v3n1 s2

THE ROYAL TITULARY IN THE 18TH DYNASTY: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY* Ronald J.
Leprohon University of Toronto Abstract
The phraseology used to compose the royal titularies during the Eighteenth Dynasty was as varied as it was circumscribed. Following a long-established tradition, the Eighteenth Dynasty kings chose names that corresponded to the situation they inherited at their accession. When the rulers of the family that re-united Egypt drew up their titulary, they first looked to celebrated predecessors for inspiration to compose their royal titulary. Later pharaohs looked more closely in time to their immediate predecessors. The titulary also reveals much about the concept of kingship during the period. From belligerent phrases to wishes for prosperity and longevity, the kings revealed much about themselves and their personalities through their chosen titulary.
Introduction The titulary of the Eighteenth Dynasty rulers1 is noteworthy because this is the period when kings started regularly composing new names
* This study was rst read as a paper at the conference entitled In Search of Egypts Past: Problems and Perspectives of the Historiography of Ancient Egypt, at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, April 2324, 2008, and hosted by Professor Thomas Schneider. I thank Professor Schneider for his kind invitation and subsequent warm hospitality. 1 Lists of royal names can be found in von Beckerath, Handbuch; Schneider, Lexikon der Pharaonen; and Dessoudeix, Chronique. Partial listings are also found in Quirke, Who Were the Pharaohs? ; Clayton, Chronicle of the Pharaohs; and Baker, Encyclopedia. Studies of the royal titularies from specic periods have also been undertaken. For discussions on the titulary of the 4th Dynasty, see Dobrev, Considrations sur les titulatures des rois de la IV e dynastie gyptienne; for the 5th and 6th dynasties, see ScheeleSchweitzer, Zu den Knigsnamen der 5. und 6. Dynastie; for the 11th and early 12th Dynasties, see Postel, Protocole des souverains gyptiens; for the 12th Dynasty, see Leprohon, The Programmatic Use of the Royal Titulary in the Twelfth Dynasty, Gundlach, Die Knigsideologie Sesostris I., and Hirsch, Die sakrale Legitimation Sesostris I., 4043; for Hyksos kings, see Schneider, Auslnder in gypten whrend des Mittleren Reiches und der Hyksoszeit; for the New Kingdom in general, see Bonhme, Les dsignations de la titulature royale au Nouvel Empire and Valbelle, Histoire de ltat pharaonique, 23033; for the 19th and 20th Dynasties, see Kitchen, The Titularies of the Ramesside Kings as Expression of their Ideal Kingship; for the Third Intermediate Koninklijke Brill NV , Leiden, 2010 Also available online brill.nl/jegh JEGH 3.1 DOI: 10.1163/187416610X487223
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for their titulary, usually to announce a momentous event in their reign, such as a jubilee festival.2 Not all kings did, especially at the beginning of the dynasty, but once Thutmose I began taking on multiple names, a pattern was set that would not change for centuries. As with previous rulers,3 the Eighteenth Dynasty monarchs also tended to choose designations that suited the situation of the country at their accession, sometimes announcing a particular policy or even, in one instance, a personal trait. What is also noteworthy is the various kings use of their predecessors titulary. In the early part of the dynasty, the new kings frequently borrowed phrases from illustrious forebears, whose names would have been visible to them in the Theban area or in king-lists, if such were at their disposal.4 Later in the dynasty, the kings simply copied from their more immediate predecessors. It is difcult to determine who selected the four names taken at the kings coronation. One text from late in the reign of Thutmose III, carved on the exterior of the south wall of the chamber south of the sanctuary at Karnak, states that it was Amun-Re who chose the name: [He established] my appearances and set
Period, see Bonhme, Les noms royaux dans lgypte de la Troisime Priode Intermdiaire; for the 25th Dynasty, see Aufrre, Contribution ltude de la morphologie du protocole classique, 57, Trk, The Kingdom of Kush. Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization, 189201, and Eide, et al., Fontes Historiae Nubiorum, 128186; and for the 26th dynasty, see Pressl, Knigsideologie. Apart from the references given for the various 18th Dynasty rulers given within this study, specic monarchs titularies have also been investigated. For Amenemhat I, see Berman, Amenemhet I, 310; for Senwosret III, see Tallet, Ssostris III, 22; for Sety I and Ramesses II, see Gundlach, Sethos I. und Ramses II. Tradition und Entwicklungsbruch in der frhramessidischen Knigsideologie; for Merneptah, see Iskander, The Reign of Merenptah, 24758; for Ramesses III, see Grandet, Ramss III. Histoire dun rgne, 5253; and for Ramesses IV, see Peden, The Reign of Ramesses IV, 1415. 2 A small number of earlier rulers had also done this, usually associated with an important historical change during their reign. The custom may have gone as far back as the Horus Khasekhem, who, after defeating the Seth Peribsen, changed his name to the Horus Khasekhemwy; see von Beckerath, Handbuch, 4445. Another obvious example is Mentuhotep IIs changes in Horus names from the earlier s n b twy, Who has sustained the mind of the Two Lands, and n ri t, Divine of White Crown, to the nal sm twy, The one who has united the Two Lands, after his re-unication of the country (von Beckerath, Handbuch, 7879). For the latter king, see particularly Gestermann, Kontinuitt und Wandel; and Postel, Protocole des souverains gyptiens. 3 Going, in fact, as far back as Narmer; see Wilkinson,What a King Is This, 2426. 4 For these lists, see particularly Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists.
the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty
a titulary (n bt) for me himself.5 A more down-to-earth version has the learned men of the palace helping with the titulary. As Hatshepsuts Coronation Inscription reads, His Majesty6 commanded that lector-priests ( ryw- bt) be brought in to inscribe her Great Names, (at the time) of receiving her titulary of ny-su-bity.7 Given the young age of many of the Eighteenth Dynasty kings at their accession as will be subsequently detailed it is tempting to think the court ofcials, and perhaps also the queen regent, did indeed have a hand in choosing the names, although it should be said that even a child as young as nine or ten might still have an opinion on such matters. Ahmose Although he was clearly related to Kamose, who may have been his uncle8 or his brother,9 Ahmose will be treated as the rst ruler of the dynasty, since the ancient Egyptians themselves considered him as such, as a number of kings-lists from the New Kingdom attest.10 He succeeded Kamose, who had died after a brief reign of three to four years,11 inheriting a still-uncertain political situation. Since
5 Urk. IV, 160:1011. See PM II, 106 (Room 24, no. 328, plan 12); Barguet, Le Temple dAmon-R Karnak, 128, pl. 17d; Quirke, Who Were the Pharaohs, 13; and OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 7, n. 125. On the term n bt, see particularly Bonhme, Les dsignations de la titulature royale au Nouvel Empire; our passage is mentioned on p. 381, no. 14. 6 7 8
Urk. IV, 261:24. Vandersleyen, Kamose, 306; Ryholt, The Political Situation in Egypt, 278; Dessoudeix, Chronique, 252. 9 See, e.g., Romanosky, Ahmose, 46; Baker, Encyclopedia, 9. 10 Cf. the Abydos lists of Sety I (= KRI 1, 179; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 1820) and Ramesses II (= KRI 2, 541; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 2021); and the latters list in the Min Festival scenes from the Ramesseum, where Ahmose comes after two founders in their own right, Meni and Nebhepetre (i.e., Mentuhotep II) (= KRI 5, 205:11; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 3436). Non-royal lists where Ahmose comes after Nebhepetre include Tjunuroys sequence from his Sakkara tomb (= KRI 3, 481; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 2124); and Khabekhnets list from his Theban tomb (= KRI 3, 807:6; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 48). Additionally, a Ramesside ostracon in Cairo (CG 25646) puts Ahmose at the beginning of a sequence that is obviously meant to be the Eighteenth Dynasty (= KRI 2, 700:3; Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, 40). A recently proposed King Heqatawy (Harvey, King Heqatawy) will not be included here since the phrase would appear to be an epithet of King Ahmose. 11 Baker, Encyclopedia, 16364; Dessoudeix, Chronique, 24849, and the references there.
Hatshepsuts long-dead father, Thutmose I.
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he was only about ten years old at his accession,12 it seems likely that his advisors played a hand in choosing his titulary. He called himself the Horus - prw, The one great of manifestations; the Two Ladies twt mswt, The (very) image of (re-)birth;13 the Golden Horus s twy, The one who has bound the Two Lands; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt nb p ty r , The possessor of the might of Re.14 The noun kheperu, manifestations, or its singular counterpart, kheper, would become a major theme in the overall titulary of the Eighteenth Dynasty rulers.15 Ahmose may have borrowed the noun for his original Horus name from a number of earlier kings. These include the Horus names of Senwosret III (n ri- prw, Divine of manifestations),16 Amenemhat IV ( pr prw, The (very) manifestation of manifestations),17 and Khendjer ( d- prw, Stable of , manifestations),18 as well as the Seventeenth Dynasty king Intef V whose own Horus names are nfr- prw, Perfect of manifestations, and pr prw.19 The latter may have borrowed his second Horus name from Amenemhat IV . Closer in time to Ahmose is his predecessor Kamoses Throne name, w pr r , The ourishing one is a manifestation of Re,20 the latter using the singular form of the noun. Perhaps Ahmose simply borrowed the term from within his own family.
