The University of Chicago Press

Student Politics and Political Systems: Toward a Typology Author(s): Ian Weinberg and Kenneth N.
Walker Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 75, No. 1 (Jul., 1969), pp. 77-96 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2775614 . Accessed: 15/09/2013 12:08
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Journal of Sociology.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 131.178.127.148 on Sun, 15 Sep 2013 12:08:46 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Politicsand PoliticalSystems: Student Towarda Typology

and KennethN. Walker' Ian Weinberg of Toronto University Prevailinganalysesofstudentpoliticsfocusupon noninstitutionalized atmodes of political behavior and upon the social-psychological This approachtendsto ignorethe importance ofparticipants. tributes institutionlinks between political system,university, of structural in studentpolitics.The major forms alized, and noninstitutionalized nations student politics appear in different which institutionalized are closelylinked to the attributesof the political and educational systemsof each nation. The major systemlinkageswhichdetermine structureand controlover university these formsare government partysponsorto politicalcareersthrough and recruitment financing, formof institustudentaspirants.The prevailing ship of university tionalized student politics where both of these links are presentis factionalcompetitionamong political party branches. Where both prevails. Where recruitstudent government are absent, university ment is low and governmentcontrol is strong,national student obtains,political condition and, wherethe reverse unionspredominate is presented, party branchesand clubs. A rationaleforthe typology and effects and its applicationto fourcases. The relativepersistence of the studentmovementare then discussedin termsof the movein in one or anotherof the foursituationsdefined ment's emergence the typology. The relativelysudden appearance of studentactivismon AmericancamSome ofthesehave a built-in puses has produceda varietyof explanations. finds that eventsovertakehim.The eventsat as the observer obsolescence Berkeleymay now seem pale in the lightof the outbreakat Columbia.The bodymay change ofa prominent groupofactivistsor ofthe entire structure in the South to oppositionto the adas the issues move fromnonviolence whilethe epidemicofstudentviolencesweeping overVietnam, ministration in common Is thereanything perspective. Europe demandsa comparative whotookoverHamilat SproulHall, thestudents amongthedemonstrators currently fringe tonHall, the heartofthe collegeat Columbia,the Berkeley some of themin running allyingwith the Black Panthers and supporting
Meeting of the American Sociological version of a paper read at the Sixty-third Association, August 26-29, 1968, Boston, Massachusetts. We wish to thank the Canada Council and the Humanities and Social Science Research Fund of the University of Toronto for financial support. We gratefullyacknowledge comments and criticismsby Wilbert E. Moore, Charles Tilly, Charles E. Bidwell, and Mayer Zald, although we are ourselves totally responsible for our conclusions. We would also like to mention our indebtedness to Judith Clavir and David Hunter for research assistance, and to Miss Teresa Corcoran and her stafffortheir secretarial aid.
IRevised
77
AmericanJournalof Sociology in England who trampled the studentsat Leeds University forstate office, the wifeof a Conservativeparty memberof Parliament,the French stuwho took and the Germanstudents a nationalcrisis, dentswho precipitated By the same token,what are the broad particularaim at Axel Springer? betweenthese outbreaks?One need not stop here; we may also differences nationsand in semideveloped wonderabout studentactivismin developing Latin America. categories.The Studies of Americanactivismfall into threeidentifiable the activistsand comparesthemwithcontrolgroupsof nonidentifies first activists.Flacks (1967) and Trent and Craise (1967) have argued that a and ablest studentsat majorityof the activiststend to be the brightest fromabove-averagesocioeconomic backgrounds, universities, high-quality ofoccupationalopportunities open to them.They and witha wide spectrum and Those who are not so bright, able, privileged, are in factthe privileged. activistare moreliberalthan theirpeerswho did not go to collegebecause in college is associated with an increase in ''exposure to and persistence whileexposureto workalone is assoand autonomy, disposition intellectual dimenon these two personality ciated with a tendencytowardregression sions" (Trent and Craise 1967,p. 45). of "conFlacks (1967, p. 57) arguesthat activistspossessa highdistrust in roles.... This is mostimportantly expressed ventionalinstitutionalized the almost universaldesire among the highlyinvolved to avoid institutionalizedcareers.Our data suggestthat fewstudentactivistslook toward or politics."In an unpubthe sciences,industry, careersin the professions, the linksbetween lishedpaper,Derberand Flacks (1967) have investigated and findthat they originatein what studentactivistsand theirfamilies, characterized by values such as romantithey label "humanist"families, cismand intellectualism, quite at variancewithboth the dominantculture of the Americanupper middleclass. Thus in the mainstream and families "our view is that childrenraised in humanisticfamiliesare potentialrethe studentmovecruitsto a wide varietyof 'deviant'studentsubcultures, ment being one such subculture.Others include intellectualand artistic The actual choicethat a and 'bohemian'and 'drug'subcultures. subcultures dependsupon a numberof situastudentmakes among these subcultures he first meetsin e.g. the collegewhichhe attends,the friends tionalfactors, college. . . etc." (Derber and Flacks 1967,p. 10). fact state that "one important Derber and Flacks (1967, p. 54) further is that its core consistsof youthwho studentmovement about the current are searchingfor an alternativeto establishedmiddle-classvalues." This conflict between"humanistic"parrulesout generational line of argument Derber and Flacks believe Furthermore, children. activist ents and their is increasing, althoughtheydo not that the number of "humanist"families this line of argumentby say why. Keniston (1967a, p. 111) supplements who are alienated and thosewho are betweenthe dissenters distinguishing althoughthe a continuum thatrunsbetweenthesetwoideal-types, activist, share roughlythe same backgrounds.The alienated who "bug dissenters 78
StudentPolitics out" are psychologically disturbeddue to the interpersonal dynamicsof their families, influenced by the pace ofsocial change(Keniston1967b). The second important categoryidentifies the studentmovementas yet another American social protest movement, whichis doomedto failure. This is persuasivelyargued by Lipset and Altbach (1967). It is bound to fail because, as Lipset has persistently argued, the basic leftwardthrustof American society, withits liberalideology, makesit difficult formovements to innovateunlesstheyfind themselves so farto the leftthat theirimpactis thereby lessened.This is presumably the path that he sees studentactivism taking.To Flacks the dominant Americancultureis conservative, whereas to Lipset it is liberal.Lipset and Altbach also pointto important organizational differences between universities which account for differential recruitment into the ranksof studentprotesters. The third importantcategory is the notion of generationalconflict. This has confusedsome investigators. Derber and Flacks argue that activistsare notinvolvedin generational conflict because theirorientation flows from their families oforigin. But a generational explanation does notdepend on studentactivistsreactingto theirown families-quite the reverse.The theory, as advanced by Feuer (1967) to explainthe New Left,arguesthat activistschooseissues and enemieswhichfunction to enable themto channel hostility toward older generationsin general,ratherthan familiesin particular,whetherthese be older radical groups,university administrations,or governments. To reject consideration of generationalexplanationsis to ignoreone of the mostfundamental ofsociological variables,that ofage. What is particularly significant about generationalexplanationsis that, in advanced industrialsocieties,adolescence lasts longer.Thus generationalcriteriabecome ambiguous.2 Accordingly, graduate studentsand even facultymembers can still be defined as adolescentsand certainly as members of the rebellinggeneration. It is possibleto considerbaldingideologuesas members too, especiallyin the United States (Berger 1960, p. 13). Furthermore, to quote Heberle (1951, p. 125), "the differentiations between are generations likelyto be greater in periodsof rapid social changethan in periodsof slow and gradualchange."As faras higher educationis concerned, theuniversity systems ofadvanced industrial societieshave been in a state ofrapidchange since the end of World War II. We do not disagreewith the microsociological the findings concerning correlates or the structural in studentactivism.But withthe excepfactors tion of the social movementand generationaltheories,as presentedby Lipset and Altbach and by Feuer, microsociological do not even findings hintthat the natureofstudentactivismis connected withthe politicalsystem. Explanationsforpoliticalbehaviorare therefore beingoffered within the limitsof the studentcultureor subsystem and withoutany comitself, parative perspective. are surprising Both of these deficiencies because the study of studentpoliticalbehaviorin the new nationshas been both con2 Cain refers to thisas
"age statusasynchronization" (1964,p. 288).
79
AmericanJournalof Sociology of studentsto the political systemand with cernedwith the relationship comparisons. international The approachesto studentpoliticsdiscussedabove have a commonfoarticulated.3 They are concus, whichhas, however,not been sufficiently of and characteristics determinants, cernedto account forthe emergence, formsof studentpolitics.Such phenomenashare with noninstitutionalized collectivebehavior,the attemptto reconstitute othetnoninstitutionalized, and characbeliefwhichidentifies in termsof a generalized the social order, terizessome source of social strainand proposesa solutionto tL. strain at Columbia (Smelser 1962, pp. 1-22, passim). Thus, studentsprotesting of or strainsin the relationships seriouscontradictions perceived University ownerof adjacent ghetto to society,in its role as property the university the through in the nation's war effort and its participation neighborhoods, Instituteof Defense Analysis.Analysisby studentactivistsexpressedthe wereevil and shouldbe alteredor beliefthat theserelationships generalized studentoccupationof univerthrough and that confrontation terminated, of these relamodification and a reconsideration force would sitybuildings in its enrole forthe university leading to a more constructive tionships, and in the largersociety.For our purposes,the imneighborhood vironing ofsuch studentpoliticalactivityis that it bypassesexisting portantfeature for aggregatingand articulatingstudent arrangements institutionalized and consequencesof persistence, But we will arguethat the form, interests. affectedby the protest movementsare significantly such issue-oriented and the state and berelationsbetweenthe university existingstructural at boththe local politicalsystem, tweenstudentpoliticsand the environing prioranalysis requires oftheseeffects and nationallevels.An understanding and institutionalarrangements betweenthesestructural of the relationship or the student ized formsof studentpolitics,such as studentgovernment in the variations how to indicate will be then, strategy, Our politicalparty. of are relatedto variationsin the forms arrangements indicatedstructural studentpolitics.Followingthis analysis,we will seek to institutionalized and structures betweenformal oftheserelationships showthe consequences student politics. for noninstitutionalized student politics institutionalized is to suggest: Our intention 1. The degreeand type of studentpoliticalbehaviorcan be illuminated of the political amongthe characteristics the relationships by emphasizing systemof a society,the studentpoliticsof that society,and the systemof acstudentpoliticalbehaviorwill differ highereducation.Comparatively, betweenpoliticalsystems. cordingto formaland culturaldifferences 2. The degreeand type of studentpolitical behavior will consequently by the linkagesbetweenthe politicalsystemand the be greatlyinfluenced of studentpoliticsand the systemof highereducation. subsystem as student"activism" we Thus what has been discussedin the literature by the different constrained politics, ofnoninstitutionalized regardas a form
I Flacks has suggested in the UnitedStates movement that the student thepossibility ofyouth discontent" as an expression (1967,pp. institutionalization maymove"toward (1967,pp. 154-58,passim). 73-74). See also Newfield
80
StudentPolitics limitswhichsocietiesplace on this categoryof behavior.Our approach to thiscategory ofpoliticalbehavioremphasizes its relationship to systems and system linkages.The independent variablesare the politicalsystemand the systemlinkages,and the dependentvariableis studentpolitics,in both its institutionalized and noninstitutionalized forms.The social-psychological of studentpoliticalbehaviorand the extentof generational correlates conflict becomeimportant intervening variables.
POLITICAL SYSTEMS
If we considerthe formaland culturalproperties of political systems, we mean such attributes as:

