. These may be auditory rather than visual in nature. Although at times women have sought visions, the typical seeker was a young man. Austerities (isolation, exposure, fasting, and so forth) were used to induce the trance state. Trance may also occur spontaneously. How it will be interpreted and evaluated will depend on the particular cultural context. A distinction between Possession Trance and non-Possession Trance corresponds roughly to a distinction between possession religions and shamanism (e.g., de Heusch, 1981). Others (e.g., Lewis, 1989) generalize the term more widely, applying it to all who control spirits, regardless of their manner of interaction. The terms shaman and shamanism are also used differently in different ethnographic regions. Since these terms are used quite inconsistently in the ethnographic and historical literature, shamanism is currently a contested category (Bourguignon, 1989a; Kehoe, 2000). As noted, for physical or behavioral changes to be interpreted as due to possession, a belief in possession must be available. Such beliefs, if not traditional in a given community, may be adopted in contact situations. It should be emphasized that possession is not directly observable; it is an interpretation of behavior made by participants, and it is statements of participants that must be obtained by an outside observer or researcher to discover it. There are situations in which it may appear that an entity speaks through an individualthat is, an example of possessionbut where, upon investigation, the individual may claim to be repeating what he hears, and fully remembers the message after the event (for a description of this situation among the Hunza of Northern Pakistan, see Sidky, 1994). Amnesia, actual or normative, full or partial, is frequently associated with Possession Trance, but not with Trance where Possession is absent. In this case, what the trancer sees or hears must be remembered in order to be communicated to the group. Ritual trancing is not idiosyncratic behavior, but is carried out in a group context, often on behalf of the group.

GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTIONS AND SOCIOCULTURAL CORRELATES

In the study cited above, Bourguignon (1973) found that 90% of sample societies had institutionalized Trance

(or altered state of consciousness) and/or Possession Trance in a sacred context. That is to say, Trance states interpreted as due to possession, or interpreted in some other way, are here grouped together. For the remaining 10%, evidence on the subject was unavailable or inadequate. There were significant differences among ethnographic regions in the utilization of trance states: they ranged from a high of 97% of societies in Native North America, to 94% each in the Insular Pacific and East Eurasia, 84% in South America, 83% in Sub-Saharan Africa, and to a low of 80% in the Circum-Mediterranean region. A belief in spirit possession was found in 74% of the world sample. Again, there was wide variation between world regions, ranging from 88% of the societies of the Insular Pacific and East Eurasia, to 81% of SubSaharan societies, 80% in the Circum-Mediterranean, to 65% in South America, and finally North America with a low of 52%. Here we are counting both societies that either have a possession belief linked to trance states and those where possession refers to some other change in the host. With regard to possession beliefs, one might say that the New World is indeed a world apart. Possession Trance is significantly correlated with Sub-Saharan Africa, where it appears in 45% of societies. By contrast, non-Possession Trance is highly correlated with North America, where it is found in 72% of sample societies. In addition, both Possession Trance and Trance are found in 20% of African societies. In North America, both are found in 21% of societies. In other words, while the most prominent form of sacred altered state of consciousness in North America is Visionary Trance, in Africa it is Possession Trance. Visionary Trance is more likely to be found among men, Possession Trance among women. Belief in spirit possession is also widespread (Bourguignon, 1976). It appears in 74% of sample societies. Because of the difference between the near universality of institutionalized trance and the much lower incidence of possession beliefs, as well as other evidence, such as the widespread existence of nonsacred forms of trance, it may be argued that trance has its roots in human physiology, whereas possession beliefs, which are highly variable, are cultural phenomena. The human capacity for trancing (or dissociation) thus may be seen as raw material for cultural utilization. It may be noted that Possession Trance involves the enactment of multiple roles by human actors. This is more likely to be the case in complex societies, where