Vandersleyen, Lgypte , 21819; Cabrol, Amenhotep III , 183; Romanosky, Ahmose, 46; and Barbotin, hmsis, 68. 13 The traditional translation of mswt as birth will be kept here, despite Baines eloquent arguments for rendering manifestation (Baines, mswt Manifestations?). 14 Ahmoses full titulary can be found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13233. For the sake of brevity, subsequent references to a given kings titulary will not repeat the reference to von Beckerath. For other discussions of Ahmoses titulary, see Vanderlseyen, Lgypte, 21718; Dautzenberg, Die Wahl des Knigsnamen, 48, 50; and Barbotin, hmosis, 6870. 15 On prw in royal titulary, see especially, Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit, 12232; Baines, mswt Manifestations?, 45; von Beckerath, pr/ pr(w)/ pr(w)w in den Knigsnamen des Neuen Reiches nach griechischer berlieferung; and Valbelle, Histoire de ltat pharaonique, 23233. 16 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8485. 17 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8687. 18 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 9495. 19 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 12425. 20 Kamoses full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13031. For this and subsequent translations of the Throne name as epithets describing the kings specic relationship with Re, cf. Krauss, Das Ende der Amarnazeit, 12232; Baines, Origins of Egyptian Kingship, 9; and von Beckerath, Handbuch, 2125.
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For a later Horus name, k m wst, Bull in Thebes,21 Ahmose used the designation bull. Although he was not the rst to use this term Menkaure had been the Horus k t, The bull of the divine corporation22 and the Two Ladies k <m> nbty, Bull <by means of > the Two Ladies23 the word may be signicant. Ahmose may have simply used this noun because of his predecessors name, Kamose, The bull is born,24 but the bull had also been a symbol of kingship as far back as King Narmer.25 His Two Ladies name, twt mswt, The (very) image of (re)-birth, is noteworthy. The noun mswt is found in the titulary of the founder of a new dynasty, Amenemhat I, as w m mswt, The one who has repeated births.26 Ahmoses use of the noun may be meaningful; as the inaugurator of a new era, he may have quite consciously borrowed from another inaugurator. This, of course, begs the question: how would a ruler like Ahmose have known Amenemhat Is titulary? Would king-lists have been known to a relatively insignicant ruler like Ahmose? The answer to this may simply be that Amenemhat I was well-represented at Karnak Temple,27 in which case his titulary would have been readily accessible to the rulers of the new family. It is also noteworthy that subsequent inaugurators like Tutankhamun (Horus name k n t twt mswt, The victorious28 bull and the (very) image of birth),29 Sety I (original Two Ladies name w m mswt, s m- p dr p wt 9, The one who has repeated
21 Found on the so-called Donation Stela from the Tetisheri pyramid at Abydos (CG 34002), for which see Klug, Knigliche Stelen, 1521, and the many references given there. Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 218; and Harvey, King Heqatawy, 346, have discussed the date of the name change, which probably coincided with the expulsion of the Hyksos. 22 I.e. the Ennead: Hannig, gyptisches Wrterbuch, 996. 23 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 5455. 24 See Barbotin, hmosis, 69. 25 Bell, Luxor Temple, 259, and the references there; and Wilkinson, What a King, 2728. On the symbolism of bulls in Eighteenth Dynasty royal names, see also Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 201, n. 16; and Barbotin, hmosis, 70. 26 Senwosret I also borrowed his fathers terminology for his Horus, Two Ladies, and Golden Horus names, n mswt (von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8283); and Senwosret III then used the word for his Two Ladies name, n ri-mswt (von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8485). 27 Cf. his statuary and a granite offering table found in the temple of Ptah on the north side of the enclosure; for these, see PM II, 107, 109, and 200, respectively; and Berman, Amenemhet I, 5657. 28 For the rendering of n t, see Galn, Victory and Border, esp. 4244. 29 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14445.
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births, the strong-armed one who has repelled the Nine Bows),30 and Cambyses (Throne name mswt r , The offspring of Re),31 all used the term. Ahmoses Golden Horus name was s twy, the one who has rejoined the Two Lands together. While it is tempting to project the expression forward to reect Ahmoses victories over the Hyksos rulers, such an interpretation would be anachronistic. Given his young age at his accession as well as his delicate build,32 the phrase had to be anticipatory; perhaps Ahmoses court felt secure enough at this point in time to predict victory over the invading force, and this condence was suggested in the new kings titulary. Ahmose was the rst king to use the verb s, to bind, to rejoin in his titulary, but expressions where twy is the direct object of a participle can be found with, among others, Kings Teti (Horus name s tp twy),33 Mentuhotep II (Horus and Nebty names after his 39th regnal year: sm twy),34 and Amenemhat I (Horus and Nebty names s tp b twy).35 Note that every one of these was an inaugurator in his own right, and the expression must simply have been related to reuniting the land. Closer to Ahmose were Kamoses second and third Horus names (nfr b twy, The perfect one, the sickle of the Two Lands, and s f twy, The one who has endowed the Two Lands),36 as well as his Golden Horus name (shr twy, The one who has pleased the Two Lands). Amenhotep I Ahmose reigned for a period of 22 to 25 years37 and was succeeded by Prince Amenhotep. An older son, Prince Ahmose-ankh, had died
von Beckerath, Handbuch, 15051. von Beckerath, Handbuch, 22021. 32 See the remarks on King Ahmoses physique by Shaw in Royal Authority, 115, and the references there. 33 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 6263. 34 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 7879. 35 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8283. 36 Presumably in the sense of being the nourisher of the country. Regarding the former name, Dessoudeix, Chronique, 248, translates the phrase as La faucille (?) des deux Terres est parfaite, with a query. Note that Gauthier, Les deux rois Kamose, renders b as courber, without comment; cf. Wb III, 229, which gives b as to bend, referring us to b, Wb III, 361. 37 Vandersleyen, Ahmose, 100; Dessoudeix, Chronique, 25355.
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earlier,38 an event which suggests that the new king may have been as young as ten years old at his accession,39 possibly occasioning his mother, Queen Ahmose-Nefertari, to act as regent in the early years of the reign.40 For his Horus name, Amenhotep I used the designation k w f tw, The bull who has subdued the lands.41 The noun ka was presumably inspired by the bull motif discussed earlier. The use of the plural tw may be signicant. Apart from the previously mentioned noun twy used in its dual form by many kings before him,42 Amenhotep I was the rst king to use the plural form of the noun in a titulary. The reason for this may be as simple as the fact that his father had already bound the Two Lands together, which meant that the new king could now look beyond the frontiers of Egypt itself. The veterans Ahmose son of Ibana and Ahmose Pen-Nekhbet both narrate military campaigns in Nubia under Amenhotep I.43 His Two Ladies name, -nrw, great of dread, may then have been a wish to continue the belligerent theme of his Horus name and may well have been inuenced by his fathers Horus name, - prw. After claiming to be He of the Two Ladies -nrw, Great of dread, Amenhotep Is Golden Horus name was w -rnpwt, Enduring of years. The adjective w had been used a number of times before in royal titularies, notably in the expression w - n , Enduring of life, by the Theban rulers Intef II44 and Rahotep45
Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 23940. Vandersleyen Lgypte, 239; Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 183. 40 Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 223, 22830; Baker, Encyclopedia, 37. 41 Amenhotep Is full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13233. 42 Going as far back as the Fifth Dynasty, with the Horus names of Niuserre (st b twy, The place of the mind of the Two Lands [von Beckerath, Handbuch, 5859]) and Unas (w twy, The sturdy one of the Two Lands [von Beckerath, Handbuch, 6061]). 43 Urk. IV, 68, and 36:12, respectively. For the kings Nubian campaigns, see Schmitz, Amenophis I., 193204; and Spalinger, War in Ancient Egypt, 4849. Proposed excursions by Amenhotep I into Libya (Urk. IV, 36:34, for which see Baker, Encyclopedia, 37) and Western Asia (Redford, A Gate Inscription) have been rejected. For the former, see Schmitz, Amenophis I., 187; regarding the latter, Redford, The Wars in Syria, 185, n. 4, has now re-dated the text to the reign of Thutmose I. On the supposed Asiatic campaign, see also Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 241, n. 2; and Grandet, Les Pharaons du Nouvel Empire, 65, n. 71. 44 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 7677. 45 For Rahoteps titulary, see von Beckerath, Handbuch, 12425. Rahotep had also used the expression s m r w - w, The (very) power of Re, enduring of appearances, for his Throne name. His Two Ladies name, wsr-rnpwt, Rich in years, may also have inuenced Amenhotep Is choice of a Golden Horus name. For King
38 39
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for their Horus names, as well as by Amenemhat III for his Golden Horus name.46 Since the rst two monarchs were Thebans and Amenemhat III was well attested at Karnak,47 it is probable that their titularies were available to Amenhotep Is court. Given that his father had been blessed with a long reign by the standards of the time, the expression may also have been a plea to the gods to extend the same boon to the new king. His Throne name, sr k r , The sacred one of the ka of Re, was quite possibly borrowed from Senwosret Is Throne name, pr k r , The (very) manifestation of the ka of Re.48 Senwosret Is titulary would certainly have been known to Thebans from his barque shrine at Karnak Temple, the so-called White Chapel.49 In that respect, Amenhotep Is own calcite chapel there50 may have been a wish to emulate his great predecessor; similarities in the style of the carving of the reliefs in both chapels have certainly been noted.51 Thutmose I The accession of the next ruler, Thutmose I, who may have been in his early 40s at the time, has been discussed a number of times.52 He was not the son of Amenhotep I, who, after a reign of a little over
Rahotep, see lately Ryholt, The Political Situation, 26566; Baker, Encyclopedia, 34243; and Dessoudeix, Chronique, 238. 46 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8687. 47 From a number of statues found there (PM II, 8, 119, 136, 281, 286) and a granite pedestal found in the Third Pylon (PM II, 73; Barguet, Le Temple dAmon-R Karnak, 84). 48 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8283. 49 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle de Ssostris Ier; and Gabolde, Le Grand Chteau dAmon. 50 Graindorge and Martinez, Karnak avant Karnak; Carlotti, Contribution ltude mtrologique, 79; and Graindorge, Der Tempel des Amun-Re von Karnak. 51 Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 239; Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 225. Amenhotep Is Karnak feasts list was also greatly inuenced by earlier Middle Kingdom calendars; see Spalinger, Three Studies, 130, especially 2930. 52 For recent examinations of the early Thutmoside succession, see, e.g., Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 24855; Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 22631; Baligh, Reections on the Genealogy of Tuthmosis I and his Family; Marujol, Thoutmosis III et la corgence avec Hatchepsout, 2021, 381; as well as Baker, Encyclopedia, 46367, and the references given there.
