Transatlantic Trends

Country Summaries 2013

Transatlantic Trends 2013 Partners

CONTENTS

France ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Germany ................................................................................................................................. 5 Italy .......................................................................................................................................... 7 The Netherlands................................................................................................................... 9 Poland.................................................................................................................................... 11 Portugal ................................................................................................................................. 13 Romania ................................................................................................................................ 15 Slovakia ................................................................................................................................. 17 Spain ...................................................................................................................................... 19 Sweden .................................................................................................................................. 21 Turkey ................................................................................................................................... 23 The United Kingdom ......................................................................................................... 25 The United States................................................................................................................ 27

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COUNTRY PROFILE: FRANCE

French respondents expressed sharp criticism of their governments economic and foreign policies this year. Forty-five percent a 21 percentage point drop from last year approved of the way their government was handling international policies, while 54%, a 21 percentage point increase from last year, disapproved. Seventy-four percent disapproved of their governments handling of the economy, a 17 percentage point increase from 2012. Eighty-three percent said that most of the benefits of their economic system went to a few, a six percentage point increase from last year, while only 16% believed that the system is fundamentally fair. Part of this dissatisfaction likely stems from what many in France see as a worsening economic outlook. Sixty-five percent of French respondents, up from 53% last year, said they or their family had been personally affected by the economic crisis; only 34% said that they had not been affected. The French are also increasingly negative about the effect of the euro on their economy: 64%, up from 52% last year, say its effects on their countrys economy have been more bad than good. French respondents expressed little enthusiasm for EU economic leadership: 67%, up from 58% last year, want member states to retain budgetary and economic authority for themselves, while only 29%, down from 40% last year, want the EU to have more authority. French respondents were, however, generally positive about the role German Chancellor Angela Merkel has played in managing the European economic crisis: 58% approved of the job she has done so far. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS French respondents expressed less interest in EU leadership; 68% described it as desirable, an eight percentage point drop from last year. Their support for U.S. leadership remained steady; 53% of French respondents supported U.S. leadership in world affairs, while 56% agreed last year. French respondents were much more negative about the prospect of Russian or Chinese leadership 64% described the former as undesirable, while 71% said the same of the latter. French respondents were also the most likely in Europe to describe China as an economic threat (65%) and the most likely in Europe to say the same about other rising powers (32%). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Sixty-six percent of French respondents wanted to cut government spending, more than in any other country save Portugal (70%). When asked where, however, they were more ambivalent: 57% wanted to maintain defense spending, versus 31% who wanted it cut; 49% wanted to maintain welfare state spending, versus 27% who wanted it cut (and 23% who wanted it increased); 51% wanted to increase science, technology and education spending, while 40% wanted it maintained and only 8% wanted it cut; and 53% wanted to maintain infrastructure spending, while 23% wanted it increased and 23% wanted it decreased.

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French respondents were generally supportive of increased transatlantic trade and investment. Fifty-five percent said it would help their economy grow, while 40% said it would render their economy more vulnerable. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY French support for NATO remained strong, with 62% saying that it remains essential, a number that has remained virtually unchanged since 2002 (61%). When asked why, a strong plurality (48%) attributed its importance to its character as a community of democracies, with the other respondents evenly split between the legitimacy that accompanies NATO support, NATOs ability to facilitate burdensharing, and existing threats that continue to threaten France (17% each). Among those who said that NATO is no longer essential, a plurality (46%) said that Europe should have its own defense organization. French respondents were even less likely to support intervention in Syria in 2013 than they had been in 2012. Sixty-five percent of respondents, up 15 percentage points from last year, said that France should stay out completely, while 33%, down from 45% last year, said France should intervene. France was, however, more receptive to the use of drones by the military than nearly any other country in Europe 52% supported their use, second only to the U.K. (55%). MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION A plurality of French respondents (43%) said there are too many immigrants in France, a ten percentage point increase from 2011. The French were also more worried about immigration, both legal and illegal: 32% said they were worried about legal immigration, a ten percentage point increase from 2011, while 71% said they were worried about illegal immigration, a twelve percentage point increase from 2011. The French were among the most likely to say first-generation immigrants were integrating poorly (53%), and generally saw immigration as more of a problem than an opportunity (50%). French respondents were generally displeased with their governments role in managing immigration; fifty-nine percent said the government was handling it poorly.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: GERMANY

Germany continues to be one of the most pro-European member states in the EU, although there are signs that the publics patience with the economic crisis is fading. Majorities believe that EU membership has been a good thing for their countrys economy and continue to support strong leadership of the EU in world affairs. However, in a reversal of attitudes expressed in 2012, a majority now believes that member states should retain economic authority for themselves rather than delegate further authority to the EU. Germans also expressed greater confidence in the role of immigration in their society and greater satisfaction with the governments management of immigration policy. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Germany continues to hold largely positive views of both the European Union and the United States. Seventy-five percent of Germans hold a favorable view of the European Union, compared to 66% of European and 50% of Americans. The United States fares just as well with 68% of Germans holding favorable views, but below the European average of 70%. Germans prefer a stronger leadership role for the European Union and the United States, compared to their European compatriots. Eight-six percent of Germans find strong leadership of the EU in world affairs desirable (compared to 71% of Europeans) and 63% of Germans find strong leadership of the U.S. in world affairs desirable (compared to 55% of Europeans). A clear German preference for EU and U.S. leadership is complemented by increasingly negative views of China and Russia. Sixty-two percent of Europeans held unfavorable views of the Russia, with Sweden and Germany the most likely to describe Russia unfavorably (76% and 74%, respectively), an increase of eleven percentage points since 2012 in the latter. China was viewed just as negatively, with 60% of Europeans viewing China negatively, including a high of 71% of Germans, an increase of eleven percentage points since 2012. Negative views of China were echoed when American and European respondents were asked about their relationship with each other over their relationships with China. Americans said that the EU was more important than China to their national interests (53%) while Europeans were even more likely to express their preference for the U.S. over China (71%). Germany was the most likely to favor the U.S. over China (82%). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE German approval of EU economic governance, while still stronger than elsewhere in the EU, is clearly waning. Swedish and German respondents were the least likely to report that they had been personally affected by the economic crisis (29% and 44%, respectively), compared to 65% of Europeans and 75% of Americans. Germany and Sweden were also the only countries where a majority of respondents approved of the governments handling of the countrys economy (56% and 59%, respectively). However, in Germany, this marked a twelve percentage point decline from 2012. Approval of the EU and German Chancellor Angela Merkels handling of the economic crisis remained stable and above European averages. Fifty-four percent of Germans approved of the EUs handling of the economic crisis (compared to 43% of Europeans) and 64% of Germans approved of Chancellor Merkels

