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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thomas, Jim, 19414oing critical ethnography 67 i" *ho"as. p. c". 89:ualitative research "ethods ; v. '.< Includes bibliographical re erences. IS/N ,35,39339''31 9cl<. 8 IS/N ,35,39339'33= 9pb< I. Sociology82ethodology. '. &thnology82ethodology. Scries. >2'(.*)( 1993
3,?.,18dc', 9'333,.'

I. *itle. II.

CIP 93 9( 9) 9. 1, 9 5 @ . ) ( 3 ' 1

Sage Production &ditorA *ara S. 2ead BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

CO T! T"
&ditorsV Introduction Pre ace 1 +esisting 4o"estication . Critical and Conventional &thnography A Wal! on the Wild Side Conte"porary &thnographyA A Culture3Studying Culture Ideal Speech Acts and +epressive Co""unication &thnography as Science ' /eginning to *hin! Critically . Critical &thnography as 2etaphor Con ronting XYalue3Zree[ Zacts Variations on a Critical *he"e 2ar\ian3]riented Approaches P vii 1 3 @ 1, 13 1. 1@ 19 '1 72 '9

Conclusion 3 I"ple"enting Critical &thnography . ]ntology Selecting a Critical *opic 2ethods Interpretation and Analysis 4iscourse +e lection ( Conclusion &"pirical Application . Prisoner -itigation and &\istential +ebellion *he Yiolence o +acial 2eanings in Prison Culture In 4e ense o the Co"puter 0nderground Conclusion ) ConclusionA *ric!s, *raps, and 2oving /eyond . *raps and *ric!s Why /e Critical^
Conclusion *his ]ne 1>/C3P+1371

31 33 33 3( 1@ (3 () (. (@ (5 (5 )1 )) ., .1 .' .5

7' +

r0,Y

PREFACE

Critical ethnography is a way of applying a subversive !"#$!%&'' worldview to t(e conventional logic of cultural in)uiry* It does not stand in opposition to conventional
ethnography. +ather, it o ers a "ore direct style o thin!ing about the relationships a"ong !no$ledge, society, and political action. *he central pre"ise is that one can be both scienti ic and critical, and that ethnographic description o ers a po$er ul "eans o criti`uing culture and the role o research $ithin it.66666666 ! " # $% $% % &$!'('% &' &)$* ! '% $ !"'% ) !&$+, -- &" " $ &# + &"('% % &."& % /$ & &' 0&'1 ' 2 ' ! 3/&', '% #&' # $ % )#. &'$#% #%1 # ' &" " 3)$# $"& ' '% )!+% #! '% " )% $"& &4 ), Although the disciplinary in luences here include anthropology, history, philosophy, and education, t(e sociological perspective do+inates. *his re lects in part "y o$n training and current pro essional interests, and in part the greater body o ethnographic literature $ith $hich I a" "ost a"iliar. >o$ever, I consider such disciplinary ruptures arbitrary8 even violent8to the e\tent that oneVs intellectual tradition re lects ad"inistrative divisions and acade"ic depart"ents, rather than any necessary analytic boundary bet$een core ideas and research practice.

*hroughout, I have tried to convey that critical ethnography derives

ro" a

long tradition o social science, and I have included early practitioners

liberally lest their legacy be orgotten. Collapsing an array o co"ple\ ideas into a short volu"e ris!s oversi"pli ication; I have cited sources $here ideas are developed "ore ully in order to encourage $ould3be critical researchers to begin developing an appreciation or eclecticis". Writing proaects are the product o a repertory cast o bac!stage critics, secondary contributors, supportive pcrsonac, and !ey grips. I a" indebted to the entire ense"ble, $hich includes 7ohn Yan 2aanen, 2itch Allen, 2arc 2iller, Phyllis Cunningha", &leanor %od rey, Al Zutrell, >arry 2i!a, 7ac! +hoads, >erbert +ubin, 1athleen 1c""erling, 7i" &d$ards, Zred Sey"our, and Northern Illinois 0niversityVs co"puter gurus, especially Yance 2oore, Neal +ic!crt, and 7oanne ]V4onnell. Sharon /oehle cldVs assistance $as typically invaluable. As usual, Peter 2anningVs suggestions and support e\ceed $hat can be ac!no$ledged in a sentence. BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

