Anti-Arrack Agitation of Women in Andhra Pradesh Author(s): D.

Narasimha Reddy and Arun Patnaik Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No. 21 (May 22, 1993), pp. 1059-1066 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4399756 . Accessed: 17/04/2013 19:01
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Anti-Arrack

Agitation
D Narasimha Reddy Arun Patnaik

of

Women

in

Andhra

Pradesh

and thepoliticalparties henchmen thepolice, the contractor's bid by the state,particularly Thereis a determined the women's raised not quesThe movement has in Andhra Pradesh. merely movement to dissipatethe anti-arrack the nexus on its attack but has targeted a of the intelligentsia, section the and press tion as is beingportrayedby betweenthe politicians,police and arrackcontractors.
I BEGINNING in the early August 1992, in a remotevillage of Dubagmtaof Nellore district in Andhra Pradesh, the agitation by women protesting against arrack auctions and demanding ban on the sale of arrack spreadto almost all districts of the state. The movement against the sale of arrackstarted in north Telanganadistricts like Warangal,Karimnagarand Adilabad at the behest of the CPI(ML) (PWG in particularand other groups) but attempts were made to suppress it by the police interventionwhich went to the extent of selling arrack not only under police protection but even in the police stations. Notwithstanding the repression, there is a widespread people's ban on arrack sales in these districts and no auctions could be held for as many as 1,739 arrack shops in 1990-91 in Warangal, Karimnagarand Mahaboobnagar districts. While the CPI(ML)-sponsored ban on arrack sales was met by the state with brutal attacks on agitating women, apparentlythe movement started spontaneously but in fact as a result of a combination of social, economic and political factors,was initially responded by the state with a kind of indifference under a cynical hope that it would fizzle out. This attitude of disdain bordering on scorn could be seen from even the response of the English press. The movement was about two weeks old by the time newspapers like The Hindu and Indian Express started reporting. Starvedof any important issue that would adequately capture the attention of the people, a ride on the crest of which would be vote-spinning,the anti-anrack agitation provided a ready bandwagon to political parties like TDP. The National Front leader N T Ramna Rao missed no time and converted the train journey to his film shooting locale in Araku Valley near Vishakhapatnam to address meetings by stopping the train even at unscheduled railway stations with scant respect to the inconveniencecaused to other passengers. The CPI(M) celebratedits involvement in the movement by conducting a national seminar at Hyderabad through its front organisation Jana Vignana Vedika and provided a common platform, where all the partiesm exept BIP, includingthe Congress(I) exhorted the need for ban on arrack and left. The anti-arrackagitation in Andhra Pradesh is threatened with dissipation becauseof state repressionand attacks engineered by arrack contractors on the one hand, and on the other the gimmicks of 'major' opposition parties which are hardly involved with the movement at the grassroots level. To understand the movement with a view to strengthen it, one must place the problem in its proper historical and social context. The second part of this note tries to provide the recent historical background on the issue of prohibitionand the third part draws attention to the mechanisms of penetration of the liquor lobby into the political process denigrating the democratic fabricof Indiansociety. At the end an attempt is made to providea policy outline as a response to the immediate context. and distribution. But these measures do not appear to have had any salutary effect. In 1930-31and 1932-34, as a part of the civil disobedience movement there was picketing of liquor shops and toddy booths. The enforcementof complete prohibition, figured as the first item in the national demands submitted by Gandhiji to the British government in 1931. He wrote in YoungIndia in 1931,". . . If I was appointed dictator for one hour for all India, the first thing I would do would be to close without compensation all liquor shops, destroy all toddy palms such as I know in Gujarat, compel factory owners to produce human conditions for their workmen and open refreshmentand recreation rooms where these workmen could get innocent drinks and equally innocent amusements... For the loss of revenue from drinks, I would straightaway cut down the military expenditure..?" The provincial autonomy of 1937, which brought the Congress into power in several states, brought life to the programme of complete prohibition. Provinces like Bombay and Madras started implementingprohibition policy in stages. But the outbreak of the second world war and the consequent resignation of Congress governments in the states put a halt to the prohibition policy. Prohibition was lifted in all the states and revenues from excise soared high during the second world war period, partly because of the inflationary conditions and partly owing to popular ministries in the states. The second world war was an important turning point which broughft the liquor revenue to the. fore It was during the second worid war that revenue from excise, an indirect tax, became the single largestsource, bypassingthe land revenue, a direct property-based tax. In Bombay state, excise receipts which amounted to Rs 2.8 crore in 1938-39 incrased by 1946-47 to Rs 9.7 crore, the single largest source of tax revenue yielding about 34 per cent of the total tax revenue. In Madras state, excise receipts increased from Rs 3.8 crore in 1938-39 to Rs 16.8 crore in 1945-46, against Rs 8 crore from land revenue.Notwithstanding the growing revenue presence of the excise duty,

II
Prohibition as State Policy The early British policy relating to liquor consumption, which was also interlinked with excise revenue, was one of temperance and of restricting the consumption of intoxicating drinks. One of the earliest policy pronouncements dates back to September 7, 1905, which stated that their 'settled'policy was "to minimise temptation to those who do not drink and to discourageexcess among those who do, and to a furtherance of this policy,all con-

siderations mustbe absolutely of revenue

subordinated' (emphasis added). The policy of regulation and of discouraging the use of alooholic drinks in excess continued till 1921, when with the introduction of the first constitutionalreforms,the movement towards prohibition gained strength and resolutions declaring that prohibition was the ultimate goal of excise policy were passed by several state legislatures. Several state governments apparently took measures to minimise the consumption of alcoholic drinks by the enforcement of controls on their manufacturing

