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Pakistan's First Independent Weekly Paper | October 9-15, 2009 | Vol. XXI, No. 34

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Archives October 9-15, 2009 | Vol. XXI, No. 34

The worst dictator


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Arsalan Raja Renowned journalist and columnist Abbas Athar talks to Arsalan Raja about his life and times bbas Athar is one of Pakistan's well-known, senior journalists. He has deep insight not only into current affairs but also into the past. I began my interview by asking him about his career. He narrates the story in these words. "It started in 1964, when Nazir Naji, another journalist, introduced me to Shaukat Siddiqui, the news editor of the daily Anjam Karachi. Siddiqui Sahib offered me a job at the newspaper, which I accepted. In those days, people with a background in literature were preferred in journalism. I was a poet, which helped my entry into this profession. Hence I started my forty-five year-long career as an apprentice subeditor. Then I moved to Lahore the next year to join the daily Imrooz as a sub editor." Athar has always had progressive leanings. Therefore, he joined a trade union to fight for the rights of the journalist community. "In 1970, I was elected the secretary general of the PPL Workers Union. AD Chaudhry was its President. The late Abbas Athar (left) with Abdul Qadir Hassan and sixties was the time when people, especially the working and Mujiburrahman Shami middle classes, were getting united against exploitation, and political awareness had motivated society to raise its voice. So PUFJ gave a strike call in support of the wage board award and we responded positively. Although we were able to force the management to accept our demands, the result was not good for us as eleven workers were dismissed with immediate effect. Apart from myself, other journalists also included IA Rehman, Abdullah Malik, Hameed Akhtar, Minhaj Barna and Mehmood Butt among others.

Abbas Athar

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Barna and Mehmood Butt among others.

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In 1971 I joined Azad, another Urdu daily, as the chief news editor along with IA Rehman, Abdullah Malik and Hameed Akhtar. After a year, we left Azad and started our own daily Sadaqat. The experiment was a great success, as within no time its circulation multiplied, but we were forced to shut it down because of a financial crunch. In 1973, I opted to join the daily Musawaat as executive editor." And then comes the period of Islamisation and years of lashes for those who dared to stand against Gen Zia who toppled the government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the most popular leader of Pakistan until today. Abbas Athar was no exception.

