Svensson - Knowledge and Artifacts People and Objects

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Knowledge and Artifacts: People and Objects

Tom G. Svensson
Baskets have stories, songs, and genealogies. They have helped us on our travels and told us who we are as people. They have healed the sick and forecast momentous events. The weavers hands move, and the basket takes form so that the story can be known. And the baskets keep talking. [Greg Sarris (Pomo) quoted in Turnbaugh and Turnbaugh 1999] n the study of material culture, the connection between artifacts and knowledge is discernible. The knowledge that we are talking about derives primarily from people, often based upon the researchers rsthand observations. It is impossible to contextualize objects in a satisfactory way unless one combines objects and words, which according to Julie Cruikshank (1992), points to physical manifestations of ideas paired with linguistic expression of ideas. Only then is it possible to perceive objects contextually within the different cultural settings in which they arise and through which they move. Only persons who make and use the artifacts in question can bring forth the insight about the cultural meaning of artifacts. Museums are institutions that assume special responsibility when it comes to recording and managing adequate contextual knowledge connected to objects in their custody. Recently, museums have accurately been referred to as knowledge-making institutions (Erikson 2002). In this recasting of the museum role, the one-dimensional attention devoted to objects is degraded to apt proportions. The collection of artifacts once acquired and the knowledge attached to them through research processes produces new knowledge and insight. This article presents, as an example, the case of a single object around which layers of appropriate knowledge has continuously been brought together over many years (19722003), thereby shedding light on a newly created artifact. Ethnographic museums have a special obligation to engage in such knowledge-generating processes in connection with the
contemporary acquisition of material objects. This is part of the challenge that ethnographic museums are facing today; in particular, as traditional knowledge related to various objects rapidly disappears, as when the people managing traditional knowledgeFfrequently called eldersFpass away. This is the reason why elders oral histories are often so crucial, as they help to bring museum artifacts to life. Oral histories reveal memory and perception, essential aspects that add culture-specic meaning to the objects in museum collections. Rescuing traditional knowledge orally sustained, therefore, is essential for all kinds of museums, not the least those managed and operated by indigenous peoples themselves (Kreps 2003:108). In the following, I will discuss the interrelationship between knowledge and object. From a methodological point of view, emphasis is given to a narrative approach. The overall purpose of the project is to demonstrate how the three componentsForal history, material culture, and ethnographic museumsFare connected. My empirical mi culture in Northern frame of reference is the Sa Fennoscandia and its basketry tradition. The close connection between people and objects is considered as a precondition to comprehending knowledgegenerating processes. To elucidate a general argu mi basket type ment, one single object, from a Sa known as mini kisa, collected by the Ethnographic Museum, University of Oslo, in 2003, will be used as the case in point.1 A secondary focus of this paper will be to demonstrate how a scholarly text, mi basketry in this case a monographic study of Sa tradition viewed through the work of one family (Svensson 1985), functions as a basis for knowledge and as a source of inspiration, both for those practising the craft and for their potential customers, many years after it was published. The linear development from craft tradition through rened handicraft to art proper will, moreover, be highlighted in a way that indicates
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what can be referred to as the biography of artifacts.2 The transformation of craftwork into art calls for the examination of problems related to authenticity and exclusivity. In other words, how far is it permissible to move the aesthetic frontier without loosing the characteristic features of an object and thereby eroding perceptions of its being unequivocally authentic; an index referring to the culture from which it derives its origin? The background for the discussion that follows extends back more than 30 years to a beginning in 1972. From that time on, I have been pre-occupied with this subject matter focusing on one particular family groupFAsa Kitok and her daughtersF mi which, at the time, was noticeably active in Sa basketry. They were a driving force in reviving as well as innovating within this manifestation of mi material culture. In 1972, Asa Kitok was Sa approaching the age of 80. She was still active but was soon to retire; consequently, entering this eld of inquiry was urgent. Her extensive knowledge and experience were orally retained, as she was illiterate. Two of her daughters were active and well-established handicraft manufacturers. These facts offered a most appropriate timing for research. Adopting the method outlined, I was more interested in the everyday life situations of these people and in the way that it was reected in narratives than I was in the specic objects they produced. In 1985, a book was published on this limited subject (Svensson 1985), the aim of which was to shed light on one mi material culture, i.e. basspecic expression of Sa ketry. The year after I published the monograph, Asa Kitok passed away at the age of 93. She was clear in mind until the end. Her versatile and rich knowlmi basketry traditions, had edge, in particular on Sa mi and been preserved and made accessible to Sa mi readers through this focused study. non-Sa
mi basket in the shape of a mini kisa made by Ellen 1. Sa Kitok. The artifact shows the development of aesthetic mi craft. UEM 47998, Mucomplexity in a traditional Sa seum of Cultural History, University of Oslo. Photograph by Ann-Christine Eek.
lid was manufactured by the leading artist cur mi basketry traditions, Ellen rently maintaining Sa Kitok of Jokkmokk in Swedish Lapland. Without exaggeration, the mini kisa can be considered a box of traditions, drawing upon Ira Jacknis metaphor regarding Kwakwakawakw (Kwakiutl) art (Jacknis 2002). The artifact is rather dense in meaning, and it can be read as a text indicating the entire spectrum mi basketry techniques, all of which of specic Sa are applied in this one single object. It should, furthermore, be underlined that basketry among mi has always been, and still is, exclusively the Sa oriented toward coiled techniques. From the bottom of the kisa to the top of its lid, we nd the following as inter-changeably appearing: (1) A checkered pattern. (2) A knotted pattern. mi nettle. (3) Extra tight coiling, so-called Sa irot, a technique known in many cultures (4) Sa mi ever since they began and used by the Sa their basketry craft sometime in the 1600s. (5) A double zigzag pattern, an innovation not used by older generations but which, after mimany years has become established as a Sa specic pattern. It should be pointed out that the lid has a salient, dome-shaped form precisely emulating the cover on the large wooden kisa (gure 2). The idea of making such a mini kisa emanates from the large wooden kisa, an oval-shaped chest originally made of wood in what is called sweeping
Presenting the Object