1. The stability and legitimacy ofthesystem ofgovernment. 2. The differentiation ofthepolitical system. 3. Whether thepolitical system is federal or nonfederal. 4. The forms ofpartyorganization within thepolitical system. 5. Whether thepolitical system is a two or multiparty system. ofelitism in political 6. The degree decision making. 7. Unique cultural/political values. 8. Where thepolitical fallsalonga continuum system from to totalitarianism. democracy 9. The structure of the politicalsystem in termsof the division of powersamongthe and of executive, legislative, judicialparts thesystem. SYSTEM LINKAGES
We would argue that the most importantsystemlinkagesbetweenboth studentpoliticalbehaviorand the systemof highereducationare:
1. The financial ofuniversity structure in relation education to thegovernment or govof a society, ernments both as regards and the indirect students of their funding 2. The degree ofpolitical freedom allowedto students. 3. The autonomy in their ofuniversities degree offreedom from political interference. 4. The extent to whicha career in student politics involves theexpectation and theanin thepolitical socialization fora career ticipatory itself. system THE ORGANIZATION OF INSTITUTIONALIZED STUDENT POLITICS
education.
We argue that the social organizationof studentpolitics can be broken down,or collapsed,into the following:
1. Nationalstudent unions, whichaggregate student interests right up to the level of negotiations withgovernments on basicissues, suchas scholarships, ofresiprovision dentialfacilities, etc. 2. Studentpoliticalclubs or branches of nationalpoliticalparties, including minority parties, suchas theCommunist partyin Western countries. 3. Factionalpolitics, in whichstudentbranches of nationalpoliticalpartiescompete forstudent in thestruggle support to control university as wellas to ingovernment fluence national politics. 4. University student whose focus governments, is intramural and specific to a particular institution ofhigher education. KEY SYSTEM LINKAGES: THEIR RELATIONSHIP TO STUDENT POLITICS
We willemphasizetwo system linkagesas crucialhere,sincetheyappear to be offundamental in generating importance the prevailing forms ofstudent 81
AmericanJournalof Sociology politicsundervarious conditions. These are the processof political career as this relates to the university, and the degreeof centralizarecruitment tion of government controlover university financing. We initially came to thistypology an emphasison the notionof through The politicalcareeris a systemlinkagemechanism the politicalcareer. and, one ofthe mostimportant. Yet it is extraordinary howmuchit we consider, has been neglected.We came to it by our readingof Cloward and Ohlin's in simpleterms, and Opportunity Delinquency (1960). To put theirargument subcultures: the criminal, theystate thatthereare threekindsofdelinquent The firstinvolves an integration of age and the retreatist. the conflict, levels and values betweenthe adult and adolescentworld,the visibility of role models, and an available career within criminalorganizations.The linksto organized crimeare not available to members ofconflict and retreatto transposetheirentiretypology into the concept ist gangs.It is tempting of a studentpoliticalcareerforits explanatory value. Thus the professional studentpolitician(as in England) findsan integration betweenhis world and that of adult politicians, that is, a ladder of mobility.In the United oriStates this does not occur,so that studentactiviststend to be conflict entedwhilethe alienated are the retreatists. The availability of political careers to students is a functionof the character of the politicalpartysystemand its relationship to higher education.Wherepoliticalpartiesare highly at the naorganizedand centralized intoprofessional tionallevel, and are thus able to sponsormobility political as sourcesof able, well-educareers,they are likelyto turnto universities ofstudentpolitical cated candidates.This in turnleads to the development clubsor branchesofnationalpoliticalpartieson university campuses,where aspiringpoliticosmay become socialized and prove theirmettleto party recruiting agents. Where parties are relativelydecentralizedand loosely organized,the structural conditions forsponsoredmobility withinuniversitiesare weak. Thus, politicalclubs or partybranchesas recruiting centers are likelyto be absentor poorlydeveloped.Studentpoliticalclubsthuslink studentpoliticsto the politicalsystemthroughthe mediumof individual careers. The second system linkage concerns the interestsof students as a a commonconcern forthe character "class," at least in the sense ofsharing of theireducationand its outcomes.This is significantly determined by the relationship ofgovernment to the financing and control of higher education. Where a government agency channelsall or most of the funds to finance highereducation,and wherethe same agency plays an important role in new universities, and instituting coursesof study,examinationprocedures, ofauthority the like,thiscentralization is likelyto have its counterpart in a of studentsat the national level the nastrong,centralized organization tional studentunion. Where neitherof these featuresappears-centralized party organizationsable to recruit of promising partycareerists through sponsorship student aspirants,or the centralization of higher of financing and structuring education by government-the salient formof institutionalized student 82
StudentPolitics Under these condipoliticsis likelyto be university studentgovernment. largelyfotions,the concernsof studentsas a class become decentralized, cused upon studentconcerns formanagingthat part oftheirlivesforwhich the individual universityallocates authorityto student representatives, concerns.Students such as housing,athletics,and other extracurricular may seek to extendtheirauthority intothe arena ofacademic and administrativedecisionmaking, but in eithercase this is likelyto take the formof on individual relativelydisconnectedactivities of student governments leadershiprolesmay have a campuses.Recruitment to studentgovernment latent recruitment function, but this is morelikelyto lead initiallyto cafunction reersin the economicthan the politicalsystem, sincean important of studentgovernments is the managementof large sums of money and numerous employees withinstudentunion establishments. of politicalleadWhere both of these conditionsobtain centralization and structuralcontrolof ership recruitment, and government financing universities we may expectthe existenceof both nationalstudentunions ofthe politiand politicalclubs or partybranches.This impliesthe merging cal recruitment and articulatprocesswiththatoftheprocessofaggregating we mightexpectto find ing studentclass interests. Undertheseconditions, in national studentunions conductedby the stuthe campaignsforoffice dent branches of national political parties. Thus, aspirants to political careers may learn political skills and demonstratepolitical competence and in national studentunthrough leadershipin university government are likelyto be closelylinkedunderthese ions. The lattertwo organizations conditions, and national studentunion executivesare likelyto be chosen in university studentgovernment. fromexperienced officeholders linksis likelyto have a But the juxtaposition ofboth of thesestructural fortheform ofstudentpolitics.The linking further, qualitativeconsequence of studentclass interests through studentpoliticalpartybranchesis likely in to generateand sustain a strongconcernamong studentsforinfluence the nationalpoliticalarena,and thisis liable to be reciprocated by the public and by politicalpartyleaders,who watch the outcomesof studentcamof futureelites. paigns as an indicationof the presentpoliticalsentiments of studentpolitical factionsunder Thus we would expect the emergence and careerbenefits. forsupport, conditions ofintensecompetition influence, Nothingin the above discussionis meant to suggestthat all fourtypes of studentpoliticsmay not coexistwithinany one system.Rather,we are ofthesevarioustypesunderrelativethelong-term emphasizing persistence In fact,we mightgo so faras to assertthat the rely sustainedconditions. or noninstitutionalized forms cent and presentoutburstof studentrevolts, in themselves, ofstudent willmostprobably whilehighly politics, significant give rise to persisting studentmovements under the conditionsdiscussed if not "witheraway," whereone or immediately above, but will diminish, both of these conditions are absent. of the Table 1 presentsa schematicversionof the major determinants forms of institutionalized studentpoliticsand theiroutcomesforthe predominant nationalpoliticaleducationalsystems. and persisting forms within 83