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handling of the economic crisis (compared to 47% of Europeans), with only the Netherlands registering a higher approval rate for Chancellor Merkel (73%). Germans were the most confident that EU membership had been good for their national economy (71%), but saw a reversal from attitudes expressed last year when asked where economic governance should lie. Sixty percent of Germans thought that member states should retain economic authority for themselves while 37% thought that the EU should have more authority over member states economic and budgetary powers. In 2012, 53% of Germans believed the EU should have more economic authority, constituting a sixteen percentage point drop from 2012 to 2013. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Sixty percent of Germans considered NATO as still essential to their countrys security, along with 58% of Europeans and 55% of Americans. Among the majority of respondents who considered that NATO as still essential, 71% of Germans agreed with the proposition that NATO is an alliance of democratic countries that should act together, the highest approval for this statement in the survey. When asked about contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train the Afghan national army and police once NATO ends its combat mission, 60% of Germans approved of contributing to such a force. However, when asked about intervention in Syria, 75% of Germans advocated staying out of Syria completely, a twelve percentage point increase since 2012. Although 71% of Americans approved of the use of drones to kill suspected enemies in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan, 61% of Germans disapproved of their use, with only the Swedes (63%) and the Spanish (65%) garnering an higher disapproval rate. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Germans expressed optimism about the role of immigration within their society; approval of the governments handling of immigration policy rose substantially among German respondents. When asked whether immigration was more of a problem or more of an opportunity, 62% of Germans responded that it was more of an opportunity, while Americans were evenly split (problem: 47%, opportunity: 46%) and a plurality of Europeans (44%) thought it was more of a problem. Fifty-eight percent of Europeans were unhappy with their governments management of immigration policy. Only in Germany (54%) did a majority of respondents approve of their governments management of immigration policy, an increase of sixteen percentage points since 2012. Recently, the German government has passed several new laws in 2012 and 2013 opening up the German labor market to immigrants to offset the shrinking population and to fill shortages in the labor market to keep Germany competitive a far cry from 2010, when Germanys chancellor Merkel talked about the failure of multiculturalism.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: ITALY

The economic crisis continues to place pressure on Italians. Large proportions of Italians feel personally affected by the economic crisis and see their economic system as largely unfair. Imposed austerity measures and continued economic gloom have been accompanied by a drop in approval of the Italian government and the European Union. A majority now believes that national governments should retain control of their economic and budgetary policies rather than delegating more power to the EU. Frustration with Europe has coincided with a desire for more foreign policy independence. Paradoxically, Italians registered some of the highest levels of concern in Europe about immigration but were also among the most optimistic about the economic and cultural impact of immigrants on their country. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Italians continue to find EU leadership in world affairs desirable, despite negative attitudes towards economic leadership of the EU and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Seventy-five percent of Italians find strong leadership of the EU in world affairs desirable, compared to 71% of Europeans and 57% of Americans. Forty-nine percent of Italians disapprove of the EUs handling of the economic crisis, a number that has remained constant since 2012. Italy (58%) was joined by Portugal (65%) and Spain (82%) as the countries with the highest disapproval of German Chancellor Angela Merkels handling of the economic crisis. Italy saw a fifteen percentage point increase to 64% who believe that member states should retain economic authority for themselves rather than delegating more power to the EU over economic and budgetary policies. Italians have similarly dispiriting attitudes towards their own government. Forty-five percent of Italians approve of their governments handling of international policies, a decline of eight percentage points since 2012. Sixty percent of Italians disapprove of their governments handling of the economy. In contrast to their disenchantment with their own government and the EU, Italians expressed strong support for the United States. Italian desire for strong U.S. leadership rose by seven percentage points to 56%. Seventy-six percent of Italians approved of President Obamas handling of international policies, compared to 69% of Europeans and 50% of Americans. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Seventy-six percent of Italians say they have been personally affected by the economic crisis, compared to 75% of Americans and 65% of Europeans. Italians were the most likely to see their economic system as fundamentally unfair, with 93% of Italians stating most of the benefits of our system go to a few, an increase of four percentage points since 2012. When asked whether their country should increase, maintain, or decrease the current levels of spending, 61% favored decreasing spending, 16% favored maintain spending, and 15% favored increasing spending. The Italian responses were most similar to those expressed in the U.S., where 58% of Americans favored decreasing spending. Only 45% of Europeans wanted to decrease spending. When

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asked about spending in specific areas, Italians were among the most likely to favor a decrease in defense spending. Fifty-three percent of Italians favored cutting defense spending, compared to 38% of Europeans. Only Spain had a larger proportion of respondents in favor of defense cuts (56%). TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Italians are increasingly in favor of a more independent role for themselves and for Europe in terms of security and defense. When asked whether the U.S. and EU security and diplomatic partnership should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents side should take a more independent approach, a plurality of Italians (49%) stated that their own side should take a more independent approach. Pluralities in Europe and America agreed (42% and 33%, respectively). Italians were the least likely in Europe to say that NATO was still essential for their countrys security, with only 46% agreeing, a decline of six percentage points since 2012. Concerning recent developments in the Middle East and North Africa, respondents were asked to choose between two propositions: stability is more important even if it means accepting non-democratic governments and democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. The Italians and the Swedes were mostly likely to approve of democracy over stability (both 73%). A majority in Europe (58%) and a plurality in the U.S. (47%) agreed. Despite a preference for democracy, Italians were reluctant to engage abroad. Fifty-one percent of Italians disapprove of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train Afghan army and police once NATO ends its combat mission, compared to a majority of Europeans (53%) who approve. Seventy percent of Italians, an increase of fourteen percentage points since 2012, believe their country should stay out of Syria completely. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Italians expressed concern about immigration, while remaining largely positive about the role of immigrants within their country. When asked whether there were too many, a lot but not too many, or not many, 43% of Italians responded that there were too many, compared to 33% of Europeans. Fifty-eight percent of Europeans felt that their government was doing a poor job managing immigration. Dissatisfaction was highest in Italy (83%), although this number has remained stable since 2011. Despite concern about the number of immigrants and government policy towards immigration, Italians were among the most positive towards immigrants economic and cultural impact on their country. Seventyone percent of Italians agreed that immigrants generally help to fill jobs where there are shortages of workers, compared to 66% of Europeans. When asked whether immigrants are a threat to our national culture, 75% of Italians disagreed, compared to 69% of Europeans and 64% of Americans. Eighty-two percent of Italians agreed that emigration was a problem for their country, compared with 57% of Europeans and 28% of Americans.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: THE NETHERLANDS