The mini kisa serving as a point of reference for my general argument is a most complex piece of basketry. It is small in size, measuring only 13.5 centimeters in breadth and 10.0 centimeters in height. It is made entirely of the thinnest threads (derived from birch tree roots) that can be found. These birch root threads are a natural material suitable for various kinds of basketry and are char mi traditionacteristic of the landscape that the Sa ally inhabit (gure 1). This miniature basket with a
KNOWLEDGE AND ARTIFACTS 87
mi kisa made of wood with iron mount2. Traditional sa ings. Originally each family had several such kisas for storage in the tent and during seasonal migrations. Now, mi it remains a precious item in most contemporary Sa homes, serving as a reminder of the past and as a potential source of inspiration. This kisa derives from the Kitok family and belongs now to Ellen Kitok and her descendants. Photograph by the author, 2003.
technique, and which was commonly used to store valuables in the tent and during the seasonal migrations during which it was transported on pack-reindeer. The kisa had an obvious place in mi traditionally lived. the manner in which the Sa For that reason, it has been as an iconic source of inspiration when it comes to designing new, innomi birch root basketry. This vative shapes in Sa inspiration has led to both full size works, using coarser roots and, as in this case, on a minimal scale applying particularly thin roots. The kisa symbolizes a lifestyle, now vanished, which many of contemporary basketry makers have a fair memory of. In spite of the fact that kisa-shaped baskets were never made when the making of mi, to basketry was a common feature among the Sa create a recognizable kisa-shaped piece of basketry nowadays is especially compelling as such an object conveys knowledge about the importance of the mi way kisa in general as part of the traditional Sa of life. It is not simply a beautied artifact, appealing to look at. Its oval design gives it an unmistakable signicance and adds to the identication mi. of the object as Sa Let us then move to the original context of the mi basmini kisa: the cultural background of Sa ketry and its history. To begin with, a working mi culture is denition of the concept duodje in Sa
called for. Duodje represents a specic design of high quality based on great skill in craftworkF meaning in this instance, that which is handmade. The objects produced are based mainly on diverse natural materialsFwood, birch roots, reindeer antler, reindeer hidesFbut even incorporate some commercially fabricated materials, such as textiles and tin threads. The latter are used for embroidery, mi scale which all together make up the original Sa of materials employed in traditional craft production. All objects made are distinct representations mi way of life. Often they are of the traditional Sa connected to practical functions, even if they are well-shaped and tastefully embellished. Without loosing their characteristics, those craft objects mi have gone through an viewed as markedly Sa appreciable transformation as a result of modern life conditions, although, at the same time, they are referred to as duodje. Duodje is well-anchored in social traditions and is closely attached to the elds of knowledge that are based on experience. Lately, duodje has, moreover, been developed into an aca mi women have recently demic discipline: two Sa completed doctoral degrees in duodje, emerging mi-specic discipline supplementary to the as a Sa conventional Western history of art (University of Troms). We can regard this academic progress as parallel to the establishment of indigenous museums and as part of the emergence, worldwide, of academic indigenous studies.3 We see then that mi, in their intellectual advancement, have the Sa demonstrated that they prefer the native concept of duodje to art, as it connects intimately to their traditional or indigenous knowledge. The recent acceptance of duodje in academic circles must be considered part of a broader process, in which the mi are engaged in extending their contemporary Sa cultural autonomy. Duodje is a collective term or emic term, encommi culture. passing aesthetic practice within Sa Among active practitioners, it presumes adequate knowledge of a skill as well as of wider contextual mi culture. In other words, it familiarity with the Sa is necessary to possess enough talent relative to aesthetic expression, but this is paired with extensive insight into the basic frameworks for action and thought structure that are related specically mi culture.4 to the Sa Peoples may certainly have art, including visual aesthetics encompassing expression in diverse
forms without necessarily having a specic term for art (in the standard Western sense). As the famous Haida artist Bill Reid has stated so eloquently: it is ridiculous to assume that, if there is no word for art in Aboriginal languages, the people of the past had no appreciation of the formal elements of their creations, that they had no sthetic criteria by which to distinguish good work from bad, that they were not moved by excellence and beauty. Without a formal and critical public, the artists could never, in these societies as in any other, have produced the great works they did. [Reid in Ames 1992:70] As has been established in much work in folklore mi case demonand the anthropology of art, the Sa strates again in a convincing way that there may be emic concepts covering manifestations of that which can rightly be perceived and admired as aesthetically attractive. For indigenous peoples, distinguishing artifact as separate from art is not so important, as objects created frequently carry characteristics of both, or in some instances even more than both (Ames 1992:154). Returning to the term duodje, developing such an emic conception into an academic discipline underscores the view that there is something more to be enclosed. Classic work in Western art history has dealt primarily with aesthetics, whereas mi perspective pointduodje indicates a broader Sa ing to the clear connection between art and artifact, aesthetics and practice. This duality is formally mi, who consider acknowledged internally by Sa perfected, rened duodje to be equal to art, and externally, by means of public acceptance of certain objects as art. In other words, the conventional discipline of art history turned out to be too limited and inappropriate when it came to meeting the complexity embedded in the concept duodje. Con mi choice was obvious: they had to sequently, the Sa establish an adequate eld of study meeting their aesthetic requirements. The mini kisa dealt with mi craft traditions as well as to here relates to Sa this rened form of handicraft, eventually ending mi language up as a piece of art. However, in the Sa it is still mainly regarded as duodje. In this manner, it is possible to come to terms with the oftendisputable dichotomy between what is classied as ne art and craft (Duncan 2005:32). The knowledge that is of greatest interest to scholars and practitioners is, to a large extent,
non-written, silent knowledge, which is the very foundation for the special cultural competence that practitioners of duodje (working either on full-time or on part-time basis) must master. For those active in duodje, it is essential to be able to interpret, or read, different signs in nature, in the landscape. Such know-how is required when looking for, and selecting, raw material. This is a key basis on which a successful career as craftworker/handicrafter, and eventually as an artist, rests. These skills are central to translating, and relating to, the mi basketry is a craft tradition concept duodje. Sa . As a consequence, based on birch roots named taive mi for this type of the specied designation in Sa duodje. craft is taive mi have been involved in For how long the Sa producing basketry utensils we do not know. From the 17th century, however, we are able to record mi basketry. It is in no accurate evidence of Sa way an original invention, but, as for several other peoples in the Arctic/sub-arctic region, it is a craft externally inspired that eventually was incorporated in the repertoire of material manifestations, not the least due to the basketrys usefulness. The mi basketry showing oldest known illustration of Sa rjatj, a rather small, round basket with lid, unna ka made of birch roots, can be found in the classic scholarly account of Lapland, Lapponia, dating to 1673 and authored by Johannes Schefferus (1956). irot, an ancient techThis basket is woven in sa mi nique used by the regions sedentary non-Sa population and considered to be the rst and origi mi. nal technique adopted by the Sa rjatj is a basket in which small-size Unna ka valuables, such as coins, small silver items and sewing materials, were stored. It is probably not the oldest object made of birch roots. In an earlier study (Svensson 1978), I argued that this status belonged to a round basket with particularly low edges and a well-perforated form (produced by means of the knotted pattern) that was and is made for the preparation of reindeer cheese. I suggested that this basket type known as teivo was the primordial basketry artifact, in this sense, among the mi. Making cheese pre-supposes the frequent Sa milking of the reindeer, as well as a high degree of domestication of the reindeer ocks, and more than a hundred years before Schefferus, milking as a domestic activity can be discerned (Olaus Magnus 1555; see also discussion in Svensson 1985:1430).
For at least 350 years, then, the cheese mold became the most signicant basketry object in the mi culture with its simple and limited set of Sa material expressions, symbolizing a distinctive life mi style. In their ecological adaptation, the Sa discovered that birch roots represented an apt means for manufacturing some of the practical utensils necessary for carrying on nomadic reindeer pastoralism, as well as for their domestic household needs. Recurring migrations due to different reindeer pasturing requirements, a strenuous life paired with subsistence hunting, shing, and gathering, mi basketry outlines the original context in which Sa should be placed, a context where the notion of duodje is central.
Knowledge Discourse
What kind of knowledge can be perceived through this particular object? And, second, to what extent mi culture? Such does the mini kisa speak for the Sa questions denote the handicrafters ability to meet the responsibility in speaking through the artifacts mi traditions and lifestyles. Most of the about Sa knowledge associated with this basket is orally maintained. The knowledge represents part of cultural competence that is essential to attain, thereby afrming culture-specic quality and identication of the artifact created, even convey mi traditional ways of life. ing insight about Sa The knowledge afliated with basketry activity is twofold: rst, it has to do with all of the technical/ practical aspects related to basketry traditions; second, it relates to the way of life generally, either in taking part in reindeer herding, in addition mi occupations, or as modern to other customary Sa time handicrafters/artists. The versatile knowledge on which basketry making rests is in no way mi. Technical skills are not infreunique for the Sa quently paired with a profound cultural understanding, inclusive of the natural world, as, for example, among the Karuk and other tribal groups in California (cf. Turnbaugh and Turnbaugh 1999: 52). This body of knowledge is normally not written down but mainly sustained as well as transmitted orally. To capture and record this ow of knowledge, long-term participant eldwork among a limited number of people being active in the trade is required. mi In the extended narratives given here, Sa traditions and customs are brought forth through
the voice of Asa Kitok. The discussions range beyond technical know-how connected to basketry, although that element represents a most momentous part of the knowledge recorded therein. It is, moreover, the assembled knowledge derived from Asa Kitok that serves as the premise and foundation for a person like Ellen Kitok in her constantly innovating endeavors, using her increased skill in moving the frontier to new heights. Her own narrative, which is prolic in ideas and thoughtsF not the least those emanating from her motherF bears clear evidence of that.5 For Ellen Kitok, returning to, and repeating the knowledge that was once managed and conveyed by Asa Kitok, whenever she is actively engaged in a specially demanding rened handicraft/art, is instrumental in her own production of knowledge. This is a continual process concerning intangible heritage that is intimately related to artifacts. Let us now turn to the concrete narrative of Asa Kitok, supplemented by certain remembrances told by Ellen Kitok, before concluding with some personal comments by Ellen Kitok directly associated with the creation of the mini kisa (see gure 3).
Asa Kitoks (18931986) Narrative

