Tobatsu Bishamon: Three Japanese Statues in the United States and an Outline of the Rise of This Cult in East

Asia Author(s): Phyllis Granoff Reviewed work(s): Source: East and West, Vol. 20, No. 1/2 (March-June 1970), pp. 144-168 Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29755507 . Accessed: 29/01/2012 04:58
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Tobatsu

Bishamon:

Three

in the United States and an Outline of the Rise of This Cult in East Asia

Japanese

Statues

The

Tobatsu

Bishamon-ten(a) From

is a distinctive

form of Vaisravana, the Kamakura earliest

the Guardian

of the

North in Buddhist cosmology. The worship of thisdeitywas introduced into Japan in the
Early Heian were made period. the 9th cent. A.D. throughout Asian through The in abundance the country. armour, and his period images of them were distinguished the goddess

more usual representations of the King of the North by their extremely rigid and from
frontal pose,
earth.

elaborate

Central

standing

on Prthivi,

of the

or any other only in Japanese sources, not in Chinese a name a is ob? whose It is foreign precise meaning transcription of language. phonetic scure. on this problem can be found as early as the Kamakura icono period Speculation texts generally agree that the word treatises. These refers either to a specific graphical The name country or to a type of armour tion along R. A. these two lines. Stein has presented the most plausible explanation of ? Tobatsu ? as a geogra? (*). Modern scholars have sought to interpret the appella?

? Tobatsu

? appears

phical referent. According to him, the term is equivalent to theTurkish ? Tubbat ? which As we shall see designatedTurkestan and more specificallythe kingdom of Khotan
later, this theory is particularly at Khotan Bishamon-ten itself. Japanese They base bukkaku-sho^ are scholars, and on attractive in the light of have seen the importance of the Tobatsu

the other upon

hand,

in ? Tobatsu

? a reference

to Tibet.

their suppositions

an alternate where had

the Sanmond?sha-ki{d)

with the more usual ? Tobatsu ? (3). The main difficulties with this ex? given together
planation that 1) the Japanese already a commonly accepted way to write the ? Tu

reading of the name given in the Ky?in ? Tu-han ?, the is Japanese term for Tibet,

(*)' I should like to acknowledge my apprecia? tion of the kind assistance of Professors J. Rosen field,M. Nagatomi and J. High-tower of Harvard
University. (1) K.

ten Ch?z?-Tobatsu

Ikawa,

? Chiten

ni Sasaerareta

Bishamon

Bishamon

kansatsu?, BK, 229, July earliest written evidence for Japan is in theBessonzakki, a graphical studies made by

ni tsuite no Ichi 1963, p. 13. The the name Tobatsu in compilation of icono the Shingon monk

Shinkaku (b> (1117-1180 A.D.). (2) R. A. Stein, Recherches sur Vepopee et le Bard au Tibet, Paris, 1959, p. 283. <3) Ikawa, op. cit., p. 13. The Sanmond?sha ki can be found in the Gunsh?rui-j?, vol. 15 and is of unknown date and authorship. The Ky?in bukkaku-sh? belongs to the close of the 14th cent. A.D. and is included in the Gunsh?rui-j?, vol. 16. Both are said to have been based upon temple
records of the 9th cent. A.D.

144

han ? of Tibet which is differentfrom the charactershere employed, and 2) as we shall see
below, the deity has no connection with that country. Stein as alternate reading indicative of a general confusion between that Tobatsu the has better understood this Central the correct Tubbat?

Asia or Khotan and the designation forTibet in thePang

Following Bunzabur? the second hypothesis, has maintained is designated that it denotes long-skirted

dynasty (4).
of a garment, Matsumoto the god often wears. He coat

is the name

has derived his theoryfrom a Ch'ing dynasty travel diary inwhich the long overcoat of the
in different characters. by a word of the same pronunciation written He has traced the word back to the Han the Shuo Wen, and dynasty text on language, term dug-po it with further connected the Central Tibetan Ma? (coat, garment, dress). ? ? name tsumoto has also attempted to account for the absence of the in Chinese Tobatsu Tibetans

textsby assuming that theword belonged to a dialect thatdid not gain currencyin literati circlesuntil after the texts treatingthis deity had already been completed (5). This theory

is interesting in itself; however, the fact that the Kamakura works cited above considering do seem to favor the first hypothesis, and that the phonetic between dug-po relationship ? ? not at to I is all convincing, Tobatsu tend would (coat) and support Stein's proposal. The exotic Tobatsu or ? Khotanese ? Bishamon-ten the nature Bishamon seems to have been an

object of devotion not only inmedieval Japan but in China and Central Asia as well.
an effort to understand three Heian a more period the origins and statues of Tobatsu of the reasons

important

In

hypothesis that the cult of Tobatsu Bishamon can be

phases: 1) a Central Asian phase in which the god

general

discussion

of his worship, this paper will introduce now in the United to States and proceed It will propose for his widespread the popularity.

roughly divided into two major

to have been associated with

seems

cult of deified kings, and 2) a Chinese and Japanese phase inwhich he seems to have been worshipped along with native folk spirits for protection and prosperity. Finally, it will
suggest that a prototype of can be found for the Tobatsu deity, Pharo-P?ncika-Kuver Bishamon-ten a-Vaisravana. in Kushan period rep? resentations the composite

I. Three

Japanese

Statues

of Tobatsu

Bishamon

The Tobatsu in the Seattle Museum

w^ood which of T'ang shows traces of gesso deities, dynasty guardian

(fig. 1) is 47 Vi inches in height and ismade of

and polychromy. The figure wears armour in the style seems to and rests on the hands of a small female who

emerge from the earth. He holds a st?pa in his left hand and probably originally held a lance in his right. His four-sidedcrown is decorated with a heraldic bird on its central

panel.

(4) Stein, op. cit., p. 283 and note 124, p. 313. ? Tobatsu Bishamonk? ?, (5) B. Matsumoto,

Bukky?-shi Zakk?, Osaka,

1944, pp. 306 ff.

145

This have come

piece

is similar

to a number and Tottori

of statues

of Tobatsu in Central

Bishamon

which

are

said

to

dated to the 10th or 11th cent.A.D.; for example, figs. 2 and 3 from Tasshin-ji in Hy?go (6). All of these images should be seen in relation to the oldest Japanese represen?
tations of Tobatsu Bishamon which seem to have been based upon the celebrated statue at

from Hy?go

prefectures

Japan, and which

can be roughly

T?ji (fig.4), indisputablya work of Chinese origin of the late 9th or early 10th cent. A.D. (7). A brief examinationof theT?ji Tobatsu and the closely related pieces at Seiry?ji
a neat illustration of the strik? (fig. 6) provides us, moreover, with a softer, more a ing artistic transformation of this deity from forbiding exotic figure into surface less complicated Japanese by elaborate image, less rigidly frontal in stance and (fig. 5) and Kuramadera detail.

The T?ji Tobatsu is 70 Vz inches high and ismade of Chinese cherry wood.
ing to native A.D.) tradition, which conflicts with the now certain foreign origin of

Accord?
statue,

the

itwas made at the time of theEmperor Sujaku in the second year of the era Tengy? (938

clans. and Minamoto The rebellion, an insurrection of the Taira during the Tengy? statue was placed upon the Rash?mon, the ninth day of On the south gate of the capital.

the seventh month of the firstyear of theEmperor Eny? when the gate was destroyed in a typhoon,itwas moved to the Jikid? at T?ji. During the reign of the Emperor Nink?
(1817-1846) the statue was again moved seems to the Bishamon-d? (8). of the waist

The T?ji Tobatsu is characterizedby its marked frontality,slender torso and a dis?
tinct tribhanga disproportionate on the sleeves, metric shapes. posture which to emphasize the narrowness and almost length of the limbs. The scaled armour, with is depicted with utmost detail, producing a complex The and chest ornaments, to the breast the body possibly of and representations the Persian of its characteristic visual sun the ring pattern bear

interplay of geo? and moon,

some resemblances silver vessels;

pendants

monarchs

this image to the figures appearing in the 6th and 7th cent. A.D. paintings in the Central Asian oases of Qumtur? and Qyzyl (9). Prthivi, in T'ang dynasty dress, is flankedby two
yaksas who statue are identified according several to the texts as Niranba and Biranba(f) (10).

proportions

style of dress with

on Sasanian depicted their linear emphasis relate

The Seiry?ji Tobatsu is slightlylater in date and though an obvious copy of the T?ji
significant changes in the treatment of the body and the armour. The the elaborate sculptor has eliminated rendering of the scales on the skirt and breast, leav? ornaments the The torso seems chest and chains, and the lion mask at the waist. ing only exhibits

(6) Ikawa, op. cit., p. 22. This article provides a compact summary of the major examples of Tobatsu Bishamon in Japan. Figs. 2, 3, 7, are
reproduced p. 23. (8) N. from this source.

