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The war on drugs have cost the American people trillions of dollars and intense racial profiling-Americans are demanding change now CNN 2013
Branson, Richard. "War on Drugs a Trillion-dollar Failure." CNN. Cable News Network, 07 Dec. 2012. Web. 19 Apr. 2013. <http://www.cnn.com/2012/12/06/opinion/branson-end-war-on-drugs>. Here we are, four decades after Richard Nixon declared the war on drugs in 1971 and $1 trillion spent since then. What do we have to show for it? In the world, with about 2.3 million behind bars. More than half a million of those people are incarcerated for a drug law violation. What a waste of young lives. In business, if one of our companies is failing, we take steps to identify and solve the problem. What we don't do is continue failing strategies that cost huge sums of money and exacerbate the problem. Rather than continuing on the disastrous path of the war on drugs, we need to look at what works and what doesn't in terms of real evidence and data. The facts are overwhelming. If the global drug trade were a country, it would have one of the top 20 economies in the world. In 2005, the United Nations estimated the global illegal drug trade is worth more than $320 billion. It also
estimates there are 230 million illegal drug users in the world, yet 90% of them are not classified as problematic. In the United States, if illegal drugs were taxed at rates comparable to those on alcohol and tobacco, they would yield $46.7 billion in tax revenue. A Cato study says legalizing drugs would save the U.S. about $41 billion a year in enforcing the drug laws. Have U.S. drug laws reduced drug use? No. The U.S. is the No. 1 nation in the world in illegal drug use. As with Prohibition, banning alcohol didn't stop people drinking -- it just stopped people obeying the law.

About 40,000 people were in U.S. jails and prisons for drug crimes in 1980, compared with more than 500,000 today. Excessively long prison sentences and locking up people for small drug offenses contribute greatly to this ballooning of the prison population. It also represents racial discrimination and targeting disguised as drug policy. People of color are no more likely to use or sell illegal drugs than white people -- yet from 1980 to 2007, blacks were arrested for drug law violations at rates 2.8 to 5.5 times higher than white arrest rates. Prohibition failed when the American people spoke up and demanded its repeal. Today, the American people are showing their dissatisfaction with the war on drugs by voting for change, often in the face of federal law.

Over 50,000 people have died because of Mexican drug wars-United States and Mexico are looking for alternative O'Reilly 2012, Andrew. "Mexico's Drug Death Toll Double What Reported, Expert
Argues." Fox News Latino. Fox News Latino, 10 Aug. 2012. Web. 20 Apr. 2013. <http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2012/08/10/mexico-drug-death-toll-double-whatreported-expert-argues/>.
The death toll in Mexicos bloody drug war has been hotly debated since outgoing President Felipe Caldern declared an offensive on the countrys drug cartels back in 2006. The Mexican government, human rights groups and the media argued over the actual body count, until most media outlets finally settled on 50,000 as an approximate number for those killed in violence. However, a border and Latin American specialist at the New Mexico State University Library posits that the actual number is much higherby almost double. Molly Molloy, a researcher at New Mexico State University who maintains the