Possession Beliefs in Western Thought

139

there exists a varied repertory of roles for individuals. It is then not surprising that correlations were found between the presence of Possession Trance and four variables showing degrees of societal complexity: estimated population size over 100,000; present or recent presence of slavery; permanent or semi-permanent settlements; and a jurisdictional hierarchy above the local level. Societies with Trance only were significantly less likely to have these characteristics. Societies having both Trance and Possession Trance were found to be intermediary between the other two types or to be the most complex of all. These correlations have been confirmed by restudies by other scholars (Shaara & Strathern, 1992; Winkelman, 1992). Where both Possession Trance and non-Possession Trance are found in the same society, it is often the case that they involve different types of persons and different contexts. The same applies to Possession and Possession Trance. For example, among the Azande (EvansPritchard, 1937) there is a belief in possession: certain peoplemostly menhave a witchcraft creature residing in their bodies which they can activate to cause harm to others. There are also witch doctors, most of whom also are men. They take medicines which give them power to see the unseen and to resist great fatigue (Evans-Pritchard, 1937, p.178). It is not known whether these medicines are pharmacologically active. They are taken in conjunction with drumming, singing, and active dancing during which the witch doctors achieve a state of dissociation in which they prophecy, and identify witches. That is, there exists a ritual Trance state among the Azande, which is not linked to a belief in possession. However, Possession Trance did exist among the Azande, for Evans-Pritchard (1962) tells us that they also had women ghost diviners who went into trance and were possessed. In a study of a sample of African societies, Greenbaum (1973) has found support for a hypothesis suggesting a relationship between the presence of Possession Trance and societal rigidity. Winkelman (1992), focusing his attention on various types of trance-based healersthat is, healers employing trance statesoffers a four-fold classification: Shaman; shaman/healer; healer; medium. These four types are found linked to levels of societal complexity. The difference between Sub-Saharan Africa and Native North America suggests some explanatory hypotheses: the ethnographic record of these two regions

shows major differences in the predominant economy (hunting and gathering vs. agriculture), small versus large population size, simple versus complex political structures, etc. as well as the differential participation of men and women in religious rituals. In an early cross-cultural statistical study, DAndrade (1961) studied the use of dreams (and visionary trancesthe two are not clearly distinguished in the literature) to seek and control supernatural powers. He found that about 80% of hunting and fishing societies use dreams in this way and only 20% of societies that depend on agriculture and animal husbandry do. But hunting and fishing was the predominant type of economy in native North America and relatively rare in Sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, the seekers were primarily men. DAndrade (1961, p. 326) speaks of anxiety about being isolated and under pressure to be self-reliant and suggests that this may create an involvement with a type of fantasy about magical helpers. That the vision quest takes place at a time in the lives of young men when they needed to become independent and self-reliant in societies where self-reliance and independence were necessary for the male role, is also noteworthy. On the other hand, in the agricultural, sedentary societies of Africa, Possession Trance, practiced in groups, addressed the concerns of women with striking frequency. They often involve diagnoses of problems, by means of divination, concern for long-term relationship with spirits, as well as the opportunity to act out various roles. When women are possessed by powerful male spirits, these may be their spirit husbands.

POSSESSION BELIEFS WESTERN THOUGHT

IN

A difficulty with the concept of possession arises from its history in the Western tradition, since ideas of some types of demonic and other possessions come to us from both Hebrew and Greek sources. For example, the New Testament (Mark 5:117) describes Jesus exorcising a mad man, whose possessing spirits then went into a herd of swine who drowned themselves. This account has been related to its political context: the Roman occupation of Palestine (Crossan, 1994, p. 89). Luke (11:1415) tells of a mute man who was able to speak once the spirit that possessed him was driven out. Numerous exorcists were active in Galilee at the time, where there was probably a mass of manuals and other literature available to them.