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May 22, 1993

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both the states introduced prohibition as soon as popular ministriesassumed office in 1946. In Bombay a decision was taken to bring about complete prohibitionin the state by gradual stages within three years from April 1, 1947. Progressivereduction in consumption was ensured by: (1) Closure of excise shops for 2 days in 194748, 3 days in 194849 and 5 days in 1949-50, (2) Progressive reduction in the numberof shops, and (3) Reductionin the strength of liquor in the case of country liquor. A separate law called the Bombay Prohibition Act 1949 was enacted and complete prohibitionwas broughtabout in the state with effect from April 6, 1950. Similarly in Madras state soon after the resumption of power by the popular ministry, the policy of prohibition was revised and by 194849, it was extended to all the districts. Prohibitionas an importantstate policy figures in the DirectivePrinciples and Article 47 which directs that the states "shall endeavour to bring about prohibition of consumption, except for medicinal purpose, of intoxicating drinks and of drugs which are injurious to health". The task of extending prohibition as a national policy was considered as an important welfare measure and the responsibility for workirrgout the modalities of the implementation of the policy was assigned to the Planning Commission. The Planning Commission appointed the Prohibition Enquiry Committee in 1954 [ShrimanNarayancommittee 1954Jwhich submitted the report in 1955, was very optimistic about the adoption of prohibition as national policy and made a number of recommendations for a time-bound implementation. Some of the important recommendationsare: (i) that prohibition should be regarded as an integral part of the second five-year plan, (ii) that the targetdate for completing nationwideprohibition should be April 1, 1958, (iii) that in states which were yet to make a beginning and in the wet areas in partial prohibition states, from April 1, 1956, there should be stoppage of drinking in hotels, bars, restaurants, messes, clubs, cinemas and in parties and functions, (iv) that there should be prohibition committee in each district and at the village and mohalla level, (v) that the excise duties on narcotics and intoxicants collected in the states are highly iniquitous, regressiveand anti-social and this kind of levey has no justification to exist in a progressive tax system and should be wiped out at the earliest, (vi) that the union government would give adequate assistance to those states which depend on excise for a considerablepart of their revenueto introduce prohibition in their areas, and (vii) that may be issued by the a clear-cut statemenlt union government to the effect that pro-

hibition has become a national policy. of the general mass of the people; which should As a sequel, the policy of prohibition (b) voluntaryorganisations, was discussed as a non-official resolution be given the necessarysupport and assistance by the governmentin carryingout by the Lok Sabha which passed the social and educational programmes; following resolution on March 31, 1956: implementation of various develop(c) This house is of the opinion that prohibiby governundertaken ment programmes as an integralpart tion should be regarded ment agenciesin education,health, social Plan and recomof the Second Five-Year welfare, etc, with due emphasis on the mends that the Planning Commission of prohibition;and significance should formulate the necessary pro(d) availabilityin canteens of cheap and gramme to bring about nationwidepronutritious food and non-alcoholic bevehibition speedily and effectively. rages and enco'iragementof sports, and Plan included, as The Second Five-Year recreational activities ok a group- and part of its 'social weflareservices'.prohibicommunity-basis. tion as an essential item of social policy. With a view to achieving greater proIt emphasised that in the consideration of it wouldbe useful gressin thesedirections, any basic social policy, financial conto provide financial assistance to volunsiderations, although of great practical tary organisations for educational and importance, are not to be treated as promotionalwork among the people and decisive in character. It suggested the also to give a measureof supportto other activities which would assist the progress following steps to be taken by the state of prohibition. governments in wet or partially wet areas: (1) discontinuance of advertisements and Assigned with the task of devising the public inducements relating to drink; (2) machinery and modalities for the introstoppage of drinking in public premises duction of prohibition as a national (hotels, hostels, restaurants,clubs) and at policy, the Planning Commission appublic receptions; (3) setting up of tech- pointed in 1963 a study team on prohibinical committees to draw up phased pro- tion under the chairmanship of Justice grammes with the object of (a) reducing Tek Chand. The.study team submitted its progressivelythe number of liquor shops report in 1964. both in ruraland urban areas; (b) closing For anyone dealing with liquor problem liquor shops for an increasing number of in India, Tek Chand Report (1964) is a days during the week; (c) reducing quan- compulsory reading. Its informative and tities supplied to liquor shops; (d) pro- educative value is uncomparable. The gressively reducing the strength of distill- comprehensive report running into 1,265 ed liquor produced by distilleriesin India; pages in two volumes covers almost every (e) closing of shops in and near specified aspect of liquor manufacturing, trade, industrial and other development project consumption, consequences, the history areas; and (f) removal of shops to places of the movements against liquor in India away from main streetsand living quarters as well as abroad, the problems and in towns and villages; (4) Taking active failuresof prohibition law. The only striksteps to encourage and promote the pro- ing deficiency, a reader of 1990s would duction of cheap and healthy soft drinks; find is the absence of discussion, except (5) assisting voluntaryagencies in organis- in passing remarks on the situation in ining recreation centres; and (6) including dividual states of the corrupting influence prohibition as an' item of constructive of liquor trade on the political processes. work in national extension and communi- One may explain it away either as a result ty project areas and social welfare exten- of the terms of reference being different sion projects. or because of the liquor-politics nexus by One important step taken during the the mid-60s not yet assuming such depths Second Five-Year Plan was the setting up of degradation. Be that as it may. It need of the central probibition committee by not detract one from the merits of the the home ministryand the committee met report. towards the end of 1960 to review the imThe most important recommendations plementationof prohibitionpolicy. Other- of the team include changes in the proviwise, the action taken by the state govern- sions of liquor laws, electoraldisqualificaments was not significant and the progress tion of personsinvolvedin liquoroffenses, for the country as a whole was slow. One mass education and publicity, active role of the significant aspects of the Third for voluntary agencies and Nasha Bandi Five-Year Plan was to emphasise prohibiLok KaryaKshetrasthroughout the countion essentially as a social welfare movetry and a four-phased programme culmiment and recognition that if prohibition nating in total prohibition preferably by were to rest primarily on enforcement by January 30, 1970. But it was a cruel irony the police and by excise staff, not much that during this period what really happrogress would be made. pened was quite the reverse-prohibition was lifted in almost all states, except The main reliancehas thereforeto be on: (a) the creation of a growing public Gujarat. It is very perplexing as to how sucsha opinion in favour of prohibition conceived as a social welfaremeasurein the interest comprehenlsive report like the one by