(7) Asahi

Shimbun, ed., T?ji,

Tokyo,

1958,
Kyoto,

1916, p. 87. The account of theT?ji statue on the Rash?mon is first given, not without doubt, by

Yamamoto,

Toji-enryaku-shi,

the priestG?h? (1306-1362 A.D.) in theT?b?ki <e>. (9) R. Ghirshman, Persian Art, New York, 1962, pis. 245, 246, 249, 250; A. Gr?nwedel, Bilderatlas zur Kunst und Kulturgeschichte Mittel Asiens, Berlin, 1925, figs. 86, 102. (10) According to the Vajrabodhi (Kong?chi) translation of the Humu-kadaya-giki (g), Taish? 21, (hereafter abbreviated Taish?), Daiz?ky?
p. 235a.

146

fuller,a feeling conveyed perhaps by the reductionof the triplebreak of the body, and by
the new ted waist smooth surface of the armour which seems to ease the transition from the inden? to the hips by allowing the eye to pass uninterruptedly the viewer from one area to the next. to grasp at once the essen?

Prthivi and the two yaksas have been simplified by the reduction of the decorative mass
of vegetation tial elements The minimizing demands. in front of the goddess, of the sculpture. Tobatsu shows the foreign appearance The again permitting even

Kuramadera

further reduction

of extraneous

and a decorative chains connecting runs armour. torso is shorter floral pattern and squatter in The along the borders of the comparison to the above statues, and much of the austere majesty of the god seems to have been lost by this alteration in body proportions. The facial features show more exaggerated contrasts to convey the forbidding aspects of and less reliance on sharp diagonal modelling

of the deity, who now conforms more the breast plates have been eliminated,

detail, thereby to native aesthetic

thedeity. The figure of Prthivi, too, has lost itsexotic flavour and ismore in keepingwith
court. this Although no statue, specific it might particular be

mentioned in closing that the temple inwhich it is found has a long history of connection
with

the ideal of feminine beauty of the aristocratic Fujiwara on the circumstances is available mation surrounding the worship of Vaisravana. Kuramadera,

infor?

north of the capital,was supposedly established in 797 A.D. in compliancewith thewishes of Fujiwara Isebito(h), a court noble who was then associated with the building of T?ji.
According Vaisravana, to legend, who Isebito had prayed to Avalokitesvara he later ordered in a dream Kuramadera and had seen instead led him to the site where to be built C1).

a mountain-top

monastery

a few miles

due

to the Seattle piece, it is apparent Asian that the strange Central looking Returning more statues Tobatsu of the Early Heian completely Japa? period have has been turned into nese figures by the very process outlined above. The slender waist and elongated torso have been

curves of thebody are skillfully echoed in the long sleeves which gradually lead the eye
around the form. In this way character. the appearance on convex of a native has Shinto goddess, abandoning the last are reduced both the abruptness which of the extensions the earlier works of the arms and the triangularity has assumed of the costume-features had given much

entirely

forgotten,

and

angular

rigidity

is exchanged

for circular contours. The

smooth

of their formidable Prthivi

traceof her foreignorigin by discarding the T'ang high coiffure.The modelling of her face,
in its fullness of the previous representations shrine in Kyoto and emphasis surfaces, toned down the sharper and at concavities of works. of native and She bears goddesses, the characteristically seen, soft ambiguity in the statues blandness the Matsu-no-o (r2)

the Kumano-hayatama

for example, shrine inWakayama

prefecture

? Tohan Kaisetsu ?, Bukky? i11) A. Yutaka, Bijutsu, 15, 1930, p. 63. ?Mikky? (12) For illustrations see B. Kurata,

Jiin to J?gan Ch?koku?, Genshoku Nihon no Bijutsu, 5, Tokyo, 1967, pp. 202-203, figs. 138, 140, 142.

147

The rough carving of the Seattle piece betrays its provincial origin and relates it to works like the two Tobatsu from Hy?go prefecture pictured in figs. 2 and 3. It too is
probably a product of the late 10th cent. A.D. and the central region of Japan.

The Tobatsu in the collection of Howard Hollis (fig.7) similarly belongs to the group of Tobatsu fromCentral Japan (13). It is 49 Vk inches in height and is constructed of a The lefthand and right singlepiece of wood which retains traces of gesso and polychromy.
arm are said to be later additions

Seattle Tobatsu, although its body proportions are slightlydifferent. The Hollis statue is slender and seems less fixed and rigid. This impression is to be attributedperhaps to the
marked Seattle more slant of piece served the head, the tall crown, and the absence of the long sleeves, which to carry the eye downward to the base of the statue, confining The crown bears five Buddha to the Humu-kadaya-giki figures C5). on the front panel, statue and in the it to a a small

(14). The

figure wears

armour

similar

to

that

of

the

limited space.

boy holding a censer on the left. Ikawa has suggestedthat the childmay be Zennishi(l), the
son of Bishamon the mid according 11th cent. A.D. The probably dates from

The statue of Tobatsu (h. 34 Vi inches) fromthe collectionof ChristianHumann now in theDenver Museum (fig.8) is similar to both the above in its simplification of much of
execution. and mote The curves of the body by are only barely relief. articulated The from the stump of wood,

thedetail of the earlier Heian works. The short squat figure is, however, still cruder in
the costume is indicated naive modelling is re? technique seen in the more attention to detail sophisticated T?ji, Seiry?ji, and brings this work close indeed to the numerous anonymous flat surface found all over Japan. Bishamon all belong to the late They 10th or

from the masterful

and Kuramadera representations 11th cent. A.D., a reinterpretation the same crude but also Shinto

Tobatsu, of folk deities these and

In summary,

three statues of Tobatsu

likely provincial works from Central Japan. of the exotic Tobatsu in conformity with native Japanese seen not only of Prthivl

are most

represent

folk elements

in the transformation

tastes, and share in the simplified execution of the main figure, from an elegant T'ang a into modest princess

goddess.

2. The Worship of Tobatsu Bishamon in japan The earliest image of Tobatsu Bishamon inJapan is said to be a drawing in the icono graphical text known as theDaigoji-zuz5sh?(i) (fig.9). It bears a date of K?nin twelfth year (821 A.D.) and the name of K?kai's disciple Chisen. The sketch is probably a Kamakura
(13) Ikawa, op. cit., p. 23. The piece is also discussed by J. Rosenfield, Japanese Arts of the Heian Period, New York, 1967, pp. 107-108.
<14) Ikawa, op. cit., p. 20.

(15) Ibid., p. 19. The text is thought to be a Kamakura -period fabrication. Of all the s?tras centring around Tobatsu Bishamon, this is the only one thatmentions him by name (Taisb?, 21, pp. 235a, 236a, 245b).

148

na by K?kai and his immediate followers (16). Like the T?ji Tobatsu, this figure is clad in
the long-skirted Central skirt and breast waist wings are and Asian armour. as The Care of has been lavished The upon depicting the scaled at the the circular patterns flame-like the sleeves. two crossed swords

period

copy of a 9th cent, original, which

had

perhaps

been

transmitted

to Japan

from Chi?

skillfully decorated, outstretched above it.

is the crown which

nimbus encirclingthe head. Without going into furtherdetail, it might be of interest to mention that parallels to this type of armour can be found atQyzyl andQumtur?; parallels
to the crossed swords occur at the same sites, other images of Tobatsu have in Sassanian Iran, and in Gandh?ran art in a

shows a bird on the central panel and arcs coming from the shoulders form a broken