140

Possession and Trance

The popular view of the day, as expressed in the New Testament, was that evil spirits caused illness, physical and mental, by possessing people (Guinebert, 1959). The sophisticated view of the time, expressed by Jewish writers such as Flavius Josephus and Philo Judaeus, was rather that it was the souls of evildoers who possessed individuals, a view that was elaborated later in Jewish history, where a tradition of negative spontaneous possession and exorcism continued. As for the Greek tradition, where evidence is also limited, sources available to scholars have been interpreted as dealing with Possession Trance, rather than possession as evidenced in mental or physical illness. The examples given by Dodds (1957) refer to the Phythia, that is, the Delphic oracle of Apollo, whose prophecies were believed to be coming from the god (see also Maurizio, 1995). Dodds also considers the cult of Dionysius, particularly as reflected in Euripides play, the Bacchae. The French classicist, Jeanmaire (1951), compares the fragmentary evidence on Greek Dyonesian religions with the zar cult of modern Ethiopia. In both cases there appears to be a curative function, and women are put into Possession Trance with the use of drum rhythms. Here, rather than exorcism, we find rituals of initiation and attempts at meeting the demands of the possessing spirit, thus turning a negative presence into an ally. In addition, Johnston (2001) describes a form of Greek divination using child mediums. In the Christian tradition, demonic possession and exorcism have, at times, played a significant role, sometimes involving important political issues. The case of the possessed nuns of London in 17th-century France represents a dramatic example (de Certeau, 2000). As a result of this background, Western observers at times have been tempted to read evidence of possession, where, in fact, such an understanding may not have corresponded to the particular local tradition.

POSSESSION RELIGIONS, WOMEN, AND MORALITY

It has been observed consistently that in most instances of possession illness and Possession Trance, the majority of spirit hosts are women. This was true of 19th-century European spirit mediums as well as contemporary leaders of Spiritualist churches in the United States, of Balinese and Zulu healers and diviners, of possession trancers in Haitian vodou, and Brazilian Afro-Catholic religions.

A variety of explanations have been offered, both by the people themselves and by outside observers. Lewis (1989) sees possession trance religions as consisting of two types. He distinguishes between central morality cults and amoral peripheral cults. The central cults are dominated by men and support the official morality of the society; the peripheral ones are amoral and the possessed are mostly women and other deprived persons. He argues that for all their concern with disease and its treatment, such womens possession cults are thinly disguised protest movements directed against the dominant sex (Lewis, 1989, p. 31). Kendall (1985) has challenged Lewiss thesis, arguing that in Korea the healing and Possession Trance activities primarily controlled by women are complementary to the male-dominated ancestor cult, and do not represent a peripheral cult, nor are they amoral or protest movements directed against men. Consequently, the Korean religious and ritual system involves both sets of activities. Lewis also claims that Possession Trance of the socially deprived constitutes a means of manipulating the powerful through supernatural sanctions. He speaks of this as an expression of the war between the sexes. He gives Haiti as an example where, he claims, vodou is an amoral peripheral cult. This is an inappropriate example. Manipulation through supernatural sanctions can work only if the powerful share the belief system of those who would so manipulate them. Brazilians explain the greater disposition of women to become mediums by their view that the process of developing their mediumistic capacities requires suffering, and women have a greater capacity for suffering than men. Nutritional explanations have also been proposed, particularly with regard to calcium metabolism. The most elegant model has been proposed by Raybeck et al. (1989). These authors relate the problems encountered by individual women at the sociocultural level on the one hand to existing beliefs in possession by spirits, and to stress and anxiety at the psychological level on the other. This leads to physiological changes, notably a depressed level of calcium in the blood, independent of dietary calcium intake. It is known from substantial physiological research that womens calcium metabolism differs from that of men. The resulting symptoms, such as dizziness, tremors, convulsions, and dissociation are then interpreted as spirit possession at the cultural level. This interesting model, however, remains to be tested in field studies.