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Justice Tek Chand met such a cruel fatec To unravel the mystery one should take into consideration the slow but sure changes in the natureof the emergingruling classes, theirsocial base and the compulsions of the coalition. Even as the Tek Chand study vss being contemplated,the Uttar Pradeshgovernmentabolished prohibition in 11 districts where there was prohibitionin 1964but introducedcertain dry days! MadhyaPradeshquicklyfollowed suit. Mysore was the first state in the south to relaxeven its partial prohibition in 1964. Haryana scrapped it from April 1967 and Keraladid so in the same year. Orissa was the next to scrap prohibition in 1968. The Andhra area of Andhra Pradesh followed suit in 1969. Assam liberalised pfohibition in 1970. Maharashtrarevisedits policy towardsa permit system. And with the abolitionof prohibition in August 1971 in lhmil Naduhardly a year had passed since Gandhi BirthCentenary,there was no major state save Gujarat where prohibition was in force. All observes of India notice that the mid-1960smarka clear turning point for worse in the economy, polity and even in social policy a could be seen from the fate of prohibition policy. Not only were the otherwise much acclaimed recommendations of the TekChand reportput to cold storage, even the Planning Commission which included prohibition as a part of the welfareprogrammes of the second and the third plans, seems to have turned a cold eye. There is no mention of prohibition in the Fourth Five-Year Plan document or the Annual Plans that preceded it! The reasorns for such a complete reversal to the 'prohibition policy' are not far to seek. Thesewereclosely linkednot only to the econonic and politicalchanges but also with the subtle bta perceptible changes in the very nature of the ruling classes, and their support base and means as well as sources of power Of this, the liquor excise revenue to the state and liquor contracts or illicit gratification to the rulingclaes make the rversal of prohibition policya political necessityand of course a social scourge. Liquor emerges as a major surce of revenue without displesing the rich. What is more starling are the consequences. Let us first see how the turn around actually happened. Ever since the formation of 'popular ministries' in the states in 1946, the pursuit of prohibition as a state policy was d but the action takenvaried from accep-e that of complete prohibition in states like the then Madas and Bombay,partialprohibition in Lttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, a pdicy of temperancein states like Biharand WestBengaland no dry law in sta like Rajasthan and erstwhile Hyderabd.

In most of the states which did not go in for prohibition, the policy of minimising liquor consumption through maximum excise rvenue ended up only in raising revnue instead of reducing liquor consumption. By late SOs,even in a state like Andhra Pradesh, which had parts without dry law, were moving towards revenue maximisation, disregarding the veryobjectiveof curbingliquorconsumption. The AndhraPradeshprohibitioninquiry committee report (1955) observed that "theobjectiveof minimumconsumption was not helped but vitiated by the objective of maximum revenuein which revenuewas sought to be obtained from the poorest classes for being spent on The reportof the lTxsociety in general". ation EnquiryCommission (1955-56)also
observed: ". .. it is thus clear that the aim

of reducingconsumption has come to be ignored. and that though half a century has elapsed since the policy was first adumbrated, no tangible result in the direction of reducing consumption have nowedfrom the manner in which it has been in operation so far". But it was yet another irony that this report of 1954 which producedrecordedevidenceon the failureof implementationof the dry law, instead of suggestingthe ways and means of plugging the loopholes came out in favour of complete scrapping of the dry law! Needless to say that this committee had a mechanicaladministrativeperspective devoid of either the history of such a measurein other parts of the world, or
TAff

the historical context within India or the welfareimplications involvedin the iue For such an effort, one hail to wait for the reports of Shriman Narayan and Tek Chand panels. Now, let us return to the questions as to why there was a complete reversalby the end of 1960s in the implementation of a constitutionaldirctive on prohibition as a national policy to which the government of India was committed by a parliamentary resolution? And with what consequences?Of course,the answermay not be available in the nature of causes separated from the consequences but in the dialectics of the consequences in the womb of the causes as well. At this juncture,it may not be much of a digression to draw attention to the twin roles of the state in India. One is to keep the coalition of the heterogneous dominant classes by cateringto theirneeds and the other is to create a netvork of patronage through programmes that would serve as a thread that links the loyalty of the masses to the ruling class. EaMLim of this kind means that it is through the state that the ruling classes enrich. themselvesand it is throughthe state that they lay claimto the loyaltyof the masses The strainsof such a role aided by certain natural calamities became quite apparent by the late 1960s. The state's role as a mobiliser of resourcesand as an investor faced severeconstraints. The state investmentregistereddeceleration.There was a threat to its role as an agency to

- 1: CONSUMPTION OF DIFFERI NT LIQUo(RS IN ANDHRA PRADESH

Year

No of Shops

Arrack Consumption (Million Shops l iIres) (30tU P)

Shops

IML Consumption (Million Proof Litres)

Beer Consumption (Million Bulk Litres)

1969-70 197(-71 1971-72 1972-73

.7159 8669 9294 9546

1973-74 1974-75
1975-76 1976-77 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80 1980-81 1981-82

10745 12001
13847 13809 14154 14150 14135 13996 13847 54.4 61.5 63.4 66.4 67.1 70.3 69.7

1661 2998 4566 4321 3087

3.03 4.4 4.3 4.4 7.8

24.9 74.2 63.3 44.0 37.3

1982-83
1983-84

16059
17643

74.0
83.3

3698
4294

8.9
11.3

38.4
36.1

1984-85 1985-86 1986-87

1987-88

18648 18949 22657

22803

86.5 88.7 94.8

103.7

5941 5847 5381

5344

10.5 11.3 14.2

18.6

37.9 49.7 45.8

37.0

1988-89
1989-90 1990-91 1991-92

16772
16426 16436 16507

117.2
116.1 111.2

6G72
6503 6744

15.5
21.9 18.1

46.2
46.9 49.9

Note: Rounded off to the nearest crore. Source: Repons of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India.