The historic Lahore Press Club

"I spent a year and a half in jail and in the notorious Shahi Qilla (Lahore) in two instalments of six months and one year each. The first time, I was jailed for publishing 'If I Am Assassinated', the book written by ZA Bhutto during his imprisonment. The second time, I was imprisoned because the government had banned the daily Musawaat, but we started publishing the newspaper with the title of Piyam-e-Quaid from the same press without fearing the consequences." I asked Athar about his activities in periods when he was out of prison. "In 1977, I was elected president of the Lahore Press Club, a position which I retained for four consecutive years. I kept writing for various newspapers under pseudonyms, because it was the most suffocating period of Pakistan's history, and journalists were the special targets of arbitrarily defined laws." As the political turmoil worsened with each passing day and the General used every possible method to silence all dissent, Abbas chose to fly to the United States, where he successfully applied for political asylum. "I travelled to America in 1981 where I stayed for the next eight years. After obtaining a US work permit, I worked in various capacities, such as in a travel agency. After some time, my wife and children also joined me there." In 1988, like thousands of others, Athar decided it was time to return home, as the General was no more, although his legacy is still visible everywhere in abundance. "In 1988, I returned home and joined daily Nawa-i-Waqt as the chief news editor. In 1990, I joined the daily Pakistan as an editor but left the newspaper within a year. Then, I moved to Sahafat, an eveninger, again as an editor, where I started writing columns. But after a sojourn of two and a half years, in 1993 I returned to Nawa-i-Waqt as chief news editor and regular contributor to the column 'Kankrian'. And in 2006, the daily Express became my next stopover where I was its group editor." I asked Athar if he thought the journalist of today was free of shackles and was independent.
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"Today's journalist is free and in fact sovereign. He has no restrictions imposed upon him, and no code of conduct. He is free to topple any government by writing and saying anything he chooses to. There is just no law or regulation to run and manage affairs. There are some media groups that are hell-bent on interfering in each and every matter. They discuss everything without considering the context. No one is talking about the real issues." "The same story is being harped on by making a hue and cry over President Zardari's recent statement regarding a deal to give safe passage to former president Gen (R) Pervez Musharraf. Everyone knows the role that all-powerful internal and external actors play in our national politics. This entire episode was witnessed by a hundred and sixty million people. But again, we are afraid of the truth. No one can deny the role and interests of various actors. In politics, you have to compromise. It has become the fashion to criticise others without caring about the results obtained. And, of course, no alternative is ever presented. All the noise is being made because Mr Zardari dared to describe what had happened." "No one is talking about the problems of ninety per cent of our population which have been binned as non-issues." It seems that the 'historic instinct' of bashing the PPP and its leaders is running unchecked in the blood of the right wing. Old habits die hard. Anyway, I asked about the reasons behind the trend that has engulfed the media. He replied spontaneously. "Various publishing houses and media groups are promoting their own agendas. They are trying to knock down everyone who gets in their way. They want to replace the government and govern themselves, without sharing any responsibility. I have suggested quite a few times that, given the entire hullabaloo, the government should constitute a committee consisting of the heads of four or five media groups and decide all important matters after their approval. They are not going to stop now after getting the freedom to do anything they want. "There are some examples of how they have forced decisions on the government. Let's take the Lal Masjid episode. All the TV channels were making a mockery of the Musharraf regime for losing its writ even in the federal capital. Musharraf responded positively, but requested them not to show the dead bodies. And when the government forced its way in, the same media started yelling about the atrocities against the innocent and unarmed students. It again raised the alarm about the Taliban reaching Islamabad after they entered Buner. Although before that, most of the media personalities were praising the Taliban's justice. And the same story is being repeated. Once in a meeting with Gen (R) Pervez Musharraf after he had relinquished the status of the Chief of Army Staff, I said to him, 'You have committed many sins against the country but the freedom given to the media is the biggest one. It will neither allow the country to progress nor any government to implement its policies in letter and spirit'. He was able to understand this but it was just too late." And what about the journalists? Are they playing their part according to the rules? "They are also www.thefridaytimes.com/cgi-bin/tftstoryfeatures.pl doing the same as their owners. They are interested only in forwarding their
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"They are also doing the same as their owners. They are interested only in forwarding their personal agendas and programmes. There is no policy for all the journalists or TV anchors to follow. It is total chaos. It is the outcome of the electronic media which has made the role of an editor obsolete, as it is always in search of news, whether important or not." I raised the point that if one has to strictly follow an organisational policy, then a journalist is bound to lose his or her freedom. "In reality, journalists have to pursue written or unwritten guidelines. There is no escaping the fact, whether a media house is promoting Jihad or something else." "It is nearly impossible to obtain a media which is truly independent and is people-friendly in nature. There were restrictions and these will remain so in the future." Then what is the solution? "We desperately need a code of conduct which should define roles and responsibilities. Otherwise, the media, instead of creating awareness in society, will cause more frustration and confusion among the people, who are already clueless about what to do and where to go. Sadly it has become a self-destructive exercise." I asked Athar to rank the four Generals who ruled us for decades and stifled our lives. "Without any doubt General Zia is the worst. The Chinese puzzle that we are still unable to solve is his creation. He stopped the country from moving forward on the path towards which ZA Bhutto was trying to navigate the country

Bhutto was a visionary leader who wanted Pakistan to become a modern, progressive and secular state. But the 5th of July 1977 is the day when we started a new journey in the opposite direction. Look what we got. All this Talibanisation, hate, widening inequality and illconceived future are Zia's legacies. The next one is Musharraf who bowed down after a single phone call and the country was taken hostage by the terrorists. The problem is that when all power is concentrated in one hand it tends to corrupt even the noblest. Given the realities we have to live with, the Army is one of the main players, which cannot be denied. If we had an elected government and a Parliament, the situation would have been different. Even the Americans were astonished when Musharraf accepted all their demands without any reservations or terms and conditions. I am not saying that Talibanisation is not a threat. It is, and the biggest one. But the way it has been handled is not praiseworthy. The third one is Yahya Khan for his sheer ignorance and treatment of East Pakistanis that resulted in the December 16 debacle. And the last but not the least is the first General who captured the throne. He started the whole unwanted saga of military interventions. There was some economic development. He was a dictator but not a Hulagu Khan." Athar Abbas is very perturbed by the prevailing irrationality and lack of logical debate.
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debate.

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"There is no place for logic or reasoning or valid arguments. It is just as if those, who are supposed to propagate the message of freethinking based upon wisdom and knowledge, are playing a game to attract the crowd." But there is no space for logical or rational debate while the instinct to find the truth is also missing in society. It is contracting with each passing moment. So how can the media remain isolated from its surroundings? Or is it just reflecting the sad ground reality? "We are here to lead the people by providing them information, knowledge and education, and not vice versa. It's true that it is moving the other way around to get popular approval but it is not right, it needs to be changed." But again the question remains. Why is the media not up to the mark? "The right wing is occupying most of the space, as eighty per cent of the media is its representative, which of course negates reasoning, debate or logic." I also asked about the social alienation prevailing in society, especially the counterproductive role that the middle class is playing.