AmericanJournalof Sociology The following discussion providesan applicationofthe typology to concrete cases.
UNIVERSITY STUDENT GOVERNMENT
In a decentralized politicalsystem such as the UnitedStates,whichis federal, highly democratic, and in whichthe divisionofpowersinvolvesthe constitutional development of a strongexecutive,the systemlinkagesinvolve a decentralizedfundingof highereducation, political interference with university autonomy, and no expectationthat a careerin studentpolitics leads to a careerwithinthe politicalsystemitself. or weak, as are Consequently,national studentunionsare nonexistent student branches of the national political parties. The former are weak
TABLE 1
INSTITUTIONALIZED FORMSOF STUDENT POLITICS
GOVERNMENT RECRUITMENT UNIVERSITY TO POLITICAL STUDENT CAREERS OF Strong THROUGH PARTY SPONSORSHIP CONTROL OVER UNIVERSITY
STRUCTURE
AND FINANCING
ASPIRANTS
Weak
......................... High Low.........................
Factionalcompetition Politicalparty clubs amongpolitical branches, party branches Nationalstudent unions Universitystudentgovernment
because thereis no centralized entrusted withnationalcontrolof authority higher educationwithwhichto bargain.The latterare weak because recruitmentto politicalcareersis not tied to highvisibility ofperformance in student branchesof national politicalparties. The antipathyto elitismas a politicalsystemattribute would militateagainstsuch recruitment. A most important consequenceis that, beforeundergraduates seriously considera politicalcareer,they are olderthan some of theirpeersin othercountries, and they often develop political ambitionsas graduate studentsin law schoolsor at certainlevels withinbusinessorganizations. Indeed, constitutionally,thereis an age limitbelow whicha politicianmay not enterthe Senate. The comparativeelderliness of politiciansthus provides fuel for conflicts generational by contrastto the youthof undergraduates.4 The importanttypes of student political organizations,therefore, are university studentgovernments, whichnegotiatewithadministrations over basic studentfacilitiesand are generallynonpolitical.University student but thereseems governments may emulatethe tacticsofissue movements, to be a structural obstacle preventing to extremism. This the progression
4Recruitment to political candidacy in the United States for local, state, and national officesis essentially a process under local control (see Herbert Jacob 1962; Lester G. Seligman 1961; Seymour M. Lipset 1963, p. 362; Heinz Eulau et al. 1961; and Dwaine Marvick and Charles R. Nixon 1961).
84
StudentPolitics obstaclemay be that studentgovernments are constantly involvedin negotiation with administrations, and threatento use extremist tactics only whencrisesarise,not withinthe country but withinthe restricted locale of the campus. Membersof studentgovernments probablydo not maintain or even formalsocial contact with ideologicalgroups,who often informal regardthem as having been co-optedby the administration. Issue movementstend to becomeinvolvedwithcampus affairs onlywhentheirbehavior, externallyoriented,runs up against administration hostility.When campus mattersand crises,such as the plightof the Negroesin the urban ghetto,converge, thenissue movements take the university administration as theirtarget.Studentpoliticsare thencaughtin theinevitable progression to extremism, as occurred at Columbia,wherethe university's relationship withHarlem was a focalpoint of the disturbances. We cannot cite evidence for this, although it probably exists-that membersof university studentgovernments in the United States are experiencing anticipatory socializationfor adult political careers.5 The relaofstudentrepresentatives tionships to the university is analogous president to theroleofstate or nationallegislators in theirrelations to theirrespective executives.It would be interesting to know how many of these men were prominent in university studentgovernment, went on to careersin law or business,and then enteredadult politicalcareers.
NATIONAL STUDENT UNION
France and Great Britain offer a different of variablesin the combination In France,the politicalsystem typology. is unstable,nonfederal, and elitist, withfrequent ofantidemocratic intervals paternalist The civil government. serviceis particularly elitistand difficult to enter. There is a multiparty are totally dependenton governmental system.The universities subsidy, in the government and decisionson higher educationare highly centralized and its civil service.6As in the United States, recruitment to political candidacy is a locally controlledprocess. French legislatorsare often electedon the basis ofholding a local office, whichtheyretainwhileholding theirnationaloffice (La Ponce 1961,p. 234; MAIacRae 1967,p. 54, table 35).7 The resultis a powerful nationalstudentunion,the Union nationaledes etudiantsfrangaise (UNEF), whichindulgesin what amountsto collective
Studies dealing with the political socialization of state and national legislators in the United States suggest that involvement in school politics or student governmentplays a relatively minor role (see Allan Kornberg and Norman Thomas 1965; and Heinz Eulau et al. 1959, p. 308).
6 For the historical circumstancesleading to this situation, see Theodore Zeldin (1967), and, forthe present structure,see F. Ridley (1963). 7 On the otherhand, "the university has been, fora long time,the most importantnursery of political men," according to Mattei Doggan (1961, pp. 77-79). His evidence suggests that the universityhas a politicizingeffect, impartingpolitical skills,but does not reveal the linkbetween studentpolitical partybranches and political careerswe findforEngland and Latin American countries. Jean-PierreWorms states that student political leadership is not linked to adult political careers in France (personal communication).
85
AmericanJournalof Sociology bargainingwith the government over mattersaffecting students (Fields 1967; Pinner1964, 1968; Worms1967). The resultsof a breakdown in bargainingare analagous to what happensin the economy-strikesand sharp industrialstrife, which is oftenvery violent when student demands are frustrated. But French students are from upper-socioeconomic groups, when comparedwith the social compositionof university studentsfrom otheradvanced industrial societies,as table 2 demonstrates. The consequenceis that the UNEF is strongand stable, except when frustrated, as, forinstance, by the contemporary centralgovernmental alloto theforce defrappeand the neglectofhigher cationofresources education. becomewrackedby internal Why,then,does the UNEF occasionally politiThe answerseems and transformed cal dissension into an issue movement? to be historic, that is, cultural and structural. Historically,the national studentunion has failed to take a political stand, especiallyin avoiding alliance with the resistanceto German occupation duringWorld War II.
TABLE 2
PERCENTAGE OF UNIVERSITY STUDENTS WORKING-CLASS FAMILIES Country Year FROM
UnitedStates ................... GreatBritain ................... ........................ Norway Austria ......................... France.........................