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legitimise the regime, the dominant coalition. Even the success of the green revolution in its early phase was throwing up its own contradictions as could be seen from mobilisation of farmers for higher prices and better terms of trade. The early avenues of public works contracts under the strain of resources were not proving adequate to 'harvest' their riches. In fact for the large majority of the land-based politicians incomes are associated with 'harvesting' notions and there is no other avenue that can harvest profits as quickly as contracts to the repertoireof which the liquor contracts were added by the late 1960s. Of the may factors, one that played a decisive role is the capacity of the liquor trade to quench the growing 'revenue' thirstof not only the states which werenot willingly to displease the affluent by taxing their growing wealth and incomes but also of the ruling elite who were looking for easy and quick sources to enrich themselvesas well as to finance their election expenses which were reaching scandalous proportions, incapable of being met by any had-earned incomes or partyfunding, however ingenious the mechanisms of mobilisation might be. It is interesting to note that company contribution to political parties was banned by legislation in 1970. State excise to the states and liquor contracts to the ruling elite or their henchmen made politicians to look upon prohibition as utopian and far from being pragmatic This stink of pragmatismin the polity was spreadingall over making a mockery of the democratic process. By late 60s and early 70s there was no shadow of doubt about the decadence and the entire political process was soaked completely in liquor largesse. In 1973, Jayaprakash Narayan wrote: ...money, falsehood,corruptionand physical forcehavecombined to erode steadily the very meaning and substance of elections. Electioncosts havebeen growingby leaps and bounds, and cases have been reportedin which single state assembly candidate is-said to have spent between Rs 30 to Rs 40 lakh and a LokSabhacan-didate as much as Rs 60 to Rs 90 lakh. But even if the cost is one-tenthof these staggeringamount, the poor man'sparty or candidate has no chance whatever. Nor can representatives capableof spending such large sums be everexpectedto work for the poor. In the same way, the viceof impersonation, fed on secretfunds, and the use of physical force, supported by powerfulpolitical and caste interests, have been growing at an alarming rate. Corruption of the electoral machinery, commonlymanifested in intimidation and buyingup of presidingofficers, has been

That day it was an allegation for the state. But this day, November 12, 1992 to be precise, is an open recognition, when the prime minister inaugurating a conference of chief ministers on the 'Administrationof Criminal Justice'lamented on the "veryobnoxious criminalisationof public life' and there was "increasing criminalisation of politics and politicisation of criminls". He also observed that it has been talked about for a long time. The liquor trade which was considered a social stigma up until the late 60s and associated mostly with bootleggers, the criminal and anti-social elements, started acquiring political respectabilitywith the growing dependence of the political elite on the money and muscle power of the liquor traders.The auction system in arrack and toddy, the rivalry in illicit distilling of arrack and smuggling of IML to avoid excise, gave rise to the maintenance of criminal gangs by the liquor contractors. The liquor contractors who were kept at an arm's length by the politicians earlier, started becoming their close allies to begin with, but soon the temptations and compulsions of the changing nature of the elections and the growing resource needs of electoral politics turned many politicians into liquor contractors as much as some of the liquor contractorsgraduating into politiciam. Thus by the end of 70s the criminalisatiop of political process gets rooted in the liquor and the very mention of regulation or control, leave alone prohibition, was met with ridicule and

dispensed as non-pragmatic by all major political parties, in or out of power. The plight of the people who are the victims of the spreading tentacles of liquor and the liquor-basedpolitics hardlygot any attention. It is in this context the anti-liquor movement of the women of Andhra Pradesh becomes all the more important. It is a major movement that can make the state to renege from the complete deviation from its own accepted policy. This section deals with three aspects of the women's movement against arrack in Andhra Pradesh. First, it examines the factors contributing to the deterioration of the very subsistence conditions and other facilitating factors that could be discerned as immediate circumstances causing the movement. Second, it provides a brief and sketchy description of the movement. And at the end cautions against the possible simplistic interpretation of the movement in terms of drunkenness as the cause and 'disciplining' the male members of the household as the solution.

III
The Movement
THE BACKGROUND

By 1990-91,Andhra Pradesh occupied first rank in the country in arrack consumption with 111million litres (30 UP) per annum. The other first rank occupied by AP is in terms of the total number of
(Rs crore)

TABLE 2: EXCISEAND OTHER TAX REVENUES OF AP

Year

State Excise

Land Stamp Revenue Duty and Registration 32 (6.48) 33 (5.67) 34 (4.88) 26 (3.22) 14 (1.45) 18 (1.53) 21 (1.46) 13 (0.88) 16 (0.88) 42 (1.48) 33 (1.38) 28 (5.68) 35 (6.01) 41 (5.83) 44 (5.45) 45 (4.66) 53 (4.52) 69 (4.79) 74 (4.75) 92 (5.06) 107 (5.04) 124 (5.20)

Sales Tax

Taxes on Vehicles

Others

Total

1979-80 1980-81 1981-82 1982-83 1983-84 1984-85 1985-86 1986-87 1987-88 1988-89 1989-90

141 (28.6) 153 (26.29) 194 (27.60) 235 (29.08) 282 (29.22) 351 (29.82) 417 (29.98) 448 (29.74) 449 (27.63) 565 (26.63) 660 (27.65)

217 (44.00) 279 (47.94) 342 (48.65) 402 (49.75) 497 (51.50) 607 (51.75) 761 (52.88) 803 (51.51) 971 (53.38) 1107 (52.17) 1237 (51.89)

49 (9.94) 53 (9.11) 58 (8.25) 64 (7.92) 80 (8.29) 93 (7.93) 113 (2.85) 128 (8.21) 143 (7.86) 167 (7.87) 193 (8.08)

26 (5.27) 29 (4.88) 34 (4.84) 37 (4.58) 47 (4.87) 51 (4.36) 58 (4.07) 93 (5.97) 98 (5.38) 134 (6.31) 137 (5.75)

493 (10) 582 (10) 703 (10) 808 (10) 965 (10) 1173 (10) 1439 (10) 1559 (10) 1819 (10) 2122 (10) 2384 (10)

growing apacealongsidecorruption in otherfields.

Notes: (i) Rounded off to the nearest crore, (ii) Figures in parentheses are percentages. Source: Reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India.