Museum (fig. 10) (17). K?fir Kot, now in theBritish Skanda from figure probably representing
Unfortunately, early Heian period Bishamon associated with Saich? and K?kai in the all disappeared. contains a drawing The Bessonzakki at Hiei-zan which bears an inscription stating that a similar in the Monju-d? to the Sanmond?sha-ki found at the Zent?-in of the same temple (18). According There are two statues of Tobatsu Bishamon years in the Ry?k?-in later than K?kai and and of the Tobatsu statue could be and the Ky?in at K?ya that the

was made by Saich? himself (19). bukkaku-sh?,the Monju-d? image

san (20); however, they are several hundred in our discussion at T?ji,

the Shinno-in indicate between only

worship of thisdeity enjoyed some popularity at thatcentreof esotericBuddhism. Itmight be

of interest to pause Bishamon-ten Chinese China and esoteric Buddhist and briefly consider have practices. We one of the most of the the relationship already noted centres the Tobatsu of the esoteric the presence of Japanese Bishamon,

statue of Tobatsu is said to have

Buddhism. We

shall later point out thatAmoghavajra, one of the founders ofMikky? in

translated most texts treating of Tobatsu to have and that

important

he also plays a major role in theAn-hsi legend of the god. Despite all of this, it is sur?
prising

Japan and not as a part of the highMikky? ritual. The god does not appear in any of the
of either illustrate two images the Shingon or Tendai of Tobatsu from a minor and the H?b?dai-in sects. However, mandala, (21). The Hor?kaku Mat sumo to Eiichi Mandara^, is based does now upon the Hor?kaku

to find that the worship

of Tobatsu

seems

flourished more

as a folk cult in

main mandalas

preserved

in the Kanchi-in

Mandara

theBuddhist s?tra entitledDai-h?-k?haku-r?kaku-ky?^ (Taish? 1005), which was first tran? slated by Amoghavajra and brought to Japan by K?kai and his followers. The text seems to have been most popular in themiddle of the 11th cent.A.D. The ritesof the Hor?kaku
described to procure therein centre around the figure of the historical release Buddha for his and are de? de for the worshipper absolution from sin and already

Mandara signed

Kigen ?, Bukky? Bijutsu, 15, 1930, p. 46. (17)Gr?nwedel, op. cit., fig. 102; Ghirshman, op. cit. pis. 245, 246, 249, 250. The representation of Skanda is discussed by A. Foucher, Vart greco-bouddhique du Gandh?ra, II, Paris, 1918, p. 123. The photograph is reproduced from his fig. 373, where the god is incorrectly identified

(16)

T.

Minamoto,

? Tobatsu

Bishamon

no

as P?ncika.

(1S) Bessonzakki, 54, no. 287; Taish? Zuz?,

<19) (20) Ikawa, op. cit., T. Matsushita, p. 12. K?yasan no Bunkazai,

3.

K?yasan, 1964, pis. 70, 71, text pp. 13 f. (21) E. Matsumoto, Tonk?ga no Kenky?> T?ky?, 1937, pp. 439 ?.

149

ceased batsu

loved

ones

(22).

is distinguished

the two examples of this mandala from the more usual form of Vaisravana In and polygonal with crown. The

armour,

by a flat geometricplatform. It is possible that further research into theMikky?

particularly crete evidence Buddhism. those associated the name of Amoghavajra, Bishamon for the participation of Tobatsu

rigid frontal pose

To? by Matsumoto, only by his Central Asian figure of Prthivi has been replaced given

texts,

might bring to light other con? in the ceremonies of esoteric

Mandat a seems to have enjoyed the very same years as the H?r?kaku great During Most of Bishamon also appears to have reached its peak. of Tobatsu favor, the worship cent. A.D. Written records of the same dates in the Tobatsu provides and of the following information centuries likewise indicate

the sixtyor more statues of this god now known in Japan belong to the 10th or the 11th
interest Bishamon-ten. important as to the purposes in imitation and nature

a continuing The it relates

14th cent. T?b?-ki

of the cult of thisdeity in Japan.Quoting fromthe recordsof theBuddhistmasterKakuin(m),

that an image of Tobatsu was placed on the Rashdmon a barbarian Emperor Hs?an-tsung. begun by the Pang During nese protectorate in Ch'ang-an the Emperor had enlisted the aid of centring around Kuca, to the famed teacher of esoteric Buddhism, Amoghavajra. When Amoghavajra prayed a divine army in far-off An-hsi, routing the enemy. Bishamon himself Bishamon, appeared stood resplendent upon the gates of the city (23). which was trans? of a practice invasion of An-hsi(n), the Chi?

This legendwas transmittedto Japan in the form of a Buddhist s?tra entitled the
Hopp?-bishamon-tenn?-zui-gunpo-h?-shingon^ barbarians attacked {Taish? 1248)

lated from the Sanskrit by Amoghavajra. The text states that in 742 A.D. five hordes of

supposedly

and Amoghavajra An-hsi, I-hsing Ch'an sought the aid of the monk an shih(p). I-hsing recited a dh?rarii to Bishamon; the twenty-seventh recitation, during an armed figure, Tu Chien(q), one of the sons of Bishamon, to the monks with appeared soldiers. A report followed from An-hsi stating that on the very army of several hundred outpost. A pack of rats had devoured

the arms of the enemy; the earth had trem? bled violently, and the blazing form of Vaisravana In com? had appeared on the city gates. memoration of this event, the emperor ordered statues of this god to be erected on all town Asian walls (24). The s?tra one's concludes enemies. with The effective against the ceremonies There a variety of mudr? and dh?rani to be used in prayers same account of this An-hsi attack can also be found

same day thatTu Chien had appeared in the capital, a miracle had transpiredat theCentral

in the biography of Amoghavajra in the Sung Kao seng chuan, where he alone performs
to Bishamon-ten (25). in the different versions Bunzabur? has the basis of this legend. On that the Hopp?-bisha concluded are many inconsistencies

of the following

observations,

Matsumoto

(22)

S.

Kokka, 300, 1890, .p. 311. H?r?kakumandara?, (23) T?b?ki, Zokuzoku Gunsh?rui-j?, 12, Sh?

Masumura,

?H?b?dai-in

ni

z?-suru

ky?bu, p. 21. (24) Taish?, 21, p. 228b. (25) Taish?, 30, p. 714.

150

mon-tenn?-zui-gunpo-h?-shingon, in 800 A.D.,

which was Sung fabrication (26): 1) the text is not included in theChen y?an-shihchiao lu(r)
completed

its major

source, must

be

late T'ang

or

early Northern

was death; 2) Amoghavajra twenty-six years after Amoghavajra's to have been rescuing An-hsi; absent from the capital just when he was 3) I-hsing supposed died fifteen years before the invasion is said to have taken place; 4) the authoritative bio?

mention of this incident; 5) the legend is an obvious synthesis of other tales currentinCen?
tral Asia and China. answered For

graphy of Amoghavajra,

the Pu-K} ung-san-tsang

Hsing-chuang

of Chao

Ch'ien(s) arms

makes

no

belongs to the tale of Khotan related by Hsiian-tsang. The pilgrimheard that once the rat
king had up the Khotanese ruler's plea (27). by sending such a troup of rodents to chew the weapons of the attackers

example,

the story of rats

devouring

the

of

the

enemy

for us as it clearly in? Despite its lack of historicity,thisAn-hsi legend is significant dicates the source for the stationingof theT?ji Tobatsu on the Rash?mon in theHeian
capital and the importance of this god as a protector against to stop a moment It is worthwhile and explore the political We have seen that the T?ji Tobatsu first appears the threat of military violence. and religious conditions which records in connection

might have furtheredthe popularity of such a guardian figure in 10th and 11th cent. Japan.
in historical

with the Tengy? rebellion. The years immediatelyfollowing this date, if one may judge
ftom the number of his popularity. the measures of extant These were statues of Tobatsu to this period, marked the height belonging also years of constant unrest and insecurity; the Honch?-seiki^ the people and from them (28). in a It might be of interest to note of massive be clans destruc recited in the

which deals with this period provides copious referencesto the difficulties of the times and here a few of the points raised by this record. In the first year of Tengy? an earthquake
occurred which tiveness. all temples. years and was earthquakes These known heretofore In lasted four months culminated tidal wave and Minamoto In order to save the country, the court ordered the Taira that the Ninn?-ky? adopted to protect

the third year of this era, when followed famine

rose up,

aid of the Shinto deityHachiman was sought by the court.The rebellion continued several
by widespread seem not protective of salvation. in the provinces, to have but rampant thievery, and more (29). unfailing and hardships Shinto avenues only deities, The encouraged also to have the worship of the well led to a new interest in mentions that in the first

Buddhist

unsought

same Honch?-seiki

or gods of Kamfn\ images of male and female deities, known as Funado-no the crossroads, were placed on all intersecting paths in the capital in order to protect the a no Michizane, In the fifth year of this era, the spirit of Sugawara people from invasion. historical figure later canonized as a deity of letters, is said to have revealed its divine

year of Tengy?