&4I*]+SV IN*+]40C*I]N *he `uestion o XWhat other^[ is central in all `ualitative research, because the other re lects bac! upon the sel to $hich it is relevant or salient. :ualitative $or! involves in various degrees o inti"acy the display o the sel 9the $riter< and the other 9the subaect<. *he other is so"eti"es oneVs sel seen ro" another perspective. *his "eans that a shi t in perspective "eans a shi t in the other. Perhaps ethnography has the capacity to produce perspectives because, as 7i" *ho"as $rites here, the culture o ethnography is a culture o people studying, $riting about, thin!ing about, and tal!ing to other people. Critical ethnography e"erges $hen "e"bers o a culture o ethnography beco"e re lective and as! not only XWhat is this^[ but also XWhat could this be^[ 7i" *ho"as $rites persuasively about ho$ to sustain a critical perspective 9Xresisting do"estication[<, beginning lo thin! critically, and i"ple"enting critical ethnographies, but he reali#es his purpose best in his inal chapter, in $hich he illustrates critical ethnography $ith his o$n studies o the social organi#ation o prisons and Xdeviant[ co"puter practices. *ho"asVs analysis o violence is inti"ately re lective and sho$s ho$ stereotypic racial thin!ing and practices are built into the social structure o the prison and ho$ these, as captured in his analysis, reproduce racist practices a"ong both people o color and others in the prison. +ather than seeing blac!s as violent, *ho"as argues that the $hile ad"inistrative and control structure 9including aob assign"ent and trans er practices< sustains racial divisions and racial violence, and that blac! gangs and violence are a response to these practices. *ho"as cautions against acile studies, urges `ualitative researchers to avoid traps, and sho$s ho$ to do it. *he ot5er o interest in this boo! is both the other o those not doing critical ethnography 9ho$ do they di er^< and the other o prisoners and hac!ers $ho represent societyVs vie$ o the" as violent, as cri"inals and deviants. +e lection on the sy"bolic "eaning o these groups suggests that $hen one loo!s Xbac![ one

sees 5o61 or the causes o these ine`uities, as $ell as X or$ard[ to illu"inate alternative courses o action. Peter 1. 2anning 7ohn Yan 2aancn 2arc -. 2iller P BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

,
elongated piece o $hite calciu" carbonate.[ She $as atte"pting to de"onstrate ho$ language and action co"bine to or" "eaning, and ho$ labels are a po$er ul "echanis" in li"iting cognition. She $as $aiting or so"ebody to rise ro" his or her scat, ta!e the chal!, and $rite on the blac!board as a "eans o de"onstrating the meanin7 o the chal!3*o her pleasure, a uture critical sociologist8one $ho had atte"pted to lin! course content to socially relevant issues8rose ro" his chair, slo$ly $al!ed do$n the tier o steps to the dais, and gently re"oved the chal! ro" her hand. She see"ed pleased that the Xtrouble"a!er[ understood her point. /ut instead o $al!ing to the blac!board, the stu3 dent turned, gave the class a big grin, and then turned bac! to the pro essor and bro!e the chal! in hal . >e thre$ the chal! at her eet, raised his right hand $ith the "iddle inger e\tended, and $hispered, XZuc! youb[ >e then returned to his seat. *here appeared to be a con lict over "eaning.

Zor the pro essor, the chal!Vs "eaning $as li"ited to a pedagogical techni`ue and a "eans o co""unication that $ould be de"onstrated by $riting $ith it. Zor the student, the chal! "ore broadly signi ied rustration $ith the class and $ith an educational syste" that see"ed irrelevant to conte"porary proble"s. >is per or"ance translated into action the educational dissatis action or $hich the chal! stood. /rea!ing the chal! sy"boli#ed his re lection on the "oral di"ensions o pedagogy, the relationship bet$een resistance and ac`uiescence to po$er and authority, and the relationship o !no$ledge to broader political `uestions. *he chal! and the act o brea!ing it beca"e an icon or the proble"s and issues o the ti"es. Zollo$ing sociologists be ore hi", he began as!ing. X1no$ledge or $hat^[ 9-ynd, 1939619@,<, XWhose side arc $e on^[ 9/ec!er, 19.@<, XWhy canVt social scientists be partisans^[ 9%ouldner, 19.5<, and XWhy should $e be content to understand the $orld instead o trying to change it^[ 91.2ar\, 15(.619@(,p. 1'3<.>e $as no longer $illing to ollo$ Su"nerVs ad"onition to "ind his o$n business. >e $as beco"ing critical.

Critical et(nograp(y is a type of reflection t(at e-a+ines culture. /nowledge. and action* It e-pands our (ori0ons for c(oice and widens our e-periential capacity to see. (ear. and feel* It deepens and s(arpens et(ical co++it+ents by forcing us to develop and act upon value co++it+ents in t(e conte-t of political agendas. 6666 Critical ethnographers describe,
analy#e, and open to scrutiny other$ise hidden agendas, po$er BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