The Netherlands hold largely positive views of the United States and are the most optimistic about further economic engagement with emerging economies, China, and the United States. As one of the countries least affected by the economic crisis, the Netherlands are generally positive about the EU. However there are signs of growing discontent. The Netherlands are strong in its support of NATO although they remain divided on the effect of immigrants within their country. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS President Obama enjoys the highest approval for his handling of international policies in the Netherlands. Seventy-seven percent of Dutch respondents approve of President Obamas handling of international policies compared to 69% of Europeans and 50% of Americans. Dutch respondents were the most likely to describe China (61%) and countries like India, Brazil, and Indonesia (73%) as more of an economic opportunity than an economic threat. Sixty-four percent of Dutch respondents described strong leadership of the U.S. as desirable, compared to 55% of Europeans and 77% of Americans. Seventy-two percent of Dutch respondents described strong leadership of the EU as desirable, compared to 71% of Europeans and 57% of Americans. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Compared to the rest of the Europe, the Netherlands has weathered the economic crisis relatively well. Fifty-four percent of Dutch respondents reported having been personally affected by the economic crisis, a proportion that has remained the same since last year, but increased twenty-four percentage points since 2009. Only in Sweden did a lower percentage report having been personally affected by the economic crisis (29%). Dutch respondents were the most likely to say that their economic system works fairly for everybody (35%), followed by Sweden (34%) and the United States (25%). Despite approval of the governments handling of international policies (61%), disapproval of the governments handling of economic policies increased by fourteen percentage points since last year, to 66%. While Chancellor Merkel received top marks for her handling of the economic crisis (73% approve), Dutch respondents are growing increasingly weary of EU economic governance. Disapproval of the EUs handling of the economic crisis increased by five percentage points from 37% in 2012 to 42% in 2013. Three-fourths of Dutch respondents (75%) said that each member state should retain economic authority for themselves rather than delegating further authority to the EU, an increase of seventeen percentage points since 2012. For the first time, a majority of Dutch respondents (51%, up six percentage points since 2012) said that the Euro has been bad for their countrys economy. Dutch respondents were the most likely to say that increased trade between the United States and the European Union would help their economy grow (62%), compared to 56% of Europeans and 49% of Americans.

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TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY NATO enjoys the highest support in the Netherlands, where 72% of respondents said that it was still essential for their countrys security, compared to 58% of Europeans and 55% of Americans. Among those who believed NATO was still essential, 56% agreed that NATO was an alliance of democratic countries that should work together. The Netherlands joined the U.S. and France as the countries most amenable to intervention in Syria (27%, 30%, and 33%, respectively). However, this represented an eleven percentage point decrease in the Netherlands and very large majorities in all countries advocated staying out of Syria completely. When respondents were asked which option they preferred in preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, the Dutch were most likely to advocate the imposition of economic sanctions (38%). MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Dutch attitudes towards immigrants remains divided. Forty-one percent of Dutch respondents see immigration as more of a problem, while 46% of respondents see immigration as more of an opportunity. Approval of the governments handling of immigration has increased by five percentage points from 37% in 2010 to 42%. A majority of Dutch respondents agreed that immigrants were integration well into society, an increase of eighteen percentage points from 2010 when only 36% agreed. However, the percentage of respondents who said that there were too many immigrants living in the Netherlands increased by ten percentage points since 2010, to 37% (a lot but not too many: 34%; not many: 26%). Nearly two-thirds of Dutch respondents (62%) disagreed with the statement, immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens, an eleven percentage point decrease from 2010. Sixty-six percent of Dutch respondents agreed with the statement, immigrants enrich our culture.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: POLAND

Polish attitudes towards U.S. leadership rebounded this year after dropping in 2012. Approval of the U.S. returned to levels expressed in 2011. Poland continues to suffer economically, with an increasing number of respondents stating that they have been personally affected by the economic crisis. Despite the economic gloom, Poland has not lost faith in the European Union. Approval rates of the EUs handling of the economic crisis are relatively high compared to the rest of Europe, while Poles approval of their own governments handling of the economic crisis ranks among the lowest levels registered with regard to this question. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Poland continues to have positive views of the European Union while views of the U.S. returned to levels expressed in 2011. Sixty-nine percent of Poles described strong leadership of the EU in world affairs as desirable. Fifty percent of Poles described strong leadership of the U.S. in world affairs as desirable, an increase of twelve percentage points from 2012. Poland has favorable views of the EU and the U.S. (76% and 72%, respectively), with the latter increasing by seven percentage points since 2012. Views of Russia and China are largely unfavorable (63% and 50%, respectively). Approval of President Obamas handling of international policies increased from 49% in 2012 to 60% in 2013, a return to numbers expressed in 2011. While attitudes towards the EU and the U.S. have remained stable or increased, attitudes towards the Polish government have become increasingly negative. Disapproval of the governments handling of international policies rose by eight percentage points to 51%. Approval of the governments handling of the economy fared similarly: 75% of respondents disapproved, an increase of ten percentage points from 2012. Only Spain had a higher disapproval rate (79%). The Poles appraisal of their own government is among the worst in Europe: 50% of Europeans approve of their governments handling of international policies; only 38% of Poles agree. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE An increasing number of Polish respondents reported that they had been personally affected by the economic crisis; Poles nonetheless expressed higher approval of the EU than most Europeans. Sixty percent of Polish respondents reported that they had been affected by the economic crisis (as opposed to 65% of Europeans and 75% of Americans), an increase of seven percentage points since 2012. While only 43% of European respondents approved of the EUs handling of the economic crisis, a majority of Polish respondents (55%) approved. Forty-seven percent of European respondents approved of German Chancellor Angela Merkels handling of the economic crisis while 56% of Polish respondents approved. Two-thirds (66%) of Polish respondents felt that EU membership had been good for their countrys economy while only 57% of Europeans responded similarly. Despite the fact that a majority (55%) approved of the EUs handling of the economic crisis, 62% of Poles believed that each member state

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should retain economic authority for itself rather than delegating more economic authority to the European Union. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY When asked whether the partnership in security and diplomatic affairs between the U.S. and the EU should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents country should take a more independent approach, pluralities in the U.S. (33%) and EU (42%) stated that their side should take a more independent approach. However, only 26% of Poles agreed. Sixty-six percent of Polish respondents stated that relations should remain the same or become closer. Poland was among the countries with the lowest proportion of respondents (47%) stating that NATO was still essential of their countrys security, compared to 58% of Europeans and 55% of Americans. However, only 37% of respondents stated that NATO was no longer essential, in line with the 33% of Europeans who responded similarly. Among the plurality of Polish respondents who considered NATO as still essential for their countrys security, 44% believed that NATO was still essential because NATO is an alliance of democratic countries which should act together. Among the minority who considered NATO no longer essential to their countrys security, 41% said that Poland should be able to make its own military decisions. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Polish respondents expressed mixed feelings about immigration. While Americans were evenly split on whether immigration represented more of a problem or more of an opportunity (problem: 47%, opportunity: 46%), 44% of Europeans saw immigration as more of a problem while 41% saw it as more of an opportunity. Noticeably, Poland and similar countries with a relatively low share of immigrants showed a higher number of respondents who see immigration as neither a problem nor an opportunity (13%). Forty-six percent of Poles said they were worried about illegal immigration while 71% of Europeans responded similarly. However, 54% of Poles agreed with the statement that immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens compared to 35% of Europeans. Conversely, Polish respondents were among the most worried about emigration. Eighty-two percent of Polish respondents felt that emigration was a problem for their country, compared to 57% of Europeans and 28% of Americans.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: PORTUGAL