Possession and Healing

141

POSSESSION

AND

HEALING

In recent years there has been a great and continuous increase in the literature dealing with possession, both descriptively and analytically. This corresponds also to the worldwide distribution of the phenomena in question, as well as to greater interest in various aspects of this complex subject by researchers. Beginning in the 1960s, with the development of transcultural psychiatry, Possession Trance religions and shamanism have been considered with regard to their functions as healing systems (e.g., Kiev, 1964; Prince, 1964). More recent studies have focused on a broad range of other issues, such as communication, discourse analysis, womens position, political resistance, reflections of history, and social change. Not only do new Possession Trance religions spring up, but even among established religions, such as Haitian vodou, new spirits make themselves known. The focus of analysis varies with the individual researcher and the specific local situation. The rather rough grouping into two types of possession (see above) includes a variety of subtypesfor example, the concerns with healing are much more prominent in East Africa then in West Africa. The African Diaspora, as in Brazil, has produced an emphasis on mediumistic capacities, in which sufferingthough not necessarily illnessis seen as leading to spiritual development. The Jewish, Christian, and Moslem traditions see possession almost entirely as negative, due to demonic or other hostile forces, and as requiring exorcismthat is, the driving out of the invading spirit that produces manifestations that are interpreted as hostile to religion. There are, however, some exceptions. For example, the Protestant tradition understands glossolalia (speaking in tongues) as a sign of possession by the Holy Ghost. The Anastenaria ritual of Northern Greece (Greek Macedonia and formerly also Thrace) involves a healing tradition in which participants are possessed by Saints Constantine and Helen while they dance on burning embers. This practice is sanctioned within the Greek Orthodox Church (Danforth, 1989). In mystical Judaism, some scholars (Goldish, personal communication, 2003) read the voice of a supernatural entity (maggid), that speaks to or through mystics and prophets as possessions, while others do not (e.g., Bilu, 1996). Islam, on the whole, has been tolerant of local spirit beliefs. Thus, in various parts of North Africa as well as in Sub-Saharan Africa, spirit cults are active in which

Possession Trance is part of the ritual activity, and initially harmful spirits are transformed into allies and helping spirits through the ritual process. This is true of the zar cult in Sudan (e.g., Boddy, 1989), Egypt (e.g., Salima, 1902), and the Gnawa of Morocco (Chlyeh, 1999; Welte, 1990). This last is one of many groups whose history reveals it to be a cult of the Sub-Saharan Diaspora. Traditionally, men have been primarily drummers and women mediums and healers. However, Welte (1999) argues that, as a result of the worldwide pauperization of peoples, men are now expressing depression in psychosomatic symptoms interpreted, and treated, as possession and requiring exorcism. As noted earlier, there is a frequent linkage between possession beliefs and altered states of consciousness (trance). However, its precise nature varies substantially. If we consider possession belief, trance state, and a third variable, illness, then the following examples show this variation very clearly. Thus, in the zar cult of Eastern Africa (Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia), as mentioned earlier, various types of illness or strange behavior may be diagnosed as spirit possession. These include fugue states, stomach aches, infertility, apathy, seizures, and many other symptoms. On the basis of divination, the possessing spirit is identified and will then be invited; that is, possession trance is ritually induced. Over time, through cult initiation, the spirit is placated and turned into an ally. The result is a life-long cult membership. In Possession Trance, the women enact complex personalities of individual zar spirits. By contrast, Corin (1998) describes the Zebola cult of the Congo, and particularly of Kinshasa. Here illness is explained as due to the malevolence of others. It is redefined as spirit possession by means of divination. During divination, the spirit manifests itself, speaks through the woman in Possession Trance, identifies itself, and reveals the causes of the illness. A lengthy process of initiation follows; it seeks to control the spirit by inhibiting manifestations of trance. This is accomplished, among other things, through medications, as well as the teaching of complex dance performances. The woman then maintains a relationship with the spirit which is now her protector. Haitian vodou presents quite a different picture. Here illness and bad dreams are seen as harassment by vodou spirits (lwa) to encourage the victim to seek initiation. Possession Trance may also occur spontaneously, and then require divination for the identification of the spirit. Initiation and ritual participation are seen as

142

Possession and Trance

religious and familial obligations. Possession Trance, in which the complex characters of spirits are acted out, are part of long-term relationships between humans and their spirits who need to be fed, as well as entertained, in order to give humans the support they need in their difficult lives.