DO# $ C%#T#C&L !T' O$%&P'(

J#) T'O)&" 1ort(ern Illinois 2niversity 1. RESISTING DOMESTICATION I the social doctors $ill "ind their o$n business, $e shall have no troubles but $hat belong to Nature. *hose $e $ill endure or co"bat as $e can. What $e desire is, that the riends o hu"anity should cease to add to the".... *here "ight be developed a grand philosophy on the basis o "ind ing oneVs o$n business. 9Su"ner, 1553. pp. 1'1 31''; e"phasis added< 8et6een 9ons9io:sness and e;isten9e stand meanin7s and desi7ns and 9omm:ni9ations 65i95 ot5er men 5a<e =assed on>first1 in 5:man s=ee95 itse?f1 and ?ater1 @A t5e mana7ement of sAm@o?s, BCi??s1 DEF71 =, GHIJ
While an undergraduate at 2ichigan State 0niversity during the social unrest o the Yietna" War and civil rights struggles o the late 19.,s, I too! a course ro" a hu"anist social science pro essor $ho tal!ed only about course content and re used to consider the relevance o the "aterial to conte"porary issues. 4uring one o her lectures to the ),, or so students in the class, she held up a piece o chal! and as!ed, XWhat is this^[ *he responses variedA Xchal!,[ Xa $riting i"ple"ent,[ Xan

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centers, and assu"ptions that inhibit, repress, and constrain. Critical scholarship re`uires that co""onsense assu"ptions be `uestioned.

2ost o us live in $hat Schut# 919@'< calls a Xta!en or granted[ reality, by $hich he "eans Xthat particular level o e\perience that presents itsel as not in need o urther analysis[ 9p. @(<. *his ta!en3 or3granted $orld o ten see"s too con using, too po$er ul, or too "ysterious to slice beneath appearances, and it is not al$ays easy to see clearly, let alone address, the unda"ental proble"s o social e\istence that $e con ront daily. ]ur culture entraps us in co""on sense and "ultiply seg"ented $orlds in $hich Xreality[ includes a variety o "echanis"s or assuring social har"ony and con or"ity to interactional nor"s, organi#ational rules, institutional patterns, and ideological concepts 9/erger c -uc!"ann, 19.@, pp. 193'5, )33))<. +itualistic social greetings can si"ultaneously invite others to interact $ith us or to "aintain their distance; social roles provide cues or action $hile constraining or proscribing it; language both reveals and conceals; and even the "ost benign cultural sy"bols "ay possess potential threats. We create "eanings and choose courses o action $ithin the con ines o generally accepted e\isting choices, but these choices o ten re lect hidden "eanings and unrecogni#ed conse`uences. Conventional social science is one $ay to shed light on these proble"s. So"e social scientists go a step urther and engage in critical research that is e\plicitly political, yet rigorously scienti ic. Although not inherently better than conventional research, it provides insights about unda"ental `uestions o social e\istence o ten ignored by other approaches. Critical and Conventional Et(nograp(y /ecause ethnography traditionally has been associated $ith a potential critical "andate, distinct boundaries separating $ell3done ethnography ro" critical scholarship are o ten blurry. Critical ethnography is a style o analysis and discourse e"bedded $ithin conventional ethnography. As a conse`uence, critical and conventional ethnographers share several unda"ental characteristics. A"ong these are reliance on `ualitative interpretation o data, core rules o ethnographic "ethods and analysis, adherence to a sy"bolic intcractionist paradig", and a pre 3 erence or developing Xgrounded theory[ 9%laser c Strauss, 19.@<. Nonetheless, several characteristics distinguish each ro" the other. BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

At its "ost general, 9on<entiona? et5no7ra=5A re ers to the tradition o cultural description and analysis that displays "eanings by interpreting "eanings. Kriti9a? et5no7ra=5A re ers to the re lective process o choosing bet$een conceptual alternatives and "a!ing value3laden audg"ents o "eaning and "ethod to challenge research, policy, and other or"s o hu"an activity 9*ho"as AC*2aolchatha, 1959, p. 1(@<. Conventional ethnography describes $hat is; critical ethnography as!s $hat could be. Critical ethnography is not aust criticis", $hich is a co"plaint $e "a!e $hen our eggs are too cold. Nor is it lo be con used $ith critical theory 9associated $ith the Zran! urt school<, $hich is a theory o capitalist society. Critical ethnography is conventional ethnography $ith a political purpose. Conventional ethnographers generally spea! for their subaects, usually to an audience o other researchers. Critical ethnographers, by contrast, accept an added research tas! o raising their voice to spea! to an audience on @e5a?f of their subaects as a "eans o e"po$ering the" by giving "ore authority to the subaectsd voice. As a conse`uence, critical ethnography proceeds ro" an e\plicit ra"e$or! that, by "odi ying consciousness or invo!ing a call to action, atte"pts to use !no$ledge or social change. Conventional ethnographers study culture or the purpose o describing it; critical ethnographers do so to change it. Conventional ethnographers recogni#e the i"possibility, even undesirability, o research ree o nor"ative and other biases, but believe that these biases are lo be repressed. Critical ethnographers instead celebrate their nor"ative and political position as a "eans o invo!ing social consciousness and societal change. Critical ethnography is "ore than aust the study o obviously oppressed or socially "arginal groups, because researchers audge that all cultural "e"bers e\perience unnecessary repression to so"e e\tent. Critical ethnographers use their $or! to aid e"ancipatory goals or to negate the repressive in luences that lead to unnecessary social do"ination o all groups. Lman9i=ation re ers to the process o separation ro" constraining "odes o thin!ing or acting that li"it perception o and action to$ard reali#ing alternative possibilities. Me=ression is the condition in $hich thought and action are constrained in $ays that banish recognition o these alternatives. Critical ethnography is si"ultaneously hcr"encutic and e"ancipatory. BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