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20 years,53 had died without producing an heir.54 Given that neither Thutmose I nor his queen, the Great Kings Wife Ahmose, was of royal blood,55 it may well be that Thutmose I owed his investiture to his closeness to the elderly queen Ahmose-Nefertary.56 Whatever the case may have been, all indications are that the transition from Amenhotep I to Thutmose I was a smooth one.57 In Thutmose I, we clearly have the great pater familias of the new line of rulers of what we call the Eighteenth Dynasty. He designated himself the Horus k n t mry m t, The victorious bull, beloved of Maat; the Two Ladies m nsrt -p ty, The one who has appeared by means of the serpent goddess, great of might; the Golden Horus nfr-rnpwt s n bw, The one perfect of years, who has sustained minds; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt pr k r , The great one is the manifestation of the ka of Re.58 Given his age at his accession, it is reasonable to speculate that he chose the names himself. Since Thutmose I was not of royal blood, it is tempting to think that the invocation to the goddess Maat in his Horus name came from a need for the new king to justify his election to the throne. He was the rst to use the expression k n t, Victorious bull, in
Baker, Encyclopedia, 3639; Dessoudeix, Chronique, 25658. His consort, Queen Meryt-amun, used the title mt nsw wrt, Great Kings Wife, but was never designated as a mwt nsw, Kings Mother; see Robins, A Critical Examination, 76; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 247; and Baligh, Reections on the Genealogy of Tuthmosis I and his Family, 4647. 55 Although she became the mt nsw wrt of Thutmose I, Queen Ahmose was only said to have been a snt nsw, kings sister, never a st nsw, kings daughter; see Robins, A Critical Examination, 68. Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 249, n. 3, argues that the king mentioned in the title snt nsw can only be Thutmose I, followed by Bleiberg, Thutmose I, 400. Proposals that Queen Ahmoses name suggests that she may have been part of Amenhotep Is family (Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 231; and Grandet, Les Pharaons du Nouvel Empire, 70), cannot be proven, while claims that she may have been the daughter of King Ahmose and Queen Ahmose-Nefertari (Baligh, Reections on the Genealogy of Tuthmosis I and his Family, 49) are difcult because she presumably would then have claimed to be a st-nsw. 56 Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 24748; see also lately Marujol, Thoutmosis III et la corgence avec Hatchepsout, 2021, 381, and the references there. 57 As nicely detailed by Baligh, Reections on the Genealogy of Tuthmosis I and his Family, 4749. 58 From the Viceroy Turis stela (Urk. IV , 7981), where the king, in a sort of administrative memorandum possibly sent throughout the realm, announced his accession and titulary; for the full list of Thutmose Is names, see von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13235. For the kings names and their association with his immediate predecessors, see also Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 248. Apart from the Karnak obelisk, for which new names were composed (see below) and a dedication inscription of Hatshepsut (= Urk. IV, 313), Thutmose I only used this particular set of names.
53 54
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his Horus name, a designation that would be followed by a great number of subsequent pharaohs. He also used the expression in another Horus name, k n t n r , The victorious bull of Re, on the south side59 of the obelisk set up before the Fourth Pylon at Karnak to commemorate his jubilee festival, one of a number of names on this particular monument.60 The north side of the same obelisk offers yet another of Thutmose Is Horus names, mry r m t, Beloved of Re, who has appeared in the White Crown; the noun t may have been borrowed from Mentuhotep IIs second Horus and Two Ladies names, n ri t, Divine of White Crown.61 The adjective in his original Two Ladies name, m nsrt -p ty, may have been inspired by Ahmoses rst Horus name ( - prw, Great of manifestations), and his predecessor Amenhotep Is Two Ladies name ( -nrw, Great of dread). The noun p ty can be found in the Throne name of Ahmose, nb p ty r . A second Two Ladies name, tw nbw, The one who has seized all lands, from the south side of the aforementioned Karnak obelisk, is in some ways a continuation of the p ty-strength motif, and the phrase was certainly well chosen, given the kings well-documented military successes.62 For the verb , compare Amenemhat IIIs Two Ladies name, w t twy, The one who has seized the inheritance of the two lands,63 and the names of two minor kings, the Thirteenth Dynasty Senbef (Two Ladies name s m.f, The one who seized his (own) power)64 and the early Seventeenth Dynasty Djehuty (Horus name m n tw, Who seized with victories).65 Given that the latter two were Thebans, the names may have been known to Thutmose Is entourage. A third Two Ladies name, dw tmw - w, Who worships Atum, radiant of appearances, is from the north side of the Fourth-pylon obelisk. The noun w had already been a staple in the royal titulary since the Old Kingdom. Examples appear in the Horus names of Kings Sahure (nb w), Neferirkare (wsr- w), Shepseskare (s m- w),
The front of the obelisk was its west side, facing the entrance of the temple. Urk. IV, 9294; PM II, 78ff. On this obelisk, see especially Gundlach, Der Obelisk Tuthmosis I.; and Bell, Luxor Temple, 289 and n. 214. 61 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 7879. 62 For which see lately Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 23234; and Grandet, Les Pharaons du Nouvel Empire, 6978. 63 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8687. 64 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8889. 65 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 12627.
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Neferefre (nfr- w), Menkauhor (mn- w), Djedkare ( d- w), Merenre ( n w), and Pepy II (n r- w);66 after the Old Kingdom, it appears in the Horus names of Kings Dedumose (w - w) and Neferhotep III (w - w).67 It is also seen in the Two Ladies names of Kings Sahure (nb w), Djedkare ( d- w), Merenre ( n w), Pepy II (n ri- w), Amenemhat VI (s m- w), Sobekhotep I ( d- w), Hor (nfr- w), Sobekhotep IV (w - w), and Djehuty (wsr- w).68 In Golden Horus names, it was used by Queen Sobeknefru ( dt- w), as well as by Kings Senwosret IV (nfr- w) and Nebiryerau I (nfr- w).69 It can also be seen in the Throne names of Kings Senaaib (mn w r ), Wepwawetemsaf (s m r nfr- w), Rahotep (s m r w - w), and Sobekemsaf I (s m r w - w).70 A Theban ruler such as Rahotep may have served as model for the phraseology here. Thutmose Is original Golden Horus name was nfr-rnpwt s n bw. The noun rnpwt is seen in his predecessors own Golden Horus name, w -rnpwt; the full expression nfr-rnpwt may also have been a reection of the new kings more advanced age. For the phrase s n bw, compare Mentuhotep IIs rst Horus name, s n b twy, Who has sustained the mind of the Two Lands;71 and the phrase s n b r , Who has sustained the mind of Re, in the Throne names of the Thirteenth Dynasty king Amenemhat VI72 and of the Fourteenth Dynasty ruler Sankhibre.73 Another Golden Horus name of Thutmose I, found on the north side of the Karnak obelisk, repeats the -p ty motif from his Two Ladies name, to which is added the epithets wsr- p, strong-armed, and w -rnpwt, ourishing of years.74 An additional Golden Horus name is found on the south side of the obelisk, w pdwt 9, who
66 For Sahure, Neferirkare, and Shepseskare, see von Beckerath, Handbuch, 56; for Neferefre and Menkauhor, see 58; for Djedkare, Merenre, and Pepy II, see 60, 62, and 64, respectively. 67 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 100 and 102, respectively. 68 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 56, 60, 62, 64, 90, 92, 96, and 126, respectively. 69 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 86, 102, and 126, respectively. 70 See von Beckerath, Handbuch, 104 and 124; note that Sobekemsaf I was Rahoteps successor, again implying borrowing when creating the royal titulary. For the noun w, see also Robins, The Names of Hatshepsut, 105. 71 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 7879. 72 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 9091. 73 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 11011. 74 Urk. IV, 94:6. The last epithet is concluded with the adverbial phrase m wt- t m t, in the temple of Maat.
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ronald j. leprohon
has struck down the Nine Bows. Note the belligerent nature of these Golden Horus names, a not-unusual tone.75 His Throne name, pr k r , The great one is the manifestation of the ka of Re, may have been borrowed from that other great military conqueror, Senwosret I, whose Throne name was pr k r .76 Closer to Thutmose Is own oruit are the Throne names of Kamose (w pr r ) and of his predecessor Amenhotep I ( sr k r ). Notably all four of these are Throne names. Thutmose II After a reign of 11 to 13 years,77 Thutmose I was succeeded by Prince Thutmose, his son by a non-royal wife, Queen Mutnofret.78 Thutmose II had not been the original heir apparent in the family, as an older brother Amenmose had predeceased him,79 which meant that the new monarch was fairly young at his accession. As the biography of Ineni states, the new ruler was a mere bk my sy, falcon who is in the nest, when he came to power.80 As a youngster who succeeded a great conqueror king, with his halfsister Hatshepsut as his Great Kings Wife, Thutmose II became the Horus k n t wsr-p ty, The victorious bull, strong of might; the Two Ladies n r-nsyt, The one divine of kingship; the Golden Horus s m- prw, The one powerful of manifestations; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt pr n r , The great one is the manifestation of Re.81
Parent, Seth dans lHorus dOr des titres royaux. von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8283. 77 Gabolde, La chronologie du rgne de Thoutmosis II, 6768; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 253; Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 230. The death of Thutmose I is described by the famous royal architect Ineni thus: The king went to rest in peace in life, going up to heaven after having completed his years in gladness (= Urk. IV, 58:1113). 78 Robins, A Critical Examination, 76; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 265; Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 231. 79 Another prince, Wadjmose, is known, but the order of birth of Wadjmose and the future Thutmose II is difcult to ascertain (Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 252); even the female parentage of Princes Amenmose and Wadjmose has recently been called into doubt (Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 231). See also lately Dorman, Hatshepsut. Princess to Queen to Co-Ruler, 8789; and idem, The Early Reign of Thutmose III, 3940. 80 Urk. IV, 58:15. 81 Thutmose IIs full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13435.