SOURCE.-A. Belden Fields 1967, p. 30.
Early 1950s 1961-62 1961 1958-59 1961-62
31.0 25.0 25.0 8.0 5.5
This was in line withits limitedgoals. But a groupwithinit, the minorias an issue movement, as duringthe Algerianwar taires, began to function and against Gaullist policies. They are resistedby the majoritaires. But ofgovernment overhigher control because ofthecentralization structurally, education and the consequentimportanceof the UNEF, the minoritaires desireto radicalizethe UNEF ratherthan operateas a minority groupoutand the side of it. Tactically thisis mosteffective because the government cannotignorethem,due to the systemof collectivebargaining. majoritaires but are not welcomed in orientation The minoritaires are oftennarodnik ofthe hautebougeoisie. by the labor unions,who perceivethemas members They turninward,to theoretical abstraction, to Marxism,and to the consistentattemptto radicalizethe UNEF. This rarely succeeds,so the French studentmovementis not a movementat all. It is a formalorganization, whichspasmodicalrecognized by the government withwhichit negotiates, beforeit ly enduresthe pressureof issues broughtup by the minoritaires, resumesits normalexistenceas a nationalstudentunion. The minoritaires use its salience to bringspecific and generalissues beforethe society.The greatrecent successofthemilitants was based on thefactthat studentmat86
StudentPolitics ters,usually negotiable, were given low priority by the regimebecause of in policieswhichtheminoritaires investment rejected.The confluence ofstudent dissatisfaction and anti-Gaullism has fora time allowed the national studentunionto drawupon that dissatisfaction and to bringboth that and Gaullistpoliciesbeforethe nationin a dramaticfashion.
POLITICAL PARTY BRANCHES
Britain has a stable and legitimatesystemof government, whichis nonfederaland elitist.There are strongand permanent partyorganizations (in contrast to the UnitedStates), builtaroundparties,ratherthanmen,which exist and function betweenelections.In termsof the systemlinkages,all universities are centrally funded by a bodycomposedofseniorcivilservants and the heads of universities-the UniversityGrants Committee. The result is thattheuniversities have virtualautonomy in theirfinancial affairs despite centralfunding(Bowen 1964). Students are allowed considerable politicalfreedom;and, perhaps in this societymore than in any other,a career in student politics involves the expectationand the anticipatory socialization fora careerin the politicalsystemitself.This developsfroma unique situationin whichOxford and Cambridgeprovidethegreatmajority of members of Parliament.This used to be less true of the Labour party, but thelargeproportion ofthesons ofmanualworkers at even theseuniversities-in Oxfordat least 70 percentof the studentbody is subsidizedby and loans-means that the Labour partytoo has been recruitscholarships ing Oxoniansand Cantabrigians in large numberssince the war, in preference to olderlabor unionleaders and partyworkers(Ranney 1965, p. 202, table 7.5; Rose 1964,p. 72; Guttsman1965,pp. 156-58). The University of London,despiteits size and positionin the metropolis, is badly represented and has been a training groundforthe leaders of new nationsratherthan forthe top political positionsin the mothercountry.8 The Conservative partyis predominantly drawnfrom the publicschools(i.e., prep),especially fromEton and Harrow as well as fromOxfordand Cambridge.In these schools,political sentiments are overwhelmingly Conservative(Weinberg 1967,p. 118, table 12). The unique position of Oxfordand Cambridge may reflect a cultural value of the politicalsystem.But the combination of politicalsystemattributesand systemlinkagesmeans that studentsmay enterthese universitieswith the intention of makingpoliticsa career.The formof student political organization which resultsis the studentpolitical club affiliated withnationalpoliticalparties.The latteruse the clubsas recruiting grounds forfuturemembersof Parliament as well as for the party organization. Thereis intensecompetition forhighoffice in theseclubs,especiallybetween theirrespectiverightand leftwings.Both face each otherin the Oxford and CambridgeUnions, which are modeled on the House of Commons. Political activiststend toward careersin law, journalism,television,and
8 Edward Shils (1960, p. 337) writesthat "the London School of Economics in particular has probably contributedmuch more to the excitation of nationalistic sentimentthan any other educational institutionin the world."
87
AmericanJournalof Sociology to wait fortheiropportunity to enterthe House of Comcollegeteaching, ofsystemlinkagetendsto resultin the socializationof mons.The intensity both Labouritesand Conservatives towardthe politicalcenter, forspecific out withinand betweenthe politicalclubs. issues are hammered This situation weakens the spontaneousappearance of protest movements-such as the CampaignforNuclear Disarmament-whichare forced to filter theirpoliciesthrough the clubs,whichfunction as a damperon the progression The National Union of Students is also toward extremism. ofpoliticalsystemattributes weakenedbecause of the interaction and system linkagesand is mainlya serviceorganization forstudentsin termsof vacation tripsabroad, etc. The National Union of Studentscanarranging not gain supportat Oxfordand Cambridgeand, unlikeits Frenchequivalent,does not bargainwiththe government, due to the decentralization of ofstudents The social organization funding. In 1967, may now be changing. a Radical StudentAlliance (RSA) was founded, activists bringing together concernedwith specificissues and studentsdissatisfied with more direct governmental controland with facilitiesat the new universities (Halsey and Marks 1968). In the olderuniversities the RSA is strong at institutions such as Hull and the London School of Economics,wherefacilities are conis common.We may predictthat,ifthe comsideredpoorand overcrowding binationof politicalsystemattributes and systemlinkagesis altering, then a politicized nationalstudentunionmay emerge, but, as yet,it is too early to judge. But thisdemonstrates that a changein an elementofthe typology can forewarn of a changein the social organization ofstudentpolitics.
FACTIONAL COMPETITION AMONG POLITICAL PARTY BRANCHES
Latin Americawill be treatedhere as a singlecase, despite the variations amongthe twenty-some nations.But our generalizations will be based primarilyon those nations which have attained moderateto high levels of economicand political development, such as Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Venezuela, Colombia, Brazil, Costa Rica, Panama, Mexico, and Cuba. As politicalsystems, thesesocietiesare frequently formal interrupted democracies,characterizedby highly centralizedexecutive authorityof In contrast weak legitimacy. relatively to the othersocietiesdiscussedhereof the churchand the militaryhave played inorthe institutions tofore, dinatelyimportant politicalroles both in influence and in actual political This statement leadership. appliesleast to Chile,Uruguay,Costa Rica, and Mexico. Party systems varyfrom one-party dominant systems, as in Mexias in Argentina. co, to multiparty systems, Withrespectto systemlinkagesto higher education,the centralgovernmentprovidesthe predominant sourceoffunds(Scherz-Garcia1967). Forthe universities mallyautonomous, have experienced frequent interventions into theirinternalaffairs by various governments, especiallyduringdictatorialregimes whichhave suspendedautonomyand have not respectedthe norm of the inviolability of the university. The universities face serious problemsdue to inadequate financing, which resultsin poor libraries, in88