Of the countries hit hardest by the financial crisis in Europe a group that has long included Spain and Italy Portuguese respondents often expressed the strongest negativity about their current economic picture and their countrys economic governance. Ninety percent of Portuguese respondents, more than in any other country, said that they or their families have been affected by the economic crisis; this is a trend that has remained stable for the past four years, having first jumped thirty-one percentage points to 78% in 2010. Portuguese respondents were also deeply doubtful about the basic fairness of their economy, with 92% saying most of the benefits of their economic system go to the few and only 7% saying their system works fairly for everyone. Portuguese respondents distribute blame for this situation fairly equally between the EU, their own government, and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Seventy percent said they disapproved of the job their government has been doing in handling the economy, while 55% disapproved of the performance of the EU in handling the crisis and 65% said the same of Merkel. The latter number has not changed since last year, when 61% said the same thing, but the former represents a significant shift: in 2012, 54% of Portuguese respondents approved of the job the EU had done, while only 41% disapproved. The Portuguese show a clear preference for austerity as a crisis management policy, and a rare willingness to extend this general plan to specific programs. Seventy percent of Portuguese respondents said that government spending in general should be decreased, while only 15% wished to maintain current levels and 11% wished to see increases. A plurality (46%) wished to cut defense spending, and a plurality (45%) said the same of transportation and infrastructure. The Portuguese were, along with the French, the most likely in Europe to want cuts in welfare state programs (both 27%), and the most likely with Slovakia to want cuts in science, technology and education funding (both 11%). TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Portuguese respondents expressed significantly less satisfaction with their own governments foreign policy this year 40% approved, a fifteen percentage point drop from 2012, while 54% disapproved, a thirteen percentage point jump. At the same time, their general attitude to the European Union continued what has become a steady, slow decline: 63% said that they view the EU favorably, down from 67% in 2012 and 88% in 2009, while 34% said that they view the EU unfavorably, up from 31% in 2012 and 7% in 2009. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE As in much of Europe, support for EU authority over budgetary and economic policy dropped precipitously in Portugal, falling from 38% in 2012 to 29% in 2013. Portuguese respondents have also soured on the economic effect EU membership has had on their economy: 49%, down from 69% in 2012, said its effects have generally been good, while 42%, up from 25% in 2012, said its effects have generally been bad. They were much more uniformly negative on the euro: 29% of Portuguese respondents, down

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from 43% in 2012, said its effects had generally been good, while 65%, up from 55% in 2012, said its effects had generally been bad. Despite their dissatisfaction, Portuguese respondents were optimistic about the potential benefits of international trade. Fifty-seven percent said that increased EU-U.S. trade would help their economy grow, while 33% said it would make their economy more vulnerable. They were even more positive when asked about the potential for cooperation with other countries: 69% said that rising powers, including India, Indonesia and Brazil, represent an economy opportunity, while 22% said they represent an economic threat. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Portuguese respondents were evenly divided when asked about the growing unrest in the Middle East and North Africa 47% said that democracy was more important than stability, while 47% said the opposite. They were united, however, in opposition to intervention in Syria 80% said that Portugal should stay out entirely, up from 68% in 2012. Fifty-five percent of Portuguese respondents supported Portugal contributing to an ongoing NATO mission to train military and police officers in Afghanistan; 40% opposed. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Forty-one percent of Portuguese respondents said that too many immigrants were living in their country, while 40% said there were a lot but not too many and 10% said there were not many. Fifty percent said immigration is an opportunity, while 41% said it was more of a problem. Portuguese respondents were much more concerned about emigration: 88% said emigration was a problem for Portugal, while 11% said it was not. While only 26% said they were worried about legal immigration, 88% worried about illegal immigration.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: ROMANIA

Despite continued economic suffering, Romanians considered EU membership a good thing for their countrys economy and a plurality expressed a desire to join the Eurozone. Romanians hold largely favorable views of the EU and the United States. NATO continues to be seen by Romanians as essential for their countrys security. At the same time, Romanians expressed an increased reluctance to engage abroad. The low number of immigrants in Romania has accompanied a lack of concern about immigration, while emigration is overwhelmingly seen as a problem. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Romanian respondents support strong leadership by both the EU and the United States in world affairs. Seventy percent of Romanians found strong leadership by the EU in world affairs desirable, as did 71% of Europeans. Fifty-six percent of Romanians found strong leadership by the U.S. in world affairs desirable, similar to the European average of 55%. Sixty-five percent of Romanians approved of President Barack Obamas handling of international policies, a number that has increased seven percentage points since 2009. In contrast to their largely positive views of the United States and the EU, Romanian respondents found strong leadership by Russia and China increasingly undesirable (both 61%). Favorable opinions of China dropped by seventeen percentage points from 62% in 2012 to 45%. Russian favorability decreased by ten percentage points (to 34%) and eighteen percentage points since 2011, when a majority (52%) held a favorable opinion of Russia. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE The economic crisis has hit Romania particularly hard: 89% of Romanians reported that they have been personally affected by the economic crisis. Only in Portugal did a higher proportion report having been personally affected by the economic crisis (90%). However, unlike respondents in Spain, Portugal, and Italy, Romanians largely approve of the EUs response to the economic crisis. A majority (54%) approve of the EUs handling of the economic crisis while majorities or pluralities in Spain (75%), Portugal (55%), and Italy (49%) disapprove. German Chancellor Angela Merkel experienced a massive increase of twenty percentage points in disapproval of her handling of the economic crisis (from 22% in 2012 to 42%). Disapproval of Chancellor Merkel ranged much higher, however, in countries like Spain (82%), Portugal (65%) and Italy (58%). Economic plight has not soured Romanias relationship with the European Union. Romanians are among the most likely to see EU membership as a good thing for their economy (61%), joined by respondents from Germany (71%), Poland (66%), and Slovakia (62%). A plurality of Romanian respondents favored using the Euro (42%), but this represents a twelve percentage point decrease since 2010.