In the olden times, most women, like myself, were capable in diverse craftwork making utility items, but my primary interest had always been connected to basketry. This kind of handicraft based on birch roots is typical womens work. Traditionally, we manufactured craft items for household needs only in connection to herding reindeer. In those days, there were plenty of beasts of prey, which meant that the reindeer had to be watched more or less day and night. This intensive watching offered certain spare time when we could dig up roots from the ground and start working on a piece of basketry work typimi household, be it a at cal for the nomadic Sa bottle for keeping salt; a round mold for reindeer , a basic item in reindeer pascheese, teivo toralist households as milking the reindeer was such an important activity; moreover, small or larger baskets with a lid to keep valuable things in the tent and during migrations. This activity took place solely during the summer and we only made things we needed. Most people knew the skill so there was no demand for these craft products. There is no surprise then that the knowledge and mi discontinued interest for basketry among the Sa
3. Asa Kitok weaving a basket in her kitchen in the vil llivare. Photograph by the author, lage Allawaare, Ga 1975.
completely when people began using similar items they needed which were made of other material bought from shops. Between 1922, when I got married, and 1939, when my youngest daughter Ellen started school, I did not make any crafts items at all. I was then too pre-occupied providing for my family. When all the children were away attending the boarding llivare, I could begin on a school for nomads in Ga small scale making basketry again. To begin with, I only made cheese molds for my own needs to slowly recover my ability. Later on, I made such molds for some of the local peasants in Sjaunja for their goat or cow cheese. This was the revival after around 20 years of complete inactivity concerning basketry. I turned out as the only initiator when it comes to reviving our basketry tradition, for all other women in my generation, there was no longer any interest. The driving force for me was that at least
some of my daughters should learn enough to share my pride and concern for this tradition. My intention was carried through as two of my daughters, Margit and Ellen, gradually turned out as leading handicrafters, developing the coiled root craftwork into rened handicraft. My mother made basketry work in the same way, in particular cheese molds as they were constantly in need. Reindeer cheese was an important trade item, whereas the molds were kept as long as they lasted. The pattern brought about by the coiling technique was elaborated so that the cheese turned out beautiful too, but also to the effect that the whey could readily run off. I learned how to make basketry by watching my mother; in those days there were no courses or education in craftwork, but those who understood how things were made, only by watching women who possessed knowledge and experience, could pick up the skillFfor others there was no use. Furthermore, I looked at old baskets and from them I observed different techniques. In my opinion, it is quite possible to learn the basic skill by means of watching the way others are making the craft. Besides my mother I wish to mention my fathers sister, Kati Vitsak, who was a skilled and reputable basketry maker in her generation; one of the few I know of who made baskets for all those who did not share the skill, or could not devote enough time. As far as I know, there is only one object left from her rjatj, hands, it is a small basket with a lid, unna ka to keep small precious things, for example wedding bands (gure 4). During the era when we migrated and lived in tent it was put in a kisa; now it is placed on a shelf, fully visible in the living room mi handicraft in the home of together with other Sa llivare. This piece is the oldmy sister Margit in Ga est item made of birch roots that derive from our family, a kind of primordial object representing the basketry activity of the family. Kati Vitsak made this basket for her brother, my father, and even if I have seen little of her basketry I have truly been inspired by her work. All items I made before marriage are gone, they were thrown away as they were worn out by frequent use. In the same way, all items made by my rjatj. aunt are also gone except this single unna ka mi, Among the Sa basketry was most common in reindeer-herding families, as reindeer cheese making was closely connected to the reindeer industry in
rjatj by Kati Vitsak, aunt of Asa Kitok and the 4. Unna ka oldest basket that still remains within the family. Photograph by the author, 1975.
general. Cheese molds were also the made items most often to meet household requirements. For all those who did not obtain the ability for the timeconsuming basketry made the same utensils of wood, even cheese molds and bottles for salt, although they are not as functional as the ones made of birch roots. When we applied ourselves to craftwork in the open while herding reindeer, the roots were soft, or row, which meant we did not have to dip the root persistently in water while working on a basket. On the other hand, we had to be close to a rivelet, or a pool of water, for occasional dipping as cold water is satisfactory when the roots are completely fresh. Nowadays, when working indoors using arid, or wholly dried through material, it is necessary to have access to warm water all the time to soften the roots while making basketry. I never expected to turn to craftwork as a major occupation but after a slow incidental start, the rumor began to circulate and I got more and more llivare, both from shops orders, especially from Ga mi handicraft and private collectors. In selling Sa this way, I became an active basketry crafter, taive duojar, and in my generation I am the only one. Mostly, I kept to making objects mirroring our traditional way of life: cheese molds, bottles for salt and baskets with a lid for coffee cups, round as well as oval-shaped. All patterns and coiled techniques represented ancient knowledge and practice, I was only a contemporary transmitter.
To begin with, I was surprised to nd out that this activity could evolve into cash income of some substance and the prices gradually rose as my name became rather known. When I had the chance, I , as an occupation because it chose basketry, taive gave me a reasonable income, which meant I could cut down on the hardship mainly for subsistence. My life suddenly became easier, even more meaningful, as I felt I had a mission to fulll in reviving mi craftwork. and carrying on a traditional Sa This kind of craftwork is characterized by hard work for very long days, otherwise it leads to nothing. One has to be dedicated; therefore, in my opinion there will never be many who are actively engaged in basketry compared with other tradimi handiwork. To make a living on bastional Sa ketry, besides talent, patience and a developed sense for long-term planning are required dispositions. If not, there is no way one can succeed. It starts with the hard work of collecting root material out in the woods, which, not infrequently, can be at long distances from home. Early summer is a suitable time to collect roots; then the roots are in sap, making it easier to scrape off the bark. In the autumn, the bark stays tighter and the work of cleaning the roots becomes heavier. It is, furthermore, important to know where to look for the birch roots suitable for craftwork, even rened handicraft. For example, if the ground is stony, one only nds crooked roots, which are of no use for basketry. In the wood dominated by birch and pine, where there are many wind-fallen trees, long, straight roots can be collected, which are ideal for basketry work. Formerly, when we made basketry only for our own household needs, we dug out the roots directly under the birch trees. It was more or less accidental that I discovered how much better areas with wind-fallen trees were. One day, on my way to set my shing nets, I happened to kick a decayed stump, which uncovered ne roots. This gave me the idea to always look for grounds with windfallen trees when collecting roots for my basketry. The axe is a good tool together with a piece of reindeer antler or a pitchfork for potatoes, that is all you need. When I return home, I immediately put the roots in cold water and start scraping off the bark with the back of a knife, after which I hang the roots to dry. Next day, the same thing, and one must be prepared to use several days collecting as there will be a lot of waste when scraping the roots. After
the roots are cleaned and dried, I sort them according to different thickness and bind them up in rounds for further drying. Dried, the roots can be stored for any length of time before being used. Our universal tool is the awl made of bone, usually marrow pipe, rst cut by axe then sharpened, and nally shaped by a knife. This awl must be made of a bone that is boiled otherwise it is too fragile. One needs several awls with different points depending on the thickness of the roots. Different kinds of utensils made of birch roots require different coiling techniques. That which mi way from the non-Sa mi distinguishes the Sa basketry practice is that we usually adopt a double supporting thread around which we coil what we call the thinner winding thread with the aid of the awl. The reason for using double supporting thread is that the artifacts last much longer, crucial not the least considering the frequent movings. For , a instance, when making a cheese mold, teivo combination of knotted pattern, tjuolma, with tight rings are suitable, thinking of the function, whereas a bottle for salt requires tight rings all the way. To work in the latter technique takes more time than any of the others. The square-shaped pattern is a faster technique and goes well with the large baskets rjats. for coffee cups and also the smaller unna ka I have also used a zigzag pattern, vingkar, both single and double, whereas my daughters active in this craft have developed a quadruple pattern as an innovation in our time to beautify the objects even more. But that is beyond my ability and feeling. irot is a most genuine Sa mi techWhat we call sa nique, a sort of chain pattern, which can be applied to various wares. I wish to stress that one gets the best result when using wide split root threads, and never fails getting beautifully shaped and irot! patterned cheese molds when applying sa mi and nonAnother distinction between the Sa mi concerning basketry is the manner in which Sa the object is built up. In the simple technique mi one folds inward, continuing applied by non-Sa mi, on the after the bottom part is made. The Sa other hand, turn the object outwards, which means that the show-side, i.e. the pattern side, is seen outwards. To have the show-side facing inwards is more backward in my view. The cheese molds had a special place in the old mi. The edge part should households among the Sa not be too high, I estimate three rows connected by
knotted pattern as the most common and practical. If the edge is not sufciently perforated, the whey will not run away as desired. Then the cheese becomes too watery and not as tasty as one wishes. The cheese must dry properly, for that reason the shape and pattern of the mold is so vital. One of my new creations is to make the charac , of roots, teristic single-shafted milk-pail, nahppe an object that is originally made of wood from the round knots of the birch tree. I had often used such a milk-pail, so the inspiration was in a way obvious, as I developed my skill moving the frontier for what was possible to make by birch threads. To make a of roots is far more difcult than to make it nahppe of wood. In the latter case, the shape is already suggested in the raw material; while coiling with birch roots one is gradually building an object from beginning to end. The most difcult part is to attach the handle to obtain the proper balance between handle and bowl similar to the milk-pail made of wood. Other innovations from my hands are the cork for the bottle containing salt and the large kisa, the oval-shaped storage box made of wood. I saw a challenge in trying out new shapes, but it was mi important for me to stay with traditional Sa artifacts. I wanted my craftwork in basketry to mi traditions, to convey knowledge and reect Sa experience about the nomadic lifestyle on its way to disappearance. Finally, I have also made large dishes reminiscent of the bowls made of wood. Of course, most of what I have made when becoming active, more or less fulltime, handiworker, are not for practical use but should be seen as decorative things meeting a newly created market predominated by various collectors. My two active daughters have carried the idea of new creations much further; as examples, I wish to mention huge wall decorations based on the origi, using elaborated mixing of techniques, nal teivo bridal crown and collection bag for the local church, beautiful items having denite function. Yes, I am proud of my daughters achievement, this means that our craft I once revived will continue mi culture. and have a place in the current Sa Let me conclude. I never thought that I should be mi basketry traditions, tathe one who revived Sa -tuoje v. ive I am very pleased that I started and contributed to its revival after a long dormant period. Now, when I have retired from actively
making basketry anymore I can look back with satisfaction. Through my daughters, what they have accomplished and their industrious conveyance mi of this craft tradition to new generations of Sa mi from the larger as well as interested non-Sa society, I am convinced this craft will live on. But there will always be only very few as it is so timeabsorbing and consequently extremely strenuous to make a living for all those adapted to a modern lifestyle. Before turning to the voice of Ellen Kitok, let me make an additional comment. The danger of losing an important custom altogether, alluded to by Asa Kitok at the end of her narrative, deserves further attention. If the complex knowledge, which primarily is sustained in peoples minds, is lost, then a characteristic element of their material cultural repertoire may be lost as well. These, apparently, were the thoughts that lay behind Asa Kitoks mi basketry. This initiated revival of traditional Sa predicament has, likewise, been emphasized concerning Karuk basketry. The technical skills and aesthetic principles relevant to basket making, the knowledge of when and how to properly prepare basketry materials, the familiar habitats where basket makers gathered native plantsFshould any of these elements be lost or forgotten, even within the short span of one generation, a peoples basket making might become altered or even vanish altogether. [Turnbaugh and Turnbaugh 1999:164] This concern has, moreover, been expressed by the contemporary Pomo weaver Susan Billy (1994:197): I get very upset when I hear people say that weaving is a dying art. I feel that there is always somebody who is going to carry on that wisdom and that knowledge. Billy learned the skill and attained the feeling for Pomo traditional basketry from her great-aunt Elsie Allen. A similar family-managed heritage is continuing to develop with Ellen Kitoks own granddaughter Ann-Charlotte Labba and her currently created interest for the achievement inspired by her great grand mi basketry. mother Asa Kitok concerning Sa
Ideas and Recollections as Told by Ellen Kitok (b. 1932)