THE RETURN

OF

EXORCISM

While exorcism had virtually disappeared as a practice in Catholicism and mainstream Protestantism through most of the 20th century, it has made a significant come back in the last 30 years. It received great popular attention with the publication of the book and the film The Exorcist in the 1970s. In the same period, the exorcism of a German girl attracted worldwide attention. When she died, the priests/exorcists and the girls parents were convicted of unintended manslaughter. While the exorcisms had continued over an extended period of time, she was also diagnosed and treated for epilepsy by a physician (Goodman, 1981). The Archbishop of New York permitted an exorcism of a teenage girl to be broadcast on the ABC program 20/20. In this case the girl had been diagnosed and was under treatment for schizophrenia. What is interpreted as possession requiring exorcism in a given situation varies widely but seems to involve some common features. One of these is uncharacteristic behavior. Hensely (1993) tells the story of a man, in the OhioKentucky border area, who is believed by an exorcizing minister to be possessed. Carl, a humble and meek man, has outbursts of violence. This is said to be due to people who died violent deaths in a club location Carl frequented, and whose spirits have not moved on. As of 2001, there are frequent reports of exorcisms in national newspapers and magazines; a Seattle radio station reportedly conducts exorcisms over the air. (See also Cuneos, 2001, review of the current state of exorcism in America.)

searches for alternatives) and partly due to crises in identity. Examples include the presence of Caribbean religions in the United States and in the United Kingdom. These were syncretic religions developed in the areas from which the migrants have come. In Trinidad, for example, we find both South Indian Kali religion and Afro-Protestant groups, both of which are at this time represented in Britain. In a different vein, the development of and interest in Channeling in the United States speaks to a concern with identity and self help (M. Brown, 1997). This pattern of mediumistic behavior is distinct from earlier Spiritualism of the 19th and early 20th century, where the spirits called up through mediums were those of the recently dead. The spirits called on by channelers address more distant, impersonal spirit guides. There is also a belief in reincarnation and previous lives. Most channelers are women; most spirits male. Although Spiritualism was first developed in the United States, it rapidly spread to Europe. A French variety, as developed by Alain Kardec (pseudonym of H. L. D. Rivail), has been most influential in Latin America. Spiritistic religions and Protestant Evangelical religions which encourage ecstatic experiences are the most rapidly spreading forms of religion worldwide.

POSSESSION RELIGIONS AND TRADITION

AS

WORSHIP

POSSESSION RELIGIONS ARE INCREASING IN NUMBERS

The great increase in the reporting of the phenomena in question is likely to be due to both a growth of interest and awareness by researchers, but also to an actual increase in incidence. This in turn seems to be partly due to displacement/diffusion of populations, and spread to others, partly due to health crises (including both traditional healing and

To see Possession Trance only in medical terms would be a mistake. Behavior that might be seen as pathological in the Western or bio-medical system, may be seen in terms of a mythico-religious system in a traditional society. Hollan (2000, pp. 546547) notes that possession behavior that is culturally normative, no matter how bizarre or irrational it appears from a Western point of view, should never be considered pathological or psychotic . [It] is culturally constituted symbolic behavior . As Suryani and Jensen (1993, p. 46) write: In Bali, ritual possession is common, controlled, desirable, socially useful, highly valued, socially reinforced by society and individually satisfying. Balinese Possession Trance occurs in numerous contexts: the work of traditional healers (balian), masked ritual dramas, kris dancers, hobby horse dancers, little girl trance dancers, and so forth. Among forms of Possession Trance considered aberrant and sometimes requiring biomedical intervention are incidents of collective dissociation among school girls and attacks of amok among men.