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TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY When asked whether the partnership in security and diplomatic affairs between the United States and the European Union should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents side should take a more independent approach, Romanian respondents were the most likely to say the partnership should become closer (43%). Romania joined the United Kingdom and the Netherlands as the respondents most likely to describe NATO as still essential for their countrys security (66%, 69% and 72%, respectively). Romanians were among the least likely to favor further engagement abroad. Respondents were asked to choose between two propositions: stability is more important even if it means accepting nondemocratic governments and democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. Romanian and Polish respondents were the most likely to choose stability over democracy (52% and 50%, respectively). When asked about the desirability of intervention in Syria, Romanian respondents (82%) and Slovakian respondents (85%) were the most likely to advocate staying out of Syria completely, with a fourteen percentage point increase in the former since 2012. A majority of Romanians (51%) disapproved of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train the national army and police, compared to 53% of Europeans who approved of contributing to such a force. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Immigration does not appear to be a great concern for Romanian respondents, compared to other Europeans. When asked whether there were too many, a lot but not too many, or not many immigrants within their country, Romanian and Slovakian respondents were the most likely to say there were not many immigrants in their country (both 51%). Respondents were also asked whether immigration represented more of a problem or more of an opportunity for their country. Americans were evenly split (problem: 47%; opportunity: 46%) while 44% of Europeans saw immigration as more of a problem and 41% saw immigration as more of an opportunity. Romania, with a relatively low share of immigrants, showed a high number of respondents who saw immigration as neither a problem nor an opportunity (21%). When asked to estimate the percentage of the population that are immigrants, 50% of Romanians responded that they did not know or refused to answer. A plurality of Romanian respondents said that they were not worried about illegal immigration (48%), compared to 71% of European respondents who said they were worried about illegal immigration. However, Romanians expressed concern about emigration, with 72% responding that emigration is a problem for their country.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: SLOVAKIA

Despite increasing negativity towards the U.S. and EU, a majority of Slovaks view EU membership as a good thing for their countrys economy. Respondents in Slovakia were among the least likely to advocate further engagement abroad. Slovaks expressed concern about the economic and cultural impact of immigrants, even though a relatively low proportion of immigrants live in their country. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Slovak respondents generally held less favorable views of the United States than average Europeans, while holding more favorable views of Russia. Thirty-eight percent of Slovak respondents described strong U.S. leadership in world affairs as desirable, compared to 55% of Europeans. An equal number of Slovak respondents (39%) described strong Russian leadership in world affairs as desirable. Twenty-seven percent of Europeans and 40% of Americans agreed. Approval of President Obamas handling of international policies dropped eighteen percentage points since 2009, to 53%, the lowest approval expressed in Europe. Russian favorability was highest in Slovakia (58%), although it has decreased six percentage points since 2012. Approval of the Slovakian governments handling of international policies and the economy became increasingly negative over the past year. Fifty-one percent approved of their governments handling of international policies, a decrease of nine percentage points since 2012. Only 34% approved of their governments handling of the economy, a decrease of six percentage points since 2012. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE An increasing number of Slovaks reported having been personally affected by the economic crisis. Eighty-eight percent, an increase of fifteen percentage points since 2009, reported having been personally affected by the economic crisis. Only Romania (89%) and Portugal (90%) garnered higher percentages. The number of Slovak respondents who described their economic system as fundamentally unfair approached unanimity: 88% of Slovaks said that most of the benefits of their system go to the few while only 8% said the economic system works fairly for everybody. A plurality (49%) supported decreasing spending, a decline of six percentage points since 2012. However, when asked about spending on welfare state programs, science and technology, and transportation and infrastructure, pluralities preferred maintaining or increasing current levels of spending. Slovak respondents were most amenable to defense cuts, with 48% advocating cutting spending and 45% advocating maintaining current levels of spending. Continued economic stagnation has not soured Slovakia on the EU, as it remains the most optimistic member of the Eurozone. Fifty-nine percent of Slovaks believed the use of the Euro had been a good thing for their countrys economy. German (71%), Polish (66%), and Slovak (62%) respondents

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were the most likely to say that EU membership has been a good thing for their countrys economy. This constituted a six percentage point increase since 2012. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Respondents were asked whether the partnership in diplomatic and security affairs between the United States and the European Union should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents side should take a more independent approach. Forty-three percent of Slovak respondents wanted the partnership to remain about the same, 32% wanted their side to take a more independent approach, and only 21% wanted relations to become closer. Fifty-four percent of Slovak respondents reported that NATO was still essential for their countrys security, a decline of seven percentage points since 2012. Among the 33% of Slovak respondents who said NATO was no longer essential, 44% agreed that there are no major military threats that endanger Slovakia. Increasing reluctance to engage abroad is exhibited in disapproval of intervention in Syria, with 85% (an increase of fifteen percentage points since 2012) saying their country should stay out completely. Fifty-four percent of Slovak respondents disapproved of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train army and police personnel. Conversely, 53% of Europeans and 54% of Americans approved of contributing to such a force. Slovak respondents were evenly split on whether democracy or stability was more important: 44% agreed with the proposition, stability is more important even if it mean accepting non-democratic governments while 42% agreed that democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Despite having relatively few immigrants, Slovak respondents expressed concern about the economic and cultural impact immigrants were having on their country. Slovakia joined Romania as the most likely to respond that there were not many immigrants living in their country (both 51%). The average estimate for the percentage of the population who are immigrants was 9.4%; the actual percentage is 4%. Despite a relatively low percentage of immigrants, 52% see immigration as more of a problem and only 16% see it as more of an opportunity. Romania, Slovakia, and Poland registered high percentages who viewed immigration as neither a problem nor an opportunity (21%, 19%, and 13%, respectively). Respondents were asked whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens. The highest agreement in Europe for this proposition was registered in Slovakia (68%). Slovak respondents were also the most likely to agree that immigrants were a burden on social services (71%).

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COUNTRY PROFILE: SPAIN

Opinion in Spain was greatly affected by the continuing economic crisis. Eighty-two percent of Spanish respondents, compared to 80% in 2012 and 64% in 2009, said that they had been affected by the economic crisis, while 18% said they had not, compared to 20% in 2012 and 36% in 2009. Ninety-one percent of Spanish respondents, up from 82% in 2012, said that most of the benefits of their economic system went to the few; only 9%, down from 16% in 2012, said that their system was fundamentally fair. Spaniards lay much of the blame at the feet of their government. Only 18% of Spanish respondents, down from 25% in 2012, approved of the job their government has been doing when dealing with the economy, compared to 79% who disapprove. Spaniards were no more impressed with any of the other actors attempting to address the ongoing crisis: only 21% approved of the EUs efforts, down from 32% last year, while 75% disapproved; and a mere 15% approved of the job German Chancellor Angela Merkel has done, compared to 34% last year, while 82% disapproved. Spanish respondents were also adamant that the EU should not exert authority over national budgetary and economic policy: 75% opposed this, compared to 56% last year, while only 21% supported it. It is unclear, though, how Spaniards would want their government to act. While 42% want to see government spending cut, 28% want to see it increased and 25% want to see current levels maintained. Defense is the only area respondents agreed to cut (56%); majorities or pluralities wanted to increase spending on welfare state programs (57%) and science, technology and education (76%). Moreover, while Spanish respondents were generally negative on the euro 63% said it has been bad for their economy, up from 57% in 2012 and 53% in 2009 even those who felt the euro has had a negative effect on their economy generally did not want to return to the peseta (51%, compared to 47% who did). Spanish respondents also expressed concern with the long-term demographic shifts fed by the crisis. When asked if immigration was a problem or an opportunity, the country was evenly split 44% said it was a problem, down from 58% in 2011, while 44% said it was an opportunity, up from 31% in 2011 year. There was, however, great concern about the number of Spaniards leaving to live in other countries: 80% said that emigration was a problem, with roughly half describing it as a very serious problem. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Spanish respondents find American global leadership increasingly undesirable: this year 30% described it as desirable, compared to 39% in 2012 and 42% at the beginning of Barack Obamas presidency in 2009. Feelings towards Europe were much friendlier, with 56% describing EU leadership as desirable though that represents an eleven percentage point drop from 2012 and a seventeen percentage point drop from 2006. They were particularly negative about Russian and Chinese leadership 81% found the former undesirable, 83% the latter. Spanish respondents were, however, more supportive of Barack Obamas foreign policy than their own governments; 57% approved of the former, down from 69% last year, while 27% approved of