From when I was very young, I recall in particular the many times I followed my mother to the
woods around Sjaunja to collect root material. On these occasions, mother told about the properties of the birch roots and how to deal with the raw material. It is most important to get a feeling of the quality of the raw material for anyone who seriously wants to become a basket maker. At this time, I was about 1213 years old and besides gathering roots I started to practice doing basketry. My , and rst nished object was a cheese mold, teivo already in the summer of 1950, I completed as many as six such cheese molds of different sizes, which gave me great satisfaction. Quite early, I tried out working with thin threads and my mother said, oh dear me, what thin roots you are working with, you should not do that, it takes such a long time to have a basket nished. But working with ne threads was something suitable for me, then I could make things for which I really felt. I furthermore remember how mother insisted that I should learn how to make the really small cheese mold, unna teivutj. She encouraged me to collect my own roots for the unna teivutj, and this challenge I liked because then I had to decide on my own how much material I should gather. Mother also mentioned that when making a cheese mold one needs to split the roots. And since I had never done any splitting of roots before, she suggested I collect an extra lot of roots, as they tend to break when one is inexperienced in splitting the roots. When the cheese mold was completed, I had to experience how to use it, after all it was an item for usage. Therefore, when mother made cheese in her molds I too was to make a small cheese in my newly made mold. For she felt that it was necessary that I had a chance to try out the function of the object. In this way, I could even discover on the nished cheese how beautifully decorated the cheese was following the knotted pattern of the mold. When we were out in the woods like this, mother, mi moreover, told at great length about the old Sa way of life. I try to do the same to my own daughters and granddaughters, thereby inspiring them for our craft tradition (gure 5). Quite early, I felt a commitment to work actively mi culture. However, choosing basketry as for the Sa a main occupation required a great deal of planning. For this reason, I continued my textile weaving to provide an economic basis while I was extending my prociency as a full-time basketry maker.
6. Necklace of birch roots, an example of a modern, popular object. This jewelry item shows the use of particularly thin threads, also the mixing of threads with bark removed and those with bark retained. Privately owned. Photograph by Elisabeth Sletten.
5. Ellen Kitok in the woods gathering birch threads from wind-fallen treesFthose which give the best quality material for basketry craft and art. Photograph by the author, 1972.
Different jewelry made of roots was another precondition in developing my skill and position as a handicrafter. To be able to make large artifacts which entails considerable time with no income, it is necessary to make jewelry in between which are readily sold. Making jewelry in basketry technique represents part of my planning to become a fulledged handicrafter. To begin with, it was the jewelry made by the young aspiring craft makers working in antler and horn which gave me the primi Folk High School, where mary impetus at the Sa mi craft tradition the revival and renement of Sa generally had started to ourish from the early 1950s onward. In fact, most innovations concerning mi craft emanate from this school. Sa Once I made a special necklace, which does not look like any other I have made. It is made of particularly ne threads, where shape and decoration
have gradually evolved, nothing is founded on routine. It is very seldom that a jewel is made of such thin threads all through. Normally, these thin roots are only reserved for the central part, whereas at the edge section somewhat coarser threads are employed. It was quite satisfactory to make something entirely new. I do not think I will make more necklaces based on this model, it is too complicated and should remain a unique piece; on the other hand, it has given me a new idea when it comes to decorating the lid, especially for my characteristically designed round basket. I feel that making this kind of jewel has opened up new possibilities in my creative work. Even on the at bottle, traditionally for keeping salt, made of especially thin roots, this jewel could denitely be included as a decorative element (gure 6). The mixture of clean and unbarked (i.e. from which the bark has not been removed) roots in the elevated central part of the necklace and the standing spiral-pad are signicant features in the composition. Both are ideas of my own. Spiral pads are extra hard to apply, in particular, when they are standing as in this necklace. The spiral pad existed before, but only inserted, turning out entirely at on the object. After having studied such pads on ancient objects, e.g. in museum collections, I decided to make something new, i.e. folded-up pads. This gives a special effect, and on objects where I feel it ts, I now place such folded-up spiral-pads,
especially on artifacts that are supposed to be exceptionally costly. The large kisa, for instance, shows four such pads on the lid, while the lid on the rjatj has two. oval unna ka At one time mother said, I have made three large kisas, it would have been nice if you my youngest daughter made a kisa. Within myself, I felt a sort of re; I had to start pondering on the kisa form, and it had to be quite clear before I started making it, as I never draw any sketches on paper. I felt I had to make a kisa, when mother gave me such plain signals, and over the years she has given me many such hints. Talking about mixing of hue, mother was at rst very surprised when she saw that I kept the bark on some of the threads. To a certain degree, she agreed that it could be beautiful with the blending of colors brought about, but she maintained that in the olden days the roots were always cleaned, and we scraped the roots most thoroughly. On the other hand, when she saw a new piece of basketry by me she exclaimed that here is another artifact with the bark left, without difculty one can recognize your craft products. Formerly, one used paint to emphasize ornamental impressions blending light and dark, thereby trying to obtain a similar effect. I have chosen to retain the bark on some of the threads, keeping to what is natural. One should remember, however, that in doing this one has to select the material very carefully, as the roots have to be absolutely knotless. Since early childhood, I have learned all kinds of hardship from my life in Sjaunja; it was quite obvious that I turned to basketry as my personal choice for a trade. Because, this really means hard work. The young people of our time do not have the same life experience, they are brought up living a more comfortable and easy life. This is probably one of the reasons why it is so problematic to mobilize and inspire new generations to turn to basketry making. mi language is an important matter too; Our Sa it has to do so much with our culture. I often think mi when making basketry, it gives my craft in Sa working more meaning. The Swedish language is mi language has to have a more like a must. The Sa place in my activity; to me it is utterly crucial. And mi. In situations whenever I give courses I also use Sa mi, where all students know Sa it is self-evident mi, or else the that the teaching is done in Sa instructions must be given in Swedish. However,
even then central concepts and phrases are intromi, our natural tongue. duced in Sa Apart from the economic aspect, equally essential is the cultural message I wish to convey. I want mi life in general, how the Sa mi to tell about the Sa struggle to protect our culture. Consequently, it is my intention and desire to talk about all this with the thin roots with which I form my basketry craft and art. These ideas could not be communicated if I only made modern items such as lampshades, frames for mirrors, etc. Such foreign objects are completely external to our culture, and I want my basketry to be fully part of our culture. I feel conned to the traditional shapes, at the same time I eagerly promote new creations using the original objects as point of departure. I want to speak through my craft, which is far better than through the use of words. The objects I make are my most efcient language, as there is no limit to what I am able to express with my handicraft productsFthat which one can say using common words is far more restricted. Through all things I make, my attempt is mi culture. This is to give a clear expression of the Sa mi culture! mine and I belong to the Sa This completes the two-generation narrative presented to elucidate traditional as well as contemmi basketry craft and art. My emphasis porary Sa is laid on the individual person as preserver and transmitter of appropriate knowledge and on the individual as a locus of strength in terms of aesthetics, which is constantly paired with a candid feeling for traditional values. In rounding out this discourse on basketry knowledge, I now turn to the specic artifact of special interest in this paper. Once again, we approach this subject through the voice of Ellen Kitok.
Comments by Ellen Kitok with Reference to the Mini Kisa of 2003