(26) Matsumoto, op. cit., pp. 283, 288 f. (27) Ta-T'ang Hsi-yu-chi, Kyoto Teikoku Daigaku, Bunkadaigaku S?sho, 12, pp. 2 f.

(28) M. Shibata, Ch?sei Shomin Shinko no Kenky?, Tokyo, 1966, pp. 105-109. Ibid., pp. 105-106. P)

151

intentions

(30). At

the same

time, the new

Shinto

tion from the adherents to his cult, and theworshippers of Daikoku-ten and Ebisu rapidly
grew in number The religious (31). especially in remote parts of Japan, amply documents the the numerous or Shinto-Bud? history of sculpture, climate

deity Shidara(v)

demanded

frenzied devo?

of these centuries.

dhist deities which belong to this period might be mentioned the 11th cent, statue of Za?
gongen(w), a Shinto manifestation the crude prefecture, a religious ten, whose
tories.

Among

images of Shinto

of S?kyamuni,

from the Sanbutsu-ji god from

in Tottori the Kannon-ji

anonymous

wood

representation

of a Shinto

prefecture, in Aichi

and the image of Nij?(x)

also gave atmosphere merits were further sanctified by of the worship

from Fukuyama (32). It might be surmised that just such to cult of the curious Tobatsu the Bishamon great impetus the texts relating his glorious military vic?

For

further aspects

discussion of some of the other Buddhist s?traswhich offerdetailed accounts of the efficacy
of devotion to this special form of Vaisravana on Prthivi. The Bussetsu-bishamon-tenn?

of this deity,

it is necessary

to turn briefly

to a

with the ky? (Taish? 1245), translatedby Fa-t'ien in the Sung dynasty, ismainly concerned warlike attributesof the god. It speaks at length of the value of the special dh?ranis in
such endeavours as splitting the heads of one's enemies (33). The Maka-vaishuramanaya will 1246) (Taish? daiba-shuresha-darani-giki{y) be able to thereby procure all means of wealth and achieve fulfillment of any desire. Mantras ? are given for every conceivable from gaining the respect of one's purpose superiors, to obtaining rain, summoning and banishing evil spirits, and repairing marital difficulties (34). The Hopp?-bishamon-tamon-h?z?-tenn?-shimmy?-daram-betsu-g 1250), (Taish? which purports to be a translation from the Sanskrit by Amoghavajra, protection promises for both clerical and lay devotees, and destruction of all enemies of the Law (35). The name of the text makes a deity of wealth. The a to is shortened attributed 1244), (Taish? simply Bishamon-ten-gyd again Amoghavajra, to turn. now redaction of the Konk?my?-ky?, we shall which Shitenn?-bon{?\ clear that Bishamon is here also regarded as maintains that he who calls upon Vaisravana

The Konk?my?-ky? or Suvarnaprabh?sa S?tra was probably composed during the early
years of the Gupta third translation

Liang Dynasty (412-421 A.D.) by Dharmaraksa and again in 552 A.D. by Param?rtha. A
by Yasogupta appeared some ten years later, and in 597 A.D. a group of

dynasty

in India.

It was

first translated

into Chinese

in the Northern

(30) Ibid., p. 106. (31) Ibid., pp. 84-111; S. Ienaga, T. Akamatsu, T. Omuro, Nihon Bukky?-shi, Kyoto, n.d., 2,
p. 372.

(32) Sekai Bijutsu Zensh?, 5, T?ky?, 1962, fig. 69; T. Kuno, Nippon no Ch?koku, 3, T?ky?, 1964, figs. 14, 15, 31. It might be best to (33) Taish?, 21, p. 218.

note here that although none of the texts in this discussion mentions Tobatsu by name, that they are nonetheless devoted to this deity can be seen from their descriptions of the god as resting on
Prthivi.

(34) Taish?, 21, pp. 220a, 234a. (35) Taish?, 21, pp. 230a, 232c.

152

monks made tha.

a new

In 703 A.D. The

text by supplementing Dharmaraksa's translation with that of Param?r I-ching retranslated the text from the original Sanskrit (36). evidence for the Suvarnaprabh?sa this time onward chronicles (37). on the nature At of the ultimate reality S?tra in Japan is an entry in the the country 676 A.D. From its circulation

first written dated noted

Nihon-sh?ki is repeatedly The

throughout

in the historical with

text opens

a philosophical

discussion

and an exposition the emphasis

of the fundamental

truths of Buddhism. questions to more

the end of this dissertation, concerns, an enumera?

? tionof themerits of reciting this s?tra firstly,the armies of the king who adheres to this textwill be strong,and the ruler himself will be freefromenemies; his country will be
exempt princesses from epidemics, and imperial and his concubines life will will long and prosperous; secondly, in be and without live together harmony be the princes, and slander

shifts from metaphysical

mundane

quarrels; thirdly,the priests and the common people alike will uphold the Buddhist Law and sow theirfields of merit; lastly, all will be protected by the four Lokap?las led by
and all will strive thus unhindered towards enlightenment (38). Similar state? appear in later chapters, the Muken-kondo-zange-bon, is the main threaten Shitenn?-kansatsu-ninden-bon, spokesman in all of these chapters, to king, and conversely here include (40). that his chiefly with the finding

Vaisravana, ments

and the Shitennd-gokoku-bonS^. Vaisravana where he vows to defeat all armies which calamities buried It worship

forsake the neglectfulmonarch and thus bring upon him and his subjects all manner of
(39). The results of reciting the dh?rant the speech from this review upon procuring to Vaisravana and gaining given treasure, understanding is obvious was focused of animals, one's wishes

the worshipful

of selected

texts related purely

to Tobatsu mundane S?tra

for the devotee

Bishamon benefits ?

The security from enemy attacks and wealth. new and important dimension to his cult ? king. written records

Suvarnaprabh?sa the close

has added of Vaisravana

still another

association

by the Japanese imperial court and military clans, although the chronicles are full of refer?
ences to ceremonies

Unfortunately,

tell us next

to nothing of devotion S?tra and to

to Tobatsu

Bishamon

Lokap?las. Outside of the T?ji, Seiry?ji and Kuramadera

connection to the official circles, there is no other positive

involving

the Suvarnaprabh?sa

reverence

statues with
evidence

paid

the four

their traditional
form

that this exotic

of theGuardian of theNorth was given special considerationby the imperial group. Another important side of theworship ofTobatsu in Japanwhich this text illuminates is the connectionof this deitywith Sri (Kichijo-ten) and Sarasvati (Benzai-ten). In the

(36) Introduction to the Konk?my?-ky? in the Kakuyaku Daiz?ky?, 13, pp. 5 ff. The text has been translated into German by J. Nobel, Suvar? naprabh?sa S?tra (Das Goldglanz Sutra), 2 vols., Leiden, 1958. (37) J. Imashiro, ? Nihon ni okeru Shitenn?

zo no Eigen ?, Bukkyo Geijutsu,

p. 65.

59, Dec.

1965,

(38) Konk?my?-ky?, pp. 34 ff. (39> Ibid., p. 113. (40) Ibid., p. 122.

Bunbetsu

Sanshin-bon,

153

Shitenn?-gokoku-bon

the devotee

desirous

with Sri at his leftand Vaisravana at his right (41). The iconographical image of S?kyamuni
studies of the Kamakura the Bishamon-giki period indicate that Sri was regarded as the wife of Bishamon-ten; in these works of Amoghavajra often named represents her as his main It is necessary to note that the chapter in the Suvarnaprabh?sa S?tra under only of Vaisravana association Bishamon-ten, here. and not of his special form as Tobatsu Bishamon; of of Vaisravana and both with Prthivi which the Khotanese emphasis is found upon in this text sug?

of seeing Vaisravana

is instructed

to paint first an

follower discussion however, gests

(42).

speaks the close

the Tobatsu

Sri as the wife

our the god and the Central Asian paintingswhich picture Tobatsu with the goddess justify
mention of Vaisravana The presently known and Sri from examples to more two are also form the The usual the of seem, nonetheless, Japan prefer god. sometimes figured with Zennishi, who seems to have been regarded as their child. One of the most famous representations of this divine family is that on the Kuramadera shrine, the do of the couple