75 76
19
The noun p ty qualied by an adjective in his Horus name wsr-p ty is found in his fathers Two Ladies name, m nsrt -p ty; earlier, Ahmose had also used the same noun in his Throne name, nb p ty r . For his Two Ladies name, n r-nsyt, Thutmose II was the rst king to use the noun nsyt in his titulary, although the adjective n r in the expression divine of followed by a noun can be found all the way back to Djoser, whose Horus and Two Ladies names were n r- t, The divine one of the (divine) corporation.82 Closer in time to the Eighteenth Dynasty were, among others, Senwosret IIIs Horus name, n r- prw, Divine of manifestations, and his Two Ladies name, n r-mswt, Divine of births.83 These last designations may have been attested at Karnak84 and therefore could have been known to Thutmose IIs advisors. For his Golden Horus name s m- prw, Thutmose II used a phrase composed with the adjective s m qualifying a noun, which was known as far back as Kings Sekhemib (Powerful of thought).85 The designation s m- w, Powerful of appearances, was also held by Shepseskare for his Horus name and Amenemhat VI for his Two Ladies name.86 The question here, however, is whether a king like Thutmose II would have had access to royal nomenclature going as far back as the Early Dynastic period. The titulary of Amenemhat VI, who is attested from an offering table at Karnak,87 may have been accessible to a Theban monarch. A simpler explanation may be that Thutmose II simply continued the aggressive tone of his titulary, following his Horus name which contained the phrase the strong-of-might one. Denoting strength and power may reveal his desire to emulate his fathers militaristic ways. His Throne name, pr n r , The great one is the manifestation of Re, nds an echo in Kamoses Throne name w pr r .
von Beckerath, Handbuch, 4849. von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8485. 84 Although it must be said that most of the material from the reign of Senwosret III at Karnak is statuary, which rarely contains the full titulary; for the statues, see PM II, 136, 179; and Barguet, Le Temple dAmon-R Karnak, 269, 279, as well as a statue of Mentuhotep II dedicated by Senwosret III, for which see PM II, 171; and Barguet, Le Temple dAmon-R Karnak, 271. For a brief discussion of Senwosret IIIs statuary, see lately Tallet, Ssostris III, 18690. 85 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 4445. 86 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 5657, and 9091, respectively. 87 CG 23040 (= Helck, Historisch-Biographische Texte, no. 7, p. 4), for which see lately Dessoudeix, Chronique, 184.
82 83
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Thutmose II may simply have been patterning himself after his father, whose Throne name was pr k r . Thutmose III, Part 1 After a shockingly brief reign of only three years,88 Thutmose II died, leaving the royal palace in a frenzied search looking for an heir. Thutmose IIs age at his death is unknown, but he was old enough to have fathered two children: a daughter, Neferure, with the Great Kings Wife Hatshepsut, and a son, Thutmose, with a minor queen, Aset (Isis).89 The aforementioned Ineni describes the change of power thus: <Thutmose II> went forth to heaven, having mingled with the gods. His son stood in his place as king of the Two Lands, having become ruler on the throne of the one who begat him.90 The new pharaoh was extremely young at his accession, perhaps no more than three or four years old.91 In Thutmose IIIs inscription at Karnak,92 he would later say of his own accession: I am his93 son, whom he commanded that I should be on his throne when I was one who was in his nest (my sy.f ). He begat me quite deliberately.94 /////// There are no lies nor equivocation therein, since My Majesty was a mere youngster (npw), when I was barely weaned (w ) in his temple . . .95 Given Thutmose IIIs young age, the queen dowager Hatshepsut acted as regent, as Ineni continues in his narrative of Thutmose IIIs accession: His sister, the Divine Consort Hatshepsut, governed96 the land, the two lands (being) under her plans. People (lit. one) worked for her, and Egypt submitted to her.97
88 Meyer, Thutmosis II., 539; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 270; Gabolde, Monuments dcors, 14749, and the references there; and Dorman, The Early Reign of Thutmose III, 40, n. 12. 89 Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty, 236. 90 Urk. IV, 59:1317. 91 Or maybe as much as five or six years old. See Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 27172; Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 183; and OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 23. 92 PM II, 106. 93 Amun-Re. 94 Lit. In exactness of mind did he beget me (wtt.n.f w m mtt nt b). 95 Urk. IV, 157:18. 96 Lit. carried out the business ( r rt m rw). 97 Urk. IV, 60:14; see also OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 23. Recent discussions on the coregency between Hatshepsut and Thutmose III,
21
Because of Thutmose IIIs age, it is fairly safe to assume that the palaces lector-priests and perhaps even Hatshepsut helped choose his titulary, notwithstanding the fact that he would later insist that the god Amun-Re himself had chosen it.98 A text from Semna dated to Thutmose IIIs second regnal year records his early titulary as the Horus k n t m wst, The victorious bull who has appeared in Thebes; the Two Ladies w -nsyt, Enduring of kingship; the Golden Horus sr- w, Sacred of appearances; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt mn pr r , The established one is the manifestation of Re.99 This titulary is another example of a series of names that are heavily indebted to predecessors terminology. The expression m wst of his Horus name may have come from the fact that Thutmose III owed his accession to his selection by the god AmunRe during a celebration of the Opet Festival.100 The verb may also have been adopted from Kamoses rst Horus name, r nst.f. Perhaps more likely, given how much Thutmose III admired his grandfather Thumose I,101 the verb came from one of the latters Horus names, mry r m t, as well as his original Two Ladies name, m nsrt -p ty. The phrase w -nsyt forming Thutmose IIIs Two Ladies name may have been a wish to mitigate his fathers extremely short reign, but there are other immediate models. The adjective w is also seen in Amenhotep Is Golden Horus name, w -rnpwt, and the noun nsyt is seen in his father Thutmose IIs Two Ladies name, n r-nsyt. As for the adjective sr in his Golden Horus name, sr- w, Sacred of appearances, compare Amenhotep Is Throne name, sr k r , while the plural noun w is found in a phrase from one of his grandfathers previously mentioned Two Ladies name, - w.
and the essentially amicable relationship between the two rulers during that time, include Davies, Hatshepsuts Use of Tuthmosis III; Dorman, The Early Reign of Thutmose III; and Marujol, Thoutmosis III et la corgence avec Hatchepsout. 98 Urk. IV, 160:1011. 99 For the text, see Urk. IV, 19396; the titulary is found on 193:1417. Thutmose IIIs full set of names is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13639, and the titulary is discussed in Marujol, Thoutmosis III et la corgence avec Hatchepsout, 3334. 100 Lacau and Chevrier, Une Chapelle dHatshepsout Karnak, 13335; and Urk. IV, 158:812 (the latter text was written some forty years later). On this, see lately OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 2324; and Dorman, The Early Reign of Thutmose III, 5556. 101 Cf. the inscription he left up in Syria, which referred to his grandfathers own military campaigns, and where he even calls Thutmose I his father (t.f ) (= Urk. IV, 697:5).
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The famous Throne name mn pr r may harken back to Kamoses Throne name, w pr r , and Thutmose IIIs fathers own Throne name, pr n r . Interestingly, the borrowings are from Throne names. A second Throne name, mn pr k r , The established one is the manifestation of the ka of Re, mostly used during the period of coregency between Thutmose III and Hatshepsut,102 recalls Senwosret Is Throne name, pr k r ,103 and his grandfather Thutmose Is Throne name, pr k r . Perhaps the addition of the noun k was simply in deference to Hatshepsuts Throne name, m t k r . Hatshepsut Early in the reign of Thutmose III,104 the Queen Regent Hatshepsut decided she would reign as a fully-edged Pharaoh. To accomplish this, she emphasized her lineage with the great king Thutmose I, even going as far as stating that he had long ago decided to set her in his place.105 She came to the throne as the Horus wsrt-kw, Powerful of kas; the Two Ladies w t-rnpwt, Flourishing of years; the Golden Horus n rt- w, Divine of appearances; and the King of Upper and lower Egypt m t k r , The true one is the ka of Re.106 It is immediately noticeable that, as revolutionary as she appeared to be, Hatshepsuts titulary follows well-worn terminology. Apart from Hatshepsuts wish to be associated with the Theban goddess Wosret,107 the adjective wsrt of her Horus name is found albeit
102 Apart from one Karnak example (Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 16d) that shows a later form of the Two Ladies name (w -nsyt m r m pt) and is therefore from later in the reign, all examples of this particular Throne name are from the early part of the reign: see, e.g., Sinai 180 (Year 13), Sinai 44 (Year 16), and a number of instances from Deir el Bahari (Urk. IV, 292:13, 306:4, 308:4, and 340:9). On this particular designation, see also Bell, Luxor Temple, 257, n. 20. 103 von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8283. 104 Some time between Regnal Years 2 and 7 of the young king; see Seipel, Hatschepsut I., 1045; Lipinska, Hatshepsut, 8586, and Roth, Models of Authority. 105 Urk. IV, 25560. 106 Her full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13435. See also Graefe, Zur Struktur der Thronnamen der gyptischen Knige; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 272 73; Robins, The Names of Hatshepsut; Callender, The Innovations of Hatshepsuts Reign; and Marujol, Thoutmosis III et la corgence avec Hatchepsout, 4849. 107 Robins, The Names of Hatshepsut, 107.