culture beco"es another rei ied entity, li!e prices, social classes, "oney, society, the Slate, and si"ilar obaects o our current study. 9-ynd, 1939619@,, P3'1< AN &=A2P-& Z+]2 P+IS]N C0-*0+& As a $ay o distinguishing bet$een critical and conventional ethnography, consider the ollo$ing narrative 9describing an assault on a correctional o icer< ta!en ro" a 195. intervie$ I conducted $ith a prisonerA e*his guard $ouldl "ess $ith guys, and then heVd say, X%o ahead and beat "e.[ And one day, so"ebody ca"e up to hi" and hit hi" $ith a pipe, heVs got a plate in his head no$, 9laughs< and he $as lying on the loor, and blood $as gushing elaughsf, and he $as crying li!e a babyA XPlease donVt !ill "c, please donVt !ill "e.[ >e thought he $as going to die right there. In conventional interpretation, this beco"es an e\a"ple o the violent nature o prisoners or the vulnerability o prison sta to in"ate attac!. *hese "eanings arise ro" the presuppositions that violence is $rong, that prisons and those con ined in the" arc dangerous, or that prisoners have no right to resist $hat they perceive to be abusive sta conduct. Never has anyone $ith $ho" I have shared this snippet loo!ed beyond the i""ediate i"agery to as! ho$ the guard "ight be X"essing[ $ith in"ates, $hat other options or proble" solving arc available to prisoners, or $hat the unction o violence in prisons "ight be. ]ne could also as! ho$ such "atter3o 3 act portrayals o depressing events shape the researcherVs perception o the culture and the in or"ants, a conse`uence that al"ost i"pelled gablons!y 919.9, pp. 11', 11.< to ter"inate his study o hippies. *hese !inds o `uestions rarely are as!ed, and they are precisely the lines o in`uiry that, $hen ignored, tend to rein orce e\isting social i"ages o our subaect. Critical ethnographers, see!ing so"ething "ore, atte"pt to connect the X"eanings o the "eanings[ to broader structures o social po$er and control 9P ohl c %ordon, 195.<. ] all disciplines, ethnography perhaps is situated best to provide the tools or digging belo$ "undane sur ace appearances o the cultural basis o violence and other or"s o social e\istence to display a "ultiplicity o alternate "eanings. /ourdieu 91991< re"inds us that institutions o po$er lie behind behavior and cultural "eanings that construct and li"it choices, con er legiti"acy, and guide our daily routine. *his BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

5 $ith $hat lies $ithin this narro$ universe to e\a"ine ho$ its ri" is created and $hat lies beyond it. ]ur proble" is that $e are accusto"ed to our intellectual leash; $c have beco"e do"esticated.

4o"estication not only leads to a or" o benign ignorance, but also absolves us ro" certain !inds o social responsibilityA +acis" and se\is" are things other people engage in; cri"e is a proble" or police rather than partly a structural proble"; and solutions to proble"s are the do"ain o e\perts and govern"ent, not individuals. We have no sense o the big picture that $e eci is painted by so"ebody elseVs cultural brush, because $e are not taught a Xcritical consciousness[ 9Shor, 195,, p. (@<. Wc live in a reasonably literate in or"ation society, but $e lac! ull a$areness o the sy"bolic sources and processes that shape our daily lives, interactions $ith others, language, e\pectations, leisure ti"e, and other aspects o social e\istence. We are re"inded continually o cri"e, poverty, $ar, ho"clcssness, une"ploy"ent, and other social proble"s, and i $c are luc!y, they belong to so"ebody else. +esearchers study Xthings[ in isolation ro" their processes. We restrict observation to the internal character o a topic by na"ing $hat $e see and i"posing these na"es onto the data in the guise o obaective analytic categories; by saniti#ing our research o the pathos, oppression, or despair o the subaects; and by ailing to e\plore the ironic and e"ancipatory potential o our research. Conventional research is ta"ed, but at an intellectual cost. *he practice o all social science includes not only nor"s or gathering and processing data, but tacit rules that de ine ho$ the $orld is and should be. *hese rules and nor"s constitute a built3in ideology that gives a rather narro$ ocus o $hat is studied, and there is little inclination to "ove beyond. An ideo?o7A is a shared set o unda"ental belie s, altitudes, and assu"ptions about the $orld that austi y X$hat is.[ /ecause they provide the conceptual "achinery or `uestions as!ed or not as!ed, or the data $e gather or ignore, and or the interpretations $e choose as relevant to the e\clusion o those that are not, they are a unda"ental pre3conscious co"ponent o research. Social ideologies provide a shared syste" o sy"bols that reduce con lict and unction as a social control "echanis" by providing a noncoercive social glue that helps !eep things orderly. Conventional social science, ethnography included, tends not to resist the glue, $hich results in intellectual do"estication. Crit3 BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

9
teal scholars, a rather undo"esticated lot, are co""itted to `uestioning $hat the glue binds.