Sri of which bears a date of 1127 A.D. (43).A second depiction of the group is to be found at Shirasaka in Rikuzen (the modern Miyagi prefecture),and has been attributed to Sai ch? (44). The devotion to this ensemble of parents and child seems to be of a different
character than the worship of the fearsome Tobatsu as a guardian of the state, and probably

with elementsof folk beliefs. This belongs to a more popular conception of religion tinged us to one most of the featuresof theworship of this strange deity in brings significant
medieval Japan. noted earlier that a marked transformation occurred between the first represen? It was

has gone so far as to identifythe femalefigure on the Seattle Tobatsu (fig. 1) as Jing?
K?g?(ac), definite the consort of the Emperor Ch?ai evidence that attempts were made text reveals Shinto to have gods been that Tobatsu so common and seems (traditional Bishamon from the dates 192-200 A.D.) (45). There is to assimilate Bishamon was cent, into the native pantheon, onwards. from the amalgamation In some areas

of the god which tended to minimize his exotic aspects and to a rapprochement with images of native folk deities. so striking in the case of Prthivi, that one writer This process was

tations of Tobatsu Bishamon in the Early Heian period and the Fujiwara period depictions

and at least one of Buddhist Vaisravana

not exempt

12th

of (46). The Shint?-sh? regarded as a form of Hachiman notes that he was also considered as the original form of Chi Seikaku(ad) (1167-1235 A.D.) chibu-daibosatsu the local deity of Musashi (47). This last fact (Chichibu-hiko-no-mikoto)(ae), is particularly relevant to our study as the Shint?-sh? quotes was mainly also from the texts specifi? in the Shichi-fuku (48). included

to Tobatsu Bishamon. cally devoted Lastly, Vaisravana jin, the seven gods of prosperity, whose worship was

spread

all over Japan

(41) Ibid., p. 122. (42) Taish?, 21, p. 228c. (44) T. Yamada, ?Rikuzen Shirasaka no Bi? shamon-ten ?, Ky?do Kenky?, 3, no. 3, p. 160. (45) R.E. Fuller, Japanese Art in the Seattle
(43) Yutaka, op. cit., pp. 56-66.

I have not Museum, Seattle, 1960, entry 34. been able to locate the source for this identification. (47)Musashi Rokush? Daimy?jinji (Shint?-sh?, 23), p. 98. (48) Koji-rui-en, Shingi-bu, p. 88.
(46) Yamada, op. cit., p. 161.

154

In

summary,

this account

perityand protection; 2) outside of the fewKy?to statues there is no evidence of official

patronage This of his cult, rather his has led us images tend to resemble those of were the local Shinto observation to suppose that his major devotees probably gods. the common

the following:

1) Tobatsu

of Tobatsu in Japan has revealed of the worship Bishamon Bishamon was worshipped according to the texts as a god of pros?

people, among whom the deity must have lost his exotic flavour as he merged with the
members

was marked by rapid political upheavals and natural disasters, and of Tobatsu flourished
by a feverish security. interest in a wide variety of practices designed to obtain mundane benefits and

of the local pantheon.

3) Lastly,

the socio-religious

atmosphere

in which

the cult

3. Tobatsu Bishamon in China

It is possible A.D. guardian that the earliest representations of Tobatsu in China are the 5th cent. figures at Yiin-kang, Cave 8 (fig. 11). They are two of a set of four such and wear winged in the other are elongated objects which caps. Both hold lances in one hand; These figures seem to stand at a higher might be regarded as vajras or as money purses. level than the other however, woman. the stone Both Soper two. This suggests that perhaps that have, (49). fig. 12, is is too abraded and Omura to conclude Seigai the sculptures there is something under their feet; rest on the bust of a proposed the identification of

nonetheless,

these Yiin-kang statues

figures with Vaisravana

From these ambiguous dvarap?las to the firstpositively identifiable Tobatsu Bishamon

Hsia, Chiung as an is it It is but (50). early T'ang work, possibly even Lung-hsing-ssu(af) published earlier. The slender form, triangular contours of the skirt, and the delineation of the cir? cular patterns on the arms and leg gear all clearly relate this figure to the more sophisticated and the relaxed pose are unique. the benevolent facial expression however, T?ji Tobatsu; is a gap of several hundred years. The earliest, from Szechwan,

The treatment of the tiny formof Prthivi between the legs of this statue is similar to the handling of the earth goddess in the Rawak St?pa figure (fig. 13) and the Taxila Visnu (fig. 14) which will be discussed below. Despite the obvious concernof the sculptorof this
piece with crude. The the elaborate large head details seems of ornamentation, to upset the balance the overall of the whole, in Szechwan, execution and remains somewhat the parts of the body refined than the

are not at all organically The Tobatsu

conceived. also is far more

middle or late 9th cent.A.D. previous example and probably dates around the
(49) A. Soper, Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China, Ascona, 1959, p. 234; S. Omura, Shina Bijut sushi, Tokyo, 1915, p. 184. 2, Nov. 1960, p. 58. (51) The statue is introduced in J. Lartigue,
(50) K. Sasaki, tsuite no Ichikansatsu?, ?Tobatsu Bishamon-z? 38, ni Bijutsu-shi, vol. 10,

from the Lung-hung-ssu,

(fig. 15) (51).

? Le Sanctuaire Bouddbique du Long Hong Sseu ? Kia Ting?, RAA, V, 1928, pp. 35-38, where it is incorrectly identified as Avalokitesvara. Unfortunately no further information about this temple could be found. Fig. 15 is taken from this
article.

155

The figure stands on Prthiviwho is flankedby Niranba and Biranba. He wears the long
skirted Central concessions armour which, to the more usual T'ang Asian in its less angular and smoother contours, shows some arcs rise Two dynasty costume of guardian deities. The proportions the

fromeither shoulder and encircle the head in a wide

in the T?ji Tobatsu. four-panelled one encountered and the extreme subtlety of execution all clearly

sweep. The crown is the familiar

of the figure, its dress, superb artistry of the

foreshadow

statues of this god in theKyoto temples.

Another Tobatsu from Szechwan

is pictured in fig. 16 (52). It is found in the Lohan the bird The figure wears t'ung, and probably dates from the 10th or 11th cent. A.D. crown and typical long-skirted armour, and is supported by the goddess of the earth. The torso seems rigid and taut; both arms rest flat against the chest, thereby helping to increase the tension of the form, and contain the vital statue. The diagonals of the skirt, sword and energy within sleeves all the triangular contour of the to the puffed and tend upward

angryface and the expanded chest,bringing to a focal point the violent force embodied within. The attributes the god holds are not entirely clear from the single photograph available. The righthand might be holding a cint?mani,and the lefthand, a gourd. The
figure
character.

is cruder

than the Lung-hung-ssu known

Tobatsu

and

seems

to

be

more

provincial

in

(fig. 17) and is as late as the 13th or 14th cent. A.D. (53). The carving is extremely rough, and the huge torso so and tiny head are ill-conceived. The armour is the long-skirted Central Asian variety seen often before, and the bird-crown and shoulder flames similarly conform to the standard The last Tobatsu from Szechwan is in the Ta-tsu(ag) caves representations The of this deity. known in China comes from the southern province he of Y?nnan. in this only other Tobatsu A.D. (54). by Like

Here Tobatsu is one of the four lokap?las and adorns the base of a st?pa roughly dated
1103-1252 case accompanied The actual all the examples discussed above, the polygonal the two yaksas, and wears rests on Prthivi, bird-crown.

in China is even more ob? of the worship of Tobatsu Bishamon scure than in Japan. is further complicated by the fact that the name ? To? The problem in any Chinese batsu ? has yet to be discovered document; we will try to limit ourselves, character as best is possible, to those texts which for various reasons seem to be devoted to the new form of Vaisravana There T'ang China on Prthivi.

states that the is an entry in the Sung dynasty T}u-hua Chien~wen-chih^h) which to a transmitted from Khotan personage Che Tao-ch'ien(ai) unique form of Vaisravana (55); however, figure would his possible indicate representations was that Tobatsu at Yiin-kang, known much and before certainly this date. the Lung Moreover,

hsing-ssu

(52) Sasaki, op. cit., p. 58; Wen-wu,

p. 19.

1956, 12,

(53) Published in Ikawa, op. cit., and ?Ta tsu shih-ke?, Wen-wu, 1958, 12.

? Le Fan Tseu (54) L. Finot, V. Goloube, T'a de Yunnan ?, BEFEO, XXV, 1925, pp. 435-448.
(55) Matsumoto, op. cit., ip. 450.