In making this mini kisa, different ideas came to my mind, all in various ways sources of inspiration. First of all, I consider it a great honor to get this order from the Ethnographic Museum, where my mother Asa already is represented by the kohpo rja ordered back in 1972. It gave me extra inspika ration to know that the mini kisa I was about to make would be placed in the same show-case in which my mothers basket is displayed showing mi basketry traditions. Furthermore, I feel it is Sa important to be a living part of a family tradition,
which I sincerely hope I would be able to continue to future generations. The legacy of Asa Kitok must live on; everything I make and convey orally in diverse social encounters underlines the signicance of continuing this cultural achievement. The role Asa Kitok has played as the unsurpassed pioneer in reviving an ancient craft long forgotten has denitely inspired me and my sister Margit in our mi work. Her effort, when it comes to reviving Sa basketry craft as recorded at great length in her own narrative, serves as a constant source of inspiration. Mother Asa recollected the basketry craft of her aunt Kati Vitsak, known for her skill in wide circles in an era when many women made basketry objects mainly for their own household needs. The rjatj, obviously recurs as only object left, an unna ka an artifact inspiring me when making the mini kisa (gure 4), even if the large wooden kisa appears as the predominant source of inspiration. Talking about wooden kisa, my grandfather, the brother of Kati Vitsak, was a skilled craftsman, especially doing woodwork. He made several kisas and the one I have as a piece of furniture in our living room here in Jokkmokk, in the same fashion as it formerly had a central place in the tent, was obtained from a distant relative a few years ago. It was made between 1885 and 1890, and remains a most precious item for me due to its kin attachment in addition to its inspirational power (gure 2). Even my father, Anders Kitok was a skilled woodworker, and he made kisas for all the daughters except me who was the youngest. He died too early to have the last one made. I feel especially motivated making basketry art in the kisa form; even if the function in modern mi cultural life has changed, the association to Sa history is still present. Conveying knowledge about the importance of the kisa generally as part of the mi way of life, therefore, becomes an traditional Sa incentive for me. The large full-size kisa completely made of roots in coiled technique, one of Asa Kitoks most attentive new creations, is an equally important stimulus in developing my skill in basketry. Let me also point out the inspiration that you, Tom, provided me when ordering the mini kisa. In an artifact like this, showing so many coiled techniques and patterns, you made the point that one should be able to read the object as an informative text. Looking closely at the mini kisa I had just completed and which was about to be delivered to a
irot customer you raised the question, why is not sa used, being the only one missing? That question made me think a second time. I had already made close to 20 mini kisas, all without applying the anirot. Now the question cient weaving technique sa you raised was an injection and important push in irot had been my further creative work. In a way, sa put aside, especially in making more innovative, rened handicraft. I am most grateful for your irot observation, as I fully agree with you that sa denitely belongs, even in pure aesthetics as it represents the origin and roots of our craft.6 I understood that it had been a great failure to omit this old technique. This was a problem that had to be resolved, and during last winter it took me a lot of mental exertion, for example, pondering on the question where could it t? This was a new challenge I had to master, and when I nally irot where the lid is closed, decided on placing sa tightly woven in several turns so that the lid snaps, similar to putting the knife into a sheath made of antler, I had solved the problem both in terms of function and concerning the aesthetics, a solution approved of by my older sister Margit. In the future, all my mini kisas will contain irot thanks to you different techniques, including sa irot Tom. For a long time, sa was not used in more rened basketry craft, only in replicas of traditional objects. You gave me the idea and from now on it will have its given place, in handicraft as well as pure art, whenever applicable. Therefore, it is no overstatement to consider this order as the most important so far from a museum. When it comes to weaving the mini kisa, let me add, that I tried out different patterns. It is primarily a question of placing the various techniques in certain order in the object that gives its ornamental effects without the use of paint or engraving. All the time, the basic form must be constructed, for instance the oval shape of the kisa; at the same time, the techniques applied must appear well balanced, no extravagance in any way solely for decorative purposes. The mini kisa is made in two parts: the basket and the lid, respectively. In making the lid, one begins from the center at the top and ends at its edge, in the same manner weaving the basket starts at the center of the bottom and continues upwards following the wall meeting the basis for the lid. The striking complexity of this mini kisa is demon-
strated by the many transitions from one technique to another employed; on the basket 7 and on the lid 15 transitions, i.e. no less than 22 in such a small artifact. This certainly gives the object ornamental impressions, which can only be accomplished by the use of particularly thin roots. So far, I have made ca. 20 similar mini kisas; it has turned out as a most appreciated piece of basketry handicraft, and out of that number 3 has been made on order to museums, besides the last one to the Ethnographic Museum the remaining two to two mi museums in Karasjok and Jokkmokk, leading Sa respectively. Let me then round up by describing in some detail the making of the specic item to the Ethnographic Museum. In July 2003, we went all the way up to Karesuando to collect roots on the Finnish side of Karesuando. I was accompanied by my husband Bertil and rta, who both regularly help me in our daughter Ma this arduous, time-consuming endeavor. As my aim was to nd the nest root material possible for this particular mini kisa, I looked for land formerly untouched. I knew about this particular area from earlier courses I have given in Karesuando, courses in basketry in which the students also learn how to search for their own birch roots. We kept working for two-and-a-half days and it was very long days. For me, it was crucial to nd untouched lands; this order to the Ethnographic Museum called for specially high quality, not the least concerning the root material. Furthermore, it is necessary to have a great supply at ones disposal from which one can select continuously the best and most suitable threads when weaving the basket. JulyAugust is the time when the birch trees sap. Then the sap also stays in the roots; even the variation in color is at its strongest at that time, which is important in creating ornamental effects in the weaving. It is also easier to take off the bark when the roots are slightly moist compared with those later in the year. What is it I am looking for in the terrain? I look especially for soft, mossy ground, not that which is stony and hard. Sandy ground can also serve as an alternative; however, this time such a choice would be inappropriate as I was keenly searching for threads offering marked change of hue. Wind-fallen trees must be moist to give the roots right consistency, therefore my preferred land is wind-fallen trees in mossy ground where birch and pines domi-
nate, not mixed forest with plenty of spruce, where wind-fallen trees are scarce to begin with. It should also be underscored that it is impossible to decide on imaginable root materials simply by looking at the birch tree stocks, it is the property of the ground that is decisive. After the roots were collected, we put them in large plastic bags and brought them back to Jokkmokk. Then the roots were put in tubs lled with cold water. Using cold water, the bark lets off very easily. The scraping always takes place from the thicker end of the thread to the thinner one and against the knee using the blunt part of the knife. Simultaneously, the roots are sorted in piles according to their coarseness, not different shades as that is already taken care of by the choice of land and period for collecting the roots. Even supportive threads are collected in the same place, as one is bound to think holistically focusing on one specic object, as in this case, when collecting materials. Before scraping the roots, I covered the entire oor with plastic in a special room I use for that purpose. It took me three-and-a half-days, very long days, to clean the roots. After that follows nal sorting, when the threads are wrapped in rings. These rings are then hung up outside to dry, preferably on a sunny day. The threads nally cleaned from bark cannot just be put away, then they will get moldy. It is also necessary to avoid too long intervals, working and preparing the material must be completed without interruption, otherwise the material may be destroyed. Several rings of assorted roots are hung up on a thicker root to hang for a day, after which the roots can be stored for any length of time. After these preparations, I began to work on the mini kisa, rst here at home in Jokkmokk, then continuing in Vilhelmina, my husbands place of origin and our regular stay for some weeks in the late summer, where it was completed. I worked outdoors, whenever the weather allowed, which is unusual as most handicraft work is done indoors during the long winter time. To be certain that I had enough material to pick from, I brought along a large quantity. That which was not used I brought back home, and two necklaces were made after the mini kisa ordered by the Ethnographic Museum had been completed. The material I collected last summer for this item is now stored up in three drawers in my work-
aesthetics, both for external and internal enjoyment and appreciation. And, in my opinion, without persistently reinforcing the intangible heritage associated with specic artistic products, the message in speaking for the culture through objects would be less efcient. Most people currently committed in rening their handicraft tradition are well aware of the value of intangible heritage, stressing the enlightening aspect of art production.
The Scholarly Text in Relation to Knowledge