Ideologies ta"e us by constructing advance "eanings and austi ications or our actions and the actions o others. *hose attached to the legiti"acy o social roles 9X$o"en belong in the ho"e[<, social policies 9Xa ir"ative action is reverse discri"ination[<, social sanctions 9Xpunish"ent is necessary or social o enders[<, and econo"ic attitudes 9Xbuy A"erican[< are a e$ e\a"ples. All thought and language is, at root, ideological. It is noi that ideologies predeter"ine our culture and lives, but that $e generally do not recogni#e the e\tent to $hich $e are constrained socially by ideological predilections. *he proble", there ore, is not so "uch that $e adhere to a given set o ideological pre"ises, but rather that $e ail to recogni#e the distortion our ideological pre erences produce in our everyday li e. NOPLQRSTOU KMTVTWNL +e"iniscent o -yndsVs 91939619@,, pp. ','3'),< ironic Xoutrageous hypotheses,[ :n?eas5in7 connotes ta!ing the ris! o reeing ourselves ro" accepted interpretations, even i they are shoc!ing. Zor e\a"ple. *a\Vs 919@,, p. Ill< suggestion that "e"bers o a cannibalistic culture "ay have a right to eat each other raises the `uestion o ho$, as researchers, $e conceptuali#e and respond to practices that "ost persons consider repulsive. >is conclusion is that even repulsive practices have no signi icant bearing on ho$ researchers develop an understanding o the culture and its population. *o understand any culture, he argues, $e "ay have to begin by unchaining ourselves ro" our o$n assu"ptions and creating ne$ ones that correspond to the "eanings o our subaects. Critical researchers begin ro" the pre"ise that all cultural li e is in constant tension bet$een control and resistance. *his tension is re lected in behavior, interaction rituals, nor"ative syste"s, and social structure, all o $hich are visible in the rules, co""unication syste"s, and arti acts that constitute a given culture. Critical ethnography ta!es see"ingly "undane events, even repulsive ones, and reproduces the" in a $ay that e\poses broader social processes o control, ta"ing, po$er i"balance, and the sy"bolic "echanis"s that i"pose one set o pre erred "eanings or behaviors over others. BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

1, Conte"porary &thnographyA A C u l t u r e 3 S t u d y i n g Culture

&thnographers co""only dra$ their data ro" direct observations in icld$or!, leading to the generally accepted vie$ that ethnography is Xa research process in $hich the anthropologist closely observes, records, and engages in the daily li e o another culture8an e\perience labeled as the icld$or! "ethod8and then $rites accounts o this culture, e"phasi#ing descriptive detail1d 92arcus c Zischer, 195., p. 15<. *his de inition, ho$ever, is so"e$hat li"ited by disciplinary i"perialis" and casts the "eaning in the "ethod rather than in the purposes o research as `ualitative cultural description. Although "ost ethnographers gather data through syste"atic or participant observation, other techni`ues are also used to retrieve obaective "eanings ro" subaective cultural e\perience. &very single hu"an e\pression represents so"ething $hich is co""on to the "any and there ore pan or 9thef obaective "ind. &very $ord or sentence, every gesture or or" o politeness, every $or! o art and every historical deed are only understandable because the person e\pressing hi"sel and the person $ho understands hi" are connected by so"ething they have in co""on; the individual al$ays e\periences, thin!s, acts, and also understands, in this co""on sphere. 94ilthcy, 19'@, p. 1(.< *he detailed cine"atic descriptions o Zred Wise"an 9e.g.. CeatJX Studs *cr!clVs 919@(< intervie$s o $or!ing people, *ho"as and hnaniec!iVs 919'@< docu"entary analysis o Polish peasants, and the interpretation o television soap operas 9-onghurst, 195@<, clothes 9Cahill, 1959; 4avis, 1955<, suicide notes 97acobs, 19.@<, tattoos 9Seaton. 195@<, or the X"enace o "argarine[ 9/all c -illy, 195'< all rely on rich data sources. *here ore, a broader de inition see"s "ore appropriateA Lt5no7ra=5A is a 9:?m reYst:dAin7 9:?t:re, It consists o a body o !no$ledge that includes research techni`ues, ethnographic theory, and hundreds o cultural descriptions. It see!s tohuild a syste"atic understanding o all hu"an cultures ro" the perspective o those $ho have learned the". 9Spradlcy. 19@9. pp. 1,3 11; e"phasis added<
*his broader de inition e\pands access points into culture by supple"enting participant observation $ith additional data sources and strength3

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II
ens the ability o researchers to bring di erent analytic approaches to bear on their topics. *his e\panded de inition has e"erged $ith the evolution o the ethnographic tradition.