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seats in cinema theatres. In recent years consumption of all kinds of liquor increased steeply. Table I shows that the arrackconsumption in the state increased from about 54 million litres (30 UP) in 1975-76 to 70 million litres in 1980-81 to Ill million litresin 1990-91.The consumption of IML increasedalmost five-fold in 80s, from 4A million proof litres in 1980-81 to 219 million proof litres in 1989-90. Table 2 shows that though the share of sales tax in the total tax revenue increased from 44 per cent in 1980-81 to 52 per cent in 1989-90 and share of excise duty in the total state tax revenueremained around 28 per cent, the excise duty in absolute terms increasedalmost five times in 70s from Rs 35 crore in 1971-72.to Rs 153 crore in 1980-81and by almost six times in 80s to reach Rs 839 crore by 1991-92 (budget estimate). It is worth noting from Tbble3 that 70 to 80 per cent of the growing excise was accounted for by the revenuefrom arrack, the poor people's drink. Thus, the substantial burden of the regressiveexcise duty was borne by the poor. The number of arrackshops increased from 7,159 in 1969-70to reach the peak of 22,803 shops in 1987-88 but declined to 16,436 in 1990-91.The decline in the number of shops in no way shows any decline in the arrack demand but reveals the ingenuous innovation in 1986 of arrack being packed in 90 ml and 45 ml polythene sachets, Vanuni Vahini, a mythological name chosen by none other than the Telugu Desam leader NTR. The introduction of sachets made mockery of the very concept of a 'shop' and the rental in relation to shops. Arrack in sachets started flowing to the door step by peddlers on foot and by bicycle. This innovation afforded the convenience of arrack being carried to any place and broke the association of arrackdrinking with arrack shop. From the complaints of women of rural Andhra Pradesh, one could guess the damage t c@usedthrough increased drinkingwith little regardto place and the time of the day or night. Liquor is one of those commodities that flout all laws of economics. The increasing arrack consumption is accompanied by increasing price of arrack. The present price at which the state issues arrack to the contractoris Rs 10.50per litre The 'issue pricesincludes the cost, excise duty, transport charges, and bottling charges. The pice at which the contractor sells to the consumer in sachets of 90 ml and 45 ml or bottles of 180 ml presently works out to Rs 50 to 60 per litre of 30? UP, i e, the cifference between the sale price and the 'issue price' works out to Rs 40 to Rs SEper litre out of which the to meet the rentalswhich contractorshawe amount to about two-thirds of the total

as though the contractors do not seem to be big gainers! For instancelet us have a look at the AP official arrackconsumption figures in 1990-91: 1 Total arrack
2 3 4 5 6 consumption Sale price at Rs 55 per litre 'Issue price at Rs 10.50 per litre Gross margin (2-3) Less rentals for shops Gross profits 11.12 crore 300 UP litres Rs 611.60 crore Rs 116.76 crore Rs 494.84 crore Rs 454.00 crore Rs 40.84 crore

These figuresshow a gross profit of to arrackcontractorsin Rs 40.84 crowe 1990-91.If ore takes into consideration expensesincludingthe the maintenance 'goondagangs'the bribespaid regularly the contributo the excise department, tions to political parties and other paid out of contributions miscellaneous appearto the contractors fearor favour, knowsthat the be big losers!Everybody official statisticson arrackis a mockery the consumptionof of truth.Obviously, arrack is murh higher and this is acillicitdistilling countedforbytheextensive and packingparallelto the government arrack.And the resultingdrainon poor
(Rs crore)

TABLE 3: EXCISEREVENUEFROMDIFFERENTLIQUORSAND RICE SUBSinY, ANDHRA PRADESH

Year

Country Spirit (Arrack) 5 (16.24) 6 (17.68) 7 (15.90) 36 (62.07) 53 (69.74) 70 (72.16) 76 (73.79) 91 (75.83) 109 (77.30) 118 (77.12) 151 (77.84) 179 (76.17) 220 (78.01) 265 (75.50) 322 (77.23) 348 (77.68) 410 (82.16) 475 (84.07) 526 (79.69) 556 (76.37) 608 (72.47)

Country Fermented Liquor (Toddy) 17 (48.57) 18 (52.94) 19 (43.18) 17 (29.31) 16 (21.08) 16 (16.48) 16 (15.53) 15 (12.50) 15 (10.64) 19 (12.42) 27 (13.92) 17 (7.23) 19 (6.74) 37 (10.54) 30 (7.19) 27 (6.03) 38 (7.62) 36 (6.37) 48 (7.27) 53 (7.28) 48 (5.72)

Malt Liquor (Beer)

Foreign Liquor (IML)

Others

Total Excise Revenue 35 (10) 34 (10) 44 (10) 58 (10) 76 (10) 97 (10) 103 (10) 120 (10) 141 (10) 153 (10) 194 (10) 235 (10) 282 (0) 351 (10) 417 (10) 448 (10) 499 (10) 565 (10) 660 (10) 728 (10) 839 (10)

1971-72 1972-73 1973-74 1974-75 1975-76 1976-77 1977-78 1978-79 1979-80 1980-81 1981-82 1982-83 1983-84 1984-85 1985-86 1986-87 1987-88 1988-89 1989-90 1990-91 1991-92 1992-9,3(BE)

0.4 (1.14) 1 (2.94) 1 (2.27) 1 (1.72) 1 (1.32) 2 (2.06) 2 (1.94) 3 (2.50) 5 (3.55) 5 (3.27) 4 (2.06) 21 (8.94) 10 (3.55) 8 (2.28) 10 (2.40) 30 (6.70) 8 (1.60) 8 (1.41) 8 (1.21) 13 (1.79) 18 (2.15)

2 (5.71) 2 (5.88) 4 (9.09) 3 (5.17) 4 (5.26) 6 (6.19) 7 (6.80) 9 (7.50) 9 (6.38) 8 (5.23) 10 (5.15) 16 (6.81) 25 (8.87) 25 (7.12) 33 (7.90) 30 (6.70) 28 (5.61) 39 (6.90) 75 (11.36) 102 (14.01) 160 (14.07)

10.06 (28.74) 7 (20.59) 13 (29.55) 4 (1.72) 2 (2.63) 3 (3.09) 2 (1.94) 2 (1.67) 3 (2.13) 3 (1.96) 2 (1.03) 2 (0.43) 8 (2.86) 16 (4.56) 22 (5.28) 14 (3.13) 15 (3.00) 7 (1.07) 3 (0.45) 4 (0.55) 8 (0.60)

exciserevenue. Of course,if one goes by sales, it looks the official dataon arrack
Economic and Political Weekly

Notes: (i) Roundedoff to the nearestcrore,(ii) Figuresin parenthesesare percentages,(iii) 'Others' include commercial and denatured spirits and wines and toilet preparations containing alcohol. Source: Reports of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India.

