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A Medieval Catalan Noble Family: the Montcadas, 1000-1230 John C. Shideler 6 Lord and Peasant in the T el!th Cent"r#
$%&'( The territorial lordship of the Montcadas in Old Catalonia could not have existed without peasants. They tilled the soil, raised sheep, pigs, and fowl, and generally supported the local castle lord. Yet the physical world shared by these two groups of men had few points in common. The lord recognized domains comprised of castles, allods, fiefs, and wardships the peasants labored on land organized into castle districts, hamlets, manses, and fields. !nd when the lord returned from the court of a prince to share the same geographic space with the peasants of his domain, still he moved surrounded by "nights, dealing only rarely with anyone who was not a vassal, vicar, or bailiff. #ut a lord could not afford to ignore the condition, numbers, or distribution of those who wor"ed the land. $easants represented a valuable resource to him too few meant lost opportunities and too many a lower net yield per homestead. $easants sustained the lord%s men, fueled his horses, and supplied meat, bread, and wine to his tables. &o important were these functions that in the two or three generations before the twelfth century territorial lords wor"ed to perfect the mechanisms by which the districts they controlled could be operated profitably The fruits of these efforts are plainly visible in documents pertaining to Montcada domains. 'hat circumstances affected the number and distribution of peasants, and how were Montcada lordships e(uipped to deal with changes in their conditions) !n increasing population must be postulated for Catalonia during the twelfth century. This followed from an agricultural economy that had expanded in area cultivated $%6)( and in total output, especially as a result of immigration from *or via+ southern ,rance, since around the year -....*-+ #ut the steady rise in Old Catalonia%s population probably was mostly offset by a corresponding emigration from these regions to towns and to areas in /ew Catalonia. The recon(uest of these lands, which lay south of a line extending from #arcelona on the coast to points further inland where narrow $yrenean gorges of the confluents of the 0bro 1iver widened into a vast interior plain, created opportunities for both peasants and lords.*2+ Though there is little basis for a statistical analysis of the population, there is evidence, supported by two indices, that Montcada districts in Old Catalonia were fully or nearly fully occupied. ,irst, grants of uncultivated land were rare in the twelfth century. &econd, in the one castle district where the number of hearths in --3. is "nown, each homestead would have had to shelter an average of only six individuals to accommodate a population e(ual to that of the present4day municipal district. !llowing for the percentage of population in a modern municipality that is nonproductive agriculturally, the twelfth4century figures show a rural population near in size to that of today.*5+ The population in Montcada domains appears to have been relatively stable, with variations relating to locality. This stability can be inferred from transactions between lord and peasant in which the lord gave land not only to a peasant couple but also to their legitimate offspring, a practice that suggests a social structure

favoring the conservation of productive land in nuclear families. 1arely did the Montcadas deal with a whole clan or lineage more fre(uently the recipient of land was a single person, a couple, or a couple and one son.*3+ !long with such grants, the lord often re(uired residence and personal cultivation of the land, a provision that may have been intended to promote an even distribution of wor"ers over all the agricultural lands.*6+ $%6%( This picture of stability may be deceptive, however, for evidence in charters relating to Montcada domains also suggests that the lords of Montcada sought to bind peasants to the soil. 'ere conditions such that, given free choice, the holders of agricultural plots in Old Catalonia would have abandoned their homes to start new lives in a nearby town or on the frontier) 7t remains difficult to assess the rewards of such a move and to some extent the choice would involve weighing intangibles. 'hat value, for example, should be accorded to the promise of greater personal liberty that was a customary feature of frontier4town charters of enfranchisement) 7t must have had some, for heavier servitude was increasingly imposed in Montcada domains. 8ocuments of the twelfth century not only contained an increasing number of provisions stipulating that the peasants themselves should wor" their land, they also bore witness to a deterioration in the personal status of peasants. !s early as --52, for example, the abbot of &ant Cugat warned a certain !delaida, whom he described as the monastery%s 9own woman,9 and her husband, #erenguer !rnau, not to recognize or ma"e appeals to another lord.*:+ #ut it was not until the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries that such phrases became common in documents relating to Montcada lordships. 7n --;<, =uillem 1amon de Montcada accepted #erenguer de !renys and his brother =uerau as 9his own men.9 7n a transaction resembling that of vassalage, the brothers were commended to the protection of their lord with clasped hands. #ut in contrast to the similar noble ceremony, the pair was received with the provision that they would pay =uillem 1amon and his bailiff at Montcada an annual tribute of -2 deniers of #arcelona.*<+ ! few years later, a manse of =uillem 1amon%s was said to be held by #ernat de =alliners, 9the inhabitant of the manse.9 This phrase suggests a permanent lin" between #ernat and his home, a bond no doubt left unbro"en by the transfer of the manse to the monastery of &antes Creus. *;+ #y -22;, a document attested that $ere de Sescheriis was the 9personal and solid man9 of =uillem de Montcada 9because >his? father and mother and their manse9 had belonged to the Montcada lord.*@+ Aere was a clear expression of servility, unmitigated by an accord that would bring to $%6*( the peasant a guarantee of protection or maintenance in exchange for decreased personal independence. The tightening reins of servitude were but one element of efforts on the part of lords to restrict the discretion enBoyed by peasants over the destiny of their productive land. Other practices included regulating succession practices, especially where the transfer of land involved more than the simple inheritance from a father to one or two of his sons. &uch an intervention occurred in March --<5, when 1amon de Montcada granted a manse in !rraona to a couple who agreed to cultivate it with =uillem de Cilar, a son of one of their neighbors. The couple promised to marry their eldest daughter to =uillem when she came of age, or a younger daughter if the elder were to die. &hould =uillem die before the contracted marriage, his younger brother would wed in his place.*-.+ &uch provisions appear to have aimed at promoting continuity of succession in the land by local people 44 which suggests in turn that efforts to find or maintain cultivators on terms that suited the lord were not always successful. !nalysis of the nomenclature of peasant agricultural lands sheds further light on peasant settlements in Montcada domains in the twelfth century. ! commonly transferred rural holding was the manse, a term that fre(uently designated in the twelfth century more than Bust a peasant dwelling. 7n many contexts the word denotes an integrated rural tenancy comprised of a house or houses, cultivated and uncultivated lands and vines, trees of diverse "inds, and dependent structures. The Catalan manse appeared to weather the twelfth century substantially intact.*--+ Only in exceptional cases was division

attested, and then evidence suggests that the original manses had been (uite extensive. 7n --3< =uillem 1amon &eneschal agreed to trade for half of the manse of Soled his allod in the district of Cacarisses 9ad ipsum pratum,9 his allod between the 9casa9 of &ant DlorenE and the Calvela pass, and an allodial right to three sestars of barley *annually+ in the forge of Cacarisses.*-2+ 7f this $%6+( division was an ominous portent for the future, the danger did not materialize before the mid4thirteenth century at the earliest. ,or until -25., mentions of divided manses remained rare in Montcada domains. The fact that manses were usually undivided does not suggest that every peasant had a complete rural holding to exploit. 7n addition to these units there existed separate fields, vineyards, groves, and orchards that could be held either as a supplement to the manse or in substitution for it. The circulation of these entities, which could occur through exchange or enfeoffment among nobles*-5+ or by cession to tenants,*-3+ was relatively small in the twelfth century, a development that may be tied both to a decline in peasant allodial property and to a process of land consolidation by lords.*-6+ #ut peasants remained who were landless or nearly so. They presumably lived in dwellings erected on small parcels of land, perhaps wor"ing for a share in the harvest of wealthier peasants. ! graphic image of the ine(uality of wealth at the village level is reflected in the description of a castl%s three4tier system of taxation on peasants in CacarissesF the levy was highest for those who employed oxen for their cultivation, halved for those who used a hoe, and discretionary for those 9who labored without a manse.9*-:+ 'ho were the peasants, there and elsewhere, who 9labored without a manse)9 One possible answer is that they were individuals who had been excluded from all but a minor portion of their parents% inheritance when another sibling had received the manse of their fathers. !nother answer could be that they were the 9men9 of the lord 44 those who tilled the soil of his 9reserves.9 The problem of reserves and the manorial domain has been much discussed in Catalan historiography, notably by 0duardo AinoBosa and more recently by $ierre #onnassie.*-<+ ,rom #onnassie%s study it is now clear that manorial estates existed in Catalonia, especially in the $yrenean and northwestern regions. #ut they were far from ubi(uitous, and in the lands south of the highest $%6,( mountain refuges they were exceptional. Though there were some important estates elsewhere 44 such as the comital domain of &ant $ere de CilamaBor 44 ceded 9fiscal9 holdings and allodial property predominated at the beginning of the eleventh century. &uch properties became in that century the obBect of domination by castle lords who extended their Burisdiction to the inhabitants of all their districts. 8id this subBugation by castle lords create new manorial estates centered around the castle, or is another explanation to be sought for the references to 9reserves9 in twelfth4century documents from Montcada domains) These references to reserves or dominicature are rare in Montcada documents of the twelfth century, but they exist and can be logically explained. &uch lands, often small in contrast with comital estates, originated when vicars first mar"ed off lots for their use in their own castle districts. The lots were subBect to the dominion of the castle lord throughout the eleventh century. Thus the dominicatura of =urb, which the =reat &eneschal%s father pledged to !rnau !rnau in ---;, consisted of a manse with its fields and accesses and 9the men who have and hold the fields for us.9*-;+ The original conditions under which these lands were wor"ed would have been a matter of mutual agreement between peasants and lords, but with the onset of the twelfth century these terms, li"e those imposed upon holders of 9free9 or allodial land, became obliterated. !s this happened, the word dominicatura became simply synonymous with 9lordship.9 This would explain the terminology employed in --5@, when =uillem 1amon >77? gave his honor of Da Tor with all its manses and lands to a "night who received it 9per bonum fevum et per dominicaturam.9*-@+ 7n the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, as peasants were increasingly subBected to uniform banal charges by bailiffs who collected the proceeds of the land, the term dominicatura lost nearly all of its original meaning.