In what way can a scholarly text be instrumental in terms of managing and generating knowledge that elucidates a specic cultural expression? With a reference to the aforementioned monograph (Svensson 1985), this aspect is explored as follows. I will concentrate on the manner in which such a text functions outside the scholarly community. The book does not only offer an ethnographic account mi basketry, regarding continuity and change in Sa including an accurate history. My earlier study emphasized an approach in which basketry is looked upon as a way of life, not just an occupation. This perspective has captivated the interest of many mi, as well as non-Sa mi, readers. Such a broader Sa perspective opens to a more variable use of the text, in particular by the people that the book is concerned with, with the explicit aim of transmitting relevant knowledge. The book tries to convey profound cultural insights, focusing on one form of craft tradition observed through one single family. The text tells about the life that these people live and have lived, not only describing their actual craftwork activity. Turning back to Asa Kitok, while she was herself illiterate, she could become familiar with various drafts of the text through the help of her daughters. Consequently, she was aware of the essential contents of the book and, over the years, she had been able to follow the process through which the nal text was prepared. As a woman of few words, she briey summed up in the end that she was very pleased that her accomplishment concerning basketry craft had been recorded and that she mi had made an important contribution to the Sa culture. She even felt a certain pride that her name would live on thanks to the book. That my life has been written down and is now preserved for future generations is overwhelming thinking of my life being extremely simple.
7. Ellen Kitok carefully splitting a thread at her craft working corner, Jokkmokk. Like her mother, she is dres llivare costume. Photograph by sed in a characteristic Ga the author, 2003.
ing desk at my craft working corner (gure 7). In conclusion, let me state that the roots applied for this object were carefully selected from a most copious supply of material, in my view the very best for this purpose. Sources of inspiration referred to by Ellen Kitok can thus be summarized as follows. (1) An order from a particularly appropriate museumFthe museum that was the rst ever to order an artifact made by Asa Kitok. Furthermore, it is a museum where extensive mi basketry has been carried research on Sa out for some time. (2) The legacy of Asa Kitok. (3) The link to Asa Kitoks aunt, Kati Vitsak, the original basket maker known within the family. (4) The kisa as a materialized form mir mi lifestyle. roring traditional Sa To sum up this section, the knowledge discourse presented above, heavily focusing on the native voice, is an attempt at demonstrating the informative strength of what is referred to as intangible heritage, relevant for the object implicated. People actively engaged in basketry art, exhibit through their narratives, extensive knowledge, and thoughts that lie behind the craft in question in addition to their life ways in general. Thereby, the object is placed in an appropriate context, its cultural setting. mi, basketry artifacts constituted Among the Sa at one time an essential part of their limited set of utensils, highly useful in everyday life whereas, now basketry of different quality and inventive shapes mi represent in the main the undeniable vigor of Sa
Appropriate knowledge that is systematically compiled transforms a text into a source of inspiration, both for the few who are already active in the eld and for all those who aspire to acquire enough prociency in basketry craft. Ellen Kitok, who for years has taken on responsibility as a leading basketry instructor, maintains that the book has been of great help. She considers it to be like a spring from which to scoop endless insights thereby facilitating her efforts in presenting/demonstrating mi basketry duodje and its uniqueness. In Sa this respect, she points out that the life history of Asa Kitok, which in her estimation was correctly recorded and reproduced in the book, gives her an opportunity to communicate (e.g. to her customers) an adequate contextual and personal framework for her baskets, thereby increasing their general knowledge about the artifacts that they buy. Peo mi basketry craft in ples understanding of the Sa general and its proper context, far beyond the concrete object purchased, is expanded through this conveyance. That a scholarly text can be a source of knowledge and inspiration is in no way unique. It is sufcient to mention the renowned works of Franz Boas (1927) and Bill Holm (1965) focusing on First Nations and their art in the Northwest Coast of America. As Michael Ames (1992:62) so evidently ascertained, Indian carvers themselves both learn and teach from the books of Boas and Holm, such texts have directly impacted those who practice the arts of the Northwest Coast. Relating to the body of knowledge contained in my earlier book, that which is most noticeable for Ellen Kitok, is the life history of her mother Asa, as it corresponds closely with her own perception of the period of her upbringing in Sjaunja. This is a pre-eminent memory for her whenever she is occupied with basketry craft. This reminiscence, which in a meaningful way stimulates, for instance Ellen Kitok, both during the manufacturing of basketry handicraft and in passing on verbally culturehistorical insights in different settings, is now secured by means of the book as evidence for the mi culture. future of Sa mi the book is widely read, and Among the Sa long after it was out of print people still keep asking for it. Children, grandchildren, and other relatives to the active handicraft makers have read the book, mi living in the region who as have quite a few Sa were fairly well-informed beforehand about Asa
Kitok and her basketry craftmanship. One of Ellen Kitoks granddaughters, Ann-Charlotte Labba, who is the one most likely to take up and continue the family tradition, wants to obtain a new, clean copy of the book due to wear and tear from several readings. For her, this is in part as an incentive to get started in the basketry craft, and partly for her mi relevant training. own children, as a piece of Sa As we see, then, the text is in demand among in mi and non-Sa mi alike, as it has become terested Sa a historical document at work in the world. In what other circumstances does the text function as knowledge intermediary? First of all, it is used as an efcient educational tool, that is as a mi who textbook that is compulsory for aspiring Sa pmi, including at attend various craft courses in Sa mi Studies Centre, formerly the Sa mi Folk the Sa Highschool, in Jokkmokk. Exhibitions and public displays, even demonstrations in public, are other settings in which the book supplements the artifacts shown. Besides these uses, the text has turned out to have certain marketing effects; independent readings of the book by various individuals can bring about an interest for a kind of collectable objects that would otherwise be more or less unfamiliar. As indicated by Ellen Kitok, some of her best customers, recurring collectors, created an admi mi basketry art from the ration for contemporary Sa reading of Asa Kitoks special life history. Her lifedestiny with all its hardship and forbearance no doubt fascinates potential collectors. Finally, the annual winter fair in Jokkmokk, a historical event in the true sense with its 400 years of uninterrupted tradition, attracting numerous visitors, is denitely an occasion where the text may serve as a marketing instrument promoting mi basketry handicraft. Sa mi informants, To sum up, according to my Sa the text plays a manifold role in terms of indirect marketing, in addition to being a thorough source of knowledge, which, put together, to a great extent, depends on its intimate nearness to the people dealt with. And, in this respect, the large space given to the native voice has proved to be decisive.7
Concluding Remarks
In this paper, I have tried to answer the question why the life history of Asa Kitok could have a sig mi basketry nicant bearing on contemporary Sa
craft and art. Referring to a recently collected artifact, a mini kisa made by Ellen Kitok, I have recapitulated the essence of a rather extensive narrative of Asa Kitok, illustrating a simple quite mi way of life, recorded at the zenith ordinary Sa of her basketry practice, thereby furnishing the artifact with a sort of biography. More than 20 years after she died, the legendary voice of Asa Kitok, her practical achievements as well as her thoughts, are still living examples of memorial culture. And it is no overestimation to maintain that outstanding basketry art produced today can surely be classied as objects to remember by (cf. Radley 1990). For it is beyond any doubt that an object like the mini kisa, to a great extent evokes memory, not the least through pertinent knowledge expressed by means of narratives. Knowledge in this sense relates to ecology, technology and socio-cultural setting. Consequently, my main point remains, without peoples life history, selectively recorded, there can be no biography of objects. The knowledge attached to the mini kisa contains both tangible heritage (the concrete object, the material, techniques and shape employed, and the association it may generate) and intangible heritage (knowledge verbally presented in the form of the narrative). Objects per se cannot speak for culture; on the other hand, objects combined with adequate words can most likely convey cultural insight. This is far from unproblematical though, because it may be extremely difcult for those who are less familiar, or completely unfamiliar with the culture in question when it comes to reading and interpreting the imagined message about culture transmitted through the artifact. Coping with this kind of problem depends, in my opinion, on how well words are fused with an object to form a unied body of knowledge. The text to be interpreted by others not directly involved in basketry craft must be comprehensible, offering life to the object and enough insight to place the artifact in an appropriate cultural context. In re-actualizing an mi basketry (Svensearlier specialized study on Sa son 1985) with its work through narratives, I have attempted to demonstrate how such a text, several years after it was published, may function for different categories of peopleFactive basketry mi and interested non-Sa mimakers, non-active Sa Fin this manner reinforcing the intangible mi basketry tradition. heritage related to Sa