Summary and Some Conclusions

143

Traditional people may be caught in a conflict between two different explanatory systems (Kleinman, 1980). Possession Trance linked to long-term relationships with one or more spirits involves the development of what appear to be secondary or alternative personalities. This may be seen by psychiatrists as D(issociative) I(denity) D(isorder), often referred to as Multiple Personality (Bourguignon, 1989b; Suryani & Jensen, 1993). Bizarre behavior and speech may be diagnosed as psychotic by psychiatrists. It might be noted that Suryani herself is both a Western-trained physician and psychiatrist and a balian, a Balinese trance healer. In recent years, for example, zar beliefs and practices have been brought to Israel by Jewish immigrants from Ethiopia. As reported by Witzum, Grizaru, and Budowski (1996), some women who had brought zar illness behavior from Ethiopia were inappropriately referred to mental health clinics, hospitalized, and treated with anti-psychotic medications. By contrast, having their behavior labeled as zar possession provided them and their families means of coping with distress and avoided the stigma of mental illness. The zar ritual serves as a curing ceremonial. Kahn and Kelly (2001) conducted a study of Xhosaspeaking psychiatric nurses in South Africa and note their dual allegiance to apparently competing and largely incommensurate mental health paradigms (pp. 3435). Here it is health care workers, as well as patients, who are involved in the conflict between competing explanatory systems. A major category of Xhosa traditional healers are diviners, who are called to their profession by an initiatory illness, involving possession by ancestor spirits and who in their divination practices go into Possession Trance. Possession Trance rituals, however, do not necessarily deal with illness and curing. They may serve to alleviate many different kinds of stress, such as marital or financial problems or concern over school examinations. They may also be experienced as forms of devotion and fulfillment of obligations to the spirits inherited in family lines or revealed to specific individuals. As such they reflect participants sense of self and of belonging. For Caribbean people in the United States, for example Haitians, Cubans, and Jamaicans, their Afro-Christian religions, in which rituals center around various forms of Possession Trance, have become significant elements in their reaffirmation of their ethnic identities. This is illustrated by the fact that, in the United States, some

members of the educated middle class among these groups are now identifying themselves with religious practices that were primarily linked to the poor in their homelands. These were negatively sanctioned and often denied by the earlier generations of their families (see K. Brown, 1991; Palmi, 1991). Pentecostal and Charismatic churches have a long and variable history in this country. Here the faithful experience possession by the Holy Spirit, speak in tongues (glossolalia), and manifest other Gifts of the Spirit. They are associated with healing only to a limited extent. They have widespread appeal as well in Latin America and Africa, where they may be in competition with established Possession Trance religions. Any consideration of rituals of Possession Trance and, often also of Trance, must not neglect the esthetic aspects of what are more or less complex performances. The most famous are to be found in Bali, but also in India on the one hand and in the Afro-American traditions of Brazil. Possession Trance rituals only rarely involve the use of masks, as in the trance dramas of Bali. More frequently the possessed individuals act out the personalities and activities of the possessing spirits in interactions with the audience, in dance, and costumes, all of it accompanied by music, frequently drumming, the whole constituting a dramatic performance. Moore (1982) discusses music and dance as expressions of religious worship, with specific reference to Cumina and Revival, two religious groups in Jamaica. He notes that to participants these art forms are vehicles for self expression and release of inner tensions[a]psychic outpouring [that] restores vitality and refreshes the whole person (p. 299).

SUMMARY

AND

SOME CONCLUSIONS

Beliefs in the possibility of possession by spirits or other entities has been found to be very widespread among the societies of the world. However, there are regional variations in the percentage of societies that have such beliefs and the manner in which these beliefs are formulated. Such variations are not random or arbitrary but are related to other sociocultural features predominant in a given region or characteristic of particular societies. As the societies change under impact of modernization and globalization some of the beliefs and ritual practices change also.

144

Possession and Trance

A study of ideas of possession by spirits and other beings necessarily leads to an investigation of how this possession is experienced and therefore to a study of the ritualization of possession states and to trance (altered states of consciousness, dissociation). It also leads to a study of the relationship to other features of the societies in which these occur, how they are distributed throughout the world, who the participants are, how the states are diagnosed and evaluated, and what social uses are made of possession states. Historically, the approach to both possession and trance has reflected the interests of the investigators. In Haiti, for example, the initial writings had to do with demonology and then with ideas of pathology, specifically hysteria. These were inherited from French psychiatry, where Janet compared his hysterical patients to the cases of possession and exorcism in French history. Anthropologists, such as Herskovits (1937), emphasized cultural relativism, and since the Haitians induced Possession Trance in their rituals and valued these states, he argued that they were normal and not to be seen as pathology. In the 1960s some psychiatrists began to see Possession Trance as therapeutic rather than pathological, and sometimes also a prophylactic. There also developed a view of possession as political phenomenon, whether as resistance to existing circumstances and conditions or as a means of mobilization in a liberation struggle. More generally, the relationship between possession and social change has become a topic of great interest (e.g., Kenyon, 1995). When computer analysis of data became possible, the statistical comparative method could be utilized to test hypotheses with regard to spirit possession beliefs. Because of womens strong presence in Possession Trance religions, research into these groups became relevant to gender studies. When still other approaches developed in anthropology, these have been utilized in related research, so that Lambeck (1989) speaks of a move from disease to discourse. At that point the emphasis again turned to the workings of individual societies rather than to comparative analysis. With the development of New Age religions in the United States, still another field of research on possession and trance opened up, as took place when migrants from distant places brought their Possession Trance religions to metropolitan centers. In sum, the research reflects the reality on the ground as well as the interests of the investigators. Although much has been accomplished in the last 40 years, there is much that remains to be done.