$roducts of the DandF The !gricultural 0conomy

! study of twelfth4century documents offers a picture of the productive tas"s that occupied the peasants in Montcada domains. $%6&( These included tilling fields, cultivating vines, and tending olive trees. Most important was the planting of cereals, which provided flour for bread. #arley was the most common grain sown, though wheat and feed grains li"e oats were also planted.*2.+ =rain was so important for human consumption that documents fre(uently failed to specify variety, referring to it simply as 9bread9 44 usually in a phrase that included wine, another staple element in the diet.*2-+ !lso important was the production of olives, which were processed for consumption or pressed for oil.*22+ $lants grown in Old Catalonia for noncomestible purposes included hemp and flax, which supplied fibers for cordage and cloth.*25+ Though cultivated fields, vineyards, and orchards were the mainstay of peasant agricultural economy, they were not its only resources. 'ooded lands surrounded nearly all but the most intensely settled valley communities, providing ample opportunities for gathering forest products and for grazing pigs. /ames li"e 1oviradec, the manse of Coscolario and 9ter de ,reixanet9 all refer to stands of oa" or ash on which grew acorns suitable for feeding pigs.*23+ ,rom the pigs came salt4cured hams and shoulders, many of which went to the lords, though some meat probably also went to the peasant%s table and lard into his larder.*26+ 7n addition, most peasants raised chic"ens for poultry and eggs, and some raised sheep.*2:+ There are some references to plow oxen and, indirectly, to animals that provided mil".*2<+ Other animals large enough to do $%66( wor" or provide transport also existed, but they were usually mentioned only in transactions involving nobles. &uch animals as horses and mules, not generally available to peasants because of their price, had a limited impact on the rural economy.*2;+ 7t would be difficult to describe a typical agricultural community in Old Catalonia in the mid4twelfth century if a "ind of document "nown as the caput brevis *Catalan capbreu+ had not been preserved. One such domain account sheds light on the castle district of Muntanyola at the moment of its transfer from Montcada lordship to that of the monastery of &anta Maria de l%0stany. The capbreu of Muntanyola was clearly valuable to the mon"s, who obtained a precise list of the rents owed by local inhabitants to their lords.*2@+ 7t details the revenues produced by a specific number of agricultural holdings, and documents the diversity of individual units. ,urther, the geographical dimensions of Muntanyola can be reconstructed from it. $lace names in the capbreu are still in use after more than eight hundred years, and information it contains suggests that the boundaries of today%s municipality follow those of the medieval castle district.*5.+ 'ithin that district, the capbreu distinguishes fifty4seven productive units, which probably approximates the number of hearths in twelfth4century Muntanyola. Of these, twenty4nine *6- percent+ are identified as manses in nine cases *-: percent+ the unit is called a mas. There were five mills *@ percent+ in the district and one laboratio or piece of cultivated land *2 percent+. The remaining thirteen holdings *53 percent+, not described by type, included four parcels called 9land of >toponym or personal name?,9 five mentions of individual persons, and four miscellaneous entries *three geographic references and a mention of the 9priests of &ant Guirze9+. On a modern map of the region, these names stud the area within the borders of the modern municipal district *see Map 5+. !n examination of the capbreu shows that the number of rents $%6-( owed by holders of manses varied widely some paid in only one or two categories, others in five, six, or seven. $oultry was the most nearly universal rent category in Muntanyola, amounting to one or two pairs of hens or capons per year. This rent was collected from fully two4thirds of all units designated as a mas or a manse, from the single laboratio cited in the document, and from @. percent of the 9other9 exploitations. The next most

common rent was the questa *which appears in the capbreu as a regular annual payment, probably a fixed proportion of the harvest+, paid by <. percent of the manse holders in Muntanyola :- percent of them also supplied three cheeses per year to their lords. Other rents were the tasca, owed by 6; percent of the manses, and the braatge, paid by five of the peasants these rents represented one4eleventh and one4sixteenth shares of the harvest, respectively.*5-+ 0ven by -25., there was little evidence of conversion to monetary rents at the peasant level, as in some parts of 0urope.*52+ 7n addition to the tasca and braatge, three inhabitants paid a (uarter of their harvest as well 44 which provides evidence of the upward pressure on rents in Catalonia from the eleventh century*55+ 0ight manse holders also owed one or two quartera *a unit of measure+ of rixidons *a feed grain)+ per year and two gave a (uantity of wheat to the lord of Muntanyola. ,rom this data, it appears that the holders of manses generally ac(uitted more dues than did the others. On closer examination, however the division between holdings that owed light and heavy rents is not (uite so clear. Two categories in the list of entries show consistently low rentsF the mills, which paid only one or at most two dues, and those holdings named near the end of the capbreu. Of these, fourteen of the fifteen listed owed only one or two forms of rent. !mong them were six manses, four names of individuals, and four holdings "nown as 9lands.9 Their lighter dues can be understood by considering how the document was organized. The capbreu was produced from the testimony of three local men, who seem to have arranged the entries in geographic se(uence. This hypothesis can be tested against the locations of the $%6'( "nown holdings. ,irst on the list is the manse of #ermon de Tres &erra, which lies in the southwest corner of the castle district. &ubse(uent entries proceed northward along the Muntanyola 1iver to the vicinity of the castle. !t this point the geographic continuity of the document is interrupted, or else it follows an order unintelligible to the modern observer. 7n the middle of the document, following the initial progression from the southwest to the geographic center of the district, many of the names are found that are recognizable from the central and eastern portions of the castle district. ,ollowing these, in the last third of the document, are the fourteen entries with limited rent, including the 9ter de 1ossello de Cilla Cenrel,9 the manse of 9Tayadella (ui sunt novelli,9 and the 9comes ermes.9 The first can be identified with the contemporary toponym at the extreme eastern edge of the municipality of Muntanyola. The manse named after the 9new Tayadella9 could refer to a more recent utilization of the lower land east of Muntanyola, an impression supported by the inclusion in this group of a manse whose name also suggests expansion, that of the 9comes ermes,9 44 an uncultivated hill. 7f this is so, the unifying element of these fourteen entries could have been their geographic location at the eastern fringe of the castle district, where settlement advanced to lower lands after reaching a saturation point in the territory immediately surrounding the castle. This development might not have occurred in the twelfth century, but a century or two before, when 9pioneers9 ventured down from secure lands in the mountains next to the castle. #ecause of the ris" they faced, their dues to the lord were lower 44 a situation which, li"e the place names of their holdings, became fixed in the collective memory of their neighbors. 7f this hypothesis is correct, the peasants who wor"ed lands on the plain of Cic in the tran(uil decades of the twelfth century would have possessed a substantial material advantage over their brethren who continued to wor" the more protected but more rugged holdings in Muntanyola%s higher elevations. 7n addition to telling us the amount of rent paid by landholders to their lords, the capbreu records two instances in which labor services were re(uired. These obligations were discharged by grinding grain for the castle and washing dishes, which indicates that Muntanyola was probably a community of integrated, self4sustaining agricultural units. ,or if there had been a 9manor,9 one $%.)( might expect on the one hand specialization of labor sufficient to exonerate manse holders from domestic duties, and on the other hand that all or nearly all peasants would be re(uired to divide their labor between their own

fields and those of their lords. The capbreu furnishes the image of an agricultural community of modest size that probably was self4 sufficient but from which only moderate profits derived. Muntanyola produced enough grain to support the operation of five mills, but it did not generate so much of a surplus that the castle lord taxed the profits of commerce by establishing a local fair. /or was industry important at Muntanyola. ,or despite the mountains from which it too" its name, Muntanyola was not a mining center, and it lac"ed both forge and forge usage taxes. 7ts economy was strictly rural, and it remained, in the twelfth century, isolated if not mostly 9closed.9