Thus, from a museum perspective, the collecting of artifacts should always be associated with the collecting of knowledge, and the informative part of such knowledge derives from narratives told by key persons. This approach is, in a sense, commensurate with what Cruikshank (1998) refers to as the social life of stories. In strengthening the perspective of museums, let me emphasize that the objects collected by the rja by Asa Ethnographic Museum, the kohpo ka Kitok (in 1972) and the mini kisa by Ellen Kitok (in 2003), are closely connected, not only because they emanate from the same family but, furthermore, because of the culture-specic knowledge attached mi basketry to them. The two artifacts represent Sa tradition as well as modernity as expressed by the height of the revival-based, perfection-oriented craft era and the currently emergent frontier of basketry art, thus elucidating my thesis about the relation between knowledge and object. This is signicant in making objects informative in museum contexts, not the least for the reason that knowledge is power in the words of Finenup-Riordan (1998:56). Another question to be raised has to do with the distinction between artifact and art. Is the mini kisa a piece of art, or is it simply an extremely well-made artifact showing unquestioned cultural characteristics? Responding to that question, let us return once more to Asa Kitok and her basketry. First of all, she developed an exceptional skill in making true replicas of old style utility items; secondly, she managed to try out new, to that mi basketry, though point unknown, designs in Sa all these showed an unmistakable signication of mi traditional lifestyle. Finally, she even perSa fected certain of the old coiled techniques practiced mi women as the earliest phases of Sa mi by Sa mi basketry history. She even became the rst Sa woman to make a living as a basketry maker as, in the later part of her active life, she earned most of her income from this invented trade. The products of her activity never moved beyond what some material culture scholars would call handicraft. It is my view that she did not come close to that which can be considered art based on basketry techniques. The exhibitions that she has participated in, both when she was still alive and some held many years afterwards as memorial manifestations, emphasize clearly her position as a skilled
and knowledgeable handicrafter. That the memory of her achievement as an important transmitter mi cultural heritage is still appreciated and of Sa esteemed was brought up in 2005 with the exhibition Asa Kitok and her Daughters, Asa Kitok ja su nieiddat (lending the title of my monograph), in connection with the 400th anniversary of the Jokkmokk Fair. In addition, an annual working stipend in the name of Asa Kitok was instituted to mi Duodje Foundation be administered by the Sa based in Jokkmokk. This stipend, to be handed out at the Jokkmokk Winter Fair, is meant to encour mi living in Sweden who age and award funds to Sa are engaged in various forms of handicraft, not exclusively basketry. Honoring her name in this way, it is thought that the work and accomplishment of Asa Kitok will live on. Her daughters, on the other hand, and especially Ellen Kitok, show a thorough mastery of mi basketry craft and art. the entire spectrum of Sa For example, Ellen Kitoks participation in several very spectacular and renowned exhibitions, including those held, for instance, in connection with international events, such as the World Cup in llivare and the Winter Olymdownhill skiing in Ga pics in Lillehammer, and an exhibition at the Midland Art Hall, Sundsvall (on this later occasion, Ellen Kitok was presented as world champion in birch root basketry art) clearly indicates that several of her creations have been, and denitely can be, perceived as art in its own right. Some of her best works have also been displayed at the National Gallery of Art, and at the famous Liljevalk Art Hall, both in Stockholm. If nothing else, such exhibitions are recognition and afrmation that some of what Ellen Kitok creates is certainly understood as art. Her innovative strength concerning bold new designs and techniques reconrms time mi artist, soland again her unique position as a Sa mi traditions and exceedingly idly anchored in Sa well-versed in the management of appropriate knowledge. Following the argument of Fred Myers (1999:267), the transfer from rened handicraft to art can be viewed as a social process, it is as much a question of external recognition as a qualifying opinion based on subjective aesthetics expressed by the handicraft creators themselves. The movement from craft to art is illuminated by James Cliffords model for the crossing of boundaries between ethnography and art (Clifford 1988).
An object such as the mini kisa can be regarded as having both an ethnographic (artifactual) dimension and an aesthetic dimension (Myers 2002:158).8 The instance of the mini kisa also concurrently relates to different regimes of value (after Appadurai 1986) in that: mi admiration and pride. (1) it is subject to Sa (2) it appears as a precious collectable for private customers, and (3) it is included in a museum collection as an item representative of a specic culture. mi case, two sets of transformations In the Sa can be discerned. The rst relates to persons and mi lifestyles. In her long life course, Asa Kitok Sa experienced the life of nomadic reindeer herding, followed by a sedentary livelihood based on shing and gathering, and nally, the life of an active craft manufacturer. Her daughter Ellen Kitok experienced a similar change of lifestyle. First, her mi, then building herchildhood as a sedentary Sa self up as a craftperson bringing forth the legacy of her mother and, in the end, her role as a fully mi basketry art. acknowledged artist in Sa A nal question remains. Is individual skill and originality, so rmly stressed in this article, compatible with the problems of representation and authenticity (cf. Cohodas 1999)? Irrespective of individual excellence in the making of basketry craft and art, as long as the artist is fully aware of the fact that she belongs to a distinct culture and that whatever she produces reects her cultural background, her items of art must be re mi culture. garded as representative of current Sa As a consequence, they are also authentic. The aspect of representiveness is not based on quantity. Providing that an artifact can be linked to enough associated knowledge, it can certainly speak for a culture, regardless of whether there are many or utterly few who in fact have manufactured, or are capable of making, the art or craft product. Let me end this discussion by stating that two objects collected by the Ethnographic Museum, University of OsloFone by Asa Kitok (gure 8) and one by Ellen Kitok (gure 1) can be classied quite differently as handicraft and art, respectively. They both serve as authentic artifacts representing tradi mi culture. On tional as well as contemporary Sa the one hand, the objects shed light on a nomadic way of life experienced in the past mainly through
pological approach to that of art history and archeology, in which the former underscores a narrative indicating how certain objects are perceived by the persons that they are linked to. In the following, a great bulk of my presentation refers to a great extent to peoples own perception and valuation of the working process manufacturing the artifacts as well as the nal product and, to a certain degree, even to its future life. Thanks to the particularly long time span in my case, more than 30 years of data collecting, persons oral history continuously inform the objects gradually shaping their biography. 3. For the sake of information, the two dissertations (the rst of which has been published as a book) are titled mi Ornamentation (Dunfjeld 2006) and Duodje: South Sa Handicraft as Visual Experience of an Indigenous People (Guttorm 2001).
8. Oval basket with a lid to keep coffee cups, woven in a so-called checkered pattern. Private collection. Photograph by Elisabeth Sletten, 1972.