Conte"porary ethnographers in the 0nited States trace their recent roots ro" the /ritish anthropologists o the nineteenth century to the XChicago irregulars[ o the 19.,s 9Carey, 19@); Zaris, 19@,; Ir$in, 195@; 7. -o land, 195@; -. -o land. 195,; *ho"as, 1953<. *he Chicago school o ethnography o the 19',s $as both an ideological reaction to the gro$ing pro"inence o positivis" and an intellectual response to the neglected underclass o ChicagoVs Xsocially disorgani#ed[ urban areas. &arly Chicago ethnographers, ollo$ing Par!Vs counsel 919.@, pp. 333'< that urban areas arc a Xliving laboratory,[ ocused on ta\i3hall dancers 9Cressey, 193'<, slu"s 9horbaugh, 19'9<, transition in ethnic ghettos 9Wirth, 19'5<, hobos 9N. Anderson, 19'3<, cri"inals 9Sha$ c 2c1ay, 19'9; *hrasher, 19'@<, and other socially "arginal populations. *hey $ere critical or their ti"e because they subverted the traditional value3laden vie$ o cultural Xdi erence[ by shi ting the research ocus ro" one o individual or group pathology to one in $hich behaviors de ined as odd by the do"inant culture "ade Xnor"al[ sense to the sub3 ordinate participants. *he popularity o urban ethnography di"inished $ith the rise o unctionalis" in the 19(,s and the resurgence o positivis" in the 19.,s as Xgrand theory.[ *he Xsociology o correlates[ led to university curricula, research topics, and a aournal revie$ process that s`uee#ed ethnography out o the "ainstrea". Although a e$ still3classic ethnographic e\e"plars e"erged in the post3World War II decades8 including 4avid 2at#a and &rving %o "an; the prison research o 4onald Cressey, 7ohn Ir$in, and 4onald Cle""er; and the inleractionists in luenced by >erbert /lu"er8it $as not until the or"ation o the XChicago Irregulars[ in 19.9 that a solid core o "utually3supportive scholars again aggressively and syste"atically pursued the ethnographic tradition and revitali#ed it as a viable "ethodology. 4issatis ied $ith the ontological 9$hat there is in the $orld to !no$< and episte"olog3ical 9ho$ !no$ledge about our topic is possible< constraints o then3conventional research, this dyna"ic group laid the oundation or a vibrant and increasingly "ethodologically sophisticated progra" o interpretive urban ethnography 97. -o land, 195@; 2anning. 195@<, and their in luence continues in aournals such as Nr@an Pife 9$hich they ounded BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

13
co""unication re`uires that both senders and receivers recogni#e the Xvocabulary[ and translation rules by $hich a sign syste" "a!es sense. *hese rules are called 9odes, Se"iotics, the science o signs, sign syste"s, and codes, is a use ul tool or cultural analysis.

All aspects o culture possess a sc"iotic value, and the "ost la!en3 or3grantcd pheno"ena can unction as signsA as ele"ents in co""unication syste"s governed hy se"antic rules and codes $hich arc not the"selves directly apprehended in e\perience. *hese signs arc, then, as opa`ue as the social relations $hich produce the" and $hich they re3present. 9>ebdigc, 195'. p. 13< Culture, then, is not si"ply the su" o individual behaviors. It also establishes the oundation or co""unicating "eanings and the $ays by $hich these "eanings are reproduced and trans"itted 9>oggart, 19@1; -yotard, 1955a<. /ut these cultural "eanings and their or"s o trans"ission are conservative to the e\tent that they possess an inertia t(at preserves established characteristics resistant to change 9-ynd, 1939619@,<. *he "eanings include the historical processes that shape the", the directions in $hich they channel cognition and behavior o "e"bers, and the prepattcrned "eans by $hich alternative $ays o seeing, thin!ing, and acting are syste"atically constrained. Cultural conservatis" contributes to repressive co""unication by concealing t(e characteristics o repression and, even $hen these are discovered, "a!ing change di icult.
Ideal Speech Acts and +epressive Co""unication

%overVs V5e Zne S:ndred [o??ar Cis:nderstandin7 919.1< describes a series o a"using "isco""unications that occur $hen a $hite college student and blac! prostitute each consistently "isinterpret the "eanings o the other. >e, thin!ing she is sincerely attracted to hi", cannot understand her obsession or his "oney. She, thin!ing he $ants a "istress, cannot atho" his resistance to her atte"pts at an econo"ic se\ual arrange"ent. *he ensuing con usion re lects "ore than a series o disastrous episodes. *he cultural a"biguity o se\uality, "ale3 e"ale gender role con lict, interpersonal "anipulation, econo"ic ine`uality, and the po$er asy""etry underlying racial "eanings co"bine to illustrate ho$ co""unication can be distorted even $hen co""unicants BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

1)
that Xeverybody lies.[ *hese are culturally shaped e\a"ples o repressive co""unication.