StudentPolitics inaderesearchfacilitiesand study space, part-timeprofessors, sufficient lecturehalls, and a host of overcrowded quate housingaccommodations, (Scott 1968). otherdifficulties are highlypoliticizeddue to a combinationof attriMost universities is perhapsthat studentpoliticalleadershiphas butes. The mostimportant oftenled more or less directlyto political careers,eitherthroughrecruitment of activistsinto political careersor the organizationof new parties nationalparties,some studentswhichbecomeimportant amonguniversity of them comingto power throughthe electoralprocess or by means of a coup or revolution(Martz 1966, pp. 17-48; Alexander1965, pp. 120-26; Dix 1967,pp. 345-46; Walters1968,p. 198; Canton 1966,pp. 96-97). Politicareers cal connections are highlyrelevantto careersuccessin nonpolitical a further impetusto politicalactivity.The consequence as well,constituting branchesof national parties is that, in most of these societies,university elecseekingto win university affairs, role in university play an important tions and oftengainingdirectsupportfromtheirparentparties,who perand as a significant ceive university students as importantconstituents leadership(Patch 1961). sourceof future of higher and the structure financing controlof university Government at studentorganizations in stronguniversity educationhas its counterpart ofnationalstudentunionsand theuniversity and nationallevel,in the form (Bonilla 1959, 1960; Walters 1968). The importheiruniversity affiliates studentoppositionis recognizedby dictatortance of these fororganizing ships, which oftenabrogate them on comingto power. In societiesdominated by elites,as these are, studentsare oftenthe only groupin society of the "inarticulate masses." to expressthe interests capable of and willing and to theirthreatto unrepresentative This adds to theirnationalprestige (Silvert1964). governments The phenomenaof politicalpartybranchesand nationalstudentunions The Univerare closelyrelatedto the Latin Americanstudentmovement. whereits mostsigis dated from1918 in Argentina, movement sityReform reform nificant successeswereachieved,but limitedagitationforuniversity The major significance occurred earlierin otherLatin Americancountries. "co-gobiis that it institutionalized of thismovement our perspective from in university by government erno," or the concept of directparticipation This has meantthat,wherethe movestudentand facultyrepresentatives. or lesserdegreein mostofthe whichit was to a greater mentwas successful, on both runforpositions studentrepresentatives Latin American republics, the bodies. In Argentina, and school or facultydecision-making university mostpoliticalgroupson the leftand including party, Reforma Universitaria councilof the uniforthe governing some of the center, won mostelections untilrecently(Walters 1968, pp. 168-72). Elsewhere,studentsrun versity foroffice under the bannerof national politicalparties,as in Peru, Chile, or partieshave emerged, Colombia, and Venezuela. When new movements politicalsubculthese have tended to be incorporated into the university slates of candidates and seekingto dominateuniversity tures,presenting seek to dominatethe national governas their counterparts government ment. 89
AmericanJournalof Sociology
IMPLICATIONS OF THE TYPOLOGY FOR NONINSTITUTIONALIZED STUDENT POLITICS
We will now considerthe implications of the typology fornoninstitutionalized student politics. Whilewe cannotattemptto accountfortheemergence, frequency, or intensity ofstudentprotest in termsofourschemeofanalysis, we can suggestsome aspects of the form, and direction persistence, which studentprotests are likelyto take underthe differing conditions in set forth the typology.Our focus here is on those formsof studentpoliticswhich utilizemeans outsidethose available in the variousinstitutionalized forms discussedabove, and whichseek goals beyondthosedelimited by the existing arrangements forexpressing studentinterests. Our major concernwill be to suggestthe extentto whichvariousforms ofnoninstitutionalized student activismare likelyto be incorporated with,or otherwise linkedto, informsof activism,perhaps modifying institutionalized the latter in the processof adaptation. on the fateofprotestmovements in the French We have touchedbriefly and Britishcases; thus we will concentrateon the Americanand Latin Americancases in the following discussion.These provide,in termsof our the situationsin which our two major variables are weak and typology, and present, in the Latin American absent,in theAmerican case, and strong we would argue that,in the former, case. As a generalhypothesis, student protestis least likelyto become incorporated into the streamof national institutionalized forms of studentpolitics,due to the politicsand to affect linksbetweenuniversity weaknessof structural studentand nationalpolitics. In the lattercase, because ofstrong structural linksbetweenuniversity studentand nationalpolitics,noninstitutionalized protestis mostlikelyto nationalpoliticsand to becomeinstitutionalized, in the formof new affect studentpolitical groups or branchesof new national parties,joining the forstudentvotes and nationalinfluence. Some supportforthis competition is offered below. hypothesis
NONINSTITUTIONALIZED UNITED STATES STUDENT POLITICS IN THE
In Americanuniversities, recruitsto protestmovementsare broughttoin the betteruniversities due to theirhighgrade-point gether average,their intellectual and aestheticorientations derivedfrom theirfamilies of origin, and their politicalawareness. As Flacks (1967, p. 57) says, they have no in politicalcareersas such. Any national crisiswill cause thisconinterest catenationof a politicallyactive nminority, of the but, given the structure political system,and its specificcombinationof attributes,their actual politicalbehaviorwill tend toward the noninstitutionalized formsof protest. They may resortto ideologicalabstractionand variousforms of civil disobedience fromviolenceto nonviolence. The comparativeelderliness of in the politicalsystem theirgenerational politicians intensifies and hostility, they look for allies, not withinthe political systemitself,but among the downtrodden or groupsin society,whichleads to a narodnikorientation, 90
StudentPolitics in a quasi-Leninist whichresults groupsat otheruniversities, amongsimilar formof elitism. beIn short,they are caught in the inevitablepush toward extremism by the limitsof the politicalsystem, due to cause they are not constrained that the absenceoflinksto politicalcareersand the highdegreeoffreedom towardextremism the politicalsystemallows to students.The progression into ideologicalgroups,which come to argue resultsin the fractionation among themselvesat the most abstract levels, but whose social base is limitedby the factthat some studentsdo not wishto go as far,or resistthe in the proliferaresults trendtowardextreme positions.Thus fractionation of Trotskyists tion of small and quite varied groups.The latent function ofAmerpowerlessness is to ensuretherelative fighting Maoists or Leninists When theybecomelinkedto nationalcrises,such ican studentmovements. as the problems ofNegroesor the war in Vietnam,and workwiththeirgentowardextremthe progression erationalelderswithinthepoliticalsystem, ism is halted,and theirimpact on the politicalsystemcan be considerable. studentpolitical subculture,these But immersedin theirundergraduate the politicalsystem(Lipset and Altbach 1967). groupsare insulatedfrom Their membersdefinetheirfuturesoutside of the political systemby rejectingcareersin law and