The $rofits of Dordship

Dordship in the Montcada domains in the twelfth century was mar"ed by both continuity and change. !lthough the administration of domains continued to be the concern of the lords of Montcada and their castlans, the tas"s of collecting and accounting for revenues were increasingly performed by a new class of administrators "nown as bailiffs. #ailiffs achieved prominence in a century in which the social gap between higher and lower levels of nobility was reduced by a rise in the status of castlans and "nights. !s these ac(uired greater authority within their own districts, the lords of Montcada found that fiscal control of their domains could be elusive. !t first they strengthened the role of bailiffs in their lands, but eventually, toward the end of the century, they turned for assistance to a new class of entrepreneurs who came to share the title of bailiff with the older domain officials. ! few of these new men, the most exceptional, farmed the rents of the lordship in exchange for cash advances. #y the early decades of the thirteenth century they had become the cornerstones of Montcada fiscal administration. $%.%( The Bailiff's Role in Montcada omains The importance of bailiffs grew in the twelfth century, as first lords and then castlans came to have less contact with peasants. The bailiffs, many of whom were not noble, collected rents and often appeared as signatories when their lords granted parcels of property to peasants.*53+ #ecause bailiffs remained the personal agents of their lords, more than one of them could be involved in collecting rents from a domain. Thus, when =uerau de Horba and his retinue along with =uillem 1amon &eneschal and his son =uillem and $ere de &entmenat described their rights in a manse in !rraona, they mentioned three bailiffs, each attending to the financial interests of his lord.*56+ The procedures in such a situation were outlined in --:3 in an agreement between =uillem 1amon and $ere de &entmenat. 7n return for renouncing the castellania of Montcada, $ere received as fief from =uillem 1amon two measures *!aficia+of barley annually in the castle district of &entmenat. 7n that district, $ere agreed that his bailiff would go with =uillem 1amon%s to collect the tenth in the manse*)+ of !rno. $ere%s bailiff would retain one !aficium for his lord, and the remainder would be "ept by =uillem 1amon%s bailiff. The other !aficium of barley would be ta"en annually in the forge of &entmenat. $ere%s bailiff would accompany =uillem 1amon%s blac"smith to collect the locidum *a fee imposed upon peasants for the use of the forge+, "eeping one !aficium for $ere de &entmenat%s account and leaving the remainder for =uillem 1amon.*5:+ Carious persons collected rents for their lord. Most bailiffs, though they clearly served in this capacity, were also wor"ing members of their communities. #erenguer 9Cap #ovis,9 undoubtedly a rich peasant, was an ox drover whose ownership of animals give him higher status than other tillers of the soil.*5<+ $%.*( #lac"smiths, who in at least two cases served the Montcadas as bailiffs, were another strong element in community life.*5;+ #ut noble bailiffs 44 those who 9mounted a horse and ate wheat bread9 44 are the ones mentioned most often in Montcada documents, especially in the second half of the twelfth

century, although non4noble bailiffs may have been more numerous. /oble bailiffs were, according to the social distinctions enshrined in the Isatges of #arcelona, considered "nights when fines were levied for their death or mutilation. #erenguer de !uriag was a noble bailiff. Together with !rnau de 1omaned, another of =uillem 1amon%s bailiffs, #erenguer appeared as plaintiff in --<. in a dispute with !rnau de $alomar over the boundaries of the allods of Castellar and &entmenat.*5@+ #erenguer, a prime mover in the case, was among those participants who were called probi homines and testes idoneos *terms of distinction that, in the early eleventh century, were applied to members of the vice4 comital or vicarial class+. #erenguer de !uriag was not of such origins, but he could be counted as noble, and he enBoyed the nobleman%s privilege of accompanying his lord on horsebac" during visits to his domains and sharing wheat bread with him at the table. There was then, some difference in function between the bailiff charged with collecting measures of grain, chic"ens, and hams from fellow peasants and bailiffs li"e #erenguer de !uriag. The non4noble bailiffs were basically immobile, whereas the nobles ranged widely over castle districts and their surroundings. /ot only Castellar and &entmenat came under the purview of #erenguer de !uriag, but also other parts of the CallJs.*3.+ This wider mandate for noble bailiffs meant that they could hear pleas, exact usages, and perhaps render accounts to their lord for foodstuffs collected in various villages or hamlets. &uch functions perhaps belonged to $ere de TorellK, bailiff for 1amon de Montcada, who, li"e #erenguer de !uriag, is "nown to have presided over pleas. 7n --<3 he reached an agreement with $ere de $uig, his wife 0rmengards, and their friends concerning intestads sive exorquias and 9many other (uarrels9 revolving around succession to property The dispute was concluded when $ere accepted for himself and his $%.+( lord the sum of ; sols and 5 sols for terch de honorem, a tax levied on the purchase of property.*3-+ The system of bailiffs as it had evolved by the second half of the twelfth century served well the lordship imposed directly by magnates or indirectly through their castlans. #ut its adaptability to new conditions became evident when the process of subinfeudation and borrowing against collateral clouded the lines of hierarchical authority in the early thirteenth century. Then a new "ind of bailiff emerged, one who towered above his non4noble counterpart in financial power and prestige, and who rivaled and probably surpassed the most successful of the old4style noble bailiffs in his master%s esteem. #ernat #arutL was the most conspicuous example of this "ind of official in Montcada lands. Cited in -2.@ as 9bailiff9 in a sale of property in the Montcada lordship at Cic,*32+ #ernat began his financial service to the Montcadas in -2-2 by allowing =uillem de Montcada to pledge his *#ernat%s+ honor of =urri to #erenguer and Hoan de Maiols for -,<.. sols, payable by the next feast of !ll &aints. To compensate the bailiff, =uillem in turn pledged his castle of Montcada with its revenues until the honor of =urri could be redeemed.*35+ #ernat #arutL%s greatest contributions to Montcada solvency came during the return to political influence of =uillem 1amon de Montcada and his son =uillem, before Haume 7 had come of age. 7n -2-6 =uillem 1amon and =uillem ac"nowledged receiving from #ernat 62 mar"s of silver, -63 morabetins, and -,<3. sols of #arcelona, and they pledged in return their revenues from Cic and the castles of Tona and Montcada.*33+ Dater that year #ernat #arutL offered himself as security to a =ascon lender, =uasch de la Tor, from whom =uillem 1amon borrowed money prior to his trip to 1ome.*36+ #y early -2-: #ernat #arutL again was listed as a creditor of the Montcadas, receiving in pledge for his financial services the resources of TorellK and Montcada.*3:+ #ernat #arutL evidently enBoyed the confidence of his Montcada lords, and he was recognized in =uillem 1amon de Montcada%s will as one of four men to provide for the 9care9 of Osona upon the viscount%s $%.,( death.*3<+ 7n !pril -2-@ #ernat, acting both as bailiff and procurator of =uillem 1amon de Montcada, presided at a tribunal to settle disputes between 0lissenda de &entmenat and #ernard !iach, and in May he accepted a charter from 1amon de $legamans that ac"nowledged his payment of