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the latter, down from 38% last year. That said, Spaniards were the most likely in Europe to say that Asia is more important to their national interests than the United States (41%, versus 51% who disagreed). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Despite Spaniards economic anxiety, they generally endorsed increased trade and investment with America 59% said it would make their economy stronger. However, this attitude did not extend to trade with China: 56% said that China represents an economic threat, while only 36% said it represents an economic opportunity. Spanish respondents were more amenable to other rising powers: 71% said that countries like India, Brazil and Indonesia present an opportunity, while 23% said they represent a threat. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Spanish respondents were the most likely in Europe to describe NATO as no longer essential (43%, versus 52% who described it as still essential); when those who said it was no longer essential were asked why, a plurality (40%) said that Europe should have its own defense organization. Spanish respondents also came out against intervention in Syria (76%) and the use of drones in combat (65%). They were evenly split when asked about Spain contributing to a continued NATO presence in Afghanistan: 49% supported contributing Spanish troops to help train Afghan military and police forces, while 49% opposed. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION When asked how they felt about the number of immigrants in their society, Spanish respondents were evenly divided: 31%, down from 48%, said there were too many; 30% said there were a lot, but not too many; and 36%, up from 21% in 2011, said there were not many. Few (33%) said that immigrants take away jobs from native Spaniards, with more (59%) saying that immigrants help to fill jobs where there are shortages of workers. Forty-one percent, a forteen percentage point drop from 2011, said that immigrants are a burden on social services, while 55%, a sixteen percentage point increase from last year, said that they are not.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: SWEDEN

Swedish respondents remained the most insulated from the European economic crisis. Twentynine percent, down from 36% in 2012, said that they or their family had been personally affected by the crisis, the smallest number in any European country by a substantial margin. Seventy percent, up from 63% in 2012, said that neither they nor their family had been affected. Swedes also remained among the most likely to believe in the basic fairness of their financial system, with 34% saying that their economic system works fairly for everybody while 58% said that most of the benefits go to the few. (The Dutch were slightly more likely to believe in their systems fairness, but the difference a single percentage point was within the margin of error.) Swedish respondents were, however, significantly less pleased with their governments economic performance this year than they were last year. Fifty-nine percent approved of their governments handling of the economy this year, compared to 74% in 2012; 38% disapproved, compared to 24% in 2012. While they remained satisfied with spending levels in generala plurality (47%) wish to see government spending remain at current levels, while minorities want increases (20%) or decreases (23%)they expressed dissatisfaction with current spending levels in certain areas: a plurality want increases in welfare state programs (49%) and a majority want increases in science, technology and education (71%). Swedish respondents remained favorably disposed towards participating in NATO missions sanctioned by the United Nations, with 62% supporting Swedish participation and 37% opposing. Swedish responses were more mixed when respondents were asked about NATO missions without UN approvalin that case, 47% supported Swedish participation, while 49% opposed. However, Swedes were more likely this year to support joining NATO fully: 36% said that Sweden should join NATO, up from 24% in 2012, while 56% said that Sweden should not, down from 69% in 2012. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Swedish respondents remained supportive of U.S. leadership in global affairs 62%, compared to 59% in 2012and even more supportive of EU leadership74%, compared to 73% in 2012. However, their opinion of the United States in general dropped ten percentage points (from 67% to 57%), while their opinion of President Barack Obamas foreign policy dropped eight percentage points (from 71% to 63%). Swedes were more inclined than most to see Asia as more important to their national interests: 37% cited the countries of Asia, including Japan, China and South Korea, as more important than the United States, though this represents a six percentage point drop from 2012 and an eighteen percentage point drop from 2011. Swedes saw China more as an economic opportunity than a threat (60%), and felt the same about India, Brazil and Indonesia (71%). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Swedes remain convinced of the positive impact of EU membership, though they have not grown any more affectionate towards the euro: 48% say membership in the EU has had a generally positive

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effect on their economy, compared to 34% who disagree, while 81% say that the euro would have a negative effect on their economy. Meanwhile, Swedish respondents were split when asked about the EU's handling of the economic crisis46% said that they generally approved, while 44% disapproved. German Chancellor Angela Merkel fared much better, receiving an approval rate of 59% and a disapproval rate of only 21%. Swedes were, however, in no hurry to cede control over economic and budgetary policy to Brussels: 81% favored national retention of fiscal policy authority, a response second only to that of Britain (82%). TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Swedish respondents were the most likely to say that, in the context of the recent uprisings in the Middle East, democracy should take precedence over stability: 73% preferred democracy, while 19% said stability is more important. Still, Swedes were generally against intervening in Syria. Sixty-one percent Sweden should stay out entirely, a thirteen percentage point increase since 2012, while 31% said Sweden should intervene, a thirteen percentage point drop since 2012. They were more amenable to a continued presence in Afghanistan: 63% supported Swedens contributing troops to help train the Afghan army and police forces, while 33% opposed. Swedes were, however, among the more adamant opponents of the use of drones. Sixty-three percent disapproved of their usemore than in any country but Spain (65%) while 32% approved. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Swedish respondents were among the least worried by immigration, with only 19% worried about legal immigration and 59% worried about illegal immigration. Nonetheless, Swedes do not believe immigrants are integrating well into Swedish society: 61% said that immigrants are integrating poorly more than in any other country in Europewhile 43% said the same of children of immigrants. Swedish respondents were, however, broadly positive about the effects immigration has had on their society: 77% said that immigrants do not take jobs away from native-born Swedes, 74% said immigrants help fill jobs where there are labor shortages, 74% said immigrants create jobs as they set up new businesses, 51% said immigrants are not a burden on social services, 71% said immigrants do not threaten Swedish culture, and 82% said immigrants enrich Swedish culture. Swedes are not happy, however, with their governments managing of immigration. Sixty-four percent said the government has been doing a poor job, compared to 32% who disagreed.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: TURKEY