Mexican news and discussion site Frontera List, has kept a detailed record of the bloodshed and estimates that the total homicides from December 2006 through June 2012 to stand at 99,667, according to an article written by Molloy in the Phoenix New Times Assuming that a similar rate of murder continues through the remaining months of this year, the homicide toll at the end of Caldern's presidency will add up to 110,061 victims, continued Molloy. The Mexican government along with some media outlets state that 90 percent of those killed in the violence involved in the drug trade, Molloy argues that out of the 10,800-plus victims killed in the border city of Ciudad Jurez since 2007 the vast majority of them had no involvement in the cartels. With a population of only 1.2 million residents, Ciudad Jurez accounts for 10 percent of all of Mexico's murder victims since 2007. Assuming that a similar rate of murder continues through the remaining months of this year, the homicide toll at the end of Caldern's presidency will add up to 110,061 victims - Molly Molloy, border and Latin American specialist at the New Mexico State University Library In Mexico, you get to be a criminal as soon as the Mexican government kills you, Molloy wrote. Until that moment, most people who knew you had no idea you were a bad person. The death toll is not the only number in Mexicos drug war that has been argued over. From the number of weapons smuggled from the United States into Mexico to the effectiveness of the militarys efforts to the street price of the drugs in the U.S., numbers when it comes to the drug war are never cut and dry. In July, the New York Times reported that the street value in the U.S. for a gram of Mexican cocaine is $177.26, which is 74 percent cheaper than it was 30 years ago. This number contains pretty much all you need to evaluate the Mexican and American governments war to eradicate illegal drugs from the streets of the United States, wrote Eduardo Porter in the Times . What it says is that the struggle on which they have spent billions of dollars and lost tens of thousands of lives over the last four decades has failed. The crackdown on cartels in Mexico has also led to rising concerns from other Latin American leaders that the violence will spread into neighboring countries as traffickers looks for new routes to funnel drugs from South America into the U.S. Last year, the Zetas cartel massacred 27 people working on a farm in the northern Guatemalan department of Petn and more recently U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) officers exchanged deadly gunfire with suspected drug traffickers in Honduras remote Miskito Coast, only a month after 11 people were killed in similar raid. Incoming Mexican Presdient Enrique Pea Nieto has promised to reorganize how the drug war is fought by moving away from busting traffickers and instead focus on protecting citizens. The ambiguity of Pea Nieto's drug war plans has fed fears that he might look the other way if cartels smuggle drugs northward without creating violence in Mexico.

Contention 2 is the Economy

Contention 3 is Racism

African Americans and Latinos are unfairly incarcerated by police for drug arrests in low income families DrugPolicy 2013. "Race and the Drug War." Drug Policy Alliance. N.p., 2013. Web. 19 Apr. 2013.
<http://www.drugpolicy.org/race-and-drug-war>. The drug war has produced profoundly unequal outcomes across racial groups, manifested through racial discrimination by law enforcement and disproportionate drug war misery suffered by communities of color. Although rates of drug use and selling are comparable across racial lines, people of color are far more likely to be stopped, searched, arrested, prosecuted, convicted and incarcerated for drug law violations than are whites. Higher arrest and incarceration rates for African Americans and Latinos are not reflective of increased prevalence of drug use or sales in these communities, but rather of a law enforcement focus on urban areas, on lower-income communities and on communities of color as well as inequitable treatment by the criminal justice system. We believe that the mass criminalization of people of color,
particularly young African American men, is as profound a system of racial control as the Jim Crow laws were in this country until the mid1960s. The Drug Policy Alliance is committed to exposing disproportionate arrest rates and the systems that perpetuate them. We work to eliminate policies that result in disproportionate incarceration rates by rolling back harsh mandatory minimum sentences that unfairly affect urban populations and by repealing sentencing disparities. Crack

cocaine sentencing presents a particularly egregious case. Since the 1980s, federal penalties for crack were 100 times harsher than those for powder cocaine, with African Americans disproportionately sentenced to much lengthier terms. But, in 2010, DPA played a key role
in reducing the crack/powder sentencing disparity from 100:1 to 18:1, and we are committed to passing legislation that would eliminate the disparity entirely.

Ignoring structural racism plays into the faade of white ethics- perpetuates racism through constant, seemingly normal policing, without recognizing the evil of the system Martinot and Sexton 03- *prof at San Francisco State University**PhD in ethnic studies from UC
Berkeley, Director, African American Studies at UC Irvine (Steve and Jared, The Avant-garde of white supremacy,

They prowl, categorizing and profiling, often turning those profiles into murder violence without (serious) fear of being called to account, all the while claiming impunity. What jars the imagination is not the fact of impunity itself, but the realization that they are simply people working a job, a job they secured by making an application at the personnel office. In events such as the shooting of Amadou Diallo, the true excessiveness is not in the massiveness of the shooting, but in the fact that these cops were there on the street looking for this event in the first place, as a matter of routine business. This spectacular evil is encased in a more inarticulable evil of banality, namely, that the state assigns certain individuals to (well-paying) jobs as hunters of human beings, a furtive protocol for which this shooting is simply the effect. But they do more than prowl. They make problematic the whole notion of social responsibility such that we no longer know if the police are responsible to the judiciary and local administration or if the city is actually responsible to them, duty bound by impunity itself. To the extent to which the police are a law unto themselves, the latter would have to be the case. This unaccountable vector of inverted social responsibility would resonate in the operating