business,whichwould give them the opporpoliticsat a later date. A societal factorhas tunityto enterconventional as busiits influence hereas well. Because the media in Americaare defined Those who enterthe media nesses,theydo not tend to attractintellectuals. so that careersin the televisionor newspaperinbecome professionalized, dustrydo not providethe waitingperiodforlater entranceinto a political tend As thesemembers members ofissue movements. careerforthe former and to be above-averagestudents, at the betteruniversities to congregate may take up careers a proportion imbuedwiththe value ofintellectualism, withinthe academyitself.This providesthe ranksof graduatestudentsin arid eventually,the the arts and scienceswith politicallyactive recruits, intelligentIt is partlyforthisreasonthat theAmerican professoriate itself. forit providesa careerand security, sia is orientedtowardthe university, membersof issue insulate the former is to further yet its latent function oftendevelopsbetween from the politicalsystem.Role conflict movements esof the academic and his politicalinterests, the expectedprofessionalism and othersoperis soughtby legislators expertise peciallyifhis professional objections.9 atingwithina politicalsystemto whichhe has fundamental
NONINSTITUTIONALIZED STUDENT POLITICS IN LATIN AMERICA
comparable At present thereis an absenceofdata forLatin Americadirectly betweenthe "activto thoseavailable forAmerican to distinguish students, ist" and "nonactivist"student.The data that exist suggestthat activist located in studentsare more likely to attend large national universities less devout, lower-middle-class national capitols,to come fromreligiously rather whichare morelikelyto supportpartiesofthe centeror left, families, than the right.
I
For example, see HarryS. Hall (1956).
91
AmericanJournalof Sociology and fieldsof study,theyare morelikely In termsof careerorientations to be enrolledin the humanities, law, or social sciencesthan in otherproor medicine(Lipset 1967, 1968; Silvert fessionalfieldssuch as engineering 1964: Hennessy1967; Walker 1968; Glazer 1968). But whilethe analysisof of the activiststudentin North Americais essentially the characteristics forms of student focusedon thosewho are involvedin noninstitutionalized and beforms, politics,the boundarybetweenthese and institutionalized is less sharpin Latin Ameritweenstudents engagedin the one or the other, student organizationsfrequently engage in ca. Highly institutionalized whenpoliceor counterdemonstraprotestmarcheswhicheruptin violence, thepopulace and the governtorsseek to thwarttheir attemptsto influence ment(Bonilla 1959,pp. 229-30, passim; Walters1968,pp. 160-65,passim). The most radical student groups, such as Communists,Fidelistas, and studentpartiesfor electionsas legitimate win university othersfrequently councils.The goals ofleftist as wellas centrist seats on university governing and conservativestudent groups are likely to be similarlydiffuse-the in university decisions,throughdirectparticipation attemptto influence the trendofnationalpoliticsthrough confrontato influence "co-gobierno," or through consultation withgovtionwithpolice in streetdemonstrations ernment leaders,and, forsome studentleaders,to fashionpoliticalcareers and oratoricalskills theirorganizational forthemselves by demonstrating politicalprofessionals. beforean audience of interested In contrastto the American situation,the political activist is much in a politicalcareer,eitheras a full-time morelikelyto be interested proengagedintellectual, fessionalpoliticianor else as a publicistor otherwise of a profeswho oftencombinesa careeras university lecturer, practitioner sion,and commentator upon and activistin politicallife.This suggeststhe in Latin American lifein contrast professional lowerdegreeofdifferentiation to that of North America and, to some extent,Europe. Thus, the Latin forthe practice Americanactivistis likelyto finda moreopen environment and is thus less likelyto eschewa political of politicsfollowing graduation, to studentpoliticalactivity(Ellison careeras an aspect ofhis commitment 1964; Gillin 1960, p. 42; Goldrich1966, p. 117, Table B-2; Walters 1968, p. 12). These featuresof Latin Americanpoliticallife,both withinthe universocietysuggestthat political activitymay be sity and in the environing perhaps in part commitments, easily integratedwith other professional because the latterare likelyto be weaker,but also because the structural and betweenstudentand "adult" linksbetweenuniversity and government case wouldinclude The limiting politicalcareers are morecloselyintegrated. those studentsforwhom none of the legitimate a parties appears to offer solutionto theirideologicalcommitments, and who chooseto join a revoluas have some studentsinVenezuela,Colombia, tionaryguerillamovement, (Petras 1968; Harding 1968,pp. 25-27). But the Peru, and even Argentina successofuniversity politicalpartiesliketheAccionDemostudent-founded cratica in Venezuela, which developed as a revolutionary movementbut became an institutionalized, of Perez governing party afterthe overthrow 92
StudentPolitics Jimenez, and the successof the 26th of JulyMovementin Cuba, in which withpositions in the revolutionary students participated and wererewarded of violent government, suggestthat even thosewho choose the alternative oppositionare not foregoing politicalcareersbut, rather,are seekingthem by other,if morerisky, means. to as theLatin Americanstudent To conclude,what is oftenreferred stable partiesand ideologimovement tendsto be an amalgamofrelatively cal tendenciesand groups,supportedby a well-structured politicalsubsystemlinking and the nationaland international universities politicalenvironin university ment,actingthrough participation government and moreexdirectedat the national governpressiveactivitiessuch as demonstrations orfellow or supporting workers ment,opposing"imperialism," studentsand is frequently co-believers elsewhere.The movement regenerated by coups theformation and stimulate whichabolishits formal ofopposition structure of university or movements to restorethe time-honored principles reform, movements whichseek to further by new politicalgroupsor protest radicalize the movement, on the model of the Cuban Revolutionor the Vietnam tend to be added to the existing war forliberation.Thus new movements in the form ofa modification politicaltradition and structure ofthe ideological streamand new partiesor politicalgroupsseekingpoliticalpowerwhich look to the universities forrecruitsand general support (Spencer 1965a, 1963b;Walker 1967). In contrast, studentpoliticalmovements in the other threesituationsdefinedby our typologytend to diminishand eventually die out, since they lack stronguniversity student government, national student unions, or party-recruitment channels to which they could link themselves.Typically,such movementsare essentiallygenerationalphenomena,and disappearoftenin a radicallyshorttime,as supporters of the movement careers. graduateand move into nonpolitical
CONCLUSIONS
We have attemptedto provide a framework for the comparativeanalysis ofinstitutionalized studentpoliticsby emphasizing the linksbetweenthe largerpolitical environment and the university political setting.This apofpredominant forms ofstudent proachhelpsto accountforthe persistence the political activity in various national settings.Further,by defining we are able characteristics and boundariesof such institutionalized forms, studentpolitics to accountforsome characteristics of noninstitutionalized in these different settings. One major hypothesis whichour analysis suggestsis that,wherethe institutionalized formsof student politics are closely linked to university as in Latin America, government and adult political career recruitment, studentdemandsformajor changesin societyare moreeasilyincorporated as and expressedwithinthe existing,"legitimate"studentorganizations, part of theirinstitutionalized roles. In the United States, and to some extentin Britain,demandsformajor societal changeare of necessity beyond studentpolitithe purviewofthe localized and relatively insularuniversity 93