May 22, 1993

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on arrackconsumption people'sinconm could be at leastdouble in AP in 1990-91 that of Rs 611 croreof exciseduty, i e, Rs 1,200crore.This,one couldbelieve,is on the low side. Muchof it is hard-earned wageincomes of theentire households of thepoor.Most of thedrinkirg in rural areas. is arrack and toddy.The pioportionof arrackis much more.Most of the arrackdrinkingis by mostof whomareagrithe poor families cultural labourers.Though women do drinkin Telangana regionbut largelythe few women who drink are confined to toddy.Castewise is a socialtaboo drinking among the forward castes and some classes.Drinking groupsof the backward of arrack or toddybyschedule castesdoes not carryany social stigma.In fact, the womenwho ae protesting againstarrack arenot faceless poorbutmostly scheduled who arethe directsufferers. castewomen is clear in the This caste demarcation villagestrugglecommitteesthoughthere maybe tarmesprinkling of forward caste and womenas leaders.One could easily see wherethe entireburden of exciseduty on arrackresides. In the80s, the employment situationin AP has beenworsening. Therehas been no substantialincrease in wages. The of essential prices commodities likepulses, edibleoil, tamarind and chillieshaveincreased by30 to 50 percentduring thelast two years. The subsidisedrice scheme, thoughnot properly targeted, did helpthe poor. One may criticise it as a 'lefthanded' chartybecause the statewastaking awaywithother handin the formof excise dutyon arrack muchmorefromthe poorthatwhatis givenwiththe one hand bywayof ricesubsidy (Table 1).The 'Rs 2 per kg rice programme' in AP was tamperedby the Congress(l) government two yearsago and the priceof rice for green cardholderswas increased from Rs 2 to 3.50perkg andthequantity reduced from 20 kg to 16 kg per family per month. Theseconditions areobjectiveenoughto make one peceive arrackas the major causeof ruinof the familylife and living conditions of the poorandeventhe lower middleclass. arracktradeand consumpHowever, tion havedefiniteextra-economic dimensions out of whichat leasttwo are most important; one is social, i e, the gender specificityof the suffering and the other is political,i e, criminal portends withits ramifications forthe political andthecivil lifeof thecountry. it is theman Invariably, who blowsmuch of the household income on arrackand womenof the household who has not only to struggleto provide for the subsistence of thechildren andthe household andalsoendupat thereceiving endof all theabuseandbeating thatoften goes with the drunkenmale.The other, ie, the politicalpartis the powerwielded by the liquorcontractors, theircriminal

activities and political nexus leading not only to loss of respect for political processes but als loss of hope of transformation for the better. It is in this context the demand fcr arrackban by the CPI(ML) groups during the last few years in north Telangana districts and the women's movement starting-off in Nellore district acquireda spontaneity and spread all over the state. THEEVENTS While the post-literacy period in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry seems to have ironically helped the BJP's newspaper to increase its circulation among the neoliterates, the 'Akshara Jyoti' programme assisted by the state and CPI(M), has a different historical trajectory in Andhra Pradesh, thanks to the radical politicisation of issues relatedto the women'sstruggles for survival. In Nellore, Chittoor and elsewhere, the neo-literate women in the villages pledged to fight against the "arrack-demon" in the concluding sessions of the Akshara Jyoti programme. Since then, a new momentum has been unleashed by the women over the last three months. To their creditit can be said that they have converteda women's movement to a peoples movmaentwhich among other issues of class and state power is equally concemed with women's question. There is echo of support for the CPI(ML) ban on liquoramong the Nellore

women who seem to have been inspired by it. Akshara Jyoti programme has also engendered an urge to survive with dignity-the dignity of labour-as also protect the household income against the 'arrack demon' so that their families can survive and they can educate their children. The neo-literte ruralwomen's determination for survihl, for dignity of labour and for education of their children has acquired new proportions. A dalit woman of Nellore said, "we will not allow arrack sales in our village even if they shoot all of us women. Better die once than die every day.' The anti-liquormass movement has not merely raised a women question as being portrayedby the press and a section of the intelligentsia but also targeted its attack on the nexus between the so-called 'people's representatives', police and arrack contractors. When the women are demanding prohibitiDn on arrack for a dignified survival,the peoples representatives in the state governnrnt are busy in talking about the impending revenue loss in view of the prohibition. When the activists reply that the revenue problem is minimal because revenue can be generated through sales tax, commercial tax, etc and that, in any case, during the post-prohibition period general consumption of commodities is likely to increase in urban and rural areas as well, the Congress government retains its usual degiee of quietism. In this sort of arguments, counter-arguments and

Agricultural

Economics

Research Centre

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI Applications are invited for the post of one Senior Fellow, who may also be required to perform the duties of Director of the Centre, in the pay scale of Rs. 4500-150-5700-2007300 plus usual admissible allowances. Applications must reach the Chairman,Governing Body, AgricultuWlEconomics Research Centre, University of Delhi, Delhi-110007, not later than June 5, 1993 by registered post. Note (1): Persons who have applied in response to the earlier advertisement dated 20th November, 1991 need not apply again. (2): Details regarding prescribed qualifications can be had from the Centre by post or in person during working hours. Prof. A. L. Nagar, Chairman.