156

suggests that this western images in Szechwan at Cheng-tu the wall paintings province may have been a centre of the cult of Tobatsu; are also said to show numerous of Vaisravana (56). representations of the majority of the known

the localization

The An-hsi legend indicates that at least by themiddle of the Tang

dynasty thewor?

and the Japanese sources further ship of Vaisravana standing on city gates was widespread, hint that it was indeed Tobatsu Bishamon who served this function. Omura Seigai has noted rescue of An-hsi, that following the supposed the Emperor ordered that all temples con? struct a separate hall devoted records of the Five Dynasties in the T'u-hua-chi^ t'ian-wang-chi preserved mities (58). were to the worship as well (5T). An of Vaisravana. in This practice appears P'i-sha-men of Bishamon in the Hsing-t'ang-ssu similarly attests to the popularity entry

in theT'ang dynasty and to the belief in his abilities to save his devotees from cala? All of the s?tras discussed in the section on Japan,with the obvious exception of the

Suvarnaprabh?sa

in China taken to closely and may be composed reflect the aspirations of the adherents of the cult of Tobatsu Bishamon. They also indicate to consider the the popular nature of his worship. In this connection, it is worthwhile in China and the local village deities, who were the Tobatsu Bishamon relationship between S?tra, probably from their vantage points on the gates, and to grant

similarly thought to guard villages their devotees wealth and success.

The belief in China in spirits inhabiting thewalls of the city and watching over its
is very ancient. contains a reference to prayers offered to the The Tso Chuan at success to the town walls. Later records frequently attribute astonishing military gods inhabitants their good will popularity, between (59). The T'ang dynasty seems to have and there is at least one written document of the city-wall spirits and been which the period of their greatest hints at an exchange of ideas of the An-hsi Tobatsu

the devotees

Bishamon-ten.In the biography of Chung I(ak) recorded in the Sung-shih is a short tale of
Su Chien(al), a general killed at the battle of I-jou. In order to avenge his own death, Su returns to the battlefield and leading his troops from the north, announces himself to the as Su, the terrified onlookers The people then erect a shrine to deity of the village walls. him, in a final attempt to placate his wrath (60). The description of Su Chien appearing from the north with his entourage is an exact parallel to the story of Tu Chien and his soldiers proceeding of a more from the northern likely, quarter in the An-hsi in Japan legend. of Tobatsu so Bishamon did was part and wealth, in China Tobatsu It seems then, that just as in deities the worship

the worshippers

find kindred spiritswith whom he could be associated and finally amalgamated. The con? tactof theChinese Tobatsu and local divinities of the village gates may have led to the

general

interest

of protection

? Bunkashi yori mitaru Shi (56) T. Nakagawa, Shu ?, Tokyo Teishitsu Hakubutsukan K?en-sh?, 1, 1926, p. 25.
(57) Omura, op. cit., p. 450.

(58) Ibid., p. 475. (59) T. Nab a, ? Shin a ni

Shugo-shin ?, Shina

okeru Toshi
3-4, pp. 69

no
ff.

(*?) IWJ., p. 81.

Gaku,

7,

nos.

157

formulation

of

the An-hsi

well. The similaritiesof their functions might have hastened the fusionof the cults of the
new god and the ancient folk deities; at any rate, such a process exotic deity enduring popularity among the common people. assuredly guaranteed the

legend, which,

we

have

seen, was

much

respected

in Japan

as

4.

Tobatsu

Bishamon

in Central

Asia

The historyof Tobatsu Bishamon inCentral Asia is extremelycomplex. It is perhaps

best to begin with a discussion at Tun-huang and and Wan Fo Hsia, of his representations some his in from then consider the Khotanese cult of Vaisravana differs which respects in China and Japan and yet, seems closer to the original conception of the deity. at Wan Fo Hsia appears in the antechamber on the north wall, painting of Tobatsu of the entrance to the main chapel, and dates from the mid 9th cent. A.D. (fig. but on a prostrate demon flanked by Niranba and Biranba. He holds a st?pa in

worship The west

18) (61). The figure is clad in the longCentral Asian armour and stands apparentlynot on
Prthivi,

his lefthand and a tridentbearing flags in his right. The nimbus is the usual double arc coming from the shoulders. The figure is attended by a small boy who holds a cint?mani
and a mongoose, young attendant the usual has been attribute discussed of Kuvera by Matsumoto in India Eiichi. and Tibet. The significance of the S?tra and Suvarnaprabh?sa The manifesting himself

as a child (62). In the formertext, the child god holds a cint?maniand a sack of gold. The
mongoose, often interpreted is Zennishi, as a the sack, and sibility, that he the child would living purse, could well be considered then be Bishamon himself. Matsumoto The third alternative first proposal as a substitute gives he a second suggests seems for pos? asso?

the Hopp?-bishamon-tenn?-zui-gunpo-h?'shingon

both refer to Bishamon's

ciates the groupwith Khotanese legends of the childless king who was granted offspringin
answer to prayers addressed to Bishamon (see below). The the most

the son of the deity.

likely in the light of another representationof Tobatsu Bishamon and the child fromTun huang which will be treatedbelow. Wan Fo Hsia Tobatsu is a painting of a goddess who Opposite the
The inscription as Sarasvati. Japan, can thus be associated Matsumoto has noted illustration with of Vaisravana and a female partner Bishamon in Central the cult of Tobatsu

is identifiedby
so common Asia and in can

be seen to have had a long historybehind it. The firstof these, fig. 19, is found twice in cave 14 to the left of themain image. Both figures stand on Prthivi,who is enshrouded in leafy vegetation, and hold lances in their hands and st?pas in their left. They have long swords which hang diagonally from right
ten major examples of Tobatsu Bishamon from Tun-huang (63).

Buddhist Wall Paintings, A (61) L. Warner, Study of the Ninth Century Grotto at Wan Fo Hsia, Cambridge, Mass., 1938, pi. XII.

cit. p. 460; Konk?my? (62) Matsumoto, op. ky?, cit., p. 123; Taish?, 21, p. 230a. (63) Matsumoto, op. cit., pp. 412-418.

158

the waist

and

crisscross with

shorter blades

risingfrom the shoulders encircle the head. These figureshave been dated to the period of
the Five Dynasties Fig. 20, (64). on silk now in the British Museum, dated shows a crudely drawn To? a painting

suspended

horizontally

from the belt.

Flames

batsu on Prthivi, with all the attributes repeatedly noted as characteristic of this deity.
Fig. 21, in the same museum, which exists is one of the rare precisely different impressions wood-block in several It is a images of the god. a and bears date of 947 A.D. (65).

The accompanying inscriptiongives the name of thedonor alongwith his officialtitles and tellsus furtherthat the imagewas made in the hope of securing peace and prosperity for
Empire. skirted armour which Kyoto Wan Tobatsu Fo Hsia, the Chinese Tobatsu shows in the centre of the picture. He is dressed in the long as chest ornaments, a feature noted in the the sun and moon stands

in a tiger skin and holding a naked child. Matsumoto has identifiedthis second figure as
Shakuniba(am), who appears in the Bishamon-tenn?-gy? silk painting of Tobatsu, (66). The now female at the left is proba?

at is attended by the same young boy encountered He (figs. 4-6) as well. who here wears an animal pelt, and by another curious demon also dressed

bly Sri. a close parallel to theTobatsu in theDaigoji-zuz?sh? (fig. 9). The drawing is somewhat but the figure is entirelyfaithfulto the iconographic typewhich had obviously immature,
gained currency in the Tun-huang in a private region. collection in Japan, shows a seated Tobatsu costume inside a circle. Fig. 23, now Fig. 22, a Five Dynasties in theMusee Guimet, provides

The flamesat the shoulders have been furthersurroundedby a full halo; and in frontof
the figure, is a table with in worshipful attitudes. In addition offerings. Two devotees in Chinese stand at the sides

bh?sa S?tra. Sri stands to the leftof themain figure. The lower images of Prthivi and the batsu is sufficientto confirm the identification. Fig. 25 is unique in the presence of the small figure of Ganesa
the painting. the Tibetan giki has Lalou has made The a study of the confusion between texts (68). two yaksas have been eliminated, but the presence of the other standard attributes of To?

fromTun-huang which are dealt with in an articlebyMarcelle Lalou (67). Fig. 24 belongs to the group of imagesof the god and child attendant. Here the boy, wearing an animal skin,holds a full sack and a jewel and probably is the child Bishamon of the Suvarnapra?

to these paintings

discussed

by Matsumoto,

there are

several

others

also

at the lower left of

and Ganesa in

Vaisravana

the interesting

text, the Maka-vaishuramanaya-daiba-shuresha-darani Japanese statement that Vaisravana stand either on Prthivi or on Ga may

<64) Ibid., p. 418. <65) Ibid., p. 420. <66) Ibid., p. 420. Indienne et (67) M. Lalou, ?Mythologie Peintures de Haute Asie, I: Le Dieu Bouddhique

de la Fortune?, AAs, IX, 1946, pp. 97-110. (68) Id., ibid., A. Foucher in his Introduction to A. Getty, Ganesa, Oxford, 1930, pp. xxii-xxiii has also noted the close relationship between
Ganesa and Vaisravana.