Despite the tumult of the anti-government protests in major Turkish cities in late spring and early summer, Turkish responses were remarkably similar to those expressed in previous years. Turkish respondents expressed disappointment with their governments handling of the economy 52% said they disapproved, while 43% approved but remained generally pleased with their governments handling of foreign policy (51%). They were also less likely to say that they had been affected by the economic crisis than in previous years: 62% of Turkish respondents, down from 69% in 2012, said that they or their family had been affected, while 33%, up from 27% in 2012, said that they had not. Further, they were more likely to say their economy was fair. Twenty-three percent of Turks, a seven percentage point increase from 2012, said that their economic system works fairly for everyone, while 69% said most of the benefits go to the few. The most dramatic shift in Turkish opinion may lie in the way Turkey sees itself relating to its neighbors and the rest of the world. Turkish respondents preferred that Turkey act unilaterally (38%) rather than cooperate with the EU (21%), the U.S. (8%), countries of the Middle East (8%) or Russia (2%). They were also more supportive of increased defense spending than respondents in any other country: 50% of Turks want defense spending increased, while 32% would prefer that current levels were maintained and 15% would like spending reductions. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS Turkish respondents generally felt negatively about American and European leadership, and remained cool towards NATO. Sixty-nine percent of Turks, up ten percentage points since 2012, found U.S. leadership in world affairs undesirable; 63%, up eight percentage points since 2012, said the same of the EU. Thirty-nine percent of Turkish respondents said that NATO remains essential, while an equal number said that it no longer is. When those who described NATO as no longer essential were asked why, 70% said that Turkey should be able to make its own military decisions. Turks generally described Asia as more important to their interests than the U.S. (39%, versus 27% who said that the U.S. is more important), but still see China as more of an economic threat than an opportunity (41%). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Despite their decreased confidence in their governments handling of the economy, Turkish respondents seem to believe that their economy is moving in the right direction: 62% said they had been affected by the economic crisis, compared to 69% in 2012 and 78% in 2009. Europeans, on the other hand, have been more likely to say they have been affected (65% this year, compared to 55% in 2009), as have Americans (75% this year, compared to 74% in 2009). A plurality believed that EU membership would be good for the Turkish economy (45%, compared to 36% who believed it would be bad and 14% who believed it would be neither good nor bad).

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This could be related to their view of European economic governance: 46% said they approve of the job the EU has done handling the European economic crisis, up from 27% in 2012, while 35% disapproved, down from 51% in 2012. This approval did not carry over to German Chancellor Merkel, however only 28% of Turks approved of the job she has done, while 46% disapproved. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Turkish respondents expressed strong disapproval of some of the security policies most relevant to their country. Asked if they would support military intervention in Syria, 72% said that Turkey should stay out entirely, a fifteen percentage point increase from 2012. Seventy-two percent of Europeans and 62% of Americans agreed. Thirty-three percent of French respondents endorsed intervention, making France the strongest supporter of a generally unpopular option. Turkish respondents were also sharply against Turkey contributing to any sort of residual training force in Afghanistan after the end of the NATO combat mission (51%, versus 37% in support), and opposed the use of drones (60%, versus 29% who supported their use). MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Turkish respondents were significantly more worried about legal immigration than respondents in other countries (60%), possibly due to the recent influx of refugees from Syria. Turkish respondents also believed that immigrants have been integrating into Turkish society poorly (74%), that they are a burden on social services (69%), that they are a threat to national culture (55%), and that they take away jobs from native-born Turks (70%). Overall, 61% of Turkish respondents said that their government was doing a poor job of managing immigration, and 54% said immigrations was more of a problem than an opportunity. Part of this may be due to the number of immigrants Turkish respondents believed live in their country: Turks said, on average, that 21.2% of Turkeys population was composed of immigrants, though only 25% said their country had too many immigrants.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED KINGDOM

The United Kingdom remains the United States strongest ally in Europe while continuing to voice skepticism over European economic and political authority. U.K. attitudes towards security and diplomatic affairs more closely mirror American than European responses. Of the countries included in the survey, the United Kingdom also voiced the strongest concern about immigration and its effect on their national economy and culture. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS The United Kingdom holds largely favorable views of the United States and generally sees U.S. leadership more favorably than fellow Europeans. Sixty-five percent of British respondents found U.S. leadership in world affairs desirable, compared to 55% of Europeans and 77% of Americans. Sixty-seven percent of British respondents view the U.S. favorably, a decline of nine percentage points since 2012, but on par with the European average of 70%. Enthusiasm for U.S. leadership was countered by a less impassioned call for EU leadership in world affairs. Desirability of EU leadership in world affairs reached 60% in the United Kingdom compared to 71% in Europe and 57% in America. However, this constituted a five percentage point increase in the United Kingdom since 2012. Europe remained firm in its emphasis on preferring America over Asia: sixty-four percent of Europeans described the United States as more important to their national interests, while 27% described Asia as more important. Within Europe, the U.K. was the most likely to describe the United States as more important with 70% of respondents choosing the U.S. over Asian nations such as China, Japan, and South Korea. When the respondents were asked about the importance of the relationship with China alone, Brits became even more likely to describe their relationship with America as more important (75%). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE British respondents expressed disapproval of the EUs handling of the economic crisis, as well as an overwhelming preference to stay outside of the Eurozone. When asked their opinion of the EUs handling of the economic crisis, 33% of U.K. respondents approved, compared to 43% of European respondents. British respondents were slightly more satisfied with German Chancellor Angela Merkels handling of the economic crisis: 43% approved, a decrease of four percentage points since 2012. The British government hardly fared better: only 35% of respondents approved of their own governments handling of the economic crisis while 60% disapproved. Forty-nine percent of British respondents felt that EU membership had been bad for their countrys economy. The U.K. joined Sweden as the strongest voices against the use of the Euro: 86% of Brits and 81% of Swedes agreed that the use of the Euro within their country would be bad for the national economy. British respondents were the most likely to say that each member state should retain

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economic authority for itself with 82% in favor of economic sovereignty rather than delegating further economic authority to the EU. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY NATO is still seen as essential for their countrys security by 69% of British respondents, with only the Dutch claiming a higher percentage (72%) in agreement. Within the majority who said that NATO was still essential for their countrys security, 51% of respondents in the U.K. agreed that NATO was still essential because of its function as an alliance of democratic countries which should act together. When asked about the use of unmanned drones in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan to find and kill suspected enemies, U.K. responses mirrored those in the United States rather than those in Europe. Fifty-five percent of U.K. respondents approved of the use of drones (the highest approval level in Europe), while 71% of Americans and 41% of Europeans approved of their use. Fifty-eight percent of British respondents approved of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train Afghan military and police after the end of the NATO combat mission, compared to 54% of Americans and 53% of Europeans. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION British respondents were the most likely in Europe to see immigration as more of a problem than an opportunity (64%). Concern about both legal and illegal immigration ranged above European averages. Forty-one percent of U.K. respondents were worried about legal immigration (compared to 29% of Europeans) and 80% were worried about illegal immigration (compared to 71% of Europeans). When asked whether there were too many, a lot but not too many, or not many immigrants in their country, the highest level of concern that there were too many immigrants was registered in the U.K. (55%). Concern about the number of immigrants in their country was matched by disapproval of the governments management of immigration policy. Seventy-two percent of U.K. respondents thought the government was doing a poor job managing immigration, fourteen percentage points higher than the European average of 58%. British respondents were also among the most likely to view immigrants as an economic and cultural threat. When asked whether immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens, 51% of UK respondents agreed (down seven percentage points since 2011), along with 50% of Americans and 35% of Europeans. When asked whether immigrants are a burden on social services, 56% of UK respondents agreed (down seven percentage points since 2011), along with 57% of Americans and 50% of Europeans. British respondents were among the most likely to view immigrants as a threat to national culture: 46% of British respondents agreed, compared to 32% of Americans and 28% of Europeans.