I"plicit in Xrepressive co""unication[ is the assu"ption that, although there e\ists no Xtrue[ !no$ledge in the sense that there are ulti"ate theories and concepts independent o ti"e and space, there arc at each point in societal develop"ent e\planatory concepts and state"ents that arc valid or the understanding o society and or the sel 3understanding o the individual. I , or reasons related to the structure o co""unication, it is not possible or groups and individuals to locate the"selves in society and to articulate their interests, repressive co""unication occurs. I prcde ini3tions arc inherited ro" traditional ideologies and e\planations arc engendered by speci ic interest constellations, repressive ele"ents enter co""unication since the generali#ations and synthesis attained through these ele"ents beco"e inade`uate or obsolete. 92ueller, 19@', p. 1,3< A nondistorted co""unicative e\perience $ould re`uire sy""etry in $hich no co""unicants possess a culturally de ined privileged position because o role, po$er i"balance, status, or other attributes that create an advantage concealing, e\pressing, or disputing the "essage o the other. *he conservative characteristics o culture, ho$ever, "ilitate against sy""etry o po$er, !no$ledge, or s!ills, and the potential or distortion e\ists prior to any speech act, because interpretations are prepatterned in a variety o $ays that prevent understanding. Critical ethnographers atte"pt to identi y and illustrate the processes by $hich cultural repression occurs. *hey then step bac! and re lect on its possible sources and suggest $ays to resist it. 4ilthey argued that interpretative sociology can be obaective and that researchers can uncover the subaectivity o others and the historically shaped creations deriving ro" it 9+ic!"an, 19.1<. Within this tradition, the ethnographic e\perience can be seen as the e\ploration o a co""on, "eaning ul cultural $orld conducted by dra$ing on intuitive styles o eeling, perception, and guess$or!. Zro" these collective "eanings $e begin to create an understanding o the culture ro" the point o vie$ o the other. *his activity "a!es use o clues, traces, gestures, and scraps o sense prior to the develop"ent o stable interpretations. *hese piece"eal or"s o e\perience can be classi ied as aesthetic and divinatory 9Cli ord, 1955, p. 3.<. *he researcher collects, categori#es, and patches together ields o synecdoches, or parts o the $hole, $hich are then used to help understand the $hole 9Cli ord. BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

1. 1955, p. 35<. *his is illustrated by >oro$it#Vs studies 9195', 1953< o the culture o young urban Chicano "ales in Chicago. She ound that the concept o honor, see"ingly a "inor data concept, $as pro oundly i"portant in understanding gangsV interaction and social li e. >onor, a part o the divinatory $hole, $ove together see"ingly unrelated attitudes and behaviors that other$ise appeared as scattered tiles in the cultural "osaic. *he tric! to critical ethnography is to select the divinatory concept that best organi#es the data in $ays that e\plore repressive "eanings in a scienti ic $ay.

Ethnography as Science In the past decade, ethnographers have honed the scienti ic basis o their data gathering and analysis 9e.g.. Agar, 195,, 195';4cn#in, 19@5, 1959; 4ouglas, 19@.; %lad$in, 1959; >a""ersley, 199,, pp. )31); 1ir! \ 2iller, 195.; -incoln c %uba.195); Noblit \ >are, 1955A Yan 2aanen, 1953, 1955<, and there is no longer reason to doubt ethnographyVs scienti ic credentials. &thnography, a ter all, respects the sa"e basic rules o logic 9la$s o identity, contradiction, and e\cluded "iddle<, replication, validity, reliability, theory construction, and other characteristics that separate science ro" other or"s o !no$ledge. When done $ell, ethnography is as scienti ic and rigorous as `uantitative social science or even the natural sciences. I a particular critical ethnographic study is not scienti ic, the proble" lies $ith lapses o the researcher and not $ith the perspective. XScience[ is the process o syste"atic understanding in $ays that are rigorous 9logical<, testable 9vcri iable6 alsi iable<, and evident 9e"pirical<. ]ne gross "isconception o the sciences is that "ethodological precision necessarily translates into "ore sophisticated research. 2ore precise "easuring instru"ents and statistical techni`ues do not "a!e one discipline "ore scienti ic than another. *he proper `uestion is $hether our data are ade]:ate?A precise, and to beco"e ena"ored $ith precision or its o$n sa!e beco"es a etish that o ten leads to intellectual onanis" rather than to ne$ understandings. Although considered Xsubaective[ because researchers atte"pt to display the vie$point o those they study, ethnography is as obaective as any science. Critics con use reports on subaective pheno"ena $ith the obaective reporting o those pheno"ena. Subaective ethnographic data do not "ean X$hatever the researcher thin!s[; they "ean obaec3 BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

1@
lively reporting on the subaectivity o our subaects. ]baectivity, in this sense, does not "ean the absence o bias or a researcherVs perspective, or blindly accepting subaectsV reported psychological state o "ind. As 1ir! and 2iller 9195., p. 1,< argue, obaectivity si"ply "eans ta!ing the intellectual ris! o being proven de"onstrably $rong.