-.. sols on behalf of the viscount.*3;+ #ut #ernat #arutL became most actively involved with =uillem 1amon%s son. Ais closeness to the young lord of Montcada was evident by Huly -2-@, when he was first among the subscribers to =uillem de Montcada%s donation of five sols annually to the Aospital of the Aoly &pirit in Montpellier.*3@+ Date that month #ernat had =uillem de Montcada ac"nowledge diverting :.. sols from the revenues of his land that should have gone to one #erenguer de 1iera. The document stated =uillem%s intention to repay the money and added his promise to 9always be for you >#ernat #arutL? and yours a legal guarantor and defender.9*6.+ This provision suggests that #ernat wanted to be protected if #erenguer de 1iera were to be displeased over the contract of this 9loan.9 7n fact, #erenguer de 1iera seems to have been slow to redeem the pledge he held for revenues amounting to -,... mar"s of silver, for in May -22. =uillem de Montcada was once again appropriating revenues from this source and ordering #ernat #arutL to use them in repaying other debts.*6-+ #y -22., =uillem de Montcada%s interests included managing the county of #arcelona, an enterprise made possible by his procuratorship in Catalonia. !cting in May -22. as 9lieutenant of the "ing,9 =uillem sold #ernat #arutL the office of vicar of #arcelona for a period of five years, and applied the 6,... sol price to the repayment of royal debts.*62+ Ae authorized #ernat in another charter a few days later to recover an additional 6.. sols that had already been obligated in the veguerie from a certain #erenguer &unyer.*65+ #ernat #arutL%s appointment to the veguerie of #arcelona did not affect his involvement as an official in the service of =uillem de $%.&( Montcada. !ppearing in -22- as =uillem%s procurator, #ernat argued the Montcada side in a dispute with &ant Cugat concerning lordship rights over a peasant named Hoan de Magerova.*63+ Two years later, #ernat was involved on behalf of his patron in the financial aftermath of the devaluation of the money of #arcelona. 7n May -225, #ernat ac(uitted himself of the firmancia or guarantee that he and $ere =runy and $ere, sacristan of #arcelona, had pledged to #erenguer de $auses and #ernat &uavis for a debt of =uillem de Montcada.*66+ #ut these were among #ernat%s last appearances he was succeeded as vicar of #arcelona after his five4year term by #erenguer #urget. #ernat #arutL was without doubt the most important fiscal administrator for =uillem 1amon de Montcada and his son =uillem de Montcada in the period -2.@ to -226. !s lender guarantor or administrator, he served the Montcadas in their financial dealings with others. 'as he simply a man of means 9investing9 his capital in the prospect of a better political future for his lords) &uch creditors had existed before, li"e the Montpellier4based =uillem Deteric, who ban"rolled the numerous interventions of !lfons 7 in Danguedoc and $rovence during the --:.s and --<.s. 7t is possible that #ernat #arutL was a man of this mold. #ut whatever his origins and bac"ground in financial administration 44 and there is evidence that either he or a man with the same name was royal bailiff at Cic in --;@*6:+ 44 he first served the Montcadas as bailiff in -2.@. !nd in -2-3 he still held this function, subscribing a grant of land by =uillem 1amon de Montcada and his son =uillem to the cowherd $ere de Mata.*6<+ Yet within five years he had become intimately involved in Montcada finances at every level and was about to receive a royal post as well. 7t is difficult to explain #ernat #arutL%s phenomenal success. Aad he merely done very well as an administrator, or was his bac"ground or family origin the "ey to his fortune) 7t is hard to tell, given the few "nown details about #ernat%s early career. #ut it is clear that as bailiff he demonstrated financial expertise. Ae may also have been instrumental in generating reserves of money sufficient to cover the extraordinary expenses of his lords as they arose if this is so, it would follow that managerial techni(ues such as rent4farming could have supplied the necessary cash flow if expertly administered. These were, in any case, good years for the Montcadas from a financial point of view. 'hether the

credit for this should largely go to #ernat #arutL is impossible to prove. /evertheless, the years following #ernat%s departure from the management of Montcada financial affairs were precisely the years in which =uillem de Montcada complained the most of unrelenting impecuniousness. The "iscal #lements of $ordship The administrative structure of Montcada domains 44 that is, the social hierarchy of lords, castlans, "nights, and bailiffs 44 was ultimately supported through the efforts of the peasants. 7t was the peasants who paid rents on their lands, dues to their lords, tenths to the church and it was they who suffered from any number of mals usos. Though each of these fiscal exactions had its own history, in the twelfth century all of them pertained to the prerogative of lordship and made up part of the 9bas"et9 of incomes that was emptied by successively higher members in the peasants% hierarchy of superiors. The most basic and constant income resulting from the exercise of lordship came from rents on the land. These rents were apportioned for the most part in fractional shares of grain, pairs of hens, and cured hams paid by tenants. ! large percentage of the ta"e undoubtedly was consumed by those for whom the rents were collectedF "nights, castlans, and feudatories. #ut the rents also provided stores of foodstuffs that the Montcadas or their friends and agents could consume during periodic rounds. Though it is impossible to "now what percentage of the total was used in this way, it almost certainly was substantial, especially at the focal points of the lord%s operations in a particular region. Thus such lordships as Montcada and Cic might have been preferred temporary residences in Old Catalonia for the Montcadas, serving as depots for maintenance and revictualling much as the comital estates of &ant $ere de CilamaBor served the counts and their friends as a relay or transit station. $%..( !t CilamaBor, the comings and goings of Catalonian notables was accounted for during the twelfth century, and a surviving piece of this record sheds some light on the nature of the operation there. 8uring the period Hune --6: to !pril --6<, the author of the account listed the amounts spent on visitors li"e Maria de #Marn, future viscountess and wife of =uillem de Montcada >77? =uillem de &entmenat Ot &eneschal, brother of =uillem 1amon, accompanied by a party of nobles, s(uires, and others and a party of s(uires and merchants of 9=uillem 1amon.9 These parties consumed grain, meat, fowl, peas, oil, candles, and fodder at the expense of the count of #arcelona.*6;+ Though this "ind of account does not exist for Montcada domains, it is possible to obtain an idea of the amounts and "inds of rent remitted by peasants in Old Catalonia from the capbreu of Muntanyola and from evidence gleaned from a variety of other documents. 7n addition to rents on the land, lords in Old Catalonia collected many other dues, including labor services, such as at Muntanyola *6@+ banalit%s such as the forge4usage,*:.+ the oven4usage,*:-+ and other fees *:2+ and rights of hospitality. The rights of hospitality, "nown generally in Catalonia by the name albergas were not inconse(uential this is clear from the measures ta"en by ecclesiastical lords around Montcada to prevent the imposition of albergas upon their lands or men by the castle lords. The value of such rights led !rchbishop Olleguer in --5- to trade an honor near Montcada for a renunciation by =uillem 1amon &eneschal and #eatriu of the 9albergas, services, and usages that the count has or $%.-( they have from him9 44 hospitality that in fact was not even due them 44 in an allod of the chapter in Cilapiscina and its territory .*:5+ 0leven years later =uillem 1amon repeated the same renunciation to #arcelona%s #ishop !rnau, receiving in compensation an honor in the district of Montcada that #erenguer 1amon de 1iba had given up to the cathedral canons.*:3+ The abbot of &ant Cugat was also plagued during these years by the problem of undue hospitality to the lords of Montcada. 7n --52 he added to a donation of a manse the warning that the recipient should not ac"nowledge another lord besides himself, and that he should not 9give in this manse of &altels any food to the lords of Montcada nor receive them with honor.9*:6+

1ights of hospitality were one way castle lords could impose additional burdens upon the communities of peasants they ruled. !nother way was to tax the surplus products that peasants could trade in local fairs. !s early as --.3, =uillem 1amon >7? had won a concession from the bishop of Cic of part of the revenues generated at such occasions*::+ 44 a concession that ostensibly was limited to his lifetime but that in fact continued to raise money throughout the twelfth century for =uillem 1amon >77? and succeeding Montcada lords of Cic. 7n the --:.s =uillem 1amon >77? founded or augmented the Montcada fair by transferring to Matabous a fair that had previously been held at &ant Cugat. This move re(uired the consent of the monastery, which stipulated that 9our house of &ant Cugat be permitted to buy all that is necessary for it without toll, custom, or any usage.9 ,urther, the monastery retained one4tenth of the incomes generated by the fair except for those pertaining to the administration of Bustice, which the Montcadas received in full. The division of proceeds led the parties to agree that no income could be collected except in the presence of the bailiffs of both &ant Cugat and Montcada. 7n return for this 9gift,9 =uillem 1amon and his son =uillem de Montcada agreed to be the 9faithful men9 of the monastery and to defend its honor.*:<+ 7t is possible that the monastery later repented of the decision or simply found the fair at Montcada too distant, for in &eptember $%.'( --<5 the mon"s received permission from !lfons 7 to establish a wee"ly mar"et on 'ednesdays in &ant Cugat. The mar"et, which !lfons too" under his 9tuition, protection, and defense,9 was declared free of tolls, usages, and lordships from any other party, the count4"ing and his successors included 44 an inBunction that may have been directed at the neighboring lords of Montcada. #ut the document showed the family%s assent to the new institutionF the unmista"able autograph signature of 1amon de Montcada >7?.*:;+ Though the mar"et no doubt introduced some competition to commerce at Montcada, it did not Beopardize the fair, which continued to generate revenue for the Montcada lords, both from taxes of various "inds and from rents on buildings and plots of land.*:@+ !nother income for the lords of Montcada came from church tithes. Though these were theoretically raised for the church, they had come to be considered fiefs of the castle lord under whose protection the parish priest served. 7n Cacarisses, for instance, =uillem 1amon in --66 gave as fiefs to 1amon de Castellet the churches of 1ellinars and &anta 0ngrNcia and one4fourth of the church of &ant ,eliu de Cacarisses.*<.+ #ecause of their financial interest in these tenths, the lords of Montcada specified in some transactions to which parish a piece of land was tithable.*<-+ These rights of lordship were apparently common enough that the abbess of the convent of &ant $ere de les $uelles raised no obBection in --36 to an exchange of allods with =uillem 1amon that included their tithes.*<2+ This was to her advantage, for though the tithes collected in =uillem 1amon%s allod would reach him either directly or through the Montcada church of &anta 0ngrNcia, those that she raised in her island allod in the #esOs at the foot of Montcada presumably would go directly to the coffers of the convent in #arcelona. Though the diversion of clerical tithes to territorial lords was long established by the twelfth century, some voices rose in opposition to the practice. 7n --:2 the rector of the church of &entmenat complained to the bishop of #arcelona that the tenths levied $%-)( in his parish should go to him and not to the castl, $ere de &olio. $ere responded that in times of war with the Moors the men of the parish had fled to the castle for protection, so that by the wishes of the preceding bishops and counts of #arcelona the tithes had been given to the castl. #ishop =uillem ruled that this donation was no longer valid 44 that the pope had recently declared that laymen could not possess tithes without consent of the Aoly &ee. $ending an appeal to the pope, the bishop agreed to let the castl collect the tenths on his own property, but he stipulated that thirty quarteras of wheat should be paid to the rector. Ae added that the castl had no claim whatsoever to first fruits in the parish.*<5+ The ultimate winner in this case