159

nesa

(69).

It is clear

that Prthivi was

tion of the elephant-headeddeity and this painting add new dimensions to the cult of To?
batsu Bishamon in its esoteric practice. we many cult come have to Khotan, placed which was of a major centre of Bish? the origin the Tobatsu Moving the worship amon-ten. as Tobatsu westward from Tun-huang, and where for his evidence

the original

support

of the god, but

the further men?

of Vaisravana The main

in this oasis

St?pa statue (fig. 13), dating probably from the 3rd or 4th cent.A.D., has been identified
by the armour, This the feet of the god. discovered. The written legends of the founding of Khotan establish at once the intimate connec? the rigid stance, and the presence of the small female figure at is possibly the earliest representation of Tobatsu Bishamon yet

is literary; however,

the Rawak

tionof that statewith the Buddhist Guardian of theNorth. They are preserved inChinese and Tibetan texts, which differslightly. Both agree that the firstking of Khotan was born
in answer to prayers to Vaisravana sometime

he grew up in China, and that he only later journeyed to Khotan and began his rule (70). The detailed account of the firstking given in theTibetan Prophecy of theLi Country,
composed consort sometime to Khotan, before where 10th cent. A.D., begins with a visit of Asoka and his the consort sees Vaisravana and his divine retinue flying through she becomes abandons the child born to her, Asoka pregnant. the throne. A breast at appears last from the earth to nurse the the 9th or

during

the reign of the Emperor

Asoka;

that

who is then transportedto China in answer to the supplications of Ch'in Shih foundling,
Huang-ti. With his wife, Sri, the hero proceeds no mention is made to Khotan, where he becomes

the sky, and miraculously, for fear he may some day usurp

king (71).
In to the Chinese accounts

of the earth is linkedwith another tale of the offspring of the king of Khotan. According
Hs?an-tsang, a child is born from the head

of Sri, and

the appearance

of the breast to the

prayers of the firstKhotanese king and is nursed by a breast of the earth at the feetof the
image (72).

of a statue of Vaisravana,

in answer

The significance of these legends for us lies not in their minor differences but in their
unanimous same deity attribution is also of the line of Khotanese fixed in the Chinese kings to the bounty (73). Vaisravana sources, also he seems to of Vaisravana. accounts The he is said to have and the boundaries of Khotan. In Tibetan

assisted

by Sariputra,

texts he acts alone

In addition have been

to this relationship to the foundling regarded as one of its tutelary divinities.

of Khotan, In

the Tibetan

is joined

(69) Taish?, 21, p. 235. (70) A. Remusat, Histoire de la ville de Khotan tiree des Annales de la Chine et traduite des Chinois, Paris, 1820, p. 38; F. W. Thomas, Tibetan Literary Texts Concerning Chinese

Turkestan, London,
(71) Thomas, (72) Ta-T'ang (73) cit., p. Remusat, 35. op.

1935, p.
cit., p.

17.
99. cit., p. 38; 1, pp. 25-27. op.

Hsi-yu-chi, op. cit.,

Thomas,

160

A. cent. D. (from Ikawa, ? Chiten... ? Fig. Tobatsu Bishamon-ten. 3 From Tasshin-ji, Hy?go 10th-llth prefecture. cit.).

cent. D. A. (from Ikawa, ? Chiten... ?, Tobatsu Fig. 2 Bishamon-ten. From - Tasshin-ji, Hy?go prefecture. lOth-llth cit.).

_^_^JJ^HI

Tobatsu 6 Fig. Bishamon-ten at Kuramadera.

vl 'I JBb&

Fig. 5 Tobatsu Bishamon-ten 10th Seiry?-ji. at A. D. cent.

*' ift

9 Fig. Bishamon-ten Tobatsu Daigoji-zuz?sh? in a (drawing) 9th A. a original. D. cent. Kamakura period manuscript. after copy

Tobatsu Fig. Bishamon-ten. 8Central (from 0-836 Museum, Collec? the Cat. no. Christian of tion Humann). Japan. 11th Art Denver A. D. cent.

Tobatsu Bishamon-ten. Fig. 12 From earlier. Lung-hsing-ssu, Szechwan. Early T'ang or

^l^^^^^^^l iS^^^^^^^^v^^^^^^m v^^^^^^^^^^E. j^r' rfj^CTPW^BB 1 Wl 11 Fig. Guardian figure. Yiin-kang, 5th Cave 8. A. cent. D.

^^^^^^^^^^^^^

Fig.

13

Guardian

figures.

Rawak

St?pa.

r #' * 9 r )

^^^^^

Fig.

14 - Visnu.

From Taxila.

15 Fig. Szechwan.

Tobatsu 9th cent.

Bishamon-ten. A. D. (from ?, cit.).

Lartigue,

Lung-hung-ssu, ?Le

sanctuaire...

Fig.

16

- Tobatsu
Szechwan. (from ?,

Bishamon-ten.
10th-llth Sasaki, cit.). ?To?

Fig.

17

Tobatsu

Bishamon-ten. (from Ikawa,

Lohan-t'ung, cent. A. D.)

Szechwan. 13th-14th Ta-tsu, ? Ta-tsu... ?, cit.).

cent.

A.

D.

batsu...

^^^^^^'

Fig.

18

Tobatsu

Bishamon-ten. 9th cent.

Wan-fo-hsia, A. D.

Central

Asia.

Fig.

19

Tobatsu Cave

Bishamon-ten. 14. 10th cent,

Tun-huang,

(from Matsumoto,

Tonk?ga...,

Fig.

20

Tobatsu

Bishamon-ten.

Painting
huang.

on

silk, from Tun

Museum, London.

Fig.

21

Tobatsu

Bishamon-ten. British

Woodblock Museum,

dated London.

947

A.

D.,

from Tun-huang.

British

^* ^^^^^^^^^^^^
Fig. 22 - Tobatsu Bishamon-ten.
Tun-huang. Musee

Painting on silk,
Paris.

Fig.

23

Tobatsu

Bishamon-ten.

From

Tun-huang.

Private

from

Guimet,

Collection, Japan.

r* \

qt h. -% 4k*

..47

Fig.

25

- Tobatsu huang.

Bishamon-ten. Muse Guimet,

From Paris.

Tun

Fig.

26

Offering

of

four

bowls.

Detail

of

Vaigravana.

Gandhira

art. Gai

Collection,

Peshawar.

Fig. 27 P?ncika and H?riti.

From Sh?h-ji-kiDheri. Gandh?ra

Ingholt, Gandh?ran Art...,

art.
cit.).

Peshawar Museum,

No.

1416

(from

Fig. 28 Pharo and Ardoxso.

Museum,

From Sahri Bahlol. Peshawar

No. 78M.

- Pharo on a late coin of Kaniska. Fig. 29

^^^^^^^^

Fig. 30 Pharo and Ardoxso. From Avantisv?m* 6th-7th cent. A. D. (frort Temple, Avantipura. 1913-14, pi. XXVIII). ASIAR,

Fig. 31 Visnu.

From Nepal.

6th-7th cent. A. D.

Fig.

32

Sasanian

silver

vessel.

Hermitage Studies...,

Museum, cit.).

Leningrad

(from

L'Orange,

by Sri and Bhumidevi,

templeseither dedicated to this god or under his special protection (75).

It is clear from this discussion that the worship of military of Vaisravana valor in Khotan was more than folk cult devoted and insured as well to a guardian and wealth. These Vaisravana monarchs created seemed that and

the goddess

of the earth

(74).