All science is, at root, a "etaphor in that our conceptual "odels and theories provide Xas i i"ages that stand or the things they represent. *he theatrical "etaphor o dra"aturgical analysis, the biotic "etaphor o unctionalists, and the con lict "etaphor o 2ar\ian scholars are each social constructs used to "a!e "ore intelligible a X$orld out there.dd As a conse`uence, discourse is, as se"ioticians and post"odernists re"ind us, a type o language ga"e 9-yotard, 1955b; -yotard c *hebaud, 195)<. *he Xscienti ic logic,[ rigor, and8unli!e "ost other sciences8the laying out o the researchersV o$n potential intellectual intrusions 9e.g., biases in the `uestions $e as!, shaping o the research proble", or choice o analytic ra"ing concepts< arc su iciently $ell established that ethnographers need not be de ensive about the scienti ic status o their approach. It is neither "ore nor less scienti ic than the Xhard[ sciences. It is si"ply another language or being scienti ic, because science is a $ay o thin!ing and not si"ply a techni`ue or data processing. 2. BEGINNING TO THIN CRITICA!!"

*his chapter shi ts ro" an overvie$ o the ethnographic enterprise to a su""ary o its critical substance. Critical thin!ing is a "etaphor that provides a value orientation, and the con lict bet$een value3laden research and the nor"s o Xobaective science[ poses proble"s or all researchers. *his con lict "ust be con ronted, lest our Xscience[ be reduced to little "ore than articulate opinions. Not all critical scholars proceed in the sa"e "anner, and the conclusion o this chapter su""ari#es ho$ so"e researchers i"ple"ent it.

*he ter" 9riti9a? describes both an activity and an ideology. As social activity, critical thin!ing i"plies a call to action that "ay range ro" "odest rethin!ing o co" ortable thoughts to "ore direct engage"ent that includes political activis". As ideology, critical thin!ing provides a shared body o principles about the relationship a"ong !no$ledge, its conse`uences, and scholarsV obligations to society. *he goal o critical BCDEF GH IJKLMNLON IPHQGNMDERP SDENDTGUMTP

15 thin!ing, ho$ever, is not to create li!e3"inded ideologues or to recreate the $orld in oneVs o$n i"age. +ather, it challenges the relationship bet$een all or"s o in`uiry and the reality studied and sustained.

Critical thin!ing challenges Xtruth[ in $ays that subvert ta!en3 or3granted $ays o thin!ing. As social scientists, $e have beco"e adept at e\panding e"pirical li"its or other researchers, but the ne$ X acts[ rarely contribute to re lective audg"ents. *hey only provide the basis or urther accu"ulation o "ore acts and the narrative theories to Xe\plain[ the". Wc lac!8or avoid8the $isdo" to apply our !no$ledge to our personal and political lives 92ills, 19@,<. Critical thin!ing addresses this ailure by not assu"ing the reality o X acts[ and by recogni#ing that revelation is not "erely announcing, but is instead a au\taposition o and dialogue about alternative i"ages. *he roots o critical thought spread ro" a long tradition o intellectual rebellion in $hich rigorous e\a"ination o ideas and discourse constituted political challenge. Social criti`ue, by de inition, is radical. It i"plies an evaluative audg"ent o "eaning and "ethod in research, policy, and hu"an activity. Critical thin!ing i"plies reedo" by recogni#ing that social e\istence, including our !no$ledge o it, is not si"ply co"posed o givens i"posed on us by po$er ul and "ysterious orces. *his recognition leads to the possibility o transcending e\isting social conditions. *he act o criti`ue i"plies that by thin!ing about and acting upon the $orld, $c arc able to change both our subaective interpretations and obaective conditions. Zreedo", as a co"ponent o criti`ue, connects the e"ancipatory, nor"ative, and evaluative eatures o critical thought. Zreedo", irst o all, i"plies that "an is not totally enco"passed and sub3 "erged in that $hich he de fa9to is. *he nor", secondly, is a de"and "ade $iih respect to the acis. Zinally, the value is a special light $hich "ust be distinguished ro" the light provided by the act. 9:uant, 19.@, p. 3,< Critical thought challenges ideational 9sy"bolic< and structural conditions not o our "a!ing; Critical sel 3consciousness is the ability 9sti led in so"e, developed in others< to discern in any Xsche"e o association,[ including those one inds attractive and co"pelling, the partisan ai"s it hides ro" vie$; and the clai" is that as it per or"s this negative tas!, critical sel 3consciousness partici3
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