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in its masculine form in a great number of royal titularies, going as far back as the Horus names of Kings Khafre (wsr-b), and Neferirkare (wsr- w).108 It can also be found in the Two Ladies names of the Seventeenth Dynasty kings Rahotep (wsr-rnpwt) and Djehuty (wsr- w),109 as well as the Golden Horus name of the Thirteenth Dynasty king Sobekhotep IV (wsr-bw).110 It is more likely that the Thirteenth and Seventeenth Dynasty names would have been available to Hatshepsuts court. Closer to her in time, her brother and husband Thutmose II had used the adjective in his Horus name, wsr-p ty. As for the noun kw, it has been cogently explained by Robins as a more acceptable version of the masculine ka-bull theme used by her Eighteenth Dynasty predecessors.111 Along with its association with the goddess Wadjet,112 the expression w t-rnpwt of her Two Ladies name may have been inuenced by part of her fathers previously mentioned Golden Horus name on the north side of his Karnak obelisk.113 It is also found in Kamoses Throne name, w pr r . For the noun rnpwt, compare Amenhotep Is Golden Horus name, w -rnpwt, and her father Thutmose Is original Golden Horus name, nfr-rnpwt s n bw. Given Thutmose IIs short reign, a wish for her years to ourish may well have been heartfelt. Her Golden Horus name, n rt- w, Divine of appearances, also follows her predecessors. For the adjective n rt, compare her brother and husbands Two Ladies name, n r-nsyt, while the noun w is found in her fathers Two Ladies name, dw tmw - w, from the north side of his Karnak obelisk. Her Throne name, m t k r , then borrows the expression k r from the Throne names of Amenhotep I ( sr k r ) and her father Thutmose I ( pr k r ). As can be seen, even great innovators often work within the bounds of the familiar, as there is hardly one phrase in Hatshepsuts titulary that is not borrowed in one way or another.
108 109 110 111 112 113
von Beckerath, Handbuch, 54 and 56, respectively. von Beckerath, Handbuch, 124 and 126, respectively. von Beckerath, Handbuch, 96. Robins, The Names of Hatshepsut, 104. Robins, The Names of Hatshepsut, 10708. Urk. IV, 94:6.
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ronald j. leprohon Thutmose III, Part 2
In Thutmose IIIs twenty-second regnal year, Hatshepsut died,114 leaving the now-mature king to rule independently. In an inscription from Karnak dated to later in his reign,115 a rare text albeit heavily restored by modern scholars has the monarch describe his own titulary in a series of pun-lled statements in which a god himself is said to confer the kings names as attributes. Perhaps to signal this new stage of his reign, the king added phrases to his earlier titulary. Thutmose III recounts:
[He116 established] my appearances and set a titulary (n bt) for me himself. He established my falcon upon the serekh-panel, and he empowered me as a victorious bull. He caused me to appear within Thebes. [in this name of mine of Horus Victorious bull who appears in Thebes. He caused me to raise up the Two Ladies and made my kingship endure like (that of ) Re in heaven in] this [name] of mine of Two Ladies Enduring of kingship like Re in heaven. He fashioned me as a falcon of gold and he gave me his power and his might. I was sacred through these appearances of his in this name of mine [of Golden Horus Powerful of might and sacred of appearances. He caused me to appear as the king of Upper and Lower Egypt and he established my manifestations like (those of ) Re in this name of mine of] King of Upper and Lower Egypt and Lord of the Two Lands The established one is the manifestation of Re. I am his son who came out from within him, the (very) image of birth, like the one who presides over Hesret.117 He united all of my manifestations in this name of mine of Son of Re Thutmose, united of manifestations, living forever and forever.118
114 Seipel, Hatschepsut I., 1046; Redford, Thutmosis III., 541; OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 5. 115 Dorman, The Early Reign of Thutmose III, 68 and n. 125, suggests that the text comes after Year 42. 116 Amun-Re. 117 Hesret was the necropolis of Hermopolis (Wb III, 168), so the reference here is to Thoth, as a pun on the name Thutmose (Thoth is born). For the epithet, see Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter, vol. 5, 84344 [15]. 118 Urk. IV, 160:10161:12.
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The addition of the phrase s m-p ty to the new Golden Horus name, which now reads sr- w s m-p ty, Sacred of appearances and powerful of might,119 recalls Ahmoses Throne name (nb p ty r ), part of Thutmose Is rst Two Ladies name ( m nsrt -p ty), and his fathers Horus name (k n t wsr-p ty). Thutmose III also composed new phrases for specic occasions. Examples of this come from the various obelisks erected to celebrate his Jubilee Festivals.120 The words mry r and t in one of the Horus names, mry r - t, Beloved of Re, (whose) White Crown is high, which appears on various obelisks from Karnak and Heliopolis,121 call to mind his grandfathers third Horus name, mry r m t, from the north side of the latters Karnak obelisk. Of course, the phrase mry r on an obelisk, a monument with solar connotations,122 is self-explanatory. Thutmose III also chose two names compounded with the adjective qualifying a noun on the west side of the so-called Lateran obelisk:123 the Two Ladies -fyt m tw nbw, Great of majesty in all lands, and the Golden Horus - p w p wt 9, The one great of strength who has struck down the Nine Bows.124 For these, compare Ahmoses Horus name, - prw, Amenhotep Is Two Ladies name, -nrw, and part of his grandfathers Two Ladies name, m nsrt -p ty. Then the phrase w p wt 9 was directly borrowed from the Golden Horus name on the south side of ThutmoseIs Karnak obelisk.
119 The two phrases are reversed in Sethes reconstruction of the Golden Horus name (Urk. IV, 161:5), presumably from the order of the clauses found in the portion of the text immediately preceding (Urk. IV, 161:34). For the order sr- w s m-p ty, see, e.g., a Karnak stela dated to Year 24 (= Urk. IV, 833:13), and a later Karnak obelisk (= Urk. IV, 584:8). 120 The texts can be found in Urk. IV, 58494; see Bell, Luxor Temple, 289, n. 214. On the kings jubilee festivals, see also Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 31213; and Troy, Religion and Cult during the Time of Thutmose III, 149. 121 Urk. IV, 584:14, 586:17, and 593:9, respectively. 122 Troy, Religion and Cult during the Time of Thutmose III, 13738; and Bell, Divine Kingship and the Theology of the Obelisk Cult. 123 For the orientation of the obelisk, and contra Sethes suggestions in Urk. IV, 58485, see Bell, Divine Kingship and the Theology of the Obelisk Cult, 2324; and Laskowski, Monumental Architecture, 203, and references there. For this obelisk, see also Barguet, LOblisque de Saint-Jean-de-Latran dans le temple de Ramss II Karnak; Desroches-Noblecourt, propos de loblisque de SaintJean-de-Latran; Yoyotte, propos de loblisque unique; Martin, Ein Garantsymbol des Lebens, 15771; Habachi, The Obelisks of Egypt, 11214; and Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 17679. 124 Urk. IV, 585:45.
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ronald j. leprohon Amenhotep II
After seeing his own father die so early and having lost one heir already,125 it is not surprising that Thutmose III had already installed his son Amenhotep as coregent early in his sixth decade on the throne.126 When the old king died after a reign of close to 55 years,127 Amenhotep II was 18 years old, as his Sphinx Stela recounts: Now His Majesty appeared as king, as a ne youth ( wn) who was well developed,128 having sturdily (m nt) completed 18 years upon his thighs.129 He came to the throne as the Horus k n t wr-p ty, Victorious bull, great of might; the Two Ladies wsr-fw s m wst, Rich in splendor, who has been made to appear in Thebes; the Golden Horus m s m.f m tw nbw, Who has seized by means of his power in all lands; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt prw r , The great one of the manifestations of Re.130 Noteworthy is the threefold use of the noun p ty in Amenhotep IIs various Horus names: the original k n t wr-p ty; a second, k n t -p ty, Victorious bull, great of might, from a grafto found at Tura dated to Year 4;131 and another, k n t s m-p ty, Victorious bull, powerful of might, on a scepter found by Petrie at the temple of Seth at Ombos.132 The word had been used a number of times already in the familys titulary, for example, by Ahmose in
125 A son of the Great Kings Wife Sat-iah, the kings eldest son Amenemhat, who had died between Years 24 and 35 of Thutmose III; note that Queen Sat-iah was indeed never labeled a Kings Mother, for which see Robins, A Critical Examination, 76. See also der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 172; and OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 34. 126 Murnane, Coregencies , 4457; Hornung, Amenophis II., 203; Redford, Thutmosis III., 544; der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 1940; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 319; OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 34; der Manuelian, The End of the Reign, 422. 127 Urk. IV, 895:16. See der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 10; OConnor, Thutmose III: An Enigmatic Pharaoh, 32; and der Manuelian, The End of the Reign, 414. 128 Lit. after he had counted his body (p.n.f t.f [= Urk. IV, 1279:9]). 129 Urk. IV, 1279:810. See also Redford, Thutmosis III., 548; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 319; der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 173, 184; and idem, The End of the Reign, 416, 420. 130 Amenhotep IIs full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13839. 131 The Horus name is recorded by Gauthier, Livre des Rois, vol. 2, 277, no. III.A, and accepted by von Beckerath, Handbuch, 138. 132 Urk. IV, 1362. The name here may also be a play on the phrase -p ty, the ubiquitous epithet of Seth, for which see te Velde, Seth, 909; and Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter, vol. 2, 22 [ab].