is not recorded, though it seems safe to surmise that, had any large4scale departure from past practice occurred, a thic" dossier of litigation would have been left behind. 7n addition to incomes from rents, banalit%s, and tithes, the lords of Montcada and their agents profited from the administration of Bustice. This right, which was delegated by the lord to his castl, produced fines shared by the lord *two4thirds+ and the castl *one4third+.*<3+ 8id anything remain of the comital system of Bustice that a century before had bent to the attac" of increasingly independence4minded territorial lords) /o evidence exists for comital involvement in Bustice exercised in Montcada lands and the fact that 1amon #erenguer 7C recognized =uillem 1amon%s rights to Bustice in one of the count%s fields at Cic also suggests a negative response.*<6+ #ut would the counts and count4"ings of the twelfth century ma"e no effort to regain the rights wrested from them by territorial lords a century before) Though the matter is not well documented, a charter dated in the reign of !lfons 7 suggests that the lords of Montcada no longer adBudicated maBor crimes, and that appeals for default of Bustice were regularly directed to bailiffs of the count.*<:+ This charter exists only in early fourteenth4century copies, and the text as it survives can be suspected of falsification. 7f it was falsified, this may well have been done in connection with a dispute between "ing and barons over rights of high Bustice that developed during the late thirteenth century 44 a topic that deserves consideration elsewhere. $%-%( ! final group of revenues from the exercise of lordship in Montcada domains can be lumped under the heading of exactions. This term covers forced levies of agricultural produce, head or hearth taxes, property transfer levies, and collections of the mals usos. The least arbitrary of these in the twelfth century seems to have been the questa 44 another levy on harvests, but one distinguishable from toltas and forcias, which retained their arbitrary nature in the twelfth century.*<<+ #ut local variation was possible. Count 1amon #erenguer 7C in --3< promised =uillem 1amon that neither he nor his agents would levy toltas, forcias, questas nor unleash mounted contingents *in a cavalcata+ in a field ac(uired by =uillem 1amon at Cic.*<;+ This pledge indicates that in at least one instance questas were still considered arbitrary. There seems to have been no ambiguity about the nature of toltas and forcias, however. These levies figured prominently in a complaint lodged sometime between --6< and --<2 against the castl 1amon de Castellet, who was accused of witholding 9new toltas9 and other rights from his lord. 1amon was specifically charged with exacting forcias from his menF 9wheat, oats, grass, wine, oil, and many other >products? which >1amon? should not have received there.9*<@+ #ut if 1amon%s actions were 9inBuries9 in the mind of the author of the memorial, this was because he raised the exaction for his own account, gaining profits not shared with his lord.*;.+ 7t was thus not the fact of submitting a locality to forcias that was (uestioned. 7ndeed, this right was granted by =uillem 1amon, #eatriu, =uillem de Montcada, and Otto #ernat 0rmengol de ,reixanet, who in --56 received the $uig de =uardia and the honor of =uardia in the castle district of OrLs.*;-+ ,orty4five years later, #ernat 0rmengol%s son and grandson renewed their agreements concerning the $uig de =uardia. ,or doing forcias there, the ,reixanets were again provided compensation from proceeds of the castle of OrLsF 9and it is agreed that we give to you and yours $%-*( for aid in administering this forcia five sestars *measure of Cic+ of wheat, and moreover we give to you and yours such power and license that you may conduct men from the castle of OrLs to effectuate this forcia.9*;2+ This agreement made plain that the forcia was a substantial operation that probably resulted in proceeds larger than those guaranteed to the feudatory. The difference, li"e the surplus above two !aficia in the proceeds from the tenth of !rno and the locidum at &entmenat, would have remained as profit for the Montcada lords. That forcias were maintained as much for them as for the administrator is clear in an inBunction added by #ernat de ,reixanet to his will in --@<F 9and if >the heirs? shall do a forcia at

Conanglel >castle district of OrLs? let no damage arise for =uillem 1amon.9*;5+ !nother exaction prevalent in Montcada domains was the acapte.Inli"e questas, toltas, and forcias, levied on harvests, the acapte was a tribute paid personally by the subBects of a lord.*;3+ 'hen the monastery of &ant Cugat contested Montcada claims to rights over the peasant named Hoan de Magerova, the monastery produced charters of 9ac(uisition or acapte9 and called witnesses to testify that Hoan lived in its manse of Magerova. #ernat #arutL, however, arguing the Montcada side, claimed 9possession and dominion of the man9 and showed the tribunal a Montcada 9charter of acapte9 that he said proved that 9Hoan and his >ancestors? obtained tenures from the predecessors of =uillem de Montcada and were held to ma"e their home there >in Montcada?.9*;6+ #y ac(uiring property from a lord, therefore, a peasant became the lord%s man and was liable for dues payable at the time the relationship was established. Aow often the acapte was levied cannot be ascertained from Montcada domain records, though, li"e many such taxes, it may have become periodic. 7f so, it perhaps came to resemble the tax paid by men of various social ran"s who turned to the lords of Catalonia during the second half of the twelfth century for guarantees of personal protection. &uch a relationship was established with a charter of amparantia, which extended the lord%s protection to the contracting party in return for an annual payment. This form of contract was fre(uently used by !lfons 7 $%-+( during his reign. 7t was also employed by =uillem 1amon de Montcada, who in --;< pledged to 9maintain and defend9 #erenguer de !renys for an annual tribute of -2 deniers in addition to an initial payment of 2. sols.*;:+ The acapte was a personal or 9head9 tax the stabilimentum focused on the property aspect of the relation between lord and peasant. Stabilimenta were given in return for 9establishing9 the new tenant on his land.*;<+ Other occasional levies maintained the lord%s control over changes in the occupancy of his lands. 'hen peasants bought land, the lord could re(uire a terch de honorem,or one4third of the price of the property.*;;+ &imilarly, lords were (uic" to see" compensation when their lands were given to ecclesiastical institutions 44 which diminished the value of the land for revenue purposes and usually gave rise to a 9donation9 of a sum of money from the institution involved.*;@+ ! last group of usages were the mals usos, which in the twelfth century most commonly included the intestia *payment of one4third of an inheritance when a person died intestate+, the exorquia *right of a lord to succeed to an inheritance in the absence of legitimate heirs+, and the cugucia *right of a lord to confiscate one4third of the property of an adulteress+.*@.+ These were mentioned together in a document of -22:, but by that time they had a long history.*@-+ Though there are no "nown incidences of cugucia in Montcada domains, the other two levies left perceptible traces in the documentation. 0ven before the case of $ere de $alau, who died without heirs in --5:, =uillem 1amon and #eatriu had ac(uired an allod per exorquia.*@2+ #y mid4century, 1amon de Castellet had been accused $%-,( of depriving his lords of Montcada of their third part of 9intestiis et exorchiis et stabilimentis.9*@5+ !nd in --<3 a Montcada bailiff settled disputes that revolved in part around 9intestads sive exorchias.9*@3+ These cases seem to indicate a progressive extension of the mals usos in Montcada lands and by the late twelfth century they appear as routine elements of domain administration.