procedures in upper levels of civil administration as well. That is, civil governmental structures would act in accordance with the paradigm of policingwanton violence legitimized by strict conformity to procedural regulations. For instance, consider the recent case of a 12 year old African-American boy sentenced to prison for life
without parole for having killed a 6 year old African-American girl while acting out the moves he had seen in professional wrestling matches on TV. In demanding this sentence, the prosecutor argued that the boy was a permanent menace to society, and had killed the girl out of extreme malice and consciousness of what he was doing. A 12 year old child, yet Lionel Tate was given life without parole. In the name of social sanctity, the judicial system successfully terrorized yet another human being, his friends, and relatives by carrying its proceduralism to the limit. The corporate media did the rest; several "commentators" ridiculed Tate's claim to have imitated wrestling moves, rewriting his statement as a

they transformed his nave awareness of bodies into intentional weaponry and cunning. One could surmise, with greater justification than surmising the malice of the child, that the prosecutor made a significant career step by getting this high-profile conviction. Beyond the promotion he would secure for a job well done, beyond the mechanical performance of official outrage and the cynicism exhibited in playing the role, what animus drove the prosecutor to demand such a sentence? In the face of the prosecutions sanctimonious excess, those who bear witness to Tates suffering have only inarticulate outrage to offer as consolation. With recourse only to the usual rhetorical expletives about racism, the procedural ritualism of this white supremacist operation has confronted them with the absence of a real means of discerning the judiciarys dissimulated machinations. The prosecutor was the banal functionary of a civil structure, a paradigmatic exercise of wanton violence that parades as moral rectitude but whose source is the paradigm of policing. All attempts to explain the malicious standard operating procedure of US white supremacy find themselves hamstrung by conceptual inadequacy; it remains describable, but not comprehensible. The story can be told, as the 41 bullets fired to slaughter Diallo can be counted, but the ethical meaning remains beyond the discursive resources of civil society,
disreputable excuse: "pro wrestling made me do it." (San Francisco Chronicle, 3/25/01) Thus, outside the framework for thinkable thought. It is, of course, possible to speak out against such white supremacist violence as immoral, as

For those who are not racially profiled or tortured when arrested, who are not tried and sentenced with the presumption of guilt, who are not shot reaching for their identification, all of this is imminently ignorable. Between the inability to see and the refusal to acknowledge, a mode of social organization is being cultivated for which the paradigm of policing is the cutting edge. We shall have to look beyond racialized police violence to see its logic. The impunity of racist police violence is the first implication of its ignorability to white civil society. The ignorability of police impunity is what renders it inarticulable outside of that hegemonic formation. If ethics is possible for white civil society within its social discourses, it is rendered irrelevant to the systematic violence deployed against the outside precisely because it is ignorable. Indeed, that ignorability becomes the condition of possibility for the ethical coherence of the inside. The dichotomy between a white ethical dimension and its irrelevance to the violence of police profiling is the very structure of racialization today. It is a twin structure, a regime of violence that operates in two registers, terror and the seduction into the fraudulent ethics of social order; a double economy of terror, structured by a ritual of incessant
illegal, even unconstitutional. But the impossibility of thinking through to the ethical dimension has a hidden structural effect. performance. And into the gap between them, common sense, which cannot account for the double register or twin structure of this ritual, disappears into incomprehensibility. The language of common sense, through which we bespeak our social world in the most common way, leaves us speechless before the enormity of the usual, of the business of civil procedures.