REFERENCES
Bilu, Y. (1996). Dybbuk and Maggid: Two cultural patterned altered states of consciousness in Judaism. AJS Review, 21, 123. Boddy, J. (1989). Wombs and alien spirits: Women, men and the zar cult in northern Sudan. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Bourguignon, E. (1973). Introduction: A framework for the comparative study of altered states of consciousness. In E. Bourguignon (Ed.), Religion, altered states of consciousness and social change (pp. 338). Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Bourguignon, E. (1976). Spirit possession belief and social structure. In Bharati (Ed.), The realm of the extra-human, ideas and actions (pp. 1726). The Hague: Mouton. Bourguignon, E. (1989a). Trance and Shamanism: Whats in a name? Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 21, 916. Bourguignon, E. (1989b). Multiple personality, possession trance and the psychic unity of mankind. Ethos, 17, 371384. Brown, M. F. (1997). The channeling zone: American spirituality in an anxious age. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brown, K. M. (1991). Mama Lola: A vodou priestess in Brooklyn. San Francisco: University of California Press. Certeau, M. de (2000). The possession at Loudon (M. B. Smith, Trans, with a Foreword by S. Greenblatt). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Chlyeh, A. (1999). Les Gnaoua du Maroc:Itineraires initiatiques, transe et possession. Paris: editions la Pense Sauvage. Corin, E. (1998). Refiguring the person: Dynamics of affect and symbols in an African spirit possession cult. In: M. Lambeck & A. Strathern (eds.), Bodies and persons: Comparative perspectives from Africa and Melanesia (pp. 80102). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Crossan, J. D. (1994). Jesus: A revolutionary biography. New York: Harper Collins. Cuneo, M. (2001). American exorcism. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. DAndrade, R. (1961). The anthropological study of dreams. In F. L. K. Hsu (Ed.), Psychological anthropology: approaches to culture and personality. Homewood, IL: Dorsey. Danforth, L. M. (1989). Firewalking and religious healing: The Anastenaria of Greece and the American firewalking movement. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. de Heusch, L. (1981). Why marry her? Society and symbolic structures. London: Cambridge University Press. Dodds, E. R. (1957). The Greeks and the irrational. Berkeley: University of California Press. Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1937). Oracles, witchcraft, and magic among the Azande. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1962). Zande theology, social anthropology, and other essays. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Goldish, Matt, ed. (2003). Spirit Possession in Judaism; Cases and Contexts from the Middle Ages to the Present. Madison: U. Wisconsin P. Goodman, F. D. (1981). The exorcism of Anneliese Michel. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Greenbaum, L. (1973). Societal Correlates of Possession Trance in sub-Saharan Africa, In: E. Bourguignon, (ed.) Religion, Altered States of Consciousness and Social Change. Columbus: Ohio State University Press.