4. Franz Boas (1927) was probably the rst anthropologist who clearly pointed out the close relation between technical skillFwhat he called virtuosityFand artistic expression, referring, for instance, to the case of Pomo basketry in California, a chief industry for the Pomo people that was extremely well-developed. 5. All the narratives presented in this paper should not be perceived as simple interview transcripts. They are based on several encounters undertaken in different appropriate settings in which semi-focused conversations were recorded. Setting, thus included situations such as work out in the woods collecting root materials, work in the kitchen scraping the roots and nally during the process of shaping basketry works. These recordings were slightly edited to produce a readable as well as authentic text. These texts have been veried by the people concerned. irot is the original weaving technique used by the 6. Sa mi. It is inspired by contact with the sedentary Nordic Sa people and is the only technique using a single supporting thread. From this more or less universal technique (it is found, for instance, among several African and North mi developed their own weavAmerican cultures), the Sa ing patterns meeting their practical needs and aesthetic satisfaction. (gure 9) 7. Janet Hoskins has argued for a similar approach to broaden the use of autobiography. In her study Biographical Objects: How Things Tell the Stories of Peoples Lives, she refers to six women and men narrating their own lives by talking about their possessions, using these objects as a pivot for introspection and as a tool for reexive autobiography (Hoskins 1998). See also the exhibition catalogue The Living Traditions of Yupik Masks, where large portions of the text appear as multivocal texts underlining the memories and interpretations by Yupik elders (Fienup-Riordan 1996). 8. That cultural knowledge in a broad sense has marketing effects is common in many situations, where indigenous peoples craft and art appear as saleable commodities. Myers, who has done extensive studies focusing on Aboriginal Art in Australia, (see for example his recent comprehensive study Painting Culture), states that such knowledge is critical, especially when it comes to promoting the objects as ne art (Myers 2002:215). 9. Editors note: As the nal preparatory work on this article was being completed, the editor learned from Prof. Svensson the sad news of Ellen Kitoks (19322008) death.
the herding of reindeer and on the other, the objects reect the role of active fulltime handicrafters exclusively making basketry craft or art. As shown, the dynamic process indicating continuity and mi basketry craftsmanship change regarding Sa can most readily be comprehended by means of a systematic merger of tangible heritage with intangible heritage, or in Cruikshanks words both words and things have an ongoing role in reproducing contemporary culture (1995:28).9 Notes
1. Referring to a single artifact as a point of departure for a biographic approach, thereby attaining a fairly complete understanding of the type of object in question, is a standard method that has been used widely before. See, for instance, the work of Mackenzie (1991) and Hoskins (2006). The designation mini kisa should be understood as a small-size box made of roots. It should, moreover, be mentioned at the outset that all terms and phrases given mi derive from central, or Lule, Sa mi. The reason for in Sa mi. In this is that the persons concerned speak Lule Sa mi basketry revival emanates from the addition, the Sa mi district. Lule Sa 2. The biographic perspective of objects goes back to the inuential writings of Arjun Appadurai (1986) introducing the programmatic thesis the social life of things. See also Igor Kopytoff (1986), a contributor to the abovementioned book, who makes the precise point that biographies of things and those of persons can relate to the same kinds of cultural questions. Finally, in a recently published handbook of material culture (2006), Janet Hoskins, clearly inspired by Alfred Gell (1998), takes the issue a step further connecting agency with biography (Hoskins 2006). She, moreover, distinguishes the anthro-
Cruikshank, Julie 1992 Oral Traditions and Material Culture: Multiplying Meanings of Words and Things. Anthropology Today 8(3): 59. 1995 Imperfect Translations: Rethinking Objects of Ethnographic Collection. Museum Anthropology 19(1): 2538. 1998 The Social Life of Stories Narrative and Knowledge in the Yukon Territory. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Duncan, Sally A. 2005 From Cloth to Canvas: Reinventing Gees Bend Quilts in the Name of Art. Museum Anthropology 28(1): 1934. Dunfjeld, Maja 2006 Tjaalehtjimani: Form og innhold i Srsamisk mi ornamentikk. (Form and Contents in South Sa sa: Smien Sijte. Ornamentation). Sna Erikson, Patricia(with Helma Ward and Kirk Wachendorf) 2002 Voices of a Thousand People: The Makah Cultural and Research Center. Lincoln: University of Nebreaska Press. Fienup-Riordan, Ann 1996 Living Tradition of Yupik Masks: Agayuliyararput 5 Our Way of Making Prayer. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 1998 Yuppik Elders in Museums: Fieldwork Turned on its Head. Arctic Anthropology 35(2): 4958. Gell, Alfred 1998 Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Guttorm, Gunvor lga t: En studie: Duodje kunstha ndverk 2001 Duodje Ba som visuell erfaring hos et urfolk. Ph.D. dissertation, Troms: University of Troms. Holm, Bill 1965 Northwest Coast Indian Art: An Analysis of Form. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Hoskins, Janet 1998 Biographical Objects: How Things Tell the Stories of Peoples Lives. London: Routledge. 2006 Agency, Biography and Objects. In Handbook of Material Culture. Christopher Tilley, Webb Keane, Su chler, Michael Rowlands and Patricia Spyer, sanne Ku eds. Pp. 7484. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Jacknis, Ira 2002 The Storage Box of Tradition: Kwakiutl Art, Anthropologists and Museums, 18811981. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Kopytoff, lgor 1986 The Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as Process. In The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Arjun Appadurai, ed. Pp. 6491. New York: Cambridge University Press. Kreps, Christina F. 2003 Liberating Culture: Cross-cultural Perspectives on Museums, Curation, and Heritage Preservation. London: Routledge.
9. Diagram illustrating the coiled basketry technique mi basketry. central to Sa
References Cited
Ames, Michael 1992 Canibal Tours and Glass Boxes: The Anthropology of Museums. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Appadurai, Arjun 1986 Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value. In The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Arjun Appadurai, ed. Pp. 363. New York: Cambridge University Press. Billy, Susan 1994 So the Spirit Can Move Freely. In All Roads are Good: Native Voices on Life and Culture. Pp. 196207. Washington: National Museum of the American Indian. Boas, Franz 1927 Primitive Art. Oslo: Aschehoug. Clifford, James 1988 The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth Century Ethnography, Literature and Art. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Cohodas, Marvin 1999 Elisabeth Hicker and Karuk Basketry: A Case Study in Debates on Innovation and Paradigms of Authenticity. In Unpacking Culture: Art and Commodity in Colonial and Postcolonial Worlds. Ruth B. Philips and Christopher B. Steiner, eds. Pp. 143161. Berkeley: University of California Press.
MacKenzie, Maureen 1991 Androgynous Objects: String Bags and Gender in Central New Guinea. London: Harwood Academic Publishers. Magnus, Olaus[Archbishop of Uppsala] 1925 [1555] Historia de gentibus septentrionalibis. Part 4. Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell. Myers, Fred R. 1999 Objects on the Loose Ethnos. 64(2): 262273. 2002 Painting Culture: The Making of an Aboriginal High Art. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Radley, Alan 1990 Artefacts, Memory and a Sense of the Past. In Collective Remembering. David Middleton and Derek Edwards, eds. Pp. 4659. London: Sage. Schefferus, Johannes 1956 [1673] Lapponia. Nordiska Museet Acta Lapponica VIII, Uppsala. Svensson, Tom G. ra jd. ndring inom samisk rotslo 1978 Kontinuitet och fo karrig Jord: Festskrift til Asbjrn In Kultur pa Nesheim. Pp. 153166. Oslo: Norsk Folkemuseum. ttrar En studie om samisk 1985 Asa Kitok och hennes do jd. Acta Lapponica XXI. Stockholm: Nordiska rotslo Museet. Turnbaugh, William and Sarah P. Turnbaugh 1999 Basket Tales of the Grandmothers: American Indian Baskets in Myth and Legend. Peace Dale, RI: Thornbrook.
to indigenous issues primarily in the North, especially focusing on ethno-politics, legal anthropology, and diverse aesthetic topics. Besides numerous articles in international journals, his books include Ethnicity and mi Politics (Stockholm: Department Mobilization in Sa of Social Anthropology, University of Stockholm, ttrar. (Stockholm: 1976), Asa Kitok och Hennes Do mi and their Land Nordiska Museet, 1985), and The Sa (Oslo: Instituttet for Sammenlignende Kulturforskning, 1997). In addition to several smaller thematic exhibitions, he curated the exhibition Reinsamene I Dagens mi in Todays Samfunn [The Reindeer Pastoralist Sa Society], which was based on his doctoral research.
Abstract
In the study of material culture, the connection between artifacts and knowledge is discernible. The knowledge derives primarily from people, the indigenous voice. To elucidate the inter-relationship between knowledge and objects, a narrative approach will be emphasized. The main argument relates to the connection of oral history, material culture, and ethnographic museums. My empirical frame of refer mi culture in Northern Fennoscandia and its ence is the Sa basketry tradition, and the general focus will emphasize adequate knowledge-generating processes. One single object, a so-called mini kisa, collected in 2003, will be used as a case in point. The body of knowledge discussed contains both tangible and intangible heritage, thereby making the object speak for culture. And, in my view, museums have an obligation to master these demands. [Keywords: artifact, knowledge, mi] narrative, museum, Sa
Tom G. Svensson is Professor Emeritus at the Museum of Cultural History, Department of Ethnography, University of Oslo. His elds of interest relate

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Knowledge and Artifacts: People and Objects

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Presenting the Object

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Asa Kitoks (18931986) Narrative

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Ideas and Recollections as Told by Ellen Kitok (b. 1932)

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Comments by Ellen Kitok with Reference to the Mini Kisa of 2003

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The Scholarly Text in Relation to Knowledge

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9. Diagram illustrating the coiled basketry technique mi basketry. central to Sa

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