"Just tell me where the middle class is? We have lost that thing long ago. Now all we have are the ten per cent who exploit or are collaborating in the process, and the remaining ninety per cent who are being subjugated. The gulf is continuing to widen, and we don't know when it will end. And that is the danger. I fear it will explode, as people are getting desperate given the fact there is no one offering any remedy or solution. It again brings the media into discussion, as it is highlighting the darker side without suggesting or talking about solutions. People are watching all this in their homes. It is multiplying their anxiety. We have two poles resulting in alienation. The great majority have no voice as they are nowhere. The exploiters are getting richer, amassing all that is in their sight, while the ex-middle class that was hopeful to remain in the contest is now fighting for its survival." As he was active in the turbulent years before 1971, I asked what the media was doing then. It is all the more important given the fact that all the righteous ones, who were shouting against the Bengalis at the tops of their voices, are now saying that the people in former East Pakistan were being oppressed. "It was doing what it is doing right now. But it was just impossible to talk about the truth because of the dictatorship. An example is sufficient to prove my point. Abdullah Malik used the word Bangladesh in a public meeting. He was imprisoned immediately. The military officer while awarding the sentence said, 'I would like to lash your body as a punishment but you are too old; therefore, I am going to spare you.' When he was asked about the headline: " Idhar hum, udhar tum," he replied "Adressing a public gathering in Nishter Park, Karachi, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, referring to Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, had said: "Udhar tum jeeto ho, idhar mai. Udhar tumhari taqaat hai, idhar meri."

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meri."

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The following day, we published a headline "Udhar tum, idhar hum" in daily Azad. One must remember the fact that our newspaper used to have objective headlines Yes, I had developed this headline, but it did not carry the same meaning as claimed by the right-wing. After the December 16 debacle, the right-wing started clamoring that it was Bhutto who was responsible for the tragic happening. But they easily forget that the operation was not ordered by Bhutto and it was General Yahya who was in power. I interrupted and asked "What about the fuss about Bhutto's role in East Pakistan's secession?" I have said that Bhutto had no role in the tragedy. When Yahya asked Bhutto to travel to Dhaka for discussions with Mujeeb, he (Yahya) left Bhutto alone at the top floor of the Intercontinental Hotel, from where the Dhan Mandi area was clearly visible. Bhutto saw, with his own eyes whole night's operation. When he returned to Lahore, the journalists asked him about the latest developments. As Bhutto was very disturbed after witnessing the killings, he said:"Khuda Pakistan ko bachiye" Only daily Musawat did not twist his words. But the APP maneouvered the statement so that it conformed to the State line.:"Khuda nay Pakistan ko bacha liya." Bhutto did not agree to Mujeeb's Six Points, as he thought that the scheme meant to divide the country into five parts. He repeatedly asked Mujeeb to negotiate and modify his stance. He said to Mujeeb that he should not forget that there are three forces: Awawi League, PPP and the Army. ZA Bhutto is vehemently attacked for his alleged opposition to a strong centre as opposed to a strong federation and even the right-wing now cites the Balochistan operation in this regard. He smiled and said: firstly, the army planned and carried out the operation. It was 'Shaheed' Nawab Akbar Bugti, who was then the governer of the province and it was claimed that the separatist Baloch were going to announce independence. I would like to repeat only one thing. It was Nawab Akbar Bugti who was the governer of Balochistan during the operation. In "If I am Assasinated," Bhutto had mentioned that he wanted to release the prisoners, detained in connection with the Hyderbad Conspiracy case, but Zia forced him not to do so. But some days after Zia overthrew the popular government, he released all the detained persons. Even in the years before the first military dictatorship, the media failed to advocate the case of democracy and the constitution. "It has never represented the people's interests. It has never been among the priorities." Did you ever participate in union activities at school or college? He laughed and said. "I was a backbencher. I never paid attention to such things. This is the reason why I cannot deliver speeches. In fact I am afraid of the camera. It is Mr Sultan Lakhani who turned me into a stage actor. I was resisting his offer to anchor a current affairs www.thefridaytimes.com/cgi-bin/tftstoryfeatures.pl

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Lakhani who turned me into a stage actor. I was resisting his offer to anchor a current affairs show. But when he saw me in a programme with Talat Hussain of Aaj TV, he persuaded me, saying, 'You were doing a wonderful job.' That's how I started the ongoing TV programme on Express TV." He may be critical of his surroundings but the profession he had selected some decades back is now in his blood. "The media is my life. I cannot live without it. I have given all that I had to this profession without any regrets."

Arsalan Raja lives in Lahore

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