Economic and Political Weekly May 22, 1993

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more often the silence of the Congress government, the ongoingpeople'smovementhas unfolded its concernsto reform the family structures as well as exposed the classcharacter of the excisepolicyof the rulingparties,both theCongressand TeluguDesam' The villagecommitteesformedin differentvillagesare invariably led by the women of the poorerdalit households. Thesecommktees do not haveany representation from the Congressor Telugu Desam. This-istrue of the most of the village comnittees, be in the coastal or Tedangana. districts In somevillagesas in Nellore,the uppercaste women have forthesecommittees. onlypassive support In other villageslike the ones in Ranga Reddydistrictno uppercastewomenare even remotely concernedwith the struggle againstarrack and police contractors who areprotected by the rulingCongress and the oppasitionTelugu Desam.These committeeslhweverreceivepoliticalaid and moral suqpport from the state-level massfrontsliceJanaVigyanVedika (aided by the CPI(M)), the Progressive Organisationof Women (aided by a

street plays, rallies, door-to-door campaigns and publicmeetings in the villages. There is a beautiful graffito which portrays how women are marching forward, breaking arrackbottles and how the contractor and two police men are shellshocked by this crusading spirit of the women. The women squads also prevent auction sales being organisedby the excise department-a strategy initially adopted by the CPI(ML) 'dalams' In Nellore alone, they have stalled auction sales 36 times. This is true of almost all district auction counters. As a result, many women have been arrestedand police have filed false cases against them. More and more such repression is launched, the nexus betweenbureaucracy,police and arrack contractors is revealed before the agitating women. No wonder, the district collectors engaged in such auction sales are sarcasticallylabelled as 'Indian arack sellers' (IAS). There are villages where women are guarding against sales of the arrack by en masse squatting in front of the liquor shops. They havebeen prventing peddling of sachets by bicycle or foot, often receivCPI(ML) group), and Andhra Pradesh ing not only rebuke but also beatings. DalitMahasabha. In Neliore district alone Most of thee women are agricultural wherethe present massmovement has in- labourers and many of them are from itiallybegun,the movement is organised families where they are the main t1readCo-ordination by the Anti-Arrack Com- winners. Their work is seasonal and they mitteecomprising 36 voluntary organisa- are missing the season by keeping watch tions. In Chttoor districtthere are 250 at the arrack shops. Their wages are too voluntary olganisations, active in the low to expect any possibility of falling village committees comprising mostly back. Their menfolk are used to drinking women and )outh spreadin more than with the wages earned by the women. So 200 villagesof the district. much so in a village in Ranga Reddy Aidedby thesevoluntary organisations, district when asked about female wages, the villagecommittees led by the women a person answered,that it was "one sachet havepressurised theirmento usuallytake of arrack and Rs 1.50"' Indeed that is oath in the villagetemplesto stop drink- what he gets when he takes the grain ing arrack.In case of violation of the received as wages to the liquor shop! And pledge,the men would be forcedto pay there are villages in Mahaboobnagar a heavyfineto the templeandthe families where part of the wages are paid in toddy!

would be barishedfrom the villages.In some cases the wives have physically theirmen fromvisitingarrack prevented shops but arewonderinghow far could thistacticsustain whenthey("Nomen) have to go for transplantation verysoon. In thevillages the women aftervillages, squadshavediscovered threeinstantinstruments of struggle-broom, chilli powderand fin. Theycounterthe threat frompoliceand the drunken maleswith broomsticks andchillipowder-reminiscent of Fakir MohanSenapati's powerful short story "Patent Medicine'and Ketan film 'Mirch Mehta's Masala'. Theyattack the contractors' dens and set fire to the and sachets. barrels Theseattemptssymbolically aim at purificationof their villages by burningthe 'arrack demon. The messages againstthe ill-effects of arrack on the household economy and against the nlexus of police and arrack contractors arc spreadthroughgraffiti,
Economic and Political Weekly

vicinity of poorer households. The government or the ruling party has been trying to buy time in the name of gathering public opinion, hoping the delay would dissipate the movement.The only positive effect of the opposition party gimmicks appear to be putting fear of loss of votes and the consequent restraint on violent repression by the government. But the skin-deep commitment of the opposition parties is very well revealed by the total absence of any of their reprsentatives at the village level committees formed by the agitating women. The women's struggle, on the other hand, took a number of forms of picketing the arrack shops, in some cases confiscation and destruction of the arrack sachets, formingof 'battalions' of women who would ieep watch in turns at the arrack shops, keep watch on the male members who are vulnerableto drink and on the arrack 'poachers' who would clandestinely enter the villages with sachets hidden in bags or baskets. There are instances of beating up, torturing and parading of male members who violate the village ban on arrackdrinking. Closer at the household level there have been 'broom treatments' behind the closed doors and refusal to serve food for those coming home drunk. These actions of the organised agitating women are necessary part of the movement and the celebrationof their years of suffering and suppression. But any attempt to romanticise these actions may fall short of the objective of the educational process which it is supposed to serve. The suffering of the women, the very state of wife and husband speaking hate, the absence of love and affection within the household, the neglect of childrenand daily drunkenbrawlsand the destruction of the very family life are adequate social inditators of the degenerating quality of life. It is the reflection of the shambles into which a nasomt civil society AN INTERPRETATION is reduced and it is very much necessary As the movement against arrack un- to see its dialectical relations with the folds itself, the are two imnportant dinmen- 'political society. It is not enough if the sions which become apparent. One is the women realise and agitate against the determined bid by the state, particularly immediate cause-the arrack-that is the police, the contractors'henchmen and responsible for their miseries. It is much the political parties, to dissipatethe move- more importmt for them to see that their ment, and the other is the courage, valour misery inclucing arrack is perpetrated by and determinationwith which women are the social system which needs to be organising themselves against severeodds transformed simultaneously but without at the village level. The police often resort deviating from the immediateobjective of to attack on the agitating women, prevent ban on arrack. their meetings by denying permission IV whereverpossble, and provide protection to sell arrack,sometimes resulting in sellPerspective Policy ing of arrack within the police stations. The contractrs' goondas have been indulThe arena of policy relating to liquor ging in abuse and attack on women in is most treacherous. If the history of the anti-liquor mnvements all the world over villages where they are vulnerable, and