Racism makes nuclear war inevitable-genocide and dehumanization become possible under this mindset Williams 11 [Paul, lecturer in English at the University of Exeter, Race, Ethnicity, and Nuclear War, Liverpool Science Fiction Texts and
Studies, 2011, p.1-3]
In this study, nuclear

representations are defined as depictions of the following subjects: (1) the invention and use of the first atomic bombs; (2) war (often referred to as World War Three) and life after such a cataclysm. Nuclear technology has been the subject of narratives of racial and national belonging and exclusion undoubtedly because its emergence (and deployment against Japan) was read by some commentators as an act of genocidal racist violence, and by some as the apex of
nuclear weapons testing stockpiling of the Cold War superpowers; and (3) nuclear

Western civilizations scientific achievement. These opposing perspectives are interpretative poles that have been central to nuclear
representations. By posing white moral and technological superiority against the destructive technology it supposedly invented, cultural producers have cited nuclear weapons as evidence against white Anglo-Saxon supremacism. From this point of view, the scientific achievement of splitting the atom does not reveal white superiority; instead, the

enormity of nuclear weapons reminds one that the technology first created by the white world imperils the whole Earth. Through a range of media, from novels to poetry, short stories to film, comics to oratory, the terms that modern European imperialism depended upon civilization, race, and nation, in particular often recur in nuclear representations. Some of these representations, emerging when Europes empires were
relinquishing direct control of their colonies, share the uncertainty that beset the colonial powers following the uneven and often violent decolonizing preocess.

The historical congruence of nuclear representations and decolonization intimates the importance of this context to future visions of World war Three: tropes of genocide, technological and and scientific modernity, and the (re)population of the planet are relevant to this apocalyptic subgenre of SF as well as being recurrent elements in colonial history. Several of the nuclear representations discussed reproduce the justifications of the modern imperial project. But an alternative tradition makes these justifications visible and demonstrates their corrosive, lingering presence in contemporary culture through the depiction of nuclear technology and its possible consequences. Significantly, the idea that nuclear weapons are used to buttress a racial order that privileges whiteness an idea that prohibits non-white peoples from accessing such technology remains a potent current running from 1945 until the present day. Having raised this point to emphasize the importance of the themes in this study, I am mindful to repeat that my focus is literary, cultural
and filmic texts. I am not seeking to explain how race and ethnicity have structured Cold War history. If I may be excused a brief aside, I do think such moments have occurred. Civil rights and Cold War historians have long understood that US

foreign policy had to negotiate the American governments response to domestic systems of racial discrimination, and vice versa. Recently decolonized
nations whose populations had been excluded along similar lines by European imperialism followed the narrrative of American desegregation closely, and the allegiances of these nations played and important role in the Cold War. When the black student James Meredith was not permitted to join the University of Mississippi in 1962, President Kennedy ordered federal marshals to force his registration through. This took place on 1 October 1962, after a night of fighting between demonstrators and troops. While not universally praised, Kennedys actions were widely perceived in the international press as evidence to resolve to oppose racial discrimination. When the Cuban Missile Crisis took place three weeks later, the presidents of Guinea and Ghaa denied refuelling facilities to Soviet planes flying to the Caribbean. Kennedy aside Arthur Schlesinger directly attributed the African presid ents actions to the intervention in Mississippi. The subject of this book is not the mechanisms of history. The subject of this book is the way that representations

of nuclear weapons and the world after nuclear war postulate meanings that are not only fully activated when considered through a lens of race, ethnicity, nationhood and civilization. In many of the texts discussed, a primary consideration is whether the vestigial master narrative of white supremacy, the narrative of racial superiority that underpinned modern European colonization, is being resuscitated. I have in mind Fredric Jamesons expression, if interpretation in terms of *+
allegorical master narratives remains a constant temptation, this is because such master narratives have inscribed themselves in the texts as well as in our thinking about them. For Jameson the interpretative act runs the risk of being an act of hermeneutic bad faith the risk that the critic finds what they are looking for all along because they gathered up a series of texts whose selection is far from arbitrary, and consequently the reading of said texts confirms the ubiquity of the historical essence with which they were initially ascribed. Yet, as Jameson writes, one should not be too cynical about the act of interpretation. If the critical analysis of a text finds evidence of the historical trends it set out to discover the success of the interpretation is not in itself a reason to reject the idea that texts allow one to think closely and critically about historical attitudes. The act of interpretation can sometimes be the imposition of a preconvieved set of ideas onto a series of texts chosen precisely because they corroborate the hypothesis being tested, but it can also be credible because texts are inscribed by history and by master naratives. As a way of referring to an explanation of the movement of history and its future direction, Jamesons sense of master narrative s is worth retaining. My usage here designates the explanation itself, specifically the

master narrative of white supremacism that proved so useful to European colonialism and the settlement of North America. How do texts come to be inscribed by master narratives? What justification do I have in reading the master narrative o white supremacism and related narratives of settlement through the
literary, cultural and filmic texts analysed here?