27
his Throne name (nb p ty r ), Thutmose I in his Two Ladies name ( m nsrt -p ty), Thutmose II in his Horus name (k n t wsr-p ty), and Thutmose III in his Golden Horus name ( sr- w s m-p ty). Given Amenhotep IIs well-known boasts about his physical prowess,133 this triple use of the word p ty is in character. For his rst Two Ladies name, Amenhotep II chose wsr-fw s m wst. The adjective wsr, another word connected with strength, nds an echo in his grandfather Thutmose IIs Horus name, k n t wsrp ty, and Hatshepsuts Horus name, wsrt-kw. Another Two Ladies name, - w m pt swt, Radiant of appearances in Ipet-sut, from the previously mentioned scepter, borrows the noun w from one of Thutmose Is Two Ladies name (dw tmw - w), Hatshepsuts Golden Horus name (n rt- w), and his father Thutmose IIIs Golden Horus name ( sr- w). His Golden Horus name, m s m.f m tw nbw, Who has seized by means of his power in all lands, then borrows the verb from a second Two Ladies name of Thutmose I, tw nbw, from the north side of the latters Karnak obelisk. On the previously mentioned scepter from Ombos, Amenhotep II would use the word s m again for a Horus name. For his Throne name, prw r , compare Ahmoses rst Horus name, - prw, of which Thutmose II had used a variation, s m- prw, in a Golden Horus name. We can also compare his fathers own Throne Name, mn pr r . Thutmose IV Amenhotep II died after a reign of 26 years,134 leaving a number of princes of adult age vying for the throne.135 The successful candidate was Prince Thutmose, who eventually left an improbable account of his elevation to the throne by the great Sphinx, who promised him the kingship if he would remove the sand from its body.136 The new ruler came to the throne as the Horus k n t twt w, Victorious bull, the (very) image of appearances; the Two Ladies d-nsyt m tmw, Stable of kingship like Atum; the Golden
der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 191213. der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 4244. 135 On the question of the rivalry between the numerous royal princes, see Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 3892; idem, Antecedents to Amenhotep III, 4044; and idem, Thutmose IV, 40304. 136 Urk. IV, 153944; for a recent study, see Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 14448.
133 134
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Horus wsr- p dr p wt 9, The great-of-strength one who has repelled the Nine Bows; and the king of Upper and Lower Egypt mn prw r , The rm one of the manifestations of Re.137 The noun twt in his Horus name, k n t twt w, reminds us of Ahmoses Two Ladies name, twt mswt. As for the noun w in the same name, a noun he would use again in one of his Two Ladies name, it was a well-known motif in the Eighteenth Dynasty titulary. It also appears in one of Thutmose Is Two Ladies names (dw tmw - w), Hatshepsuts Golden Horus name (n rt- w), his grandfather Thutmose IIIs Golden Horus name ( sr- w), and one of his father Amenhotep IIs Two Ladies names ( - w m pt swt). The noun nsyt of his Two Ladies name, d-nsyt m tmw, recalls Tuthmosis IIs and Tuthmosis IIIs own Two Ladies names (n r-nsyt and w -nsyt, respectively). The adjective wsr of his Golden Horus name, wsr- p dr p wt 9, can be found in the Horus names of Thutmose II (k n t wsr-p ty) and Hatshepsut (wsrt-kw), as well as his fathers Two Ladies name (wsr-fw s m wst). For the noun p after an adjective, compare one of Thutmose IIIs Golden Horus names, - p w p wt 9. And his Throne name, mn prw r , is an obvious borrowing from his grandfathers and his fathers Throne names. A black granite offering table from Memphis138 bears the kings original titulary on the left side as well as a new set of names on the right side: the Horus k n t mry wst, Victorious bull, beloved of Thebes; the Two Ladies s m- w m t w nbw, Powerful of appearances in all lands; and the Golden Horus d- ///// m [ r]- ty, Stable of //// like [Hor]-akhty. The s m motif can be found with Thutmose IIs Golden Horus name (s m- prw), the phrase added to Thutmose IIIs Golden Horus name after Year 22 ( sr- w s m-p ty), and his fathers Horus name from the Ombos scepter (k n t s m-p ty). The mention of Thebes on a monument from Memphis is noteworthy and may simply be Thutmose IVs attempt to associate himself with two of the most powerful gods of Egypt, Amun-Re and Ptah.139 His fathers and grandfathers military campaigns left Thutmose IV a country that was peaceful and prosperous, which allowed him the opportunity to explore different interpretations of kingship, espe137 138 139
Thutmose IVs full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 13841. Urk. IV, 1558; see Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 15859. So Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 159.
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cially solar ones.140 This is represented in his titulary, as two solar divinities Atum and Horakhty are mentioned in a number of his names: his original Two Ladies name, d-nsyt m tmw, from the famous Sphinx Stela,141 and the Golden Horus name from the previously mentioned Memphis offering table.142 Although Thutmose IV was not the rst Eighteenth Dynasty king to mention a solar divinity in his titulary both Thutmose I (dw tmw - w, his Nebty name on the north side of the Karnak obelisk) and Thutmose III (sp n n tmw, part of a Nebty name from one of the jubilee monuments)143 had mentioned Atum within their protocol he was the rst to do so in the original titulary promulgated at his coronation. Amenhotep III Thutmose IV died after a brief reign of only 10 to 12 years,144 leaving what may have been his eldest son,145 Prince Amenhotep, on the throne. The new king, the son of a minor queen named Mutemwia,146 was not much older than 12 at the time.147 Thanks to his great-grandfathers and grandfathers military successes and his fathers judicious policies,148 he inherited a stable Egypt both at home and abroad, a situation reected in his titulary. He ascended the throne as the Horus k n t m m t, Victorious bull, who has
140 On the kings connection with solar divinities, see Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 14950, 155, 350; Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 359; Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 3; Bryan, Antecedents to Amenhotep III, 4952; and idem, Thutmose IV, 403. 141 Urk. IV, 1540:3. 142 A third Horus name, k n t s tmw, Victorious bull, the son of Atum, from a small votive stela found by Petrie at Memphis (= Urk. IV, 1563) may not be contemporary with the reign; see Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 157. In such a case, it is interesting to see ofcials from a later period actually composing or perhaps simply copying improperly a new name for a long-dead king. 143 Urk. IV, 600:6. 144 der Manuelian, Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, 40, and n. 99; Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 425; and Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 35. 145 Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 52, 7374, presents the evidence as unequivocal, but Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 910 and n. 48, is more circumspect; see also Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 5355. On Thutmose IVs progeny in general, see Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 6773. 146 On Mutemwia, see Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 34; and Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 5060. 147 Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 910; Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 95, 18283; and Bryan, Amenhotep III, 72. 148 On Thutmose IVs peace treaties, see especially Bryan, The Reign of Thutmose IV, 33647.
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appeared by means of Maat; the Two Ladies smn hpw sgr twy, Who has established laws and quieted down the Two Lands; the Golden Horus - p w s tyw, The great-of-strength one who has struck down the Asiatics; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt nb m t r , The possessor of the truth of Re.149 As can be seen, apart from the previously mentioned expected belligerency of the Golden Horus designation, the names mostly indicate a peaceful state of affairs. Here was a ruler who could revel in Maat note the twofold use of the word in the Horus and Throne names and who could be satised with establishing laws150 that would keep the country tranquil (sgr ). Perhaps indicative of a condent Egypt that was ready to take its place as a super-power of the time, Amenhotep IIIs primary titulary is actually fairly original. Two exceptions are his Horus name, k n t m m t,151 which may have been adapted from Thutmose IIIs Horus name, m wst, while the m m t motif itself can be compared to the same kings Horus name on the west side of one of his obelisks from Heliopolis, k n t m m t.152 Additionally, part of his Golden Horus name was borrowed directly from Thutmose IIIs own Golden Horus name from the west side of the Lateran obelisk ( - p w p wt 9). Names composed later in the reign include one of the Horus names from the temple at Soleb, k n t s m-fw, Victorious bull, powerful of splendor,153 which borrows the s m motif from the Golden Horus names of Thutmose II (s m- prw) and Thutmose III ( sr- w s m-p ty), as well as the Horus name from Amenhotep IIs Ombos scepter (k n t s m-p ty). For the noun fw, compare Amenhotep IIs Two Ladies name, wsr-fw s m wst. Yet another Horus name from Soleb, w -rnpwt - bw, Enduring of years and numerous of festivals,154 borrows directly from Amenhotep
Amenhotep IIIs full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14043. An in-depth study of his titulary is found in Schade-Busch, Zur Knigsideologie Amenophis III., 1030; the Nebty and Golden Horus names are also discussed in Goedicke, Problems Concerning Amenophis III, 312. See also Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 12; and Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 17781. 150 At the temple of Soleb, one of the Two Ladies name adds the phrase s twy, Who has bound the Two Lands (= Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 83b) after smn hpw; the phrase is reminiscent of Ahmoses Golden Horus name. 151 Note that the temple of Soleb was called wt mnnw m m t, The temple of the Fortress of Kha-em-maat; cf. PM VII, 169. 152 Urk. IV, 591:15. 153 Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 83b. 154 Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 83a.