Money and Credit

! manner of 9direct9 administration of domain profits evolved into a mixed system, by which the incomes of some districts were sold for cash to bailiffs or rent4farmers, during the period --2.4-25.. Three factors may have influenced the change. ,irst there was the =reat &eneschal%s increased political involvement in the affairs of the count of #arcelona, which shifted his attention away from the management of his domains. This necessitated both prolonged absences from his estates in Catalonia

and more cash resources. &econd, the rise in status of castlans and the expansion in Montcada domains of intermediate categories of feudatories almost certainly led to increased consumption of the profits of lordship, ma"ing it even more important to manage carefully those reserved for the lords of Montcada. Third, the heightened status of the descendants of the =reat &eneschal, and their wide involvement in $yrenean and Mediterranean political and economic ventures, re(uired greater expenditures than ever before. The extension of Montcada lordship to the viscounty of #Marn and to /ew Catalonia helped, but the total costs could be met only by exploiting to the fullest the central elements of the Montcada patrimony. Aow did the Montcada lords of the twelfth century meet their long4 and short4term needs for li(uid resources) Aow did their balance sheet appear by the time of =uillem de Montcada%s death at Mallorca in -22@) These (uestions can be answered by studying the two maBor credit operations available to the MontcadasF pledging land or its resources against payments in cash, and contracting unsecured loans. $%-&( &ledges of $and The =reat &eneschal%s raising of profits from his domain appears to have been 9direct.9 That is, bailiffs collected Montcada incomes in "ind or coin and disposed of them according to =uillem 1amon%s orders. 7n the absence of any evidence to the contrary, it can be assumed that =uillem 1amon%s bailiffs remitted to him most incomes in money but were allowed to stoc"pile and perhaps sell rents received in "ind. =uillem 1amon could thus combine the advantages of centralized resources *money+ with diversified stoc"s of food that could sustain him and parties of followers during periodic visits to his estates. Though this "ind of management apparently served the =reat &eneschal well, even during his lifetime there were indications of new directions for the administration of domains under his descendants. The practice of pledging land and its income as collateral for loans was not new in the late twelfth century, but had existed in Catalonia for at least two hundred years.*@6+ 0ven so, the =reat &eneschal was only occasionally involved in such transactions, usually remaining a net creditor. To be sure, he had Boined his brother Ot and his father =uillem 1amon >7?, in pledging their dominicatura at =urb to one !rnau !rnau for -.. morabetins a few months after his marriage to #eatriu de Montcada.*@:+ #ut he also loaned money under such conditions, as when Count 1amon #erenguer 7C pledged his dominicatura in Osor to the seneschal in return for 3,... sols.*@<+ On another occasion, the viscount of Cardona accepted 2,... morabetins from =uillem 1amon against his castle of #rull in Osona.*@;+ =uillem 1amon%s own pledges were for much smaller sums and may have been inspired by other considerations than the simple need for money. !part from three pledges of 3., -.., and 2.. morabetins that he is "nown to have made in --35, --3;, and --:<,*@@+ the only other occasions on which he pledged land were when the monastery of &anta Maria de l%0stany lent him -.. morabetins in --5; and --6 morabetins in --::.*-..+ On both occasions the pledge $%-6( consisted of the seneschal%s share of profits from the castle district of Muntanyola. 7t is tempting to assume that, in the two transactions, the monastery 9bought out9 whatever rights =uillem 1amon still maintained in the castle district. Ae might have found such an option preferable to continuing a Boint administration with 0stany. 7f this hypothesis is correct, then =uillem 1amon was in essence amputating from the Montcada patrimony an honor whose lordship already had been confused and splintered when held by previous Montcada lords 44 and an honor that recently had become an obBect of the expansive ambitions of the neighboring monastery. The lordship of Muntanyola, which in the early eleventh century had been held entirely by =uillem de Montcada, apparently had been destined for division among his sons. 'hen #erenguer 1amon de Montcada ac(uired the Montcada lordship around -.;6 from his father, 1amon =uillem de Montcada,

and his older brother, he found that his two surviving uncles still held the one4third share of Muntanyola that he felt should devolve to him from his father.*-.-+ This share should have been ac(uired by =uillem 1amon >77? through his marriage to #eatriu de Montcada, but the seneschal claimed half of Muntanyola in his dealings with 0stany in --5;. Hust prior to leaving for the Aoly Dand the year before, however, 1amon 1enard de Da 1oca had given the monastery his right to two4thirds of the castle, effective after his death or before if he should decide to remain in Herusalem.*-.2+ Therefore, it was far from clear how much of the castle district each claimant was entitled to when the abbot of 0stany ac(uired power over the Muntanyola castle district sometime during --5; or --5@. =uillem 1amon, reduced to half of the lordship or less, may have decided that its profits were too insignificant to Bustify maintaining a bailiff there, and that his financial interest could be served best by simply $%-.( farming out his rights to the neighboring monastery. The price that he received apparently satisfied him for years to come, for not until --:: did he negotiate an additional loan of --6 morabetins. The document stipulated that the term for repayment would begin after completion of the first harvest but there is no indication that the =reat &eneschal ever repaid either sum or that he exercised effective rights at Muntanyola after the initial transaction in --5;. The deaths of 1amon 1enard de Da 1oca and =uillem 1amon &eneschal did not end the involvement of Montcada lords in the castle district of Muntanyola. 7n --@., three years after the monastery granted a manse there without recognizing any Montcada rights,*-.5+ =uillem 1amon de Montcada sold to 0stany his half4share in the manses in Muntanyola and ac"nowledged the monastery%s ownership of the other half. The transaction brought him -2; morabetins.*-.3+! year later, 0stany 9loaned9 him -.; morabetins' 7n return for that sum, the monastery received in pledge from =uillem 1amon 9whatever we have or ought to have and >that which? men and women hold from us in the castle of Muntanyola and all its district.*-.6+ The ambiguity introduced into the (uestion of lordship rights by that formula was resolved eight years later, when =uillem 1amon de Montcada 9donated,9 for 5.< morabetins and one mule, 9all my part and all my rights, claims, and inheritance...in Muntanyola9 and in the district%s "nights, men, women, and appurtenances. The college of priests further agreed to include =uillem 1amon and his relations in all its masses and prayers.*-.:+ 'ith this donation, Montcada rights should have come to an end at Muntanyola, though =uillem 1amon de Montcada seems to have believed that he still had some transmittable claim when he made out his will in -2-6. 7n that document he left to 0stany 9the castle of Muntanyola with its dominicature and appurtenances9 so that the monastery could endow a priest there.*-.<+ !lso in the --@.s, along with pledging his rights and finally selling them to 0stany, =uillem 1amon de Montcada pledged his castle district of &ant Marcal and !rraona in the CallJs.*-.;+ These transactions, which attest to his impecuniousness at the time of his $%--( opposition to Ping !lfons and the viscount of Cardona, netted him 36. morabetins and -,-.. sols, respectively. Though the transactions were urgently needed then, they did not help to consolidate domain management or regularize income. 7n them =uillem 1amon placed the castle districts with their rights, proceeds, and lordship in the power of his creditors until he could repay the sums advanced. Inder these conditions, he should have strived to redeem the pledges as promptly as possible. #ut he did not redeem the castle of &ant Marcal until !pril -2.6, when he found it necessary to 9refinance9 his outstanding pledges in order to cover the expenses of his trip to 0ngland. 7n a charter of that date issued at Auesca, =uillem 1amon ac"nowledged owing to #ernat !ndreu and his son #ernat <,2.. sols, of which -2. mar"s of silver *6,2;. sols+ remained from debts contracted earlier. To compensate for this debt, =uillem 1amon pledged his castle of Cacarisses with its appurtenances and parishes 9Bust as #ernat 1ubL bailiff holds it from me in pledge.9 ,inally, he allowed #ernat !ndreu to redeem the pledges held by =uillem d%0spiell and #ernat 1ubL and to recover the amounts repaid in the pledges held by the other two creditors.*-.@+ 7n this way