attemptingto bribe certainsections to clandestinely or openlysellarrackin the

is anyguide,it wouldofferone important lesson i e, thereis no one-timeuniversal

May 22, 1993

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policy. The policy if it were to be responsive to the interests of the people and safeguard people from any adverse manifestations, which there would be, should be based on time-space specifcities. One guiding principle is that it should be responsive to people's aspirations and needs. For insance, whether it was the US or Scandinavan countries or China, there has been protibition or scrapping of prohibition and gain reintroduction, but all the while with one objective of reducing, if not eliminting the drink evil and the institutions which go with it. Given the awareness of these aspects, what follows in this section should be seen as a response to the immediate context rather than a once for all prescription. When it comes to outlining the course of action on the part of the state, with the hindsightof the ingenuousnesswith which even the constitutional directives have been flouted, there has been a lot of hesitation and even fear. The fear is that in the name of a policy of prohibition there could be unabated boolegging under the aegis of the very agencies which are supposed to enforce it. These fears become all the more real given the present role playedby the liquor and liquor money in the elections. But, with the people's movement and their proper involvement, one hopes for a better enforcement. Keeping this in view, the following suggestions are made. Prohibition, if it should be successful: (i) should be introduced in phases, (ii) should be backed by public opinion and widespread education including the school, the public media and informal channels, (iii) should involve social workers, public-minded persons, particularly women and voluntary organisations of proven record of good grassroots educationalactivities,and (iv) should have monitoringcommittees,particularlyat the grassroots level with large women's presence to function as vigilants or watchdog organisations with statutory power for enforcement. The Tek Chand study team on prohibition (1963) and the Third Five-Year Plan make detailed suggestions regardingphased introductionof prohibition.Prohibition may be introduced in two phases. In the first phase ban arrack, treat arrack in tribal areas differently,reduce the number of IML outlets to the minimum, let toddy be regulated and ban 'matka, 'single number' and other forms of gambling simultaneously. Let us elaborate each of these measures. A rrack (a) The sale of arrackshould be banned throughout the state and involve large vigilance committees, at all levels, parti-

forcement should not be left to the police or excise department. (b) As the Third Five-YearPlan suggested in pursuing the programme for prohibition, the customs and traditions of tribal people must be fully respected. The recommendation of the Tek Chand committee needs to be given due consideration: "The adivasis or scheduled tribes with whom drinking is traditional may be allowed to brew such beverages to which they are accustomed for their consumption only". "...a change has to be brought about in their mental approach and social outlook through the more enlightened members of their community, than through persuasive law". Indian-Made Foreign Liquor (IMFL) (a) The number of IMFL shops/outlets should be restricted to at least one-fifth of the present number. The shops should not be given to private trade but should be state-owned outlets operating for limited number of days in a week and limited number of hours in a day. (b) In a state like Andhra Pradesh with an annual consumption of three million litres of arrack, one cannot wish away that all arrack drinkers would stop suddenly in response to a ban. Introduce low duty cheaper IMFL which should be sold in limited quantity per person. This is based on Tamil Nadu experience, which may be improved by restricting the sale to only full bottles which would sere as a damper on poorer buyers.This is to wean graduallj the hard addicts of arrack in the transition period and to check such persons taking to illidt arrack, which should be stampedout with people'sco-operation. (c) The selling and serving of IMFL of more than 5 per cent alcohol content in all public places like hotels, restaurants, bars, etc, and public functions should be banned-a lesson should be learned from Ihmil Nadu where prohibition is made a mockeryby allowing large numberof bars recently. There should be restrictions on location of IMFL shops in the vicinity of public institutionslike educational institutions, religious places, state/national highways, etc. Toddy Toddy need not be bmcketed with arrack and IMFL. In view of the low alcoholic nature of the drink and its entraining the livelihood of millions of toddy tappers, toddy should be treated separately. It may be necessary to take a leaf from the Tek Chand study team's report here; "toddy may be allowed to be served subjectto the following safeguards: (i) A teiling of 5 per cent alcohol in bulk

sumed only at the place of sale and not be allowed to be taken home; (v) The quantity of toddy that can be served to an individual should be suitably limited and the vendoror barmanshould be under statutory obligation not to violate this condition; (vi)The price of toddy and the tax element, if unavoidableshould be kept as low as possble with a view to dissuade people from drinking the hard product of illicit distillation;(vii) Drinking should be allowed only within regulatedhours; (viii) The production and sale of toddy within a radius of five to ten miles of palm gur centres should be stopped; and (ix) There should be an age limit of 21 years below which no consumer may be served the drink. Illicit Arrack Drugs, 'Matka, 'Single Number' Etc Banning of arrack does not automatically guaranweethat poor people would switch their expenditure towards other domestic items like food, clothing, children's education, sanitation, etc, that would improve the standard of living of the entire household. Several studies have revealedthat a mere ban on arrack would not bring about the desired results if it is not accompanied by a gimilar ban and strict enforcement of laws relating to illicit liquor, matka, single number game, drugs, etc, towards which the poorer households are highly vulnerable. The second phase should be one of continued campaign with all the sources of mass medik against the adverse effects of not only alcohol but all kinds of drugs and narcotics.This phase should be based on the experience gained during the first phase, with adequate flexibility towards eliminatipnof the possible distortions and deviations. Strengthening of education, public opinion and grassrootsinstitutions against consumption of liquor should play a major role. It is essential to keep adequate room for debate and constant review. The room for discussion, critical and continuous evaluation and modification. Only thus the country can gear up to face much graverproblem that is looming large at the horizon, viz, the 'drugs' of Organisatiozi [We to Progressive aregrateful Committee Women (POW),theCo-ordination for the Women'sStruggleAgainst Arrack, R Radhakrishna, R S Rao, M S S Pandian, G Haragopal, Vimalaand K llaiah for their or comments.] help, encouragement

References
Planning Commission (1955): Prohibition Enquiry Committee 1954-Report(Shriman NarayanCommittee), Manage- of Publications, DelhL -- (1964): Report of the Study Team rrn Piohitition, Vols I and U1,(Tek Charid) DOhW. Government of India, (1956): Report of the Taxation Enquiry Commission, 1955-56, Vol Ill, Delhi. May 22, 1993

should be fixed;(ii) The production and

the sale of toddy should be under government control; (iii) Wherver possible, bot-

cularly at thevillage levelwithat leasthalf the representatives fromamongwomen, in the enforcement of the ban. The en1066

stadard, and refrigeratlingto guarantee alcoholicstrength should tion to stabilise (iv) The drinkmay be conbe provided;

Economic and Political Weekly

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