AmericanJournalof Sociology cal organizations. This means that studentprotesters in the lattersettings tend to recruitthose withoutspecificpolitical career goals, and seek to createnovel,ad hoc organizations to carryout theiractivities.The lack of structural links to university studentgovernment or to national political partiesofsuchorganizations weakenstheir impactand failsto constrain their tendencies towardextremism. In the Latin Americanand, to some extent, in the French cases, the stronger structural linkages between university and/ornationalpoliticsprovidea stronger basis forthe organization ofproofthe protest movement's test,and increasethe probability partialsuccess, or else its incorporation into and thus ideological moderationby existing politicalorganizations.
REFERENCES Alexander, RobertJ. 1965.LatinAmerican Politics and Government. New York: Harper Berger, BennettM. 1960. "How Long Is a Generation?" British Journal of Sociology 11:10-23. Bonilla,Frank. 1959. "Students in Politics:ThreeGenerations of PoliticalActionin a Latin American University." Ph.D. dissertation, HarvardUniversity. . 1960. "The Student ofChile:Fifty Federation Years ofPoliticalAction."Journal ofInter-American Studies 2:311-34. Bowen,William G. 1964.Economic Aspects ofEducation. Princeton, N.J.: Industrial RelationsSection, Princeton University. Cain, LeonardD., Jr.1964."LifeCourseand Social Structure." In Handbook ofModern Sociology, editedby RobertE. L. Faris. Chicago:Rand McNally. Canton,Dario. 1966.El Parlamento Argentino en epocasdecambio:1890,1916 y 1946. BuenosAires:Editorialdel Instituto TorcuatoDi Tella. Cloward, RichardA., and LloydE. Ohlin.1960.Delinquency and Opportunity: A Theory ofDelinquent Gangs.New York: Free Press. Derber,Charles,and RichardFlacks. 1967. "An Exploration of Radical StudentActivists and TheirParents."Paper delivered at the annualmeetings oftheAmerican Sociological Assn.,San Francisco, August28-31. Mimeographed. Dix, RobertH. 1967. Columbia: The PoliticalDimensions of Change. New York: Yale University Press. Doggan, Mattei. 1961. "PoliticalAscentin a Class Society:FrenchDeputies, 18701958." In PoliticalDecision-Makers, editedby Dwaine Marvick.Glencoe,Ill.: Free Press. Ellison,Fred P. 1964."The Writer." In Continuity and Change in LatinAmerica, edited by John J. Johnson. Calif.:Stanford Stanford, Press. University Eulau, Heinz, et al. 1959. "The PoliticalSocialization of American State Legislators." In Legislative Behavior, editedby JohnC. Wahlkeand Heinz Eulau. Glencoe,Ill.: Free Press. . 1961."CareerPerspectives ofAmerican StateLegislators." In Political DecisionMakers, editedby Dwaine Marvick.Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Feuer,LewisS. 1967. "The Student Leftin theU.S.A.," Survey 62 (January):90-103. Fields,A. Belden. 1967. "The FrenchStudentUnion."Paper presented at Conference on Students and Politics, San Juan,March27-31. Mimeographed. Flacks,Richard.1967."The Liberated Generation: An Exploration oftheRoots ofStudentProtest."Journal ofSocial Issues 23 (July):52-75. Gillin,JohnP. 1960. "Some Signposts forPolicy." In Social Change in Latin America Today,editedby RichardAdamset al. New York: VintageBooks. Glazer,Myron.1968."Student Politics in a ChileanUniversity." Daedalus97 (Winter): 99-115.
& Row.
94
Student Politics
Goldrich, Daniel. 1966. Sons of theEstablishment. Chicago: Rand McNally. Guttsman, W. L. 1965. The British Political Elite. London: MacGibbon & Kee. Hall, Harry S. 1956. "Scientists and Politicians." Bulletin oftheAtomicScientists12 (February):46-52. Reprinted in Professwonalization, edited by Howard M. Vollmer and Donald L. Mills. 1966. Englewood Cliffs,N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Halsey, A. H., and Steven Marks. 1968. "British Student Politics." Daedalus 97 (Winter): 116-36. Harding, Timothy. 1968. The University, Politics and Development in Contemporary Latin America. Latin American Research Program, Research Seminar series no. 3. Riverside: University of California. Heberle, Rudolf. 1951. "The Problem of Political Generations." In Social Movements. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Hennessy, Alistair. 1967. "University Students in National Politics." In The Politics of Conformity in Latin America, edited by Claudio Veliz. London: Oxford University Press. Jacob, Herbert. 1962. "Initial Recruitment of Elected Officialsin the U.S.-a Model." Journal of Politics 24:703-16. Keniston, Kenneth. 1967a. "The Sources of Student Dissent." Journal of Social Issues 23 (July): 108-37. 1967b. The Uncommitted: Altenated Youth in American Society. New York: Delta. Kornberg, Allan, and Norman Thomas. 1965. "The Political Socialization of National Legislative Elites in the United States and Canada." Journal of Politics 27:761-75. La Ponce, J. A. 1961. The Government of theFifthFrenchRepublic. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1963. Political Man. New York: Anchor Books. . 1967. "University Students and Politics in Underdeveloped Countries." In StudentPolitics, edited by Seymour Martin Lipset. New York: Basic Books. . 1968. "Students and Politics in Comparative Perspective." Daedalus 97 (Winter):1-20. Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Philip G. Altbach. 1967. "Student Politics and Higher Education in the United States." In StudentPolitics, edited by Seymour Martin Lipset. New York: Basic Books. MacRae, Duncan, Jr. 1967. Parliament, Parties and Society in France, 1946-1958. New York: St. Martin's. Martz, John D. 1966. Accion Democratica. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UniversityPress. Marvick, Dwaine, and Charles R. Nixon. 1961. "Recruitment Contrasts in Rival Campaign Groups." In Political Decision-Makers, edited by Dwaine Marvick. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Newfield,Jack. 1967. A PropheticMinority.Toronto: New American Library. Patch, Richard W. 1961. "Fidelismo in Peruvian Universities." Amerwan Universities Field StaffReports.West Coast South America Series, vol. 8 (January and February). Petras, James. 1968. "Revolution and Guerilla Movements in Latin America: Venezuela, Guatemala, Colombia and Peru." In Latin America: Reformor Revolution?edited by James Petras and Maurice Zeitlin. Greenwich,Conn.: Fawcett. Pinner, Frank A. 1964. "Student Trade-Unionism in France, Belgium and Holland: AnticipatorySocialization and Role-seeking." Sociologyof Education 37 (Spring): 1-23. . 1968. "Tradition and Transgression: Western European Students in the Postwar World." Daedalus 97 (Winter): 137-55. Ranney, Austin. 1965. Pathways to Parliament. Madison: Universityof Wisconsin Press. Ridley, F. 1963. "The French Educational System: Policy and AdministrativeAspects." Political Studies 11 (June): 178-202. Rose, Richard. 1964. Politics in England. Boston: Little, Brown. Scherz-Garcia, Luis. 1967. "Relations between Public and Private Universities." In Elites in Latin America, edited by Seymour M. Lipset and Aldo Solari. New York: Oxford UniversityPress. Scott, Robert E. 1968. "Political Activism in Latin America." Daedalus 97 (Winter): 70-98.
95
American Journal ofSociology