149
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Is Golden Horus name, w -rnpwt. Amenhotep III then borrowed the nfr-rnpwt motif for another Golden Horus name found on a faience box lid, w -kw nfr-rnpwt nb bw sd, Sturdy of sustenance, perfect of years, and possessor of Sed festivals,155 from Thutmose Is own Golden Horus name, nfr-rnpwt s n bw. Amenhotep IV After a peaceful, prosperous, and opulent156 reign of 38 years,157 Amenhotep III passed away, having lived through the tragedy of losing his eldest son and heir, Prince Thutmose.158 The next Kings Son in line was Prince Amenhotep,159 about which almost nothing is known prior to his accession. He took the throne as the Horus k n t -wty, Victorious bull, high of plumes; the Two Ladies wr-nsyt m pt swt, Great of kingship in Ipet-sut; the Golden Horus w s- w m wnw m w, Elevated of appearances in southern Heliopolis; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt nfr prw r w n r , The perfect one of the manifestations of Re and the unique one of Re.160 One immediately notes the lack of belligerence in any of his chosen names. That being said, and notwithstanding all the
155 Urk. IV, 1749:1. On this object and its association with one of the kings jubilee festivals, see Bell, Luxor Temple, 285 and notes 18283. 156 See Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 40102. 157 See, for example, Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 810; Bryan, The Eighteenth Dynasty Before the Amarna Period, 260; and Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 183. 158 On Prince Thutmose, see Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 398, n. 2; Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 16368; Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, 216, n. 1553, who cautions us against Vandersleyens perhaps overly hasty remarks; and idem, La postrit dAmenhotep III, 1418. 159 Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 16869; Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon. 216; and idem, La postrit dAmenhotep III, 1819. Here is not the place to discuss the difcult question of a possible coregency between Amenhotep III and IV. The evidence is equivocal enough that the camps are fairly evenly divided between the proponents of a coregency and its opponents. Such a coregency is suggested by, among others, Allen, Further Evidence for the Coregency of Amenhotep III and IV?; or actively championed by Johnson, Monuments and Monumental Art under Amenhotep III: Evolution and Meaning, 91. Against the coregency are, lately, Baines, The Dawn of the Amarna Age, 27172, 298; Berman, Overview of Amenhotep III and His Reign, 2225; Murnane, The Organization of Government under Amenhotep III, 204, and n. 128; Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 41116; and Dorman, The Long Coregency Revisited. For a balanced view, see Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 40207. A great number of references can be found in all these works. 160 Amenhotep IVs full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14243.
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changes he would bring upon Egypt, his titulary is actually fairly conventional and mostly inspired by his predecessors. The nsyt motif of his Two Ladies name borrows from the Two Ladies names of Thutmose II (n r-nsyt), Thutmose III (w -nsyt), and Thutmose IV ( d-nsyt m tmw). The noun w in his Golden Horus name is also found in the Golden Horus names of Thutmose III ( sr- w) and Hatshepsut (n rt- w), as well as the Two Ladies names of Thutmose I from the north side of his Karnak obelisk (dw tmw - w), Amenhotep II from the Ombos scepter ( - w m pt swt), and Thutmose IV from his Memphis offering table (s m- w m tw nbw). As for his Throne name, this also borrows the motif of kheperu-manifestations from the Throne names of two close predecessors, Amenhotep II ( prw r ) and his grandfather Thutmose IV (mn prw r ). It is also found in Ahmoses original Horus name ( - prw), Thutmose IIs Golden Horus name (s m- prw), and one of his fathers Golden Horus names from Soleb temple ( n- prw wr-bwt), Dazzling of manifestations and great of wonders.161 Amenhotep IVs later titulary, as King Akhenaten, used terminology that is similar enough to his original names that it need not concern us here. Smenkhkare Akhenatens successor if we discount Queen Nefertiti, who may have reigned as King Ankhkheperure Neferneferuaten toward the end of her husbands rule was the enigmatic King Smenkhkare,162 about whom very little is known and who may not even have had a reign of his own.163 Not much of his titulary has survived, but
Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 83b. If smn k r was indeed a birth name; see the remarks by Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, 216. 163 A summary of the question, including Nefertitis reign as Pharaoh, is found in Vandersleyen, Lgypte, 45157. For useful bibliographies, see also Baker, Encyclopedia, 436; and Dessoudeix, Chronique, 311. For other discussions, see Reeves, The Complete Tutankhamun, 2223; Allen, Akhenatens Mystery Coregent and Successor; Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt, 20508; Arnold, Aspects of the Royal Female Image During the Amarna Period, 8889; Malek, The coregency relief of Akhenaten and Smenkhkare from Memphis; Gabolde, DAkhenaton Toutnkhamon, 21326; van Dijk, The Amarna Period and the Later New Kingdom, 281; Allen, The Amarna Succession; and lately Dodson, Were Nefertiti & Tutankhaten Coregents? The latter gives a useful summary of the various hypotheses offered about the late Amarna period. For material possibly dating to the reign of Smenkhkare recently found in the Sinai, see Hoffmeier and van Dijk, New Light on the Amarna
161 162
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his Throne name, n prw r , The (very) life of the manifestations of Re,164 certainly recalls Akhenatens Throne name, nfr prw r . And an epithet added to his Birth name, srprw, Sacred of manifestations, repeats the often-used noun prw qualied by the adjective sr; for the adjective, compare Amenhotep Is Throne name ( sr k r ), and Thutmose IIIs original Golden Horus name ( sr- w s m-p ty). Tutankhamun The next ruler was the young Tutankhaten, who later changed his name to the better-known Tutankhamun.165 Given his age at his accession, this may once again be a situation where the new king quite possibly had very little to do with choosing his own titulary. One certainly gets the feeling that his handlers could feel a new beginning in the air, selecting an expression borrowed from another innovator. Thus, Ahmoses Two Ladies name, twt mswt, was put into use, and Tutankhamun became the Horus k n t twt mswt, The victorious bull, the (very) image of (re)-birth.166 His Two Ladies name, nfr-hpw sgr twy, Perfect of laws, who has quieted down the Two Lands, was modied slightly from Amenhotep IIIs own Two Ladies name, smn hpw sgr twy. And one phrase of his Golden Horus name, w s- w s tp n rw, Elevated of appearances, who has satised the gods, was selected from part of his fathers own Golden Horus name, w s- w m wnw m w. The kheperu-manifestations motif was borrowed yet again for his Throne name, nb prw r , Possessor of the manifestations of Re; the phrase nb . . . r was also taken directly from his grandfather Amenhotep IIIs Throne name, nb m t r . Noteworthy here are the expressions where Tutankhamun is said to be nfr hpw, perfect of laws, and to s tp n rw, have satised the gods. These remind us of his Restoration Decree, which catalogues his many good deeds on behalf of the traditional gods of Egypt, who the ancient Egyptians felt must indeed have had
Period from North Sinai; and Ertman and Hoffmeier, A new fragmentary relief. I thank K. Goebs for the last two references. 164 Smenkhkares full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14445. 165 For a history of the reign, see especially Reeves, The Complete Tutankhamun. For up-to-date bibliographies, see Baker, 481; and Dessoudeix, 31416. 166 Tutankhamuns full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14445.
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to be pacied after the Amarna episode.167 In that respect, it is interesting to see this immediate post-Amarna king look back to the great Amenhotep III for inspiration in establishing his titulary. Aye The same can also be said for Tutankhamuns aged successor, King Aye.168 For his Horus name, k n t n- w, Victorious bull, dazzling of appearances,169 the new king borrowed the n-h w motif from one of Amenhotep IIIs Two Ladies name170 and an epithet of Tutankhamuns from one of his chests.171 The phrase n- prw for a different Horus name found in his tomb, k n t n- prw, Victorious bull, dazzling of manifestations,172 may have been inuenced by a Golden Horus name of Amenhotep IIIs at Karnak.173 The rst phrase of his Two Ladies name, s m-p ty dr sttyw, Powerful of might, who has repelled the Asiatics, was also inspired by the titulary of two illustrious ancestors, Thutmose IIIs original Golden Horus name ( sr- w s m-p ty), and Amenhotep IIs Horus name from the Ombos scepter (k n t s m-p ty).174 The expression that mentions repelling Asiatics was perhaps inuenced by the renewal of hostilities between Egypt and the Levant at the time.175 His Golden Horus name, m t s pr twy, The ruler of Maat, who has created the Two Lands, may have been prompted by Ayes post-Amarna role of having to redress the ills of the country, especially after Tutankhamuns short reign. Then his Throne name, pr prw r r m t, The (very) manifestation of the manifestations of Re, who has accomplished Maat, not only borrows from his
167 Urk. IV, 202532. For the Restoration Decree, see, e.g., Leprohon, The Reign of Akhenaten, 9799; Murnane, Tutankhamun on the Eighth Pylon at Karnak; and Schaden, A Tutankhamun Stela at Karnak. 168 For the king, see especially Schaden, The Gods Father Ay; for more recent bibliographies, see Baker, Encyclopedia, 65, and Dessoudeix, Chronique, 319. 169 Ayes full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14647; for a discussion, see Schaden, The Gods Father Ay, 21722. 170 On the previously mentioned faience lid from Karnak (= Urk. IV, 1748:18). 171 Urk. IV, 2052:17; see Schaden, The Gods Father Ay, 218. 172 Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 113a. 173 Found on the pylon of the Khonsu temple; Lepsius, Denkmaeler, Text, III, 57; PM II, 229. 174 If a ruler like King Aye had access to such material. 175 van Dijk, The Amarna Period and the Later New Kingdom, 29293; Schneider, Horemheb, 11415; and Brand, Ideological Imperatives, 18.