Minority discrimination is a global system of oppression that normalizes genocidal modalities of violence and domination Rodriguez 07 [Dylan, PhD in Ethnic Studies Program of the University of California Berkeley and Associate Proffessor of Ethnic Studies
at University of California Riverside, American Globality And the US Prison regime: State Violence And White Supremacy from Abu Ghraib to Stockton to bagong diwa, Ateneo de Manila University, 2007, Kritika Kultura 9 (2007): 022-048] For the theoretical purposes of this essay, white supremacy may be understood

as a logic of social organization that produces regimented, institutionalized, and militarized conceptions of hierarchized human difference, enforced through coercions and violences that are structured by genocidal possibility
(including physical extermination and curtailment of peoples collective capacities to socially, culturally, or biologically reproduce). As a historical vernacular and philosophical apparatus of domination, white supremacy

is simultaneously premised on and

consistently innovating universalized conceptions of the white (european and euroamerican) human vis- vis the rigorous production, penal discipline, and frequent social, political, and biological neutralization or extermination of the (non-white) subor non-human. to consider

white supremacy as essential to American social formation (rather than a freakish or logic of violence overdetermines the social, political, economic, and cultural structures that compose American globality and constitute the common sense that is organic to its ordering. While the US prison industrial complex constitutes a statecraft of perpetual domestic crisis that emerges from this social logic of white supremacy, the US prison regime is becoming profoundly undomesticated in a twofold sense: the technologies of carceral racial domination have distended into localities beyond the US proper (they are extra-domestic), while the focused and mundane (though no less severe) bodily violence of the prisons operative functions have constituted a microwarfare apparatus, accessing and penetrating captive bodies with an unprecedented depth and complexity (the regime is in this sense defined by an unhinged, undomesticated violence). In this context, the (racial) formations of punishment and death inscribed on the various surfaces of the US prison regimefrom the nearby to the far awayare in fact generally unremarkable. It cannot be overemphasized that this carceral formation produces a normal and trite violence, a naturalized facet of American
extremist deviation from it) facilitates a discussion of the modalities through which this material social intercourse across scales and geographies, forming the underside of a civil society that is historically unimaginable outside its modalities of formal exclusion and civil/ social neutralization. Yet, it

is precisely as this prison regime rearranges, remobilizes, and redeploys its normalized structure of white supremacist bodily violence into geographies beyond the American everyday that it momentarily surfaces as a spectacle of public consumption and even a critical public discourse, in such moments as the photographic revelation of the uS militarys torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. While the national scope of the US prison industrial complex constitutes a profound social and political crisis of epochal scale, it also composes an institutional symbiosis that has yielded an authentic conjunctural articulation of state violence that is both organic to the domestic US carceral and capable of rearticulation, appropriation, and mobilization across global geographies. Thus, to understand the prison as a regime is to focus conceptually, theoretically,
and politically on the prison as a pliable module or mobilized vessel through which the state generates particular practices of legitimated violence and bodily immobilization. Prison

regime is a conceptual and theoretical (not a discretely institutional) phrase that refers to a modality through which the state organizes, rationalizes, and deploys specific technologies of violence, domination, and subjectiontechnologies that are otherwise reserved for deployment in sites
of declared war or martial law: in this usage, prison regime differentiates both the scale and object of analysis from the more typical macroscale institutional categories of the prison, the prison system, and, for that matter, the prison industrial complex. the conceptual scope of this term similarly exceeds the analytical scope of prison management, prison policy, and the prison (or prisoners) experience, categories that most often take textual form through discrete case studies, institutional reform initiatives, prison ethnographies, and empirical criminological surveys. Rather, the notion