LesterG. 1961. "PoliticalRecruitment Seligman, and PartyStructure: A Case Study." Western PoliticalQuarterly 55:77-86. inthePolitical Edward.1960."The Intellectuals oftheNewStates." Shils, Development Politics12 (April): World 329-68. Kalman H. 1964. "The University Student."In Continuity and Change Silvert, in Latin America, editedby John Calif.: Stanford J. Johnson. Stanford, University Press. Neil. 1962.Theory Behavior. Smelser, ofCollective New York: Free Press. Spencer, David. 1965a. "The Impact oftheCuban Revolution on Latin American StudentPolitics."In Student Politics in LatinAmerica, editedby David Spencer. United StatesNationalStudent Assn. . 1965b."The Role of Youth and StudentGroupsin Latin American Political Parties."In Student Politics in LatinAmerica, edited byDavid Spencer. United States NationalStudent Assn. L. Craise. 1967. "Commitment Trent,JamesW., and Judith and Conformity in the American College."Journal ofSocial Issues 23 (July): 34-51. of the University Walker,KennethN. 1967. "A Comparison Reform in Movements and Colombia."In Student Argentina by Seymour Martin Politics, edited Lipset.New York: Basic Books. on StudentPoliticalOrientations." . 1968. "Family and University Influences Mimeographed. J. 1968.Student Richard Politics in Argentina. Walters, New York: Basic Books. Ian. 1967. TheEnglish PublicSchools:TheSociology Weinberg, New ofEliteEducation. York: Atherton. In Student Worms, Jean-Pierre. Movement." 1967."The French Student edited Politics, MartinLipset.New York: Basic Books. by Seymour Zeldin,Theodore.1967. "HigherEducation in France, 1848-1940."Journalof Con2 (3):53-80. temporary History
96

The University of Chicago Press

Transféré par

Informations du document

Titre original

Copyright

Formats disponibles

Partager ce document

Partager ou intégrer le document

Options de partage

Avez-vous trouvé ce document utile ?

Ce contenu est-il inapproprié ?

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

The University of Chicago Press

Transféré par

Droits d'auteur :

Formats disponibles

Student Politics and Political Systems: Toward a Typology Author(s): Ian Weinberg and Kenneth N.

Politicsand PoliticalSystems: Student Towarda Typology

"age statusasynchronization" (1964,p. 288).

If we considerthe formaland culturalproperties of political systems, we mean such attributes as:

......................... High Low.........................

UnitedStates ................... GreatBritain ................... ........................ Norway Austria ......................... France.........................

Early 1950s 1961-62 1961 1958-59 1961-62

31.0 25.0 25.0 8.0 5.5

For example, see HarryS. Hall (1956).

American Journal ofSociology

Vous aimerez peut-être aussi