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predecessors kheper(u)-manifestations motif again, but also repeats the concept of Maat from his Golden Horus name.176 Horemheb After Ayes short four-year reign, Horemheb claimed what he considered to be his rightful place on the throne of Egypt.177 Much like Thutmose IIIs earlier account, Horemhebs Coronation Inscription178 narrates his election to the kingship by Amun-Re during a celebration of the Opet festival,179 at which time his full titulary (n bt) was xed.180 Horemheb styled himself the Horus k n t spd-s rw, The victorious bull, who is clever of plans; the Two Ladies wr-bwt m pt swt, The one great of marvels in Ipet-sut; the Golden Horus hry r m t s pr twy, The one pleased with Maat, who created the Two Lands; and the King of Upper and Lower Egypt sr prw r stp n r , The sacred one of the manifestations of Re, chosen by Re.181 The last phrase of his Horus name, clever of plans, along with part of his Golden Horus name, which mentions (re)-creating the country, would certainly be echoed in the great restoration decree he left at Karnak Temple, where he detailed his efforts to restore Egypt to its pre-Amarna prosperity.182 His Two Ladies name then
176 Not surprisingly, Tutankhamun had already stressed the concept of setting back Maat in her righteous place in his Restoration Decree (= Urk. IV, 2026:18). 177 Horemhebs Coronation Inscription keeps stressing the fact that Tutankhamun had long ago designated him as heir; the relevant passages can be found in Urk. IV, 2114:78 and 1516; 2115:16, 2116:1213, and 2116:182117:1. Serendipitously, Horemhebs Saqqara tomb corroborates these statements with a number of titles he held before coming to the throne. While still the my-r m wr, he was also the dnw n m.f (Deputy of His Majesty), dnw n m.f m t r r.f (Deputy of His Majesty in the entire country), dnw n nsw (Deputy of the king), dnw n nsw m t r r.f (Deputy of the king in the entire country), and dnw m st ry-p t (Deputy in the place of the Iry-pat). For these titles, see Martin, The Memphite Tomb of Horemheb, texts nos. 9 (pl. 23), 71 (pl. 110), 78 (pl. 117), and 101 (pl. 129). 178 Urk. IV, 211320. 179 Urk. IV, 2117:28. 180 Urk. IV, 2118:1115. 181 Horemhebs full titulary is found in von Beckerath, Handbuch, 14647; for a discussion, see Hari, Horemheb et la reine Moutnedjemet, 212, 248, and 296. 182 Urk. IV, 214062, for which see, among others, Hari, Horemheb et la reine Moutnedjemet, 30218; Polcek, Le dcret dHoremheb Karnak; Leprohon, The Reign of Akhenaten, 10002; Allam, Ladministration locale la lumire du dcret du roi Horemheb; idem, Le rle des prtres dans lEgypte pharaonique daprs le dcret du roi Horemheb; and idem, Der Steuer-Erlass des Knigs Haremheb.
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announced his contributions to Karnak Temple, with his building of the Second, Ninth, and Tenth Pylons there.183 The adjective sr in his Throne name may have been adapted from Amenhotep Is Throne name ( sr k r ), Thutmose IIIs Golden Horus name ( sr- w), and an epithet added to Smenkhares cartouche ( srprw). As for the noun prw, it is seen in many of his predecessors titularies. Conclusion The titulary of the Eighteenth Dynasty rulers184 tells us much about the concept of kingship during this period.185 Whereas kings of old lled the mind (m b),186 pleased (shr),187 or protected ( w)188 the Two Lands, the closest the Eighteenth Dynasty came to such lofty claims was Hatshepsut, if the word kw in her Horus name, wsrt-kw, was also a reference to feeding her people.189 Thutmose I was content with sustaining minds (s n bw), Amenhotep III simply kept the Two Lands quiet (sgr twy) and established laws (smn hpw), and Tutankhamuns handlers decided he would be perfect of laws (nfr hpw). As for Horemheb, whose plans were said to be clever (spd-s rw), he rst needed to (re)create (s pr) the Two Lands at the same time as he announced his building program in Karnak (wr-bwt m pt swt). Given the traumatic experience of a foreign invasion, however, Pharaoh now had to bind ( s) the Two Lands in battle, as Ahmose proclaimed in his Golden Horus name, s twy,190 and Amenhotep
183 PM II, 36ff, 180ff, and 186ff, respectively; see also Azim, La structure des pylnes dHoremheb Karnak; and Le Saout, propos des dpts de fondation du IXe pylne: le nom dHoremheb. 184 Here, I will only be looking at the original titularies drawn up for the kings coronation celebrations, setting aside the names composed later for specic ceremonies. 185 On this, see especially Redford, The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty. 186 Horus name of Senbef (= von Beckerath, Handbuch, 8889). 187 Horus name of Amenemhat VI (= von Beckerath, Handbuch, 9091). 188 Horus name of Sobehotep III (= von Beckerath, Handbuch, 9495). On the Thirteenth Dynasty terminology, see also Redford, The Concept of Kingship During the Eighteenth Dynasty, 158. 189 As Robins cleverly suggests, The Names of Hatshepsut, 104. To this, one may perhaps add the Eighteenth Dynastys immediate predecessor, Kamose, one of whose Horus names referred to him as the sickle of the Two Lands; see supra, n. 36. 190 Given the kings young age at his accession and the fact that names were chosen for the coronation, such belligerent phrases of course had to be anticipatory. On this,
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I then needed to subdue the lands (w f tw). Nonetheless, and notwithstanding the Eighteenth Dynasty rulers popular reputation as empire-builders who ruled the east,191 what may be surprising is how few belligerent phrases are present in the overall titulary. There were of course generic phrases such as great ( -) of dread (nrw), might ( p ty), or strength ( p ); the last two nouns could also be qualied by the adjective powerful (wsr-).192 However, after Ahmose and Amenhotep Is declarations, the next specically aggressive phrase belongs to Amenhotep II, who claimed he would m s m.f m tw nbw, seize by means of his power in all lands. His son Thutmose IV wished to be known as wsr- p dr p wt 9, The great-of-strength one who has repelled the Nine Bows. And Amenhotep III, whose own reign was in reality fairly peaceful, wanted to be remembered as the Golden Horus - p w s tyw, The great-of-strength one who has struck down the Asiatics. The last king to use a belligerent phrase in his original titulary was the elderly Aye, whose Two Ladies name, s m-p ty dr sttyw, Powerful of might, who has repelled the Asiatics, was surely wishful thinking on his part. Notably absent from this list are the two great conqueror kings Thutmose I and III, as well as Horemheb, who actually came from a military background. What is also missing from these phrases unless the expression the Nine Bows was meant to include that part of the Egyptian world is any mention of Nubia; what was obviously paramount in the palaces mind was Western Asia. The titularies of the Eighteenth Dynasty monarchs, in fact, mainly consist of wishes for the well-being of the king himself and his rule. He yearned to be divine (n r-), enduring (w -), great (wr-), or stable ( d-) of kingship (nsyt), at the same time as he also longed to be enduring of years (w -rnpwt). Such years must also be perfect (nfr) or ourishing (w t). He also had to be great ( -) or powerful (s m-) of manifestations ( prw), as well as strong (wsr-) of kas (kw) or splendor ( fw). He celebrated his accession by claiming to appear ( ) in Thebes (m wst), by
see particularly Cabrol, Amenhotep III, 17879; and Shaws cautious remarks about the unlikeliness of the kings actual participation on the battleeld, Royal Authority, 115, 11819. 191 Cf. Steindorff and Seeles When Egypt Ruled the East; for a more balanced view, see lately Grandet, Les Pharaons du Nouvel Empire. 192 These terms had been widely used by Middle Kingdom kings, for which see Blumenthal, Untersuchungen zum gyptischen Knigtum, 207, and 21718.
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means of the serpent goddess (m nsrt), or Maat (m m t). Indeed, the king claimed to be elevated of appearances (w s- w) and to, in fact, be the very image (twt) of these appearances, which were said to be divine (n rt), sacred ( sr), elevated (w s), or radiant ( n). During their humble beginnings, the kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty looked to the past for inspiration in formulating their titulary, hoping to emulate some of their illustrious predecessors. As they grew more comfortable with their leadership of the country and the world around them, they increasingly began to borrow terminology from within their own family, introducing new themes into the titulary and unwittingly inuencing future Pharaohs for generations to come. Abbreviations KRI PM II Kitchen, K.A. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical. Oxford: Blackwell, 19751990. Porter, B. and R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. II: Theban Temples. 2nd edition. Oxford: Grifth Institute, 1972. Porter, B. and R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. Vol. VII: Nubia, The Deserts, and Outside Egypt. 2nd edition. Oxford: Grifth Institute, 1962. Gardiner, A.H., T.E. Peet and J. ern. The Inscriptions of Sinai. Egypt Exploration Society 45. London: Oxford University Press, 1955. Sethe, K. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Urkunden des gyptischen Altertums, 4. Issued in 22 parts. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 19061958. References
Allam, S. Ladministration locale la lumire du dcret du roi Horemheb. JEA 72 (1986): 19495. . Le rle des prtres dans lEgypte pharaonique daprs le dcret du roi Horemheb. In glises et pouvoir politique. Actes des journes internationales dhistoire du droit dAngers, 30 mai 1er juin 1985, ed. Socit dHistoire du Droit, 4147. Angers: Universit dAngers, 1987.
PM VII
Sinai Urk. IV
39
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THE ROYAL TITULARY IN THE 18TH DYNASTY: CHANGE AND CONTINUITY* Ronald J.

Leprohon University of Toronto Abstract

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

Hatshepsuts long-dead father, Thutmose I.

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

108 109 110 111 112 113

ronald j. leprohon Thutmose III, Part 2

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

ronald j. leprohon Amenhotep II

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

the royal titulary in the 18th dynasty

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