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COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED STATES

U.S. leadership continues to be seen as desirable on both sides of the Atlantic and approval of President Obama remains higher abroad than at home. While European respondents described the United States as more important to their national interests than Asia, U.S. respondents were more evenly divided between the importance of Asia and the European Union. The U.S. and Europe remained consistent in their support for NATO, but diverged on security matters, such as approval of the use of drones. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND GLOBAL VIEWS International support for U.S. leadership remained stable, with 55% of Europeans and 77% of Americans describing U.S. leadership in world affairs as desirable. However, Turkish support for U.S. leadership dropped five percentage points since 2012 to 21%. Support for President Obama remained higher in Europe than in America: 50% of U.S. respondents and 69% of Europeans approved of his handling of international policies. Americans, Europeans, and Turks found Russian and Chinese leadership undesirable, although to varying degrees. Russian leadership was described as desirable by 40% of Americans, 27% of Europeans, and 16% of Turks. Chinese leadership was described as desirable by 42% of Americans, 26% of Europeans, and 15% of Turks. Over the past three years, U.S. responses have vacillated between Asia and the EU as more important to their national interest. Forty-five percent of U.S. respondents described the countries of Asia, such as China, Japan, and South Korea, as more important to their national interest, while 44% descried the countries of the EU as more important. Last year, a majority (55%) described the countries of the European Union as more important in contrast to 2011, when a majority (51%) described the countries of Asia as more important. However, when the question was phrased differently to ask about the importance of China alone, a majority of Americans said the countries of the EU were more important than China (53%). Europeans (46%), Americans (62%), and Turks (41%) agreed that China posed more of an economic threat than and economic opportunity. Transatlantic opinion was divided on whether China represented a military threat, with a plurality of Americans (49%) agreeing and a majority of Europeans (56%) disagreeing. Europeans and Americans aligned on the economic opportunity of emerging economies, such as India, Brazil, and Indonesia: a majority of Europeans (64%) and a plurality of Americans (48%) described these countries as economic opportunities rather than economic threats. ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Three-fourths of Americans (75%) reported having been personally affected by the economic crisis, compared to 65% of Europeans and 62% of Turks. Americans joined the Swedes and the Dutch as the most likely to describe their economic system as fair (25%, 34%, 35%, respectively). However, vast majorities in Europe and America agreed most benefits of their system go to the few. A plurality of Americans (49%) and a majority of Europeans (56%) believed that increased trade between the United

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States and Europe would help their economy grow. In contrast, only 28% of Turks agreed while a plurality (43%) said that increased trade between the United States and Europe would make their economy more vulnerable. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY NATO continues to be seen as essential by 55% of Americans and 58% of Europeans, percentages that have remained stable since 2002. However, substantial divergences in public opinion on transatlantic security exist. When asked whether the partnership in security and diplomatic affairs between the United States and the European Union should become closer, remain the same, or the respondents side should take a more independent approach, pluralities in the U.S. (33%) and Europe (42%) responded that their side should take a more independent approach. Americans and Europeans diverged in their approval of the use of drones to find and kill suspected enemies in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan: 71% of Americans approved of their use while 53% of Europeans disapproved. Europeans were more adamant than Americans in their preference for democracy over stability: 58% of Europeans and 47% of Americans agreed democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. Transatlantic attitudes converged on the desirability of intervention in Syria and how best to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Sixty-two percent of Americans (an increase of seven percentage points since 2012) and 72% of Europeans (an increase of thirteen percentage points since 2012) advocated staying out of Syria. Pluralities of Americans (29%) and Europeans (32%) preferred imposing economic sanctions on Iran to prevent their acquisition of nuclear weapons, a shift from previous years, when Europeans tended to prefer offering economic incentives instead. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Immigration remains a concern for Americans, as they continue to grapple with the economic and cultural impact immigrants have on their society. When asked whether respondents considered immigration to be more of a problem or an opportunity, Americans were evenly split (problem: 47%; opportunity: 46%). Americans were optimistic about the integration of first and second generation immigrants. Sixty-one percent stated that first generation immigrants were integrating well (an increase of five percentage points since 2011) and 68% agreed that second generation immigrants were integrating well (a decrease of six percentage points since 2011). Sixty-eight percent of Americans believed their government was doing a poor job managing immigration, compared to 58% of Europeans. Half of U.S. respondents (50%) agreed with the statement immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens, a decrease of seven percentage points since 2011. A majority (62%) of Europeans disagreed.

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Transatlantic Trends is a comprehensive annual survey of U.S. and European public opinion. Polling was conducted by TNS Opinion from June 3-271 in the United States, Turkey, and 11 European Union member states: France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The survey is a project of the German Marshall Fund (GMF) and the Compagnia di San Paolo, with additional support from the Barrow Cadbury Trust, Fundao Luso-Americana, the BBVA Foundation, the Communitas Foundation, and the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The advisory committee for the survey included Pierangelo Isernia, professor of political science, University of Siena (Italy); Richard Eichenberg, associate professor of political science, Tufts University (United States), and Nicol Russo Perez, program manager, Compagnia di San Paolo (Italy). For Section Four (Mobility, Migration and Integration), the additional
1 Due to protests in Turkey, fieldwork was temporarily suspended and did not finish until July 2.

advisers were Susan Martin, executive director, Institute for the Study of International Migration, Georgetown University; Claudia Diehl, professor of microsociology, University of Konstanz; and Ayesha Saran, programme manager, Barrow Cadbury Trust. The authors of the Country Summaries were Constanze Stelzenmller, senior transatlantic fellow and Transatlantic Trends project lead, and Josh Raisher, program coordinator, with significant input from Bridget Parker and Anika Meister.

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www.transatlantictrends.org
A project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and the Compagnia di San Paolo, with additional support from the Fundao Luso-Americana, the BBVA Foundation, the Communitas | 34 Foundation, the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and the Barrow Cadbury Trust.