=uillem 1amon replaced three creditors with one and raised an additional -,@2. sols. #y -2.;, =uillem 1amon de Montcada had again been obliged to pledge an important element of his patrimony for cash. The transaction was concluded with $onE d%!lest, the creditor of --@;, who on this occasion received in pledge the castle district of Castellar in return for 3,... sols.*--.+ The charter was issued in the name of both =uillem 1amon de Montcada and his son =uillem de Montcada, to whom the care of Montcada domains had fallen during his father%s prolonged absence. !nd it appears that the son discharged his responsibilities with diligence, for by -2.@ he could pay <,2.. sols to ac(uire the castle of DliEa from 1amon de &ubirats.*---+ The document of purchase bore the subscription of #ernat #arutL, bailiff at Cic, who in ,ebruary -2-6 became the first "nown Montcada creditor to accept the proceeds of a pledge in repayment for a loan. ,or 62 mar"s of silver and -63 morabetins, #ernat received $%-'( the pledge of Montcada revenues in Cic and in the castle districts of Tona and Montcada, to hold and exploit 9until you should be well paid for the above to the last denier.9*--2+ This document inaugurated a new regime of financial management 44 one that enabled the lords of Montcada to receive cash payments in advance when they granted rights to specific revenues. The formula was repeated a year later, when =uillem 1amon de Montcada and his son =uillem pledged the castles of TorellK and Montcada in a transaction that again helped restore financial li(uidity to the lords of Montcada.*--5+ This system of debt repayment was continued in -222, when =uillem 1amon recognized a debt of 5,... sols of Haca to 1amon 1eposter and ordered his s(uire !rnau 1ubL to assemble as much of the sum as possible from proceeds in !ragon.*--3+ !nother incident occurred four years later, when =uillem renegotiated an old pledge held by #erenguer and $ere de Turricella in the charter the brothers agreed to accept revenues in Cacarisses in full repayment for the 2..4morabetin debt still owed to their late father.*--6+ 7n -22@, Maimon =ombau advanced -,... sols to =uillem de Montcada that were to be recovered in the revenues of the slaughterhouse and meat stalls of #arcelona and in his half of the proceeds from the castle of MatarK, from &ant Cincenc, and from Cilassar.*--:+ !nd in March of that year =uillem recalculated the balance due to $hilip de Maiols from pledges made by his father, =uillem 1amon de Montcada. 7ncluding the returns that $hilip and his father had already received from the pledges, =uillem rec"oned his outstanding balance at 22,... sols doblenc, which he agreed to pay by the first of Hune otherwise, it was agreed, $hilip would continue to enBoy the rights in Cic and Tona assigned to him by terms of the pledge.*--<+ The attractiveness of applying proceeds from a pledge to retirement of the principal of a debt explains why =uillem stopped offering pledges of land to creditors who demanded both income $%')( from the pledge and full repayment of the debt. #ut the results of this change were not all positive for the MontcadasF in some cases lenders now openly charged high interest rates on sums advanced in periods of greatest need. (nsecured $oans #esides loans secured by pledges of land, the twelfth4century lords of Montcada also had recourse to advances of cash or material loaned without collateral. 0ven =uillem 1amon >77? borrowed for immediate needF -.. morabetins were advanced by 1amon de Olives 9in =ascony,9 and a mule worth 5. morabetins was provided by 1amon Aug.*--;+ The =reat &eneschal had other debts with a variety of origins. 7n --5: he ac"nowledged owing to #ernat 0rmengol de ,reixanet -,-6: morabetins and a helmet and sword. The armor had apparently been given to !rnau de Tornamira at =uillem 1amon%s re(uest, and the sword had replaced one abandoned by #ernat 0rmengol when he was captured with =uillem 1amon near Melgueil.*--@+ #ut in general, =uillem 1amon only rarely needed to borrow. Ais debt to 1amon de &ubirats in --:< was small *<; morabetins+, as were the debts of his brother Ot *-.. sols) and his wife, #eatriu *-2 morabetins+, to 1amon Aug in --2;.*-2.+ More impressive than his own

debts were the sums due him. #y the time of =uillem 1amon%s death, Ping !lfons owed him 2,... morabetins for expenses incurred by the seneschal on royal business in $rovence 2,2.. sols of Melgueil for expenses incurred at Montpellier and -.. morabetins, payable by the abbot of &ant ,eliu.
*-2-+

=uillem 1amon%s grandson =uillem 1amon de Montcada and his great4grandson =uillem de Montcada were less successful in "eeping their financial ledger sheet in blac". Their debts were usually both larger and more costly than those of the =reat &eneschal, especially during times of monetary flux and political unrest. 7n !ugust -2-5 =uillem de Montcada contracted a loan of 2,... sols from the brothers #ernat and =uillem =uerau, who openly stipulated an interest rate of -.. sols per month *:. percent per annumQ+ $%'%( if the principal had not been paid by Christmas -2-5.*-22+ #y this time the period of steep monetary devaluation that had accompanied $ere 7%s surreptitious debasement of the coinage was over 44 the loan was contracted in deniers of #arcelona at 33 to the mar" of silver*-25+ 44 but the rate of interest suggests both desperation by the borrower and uncertainty about the future on the part of the lender. /early ten years later =uillem de Montcada again borrowed a large sum of money, this time -,... morabetins from 1amon 1eposter, who demanded repayment in gold and interest of 2. morabetins per month *23 percent per annum+ should the loan not be repaid within six months. 0ven though the loan came on the heels of a recoinage from which =uillem de Montcada had profited, he was still short of li(uid funds. Ais creditor was perhaps all the more wary on this account and re(uired the debtor to ma"e innumerable guarantees, among them that he would not "eep the lender through 9deceit, fraud or subtility of words9 from holding 9hostages9 for the loan.*-23+ 7n the seven years from -222 to -22@, =uillem de Montcada continued to Boc"ey for the leading place among Haume 7%s counselors, even when pursuing that goal led him into serious financial difficulty. Ais politics ultimately succeeded, but not without costs that he covered in many instances with borrowed funds. The loans varied widely in size, from 2.. sols doblenc in -223 to 2,6.. sols doblenc in -226. *-26+ The year -22: was particularly costly for =uillem he not only borrowed <,... sols from #ernat de Montreial, but he also recognized debts of 3, <.. sols to 1amon de &ant MartL and 2,... sols to #ertran de CallJs.*-2:+ ,inally, in -22@, =uillem borrowed -,;.. sols of #arcelona from Maimon =ombau that were due five wee"s after the 9first feast of the Aoly $eace.9*-2<+ 'hat was =uillem de Montcada%s financial condition in the months before his fateful participation in the con(uest of Mallorca) $%'*( The impression that he left this world heavily in debt is borne out by an act of Haume 7 in October -25. that aimed to bring order to the finances of =uillem%s widow, =arsenda, and to prevent 9the greatest detriment to the property of >his? heirs.9 7n this act Haume appointed receivers for =uillem%s estate to ta"e charge of the existing debt, which included not only =uillem%s loans but also some that remained from his parents, =uillem 1amon de Montcada and =uilleuma de Castellvell. 0ach May, receipts from Montcada domains were to be given to the abbot and brothers of &antes Creus, who would distribute them to creditors 9according to the (uantity of the debts.9*-2;+ =uillem de Montcada%s financial condition at his death was exactly the opposite of that of his great4grandfather, =uillem 1amon >77? &eneschal. 'hereas the latter died with large sums still owed to him, =uillem died a debtor. !nd although the =reat &eneschal forgave parts of the royal debt contracted by !lfons, the family of his great4grandson benefitted from royal dispensations in settling accounts with creditors. 7t is difficult to see how so drastic a change could be due to the altering of administrative procedures followed by the Montcadas. These changes were moderate and were designed to increase, not reduce, cash incomes. /or does it appear that Catalonia suffered from general economic decline in the period --<64-25.. The problem seems to have been an increased need for money on the part of the Montcadas

44 a need that was satisfied by pledges and loans. These expedients threatened to diminish the material legacy of the =reat &eneschal by the year -25.. /otes for Chapter &ix -. &ee O%Callaghan, Medieval Spain, pp. 2;24;5. 2. &ee below, ch. <. 5. !C! 1# 7CF -.-, referring to the castle district of Muntanyola. 3. ,or example, CSC 5F-5@43.F@6@. 6. !C! !lfons 7F--, e.g., 97n tali conventu facimus vobis istum donum ut habeatis et possideatis et teneatis et expletetis et bene laboretis vos et vestris per vos omni(ue tempore.9 This "ind of language became increasingly common in charters of the latter half of the twelfth century. :. CSC 5F-.;F@2-. <. !C! !lfons 7F362. ;. $lB 5;.4;-F5<@. @. !C! Haume 7F56;. -.. !C! !lfons 7F-55. --. 8uby suggests that the southern manse was a late institution, following the improvement of agricultural technology. 7t thus did not become susceptible to division as did Carolingian units, which were later capable of supporting more than one family *#conomie rurale et la vie des campagnes dans l'occident m%di%val >$aris, -@:2?, -F2-.+, and 0nglish trans. Rural #conom* and Countr* $ife in the Medieval +est >Columbia, &.C., -@:;?, p. --;+. -2. !C! &. DlorenEF2;-. -5. !C! 1# 7CF-<3. -3. 7n -22; a donation 9ad laborandum9 by #ernat Cita to Hoan $onE de &erra included a manse and two other allodial properties *!C! Haume -F536+. -6. &ee Catalogne, pp. 6<:4;.. -:. !C! 1# 7CF2;3. -<. AinoBosa, #l regimen se,orial * la cuesti-n agraria en Catalu,a durante la edad media *Madrid, -@.6+, esp. pp. 3.436 #onnassie, Catalogne, esp. pp. 25543<. -;. !C! 1# 777F2.3. -@. !C! 1# 7CF@2. 2.. #arleyF e.g. !C! &. DlorenEF2;- wheatF a reference to 9triticum9 in !C! 0xt. inv. 5--: and to 9frument9 in !C! 1# 7CF -.-. ,or oats, the word 9avena9 was sometimes used, but the term 9cibaria9 or 9cibata,9 which may include other grasses as well, was more common *!C! 0xt. inv. F5--:+. !lso see .lossarium mediae latinitatis Cataloniae/ s'v. 9cibaria9 and 9civata9 *cols. 3@54@:+. 2-. !C! &. DlorenEF 2@.bis. The terms of this land transaction re(uired sharing a portion of the 9bread and wine9 with the lord. 22. !C! &. DlorenEF2:- !C! 0xt. inv.F5--:.