Introduction
Guinebert, C. (1959). The Jewish world at the time of Jesus. New York: University Books. Hensley, D. (1993). Hells Gate: Terror at Bobby McKays Music World. Jacksonville, FL.: Audio Books Plus. Herskovits, M. J. (1937). Life in a Haitian valley. New York: Knopf. Hollan, D. (2000). Culture and dissociation in Toradja. Transcultural Psychiatry, 37, 545559. Jeanmaire, H. (1951). Dionysus: Histoire du culte de Bacchus. Paris: Payot. Johnston, S. I. (2001). Charming children: The use of the child in ancient divination. Arethusa, 34, 97117. Kahn, M. S., & Kelly, K. J. (2001). Cultural tensions in psychiatric nursing: Managing the interface between western mental health care and Xhosa traditional healing in South Africa. Transcultural Psychiatry, 38, 3540. Kehoe, A. B. (2000). Shamanism and religion: An anthropological exploration in critical thinking. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Kendall, L. (1985). Shamans, housewives, and other restless spirits: Women in Korean ritual life. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Kenyon, S. (ed.). (1995). Possession and social change in eastern Africa. Anthropological Quarterly, 68(2), 71132. Kiev, Ari (ed.). (1964). Magic, faith and healing: Studies in primitive psychiatry today. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Kleinman, A. (1980). Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lambeck, M. (1989). From disease to discourse: Remarks on the conceptualization of trance and spirit possession. In C. A. Ward (Ed.), Altered states of consciousness and mental health: A crosscultural perspective. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Lewis, I. M. (1989). Ecstatic religions (Rev. ed.). Baltimore, MD: Penguin. Maurizio, L. (1995). Anthropology and spirit possession: A reconsideration of the Phythias role at Delphi. Journal of Hellenic Studies, 115, 6986. Moore, J. G. (1982). Music and dance as expressions of religious worship in Jamaica. In S. Ottenberg (Ed.), African religious groups

145
and beliefs: Papers in honor of William R. Bascom. Meerut, India: Folklore Institute. Palmi, S. (1991). Das Exil der Gtter: Geschichte und Vorstellungswelt einer afrokubanischen Religion. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Peter Lang. Prince, R. (1964). Indigenous Yoruba psychiatry. In A. Kiev (Ed.), Magic, faith, and healing: Studies in primitive psychiatry today pp. 84120. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Raybeck, D., Schobe, J., & Grauberger. J. (1989). Women, stress and participation in possession cults: a reexamination of the calcium deficiency hypothesis. Medical Anthropology Quarterly n.s. 2, 139161. Salima, R. (1902). Harems et musulmanes dEgypte (Letters). Paris: Felix Juven. Shaara, L., & Strathern, A. (1992). A preliminary analysis of the relationship between altered states of consciousness, healing and social structure. American Anthropologist, 94: 145160. Sidky, H. (1994). Shamans and mountain spirits in Hunza. Asian Folklore Studies, 53, 5796. Suryani, L., & Jensen, G. D. (1993). Trance and Possession in Bali. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Welte, F. M. (1990). Der Gnawa-Kult: Trancespiele, Geisterbeschwrung und Bessessenheit in Marokko. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Peter Lang. Welte, F. M. (1999). Le cult des Gnaoua de Mekns. In A. Chlyeh (Ed.), LUinvers des Gnaoua (pp. 6580). Paris: ditions la Pense Sauvage. Winkelman, M. (1992). Shamans, priests, and witches: A cross-cultural study of magico-religious practitioners. Tempe: Arizona State University. Witztum, E., Grisaru, N., & Budowski, D. (1996). The Zar possession syndrome among Ethiopian immigrants to Israel: Cultural and clinical aspects. British Journal of Psychiatry, 69, 207225.

Shamanism
Michael Winkelman

INTRODUCTION
The term shaman entered English from other cultures (Flaherty, 1992) and has been attributed to practices around the world (Vitebsky, 2001). Shamanism received widespread academic attention following Eliades (1964) Shamanism: Archaic techniques of ecstasy, which considered shamanism a worldwide healing practice involving ecstatic communication with the spirit world on behalf of the community (cf. Halifax, 1979; Hultkrantz, 1973). Whether shamanism is cross-cultural or regionally specific, and consequently an etic or emic phenomenon, is

contentious. Some consider shamanism specific to Siberia (e.g., Siikala, 1978), while others considered shamans to be any practitioners who voluntarily enter altered states of consciousness (Peters & Price-Williams, 1981). Cross-cultural and interdisciplinary research indicates shamanism is an etic phenomenon involving psychobiological adaptations to the adaptive capacities of altered states of consciousness (ASC) or the integrative mode of consciousness (Winkelman, 2000). Shamanism was a central cultural institution at the dawn of modern humans some 40,000 years ago (Clottes & Lewis-Williams, 1998; Ryan, 1999). Shamanism is a fundamental aspect of