of a prison regime invokes a meso (middle, or mediating) dimension of processes, structures, and vernaculars that compose the states modalities of self-articulation and self-conceptualization, institutional crafting, and rule across the macro and micro scales. It is within this meso range of fluctuating articulations of power that the prison is inscribed as both a localization and constitutive logic of the states production of juridical, spatial, and militarized dominion. A genealogy of the prison regime foregrounds the essential instabilitythe unnaturalnessof its object of discussion, suggesting a process of historical analysis and theorization that methodologically extends beyond 1.) the particular and
mystified institutionality of the discrete and narrowly bounded entity we know as the Prison; and 2.) the juridical and institutional formalities of the states supposed ownership of and orderly proctorship over the Prison as it is conventionally conceived.

Thus the plan: The United States Federal Government should substantially increase its economic engagement toward Mexico by ending the War on Drugs thereby allowing legal, international drug trade.

Contention 4 is Solvency Legalization is massively popular in Latino countries-It will loosen the rein of Mexican Drug lords and spur competition Global Post 2012
Althaus, Dudley. "How Colorado and Washington Could End Mexico's Drug War."GlobalPost. GlobalPost, 10 Nov. 2012. Web. 20 Apr. 2013. <http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/americas/121109/marijuana-legalizationcolorado-washington-mexico-drug-war>. MEXICO CITY, Mexico Might Americans' growing ability to get stoned without fear of arrest end Mexico's bloody gangster wars? The legalization of recreational marijuana approved by voters Tuesday in Washington and Colorado could sap power from vicious smuggling gangs, and undermine the Mexican government's rationale for pressing on with the drug war, some analysts say. The impact of the vote hinges on whether the state initiatives survive expected court challenges and continued enforcement of US federal drug laws. But if they do and legalization catches a wave across America Mexico's narco-traffickers could lose up to 30 percent of the estimated $6.5 billion they earn annually from smuggling drugs, according to a study by the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness, a private think tank. We don't know how this is going to end, but we do believe that something big can happen, contends Alejandro Hope, author of the study and a former senior crime analyst with Mexico's equivalent of the CIA. The mere possibility is enough to continue closing following the election results and what comes afterward. At least initially, US federal officials' reaction to the legalization vote is unlikely to be friendly. President Barack Obamas administration so far has rejected calls from across Latin America including from former presidents of Mexico, Colombia and Brazil for drug decriminalization as a means to crimp cartel profits and stop the gangland violence. It's worth discussing, but there is no way the Obama-Biden administration will change its policy, Vice President Joe Biden said in a March visit to Mexico City. Apart from Congressional opposition to a policy shift, the US is party to international treaties that require drug enforcement. But the legalization votes came just weeks before Mexico's own presidential transition. Enrique Pena Nieto, who takes office Dec. 1, has signaled that he wants to shift the anti-gangster campaign away from drug interdiction toward curbing the violent crime plaguing ordinary Mexicans. Pena aides and allies argued that the Washington and Colorado results support that view, requiring a rethink of Mexico's militarized anti-narcotics campaign, which has claimed at least 60,000 lives, and perhaps far many more, in the past six years. We have to carry out a review of our joint policies in regard to drug trafficking and security in general, Luis Videgaray, a senior Pena aide, told a Mexican radio interviewer following Tuesday's vote in the US. This obliges us to rethink our relationship in regards to security. This is an unforeseen element. Meanwhile, a key border state governor and Pena ally has set the bar pretty high on any government drug policy reform planning. It seems to me that we should move to authorize exports, Cesar Duarte, governor of gangster-plagued Chihuahua, which includes Ciudad Juarez, told Reuters in an interview. We could therefore propose organizing production for export, and with it no longer being illegal, we would have control over a business which today is run by criminals. And which finances criminals. Despite booming pot production in California, Tennessee and other US states, Mexican marijuana still supplies about half the US market, according to the competitiveness institute

study. Though lower than US marijuana in THC, the chemical that gives the weed its kick, Mexico's product is priced low enough to be competitive.