25. ! 9manse of Can*amares >hemp?9 is mentioned in --6. *9Casa,9 p. -52, citing !C! !rm. -F<@+. #oth hemp and flax figure in a document of -22; *!C! Haume 7F536+. 23. !C! 1# 7CF<. !C# 8iv. CRdR2.-@, capsa -; !C! 1# 7CF -.-. 26. !C! 0xt. inv.F5--:. The cured ham or perna is most fre(uently cited, but so are shoulders or espatllars. 2:. Devies by lords of capons or hens were widespread in the twelfth century. 2<. The term manse iouer suggests a yo"e of oxen *!C! !lfons 7F--6+. $resumably goats or cows provided mil" for the cheese mentioned at Muntanyola in --5;45@ *!C! 1# 7CF-.-+. 2;. 7n --2- a mule was evaluated at 5. gold morabetins *!C! &. DlorenEF263bis+ horses cost around -.. morabetins each. 2@. !C! 1# 7CF-.-. 5.. &ee Map 5. The place names that appear on this map were in the capbreu of --5;45@. 5-. On proportional rents, see Catalogne, pp. 263, 6<@. 52. Compare 8uby, $'economie rurale, 2F3:@4<2, 0nglish trans. Rural #conom*, pp. 25<45;. 55. Catalogne, p. 263. 53. Isatge -2, which probably dates from the first half of the twelfth century *#onnassie included it among those of 9anciennetM douteuse9 *Catalogne, p. <2:?+, distinguishes non4noble bailiffs from noble bailiffs who ride a horse and eat wheat bread. 56. !C! !lfons 7F--. 5:. !C! !lfons 7F-:. 5<. !C! 1# 7CF-55. 5;. !C! !lfons 7F--, -:. 5@. !C! !lfons 7F;3. 3.. 7n --<- #erenguer subscribed a pledge of land at the Templar house of $alau4solitN *!C! !lfons 7F--6+. 3-. !CC C.:F2:65. 32. !CC C.<F5;. 35. !C! $ere 7F323. 33. !C! Haume 7F52. 36. !C! Haume 7F6-. 3:. !C! Haume 7F65 3<. !A/ && Creus, carpeta 2<<:, n. -3. The others were #ernat de Manlleu, 1amon de Tornamira, and $ere de &anta 0ugJnia, all nobles and feudatories of the Montcadas. 3;. !C! Haume 7F-22, -25. 3@. !C! Haume 7F-2:. 6.. !C! Haume 7F-2;. 6-. !C! Haume 7F-3-.

62. !C! Haume 7F-5;. 65. !C! Haume 7F-5@. 63. CSC 5F3--4-2F-2@<. 66. !C! Haume 7F2-5. 6:. !C! !lfons 7F62<. 6<. !CC Masies de ColtregN, uncatalogued parchment of - 8ec. -2-3. 6;. !C! s.f. 1# 7CF-:. 6@. 7f Muntanyola is representative, however, regular labor services were not an important economic aspect of territorial lordship. :.. !C# Dib. ant. 2F65v463rF-35 *Mas --F33F-3;2+. :-. !lthough the oven4usage fee or furnaticum is not attested in Montcada lordships in Old Catalonia, it almost certainly flourished there before its establishment in /ew Catalonia. ! document of -@ ,eb. --<. provides evidence of its existence at Tortosa *!C! !lfons 7F-..+. &ee also !gustLn Coy y Cotonat, 90l derecho llamado %,urnatico% en el siglo S777,9 in Cong%s d'hist0ria de la Corona d'1rag-2 Barcelona/ 3454 *#arcelona, -@-5+, -F-@.4@5. :2. The usage of firewood, collected at the mar"et of the monastery of &anta Maria d%!mer, was retained by =uillem 1amon >77? in --<5 when as a pious gesture he canceled the albergas *rights of hospitality+ and other services he had had there *9Casa,9 p. -5;+. :5. !C# Dib. ant. 2F63vF-3<*Mas --F--F-3.@+. :3. !C# Dib. ant. 2F63r4vF-36 *Mas --F::F-653+. :6. CSC 5F-.;F@2-. ::. !C! 1# 777F;.. :<. CSC 5F2-34-6F-.3@. :;. !C! &. DlorenEF52.. :@. The amounts are not specified in a document of -226 that granted a percentage to 8urfort d%0spiells *!C# 8iv. CRdR-6:3, capsa -:+. <.. !C! 1# 7CF2;3. <-. !C! &. DlorenEF2;-. <2. !C! 1# 7CF-<3. <5. !C! &entmenatF 8ominio y BurisdicciKn de &entmenat, !3. <3. !C! 1# 7CF 2;3 !C! !rchivo CasteildosriusF -;. <6. !CC C.:F-6@<2. <:. !C! !lfons 7F2@-. <<. !C! 1# 7CF -.-. #onnassie attested an annual proportional questa by the end of the eleventh century *Catalogne, pp. 6@.4@-+. <;. !CC C.:F-6@<2. <@. !C! 0xt. inv.F5--:.

;.. The complaint cites 1amon%s 9inBuries9 to his lords, =uillem 1amon >77? and =uillem de Montcada, not to their peasants. ;-. !C! !rchivo CastelldosriusF3. ;2. !C! !rchivo CastelldosriusF -;. ;5. !C! $ere 7F2.. ;3. &ee Catalogne, 6@-4@2. ;6. CSC 5F3--4-2F-2@<. ;:. !C! !lfons 7F362. ;<. Stabilimenta were mentioned after intestie and exorquie in the complaint against 1amon de Castellet *!C! 0xt. inv.F5--:+. The only time a stabilimentum was described in detail in Montcada lordship documents was in --2:, when =uillem 1amon >77? and #eatriu sold property ac(uired through exorquie to the church of &ant &alvador de Munt for 23 morabetins. 7n this case the church gave a stabilimentum to the castl, $ere 1amon, of three measures of barley and spelt, one quartera of wheat, one 9bacon,9 and two sestars of wine *!CC C.:F--::+. ;;. !CC C.:F2:65 !CC Masies de ColtregN, an uncatalogued parchment of - 8ec. -2-3. ;@. ,or example, !#C 2;5; 34C45. @.. AinoBosa, Regimen, pp. 253 and 25<45@. @-. !C# 8iv. CRdR2;-2, capsa 22. @2. !CC C.:F--:6. @5. !C! 0xt. inv.F5--:. @3. !CC C.:F2:65. @6. &ee Catalogne, pp. 5@@43.@. @:. !C! 1# 777F2.3. @<. 6 3F-2@45.F66. @;. 9Casa,9 p. -5;. @@. CSC 5F-53456F@62 !CC Dib. dot. 6-r4v !C! !lfons 7F3:. -... !C! 1# 7CF@., !lfons 7F55. -.-. !C! #1 77F-;. -.2. !C! 1# 7CF<;. 1amon 1enard could claim two4thirds of the castle district by inheritance from his father, 1enard =uillem de la 1oca, and his uncle #ernat !rchdeacon. #ernat had given his share to the &ee of #arcelona in -.;@ with the proviso that it be reserved for the use of his nephew 91enard9 if he became a cleric. This 1enard apparently died before ma"ing a career in the church, and his brother 1amon 1enard recovered the one4third share for himself, despite provisions in #ernat%s charter reserving it for the see *!C# Dib. ant. 5F@2rF25@+. -.5. !C! !lfons 7F35<. -.3. !C! !lfons 7F63@. -.6. !C! !lfons 7F:.6.

-.:. !C! $ere 7F6-. -.<. !A/ && Creus, carpeta 2<<:, n. -3. -.;. !C! !lfons 7F:35, :33. -.@. !C! $ere 7F2--. --.. !C! $ere 7F5... ---. !C# 8iv. CRdR5@:;, carpeta 6. Of the <,6.. sols, 3,... were needed to redeem the castle from a pledge. --2. !C! Haume 7F52. --5. !C! Haume 7F65. The document is severely damaged and only partly legible, and the exact amount advanced is unreadable. --3. !C! Haume 7F2... --6. !C# 8iv. CRdR2;-2, capsa 22. --:. !C! Haume 7F5;22. --<. !C! Haume 7F5@;. --;. 9Casa,9 p. -5; CSC 5F;34;6F;@2. --@. !C! 1# 7CF65. -2.. $lB -5645<F-55, CSC 5F;34;6F;@2. -2-. 9Casa,9 p. -5;. -22. !C# 8iv. CRdR2:2<, capsa 2-. -25. ,or analysis and chronology see Thomas /. #isson, 9Coinages of #arcelona, -2.@4-222F the 8ocumentary 0vidence,9 in Studies in 7umismatic Method &resented to &hilip .rierson, ed. C./.D. #roo"e et al. *Cambridge, forthcoming+. -23. !C! Haume 7F2.2 *document bearing mar"s of cancellation+. -26. !C! Haume 7F22-, 26; *document bearing mar"s of cancellation+. -2:. !#C -:35, caBa - !C! Haume 7F5.., 5.-. -2<. !C! Haume 7F5;2-. -2;. Auici, -F26646:F-3.><@?.