These

texts

also

name

numerous

a simple Khotan to have

the continuance

of its line of kings.

actually

which is also the name by which Vaisravana is known in some of the Buddhist texts (76).
Their usage

they assumed

evidence reveals regarded themselves as his divine offspring. Written a the title devaputra, which was reserved for particular class of deities, the Kushan after Kaniska, and

relationshipof the Khotanese kings to theNorthern King of Buddhism, is one of themost

important clues we possess mystery of his unique in India. in understanding the origins of the Tobatsu Bishamon and a to this question after form. We shall return brief consideration the of

of this title, current among

kings

the particular

other legendswhich can be related to Tobatsu and which were collected by Hs?an-tsang

5. Vaisravana

in the Kushan

Realm

It is no longerproper to speak specifically of Tobatsu Bishamon as opposed to Bisha?

mon; however,

divine King in parts of the country which once belonged to the Kushan realm and which
are pertinent to our study. At the in Balkh was a statue of Vaisravana. N?vasamgh?r?ma to steal the The story was had told that when chief Yeh-hu the Hsiung-nu attempted a to treasures of the temple, Vaisravana in and him dream pierced him with a appeared sword, thus putting Kaniska an end to the barbarian's wicked schemes (77). for future repairs on the

Hs?an-tsang

in his

travels

from China

to India

notes

two

images

of

the

At K?pisa the pilgrim found a statue of a divine king beneath whose feet the hostages
of King were said to have buried some money to be used

a thiefhad appeared to steal thismoney, a bird on the crown of this guardianfigureflapped itswings so wildly that the earthbegan to trembleand the rogue lay temple. When
on the ground. than Tobatsu Upon rising, he was the bird converted to Buddhism is, as we (78). have It is generally seen above,

prostrate none

accepted by the Japanese scholars quoted in thispaper that the divine king of K?pisa
other Bishamon; on the crown

is

one

of his most characteristicattributes. There is no definite proof of this identification; however, the legend remainshighly significantin this study for itsmention of a guardian of wealth with a winged cap, a figurewhom we shall connectwith the prototype for the
Tobatsu Bishamon-ten which exists in Kushan period reliefs.

(74) Thomas, op. cit., p. 59. (75) Ibid., pp. 96, 110, 118, 121, 127. (76) S. Levi, ?Devaputra?, JA, 1, Janvier Mars 1924, p. 11; F. W. Thomas, ?Devaputra?,

B.

C.

Law

Commemoration

1946, p. 310.
(77) Ta-T'ang

Volume, cit., 1, p.

II, 28.

Poona,

(78) Ibid., 1, p. 37.

Hsi-yu-chi,

161

6. The Origins of the Tohatsu Bishamon and the SignificanceofHis Symbols

Before tations. commencing this discussion it might be best by and the written the legends to review sources at once some of the main and his visual as a generous charac? represen? giver of

teristics of Tobatsu Tobatsu

Bishamon is depicted

as evidenced in the s?tras

wealth and long life, and as a fiercedestroyer of enemies of both the Buddhist State and theBuddhist Law. In Khotan he seems to have also been regarded as the tutelary divinity
a feature of the local dynasty ? of the Suvar entirely in accordance with the Vaisravana as a figure wearing armour held In art Tobatsu was naprabh?sa S?tra. invariably depicted

up by the goddess of the earth and crowned with a polygonal crown bearing a bird. His
nimbus was texts mention All formed In addition, from two arcs arising at the shoulders. that discs of the sun and moon were to be displayed beneath seem at first a far cry from the placid Gandh?ran art, where the Guardian three Lokap?las. a significant departure some Tibetan (7S>). the god

of these features in pre-Guptan collection,

vana-Kuvera not even in the Gai

distinguished

from the other represents

Fig. from this norm

of Vaisra representations of the North was generally relief 26, a 3rd cent. A.D. (80). Here Vaisra?

vana is clearly differentiated from the other three kings offeringtheirbeggingbowls to the
Buddha. valor who Moreover, was a striking resemblance to a deity of prosperity and military in Kushan art, sometimes alone and sometimes with his frequently depicted he bears

consort. Foucher has identifiedthe couple as P?ncika and H?riti (81), and it is to this ? tutelarypair ? and a related duo associated with the Iranian deities Pharo and Ardoxso
that we must now turn, for it is here that the development of the Tobatsu Bishamon pro?

bably began. Fig. 27, a relief fromSh?h-ji-kl Dheri, shows the seated P?ncika and H?riti (82). Ac? cording to the Buddhist texts,P?ncika was the sen?pati or general of the army of Vaisra?
vana, and H?riti was

ty (83). In this relief,P?ncika sits restinghis left foot on his lance, and H?riti, holding a
purse in one hand, is surrounded by children.

originally

a goddess

of

smallpox

but

later became

a source

of fertili?

In fig. 28, fromSahrl Bahlol (84), themale wears the typical northern costume and
holds a staff and a purse. The female carries

deity and theVaisravana of fig. 26 is striking indeed; both share the same dress and coif? fure. The attributesof this god, the staff with a roundknob, thewinged cap, and thepurse are found associatedwith a deity Pharro/Pharo on the coins of Kaniska and his successors.
Pharo is often represented there as an armed warrior wearing a helmet with a bird on it;

a cornucopia.

The

parallel

between

this male

(7?) Mah?r?ja-Vaisravana-s?dhana Tantra, Rgy ud, LXXII, quoted by Lalou, op. cit., p. 105. The Dynastic Arts of (80) J. M. Rosenfield, the Kushans, Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1967, fig. 83. (81) Foucher, op. cit., pp. 106 ff.

(82) The relief is discussed by H. Ingholt, Gandh?ran Art in Pakistan, New York, 1957,
p. 147.

(83)Rosenfield, Dynastic Arts..., cit., pp. 245 f. (84) Ibid., pp. 147-148.

162

his attributes include a purse, shield, lance, and bowl of fire (fig. 29) (85). He
the Iranian farr or xvardnah, the ? kingly glory ? (86). This factor in his From rule. xvardnah was

represents

as the embodimentof the powers of kingship, but also as a tutelary divinityof the reigning
monarch monly the legitimizing represented as a bird. and In Iranian K?rn?mak the Pahlavl literary sources, it is most we i P?pak?n, i Artaxser com? learn

regarded not only

that above reached when Ardav?n pursued Ardaslr he was warned thatuntil the eagle flying thefleeingArdaslr he might still be overtaken, but that once the eagle settled on Ardaslr all would be lost, for thebird was none other than the embodimentof themajesty of the
(87). Elsewhere, in the same account, we hear that the xvardnah in the

Persian monarchs

formof a red hawk saved the king fromdeath at the hands of his wife (88). The goddess with the horn of plenty appears on the coins of Kaniska III and his suc? cessors. She is identified by inscriptionas Ardoxso or Asi Vanuhi, theAvestan goddess of
fortune (89). We have, one then, two comparable representations; purely Indian, and the other more Iranian in both costume and content. The first relief requires further comment. in the texts is P?ncika mentioned as a giver of wealth. That he

The ideological contentof H?riti as a goddess of fertility and plenty is self-explanatory; so intended is indicatednot only by his presence with H?riti, but also by other reliefs in which he is depicted holding themoney purse and steppingon a pot of gold (90). It appears that this figure combines the military attributesof the sen?pati P?ncika with the benevo?
lence of his master, vana is extremely of wealth Kuvera-Vaisravana, close in conception the god of wealth. to the god Pharo, who strength. This was P?ncika-Kuvera-Vaisra? likewise regarded as a however, nowhere is here

specifically

protector

and a giver of armed

The actual identification of P?ncika and H?riti with Pharo and Ardoxso was firstestab? lishedby Bachhofer in the article cited above ("). It is substantiated by such reliefs as that
illustrated

dress, and by fig. 30, a 6th to 7th cent. A.D. Kashmiri relief inwhich the Scythian-looking
Pharo-Kuvera-Vaisravana somewhere Thus, inbetween it can be sits upon a pot of plenty and Ardoxso-SrI (92). votive tradition was developing within the holds an object that is a lotus and a cornucopia seen that an independent was

in fig. 26 where

Kuvera-Vaisravana

wears

Pharo's

winged

helmet ^nd

northern

Kushan realm for the representationof a male deity of fertilityand plenty. This god,
Pharo-P?ncika-Kuvera-Vaisravana couture, or in armour. sometimes have It is clear that we in Indian in northern dress, depicted here a possible prototype for the Tobatsu

?Pancika-H?riti (85) L. Bachhofer, Pharo-Ardoxsho ?, OZ, 1937, p. 8. (86) A. Stein, ? Zoroastrian Deities on Scythian Coins ?, Indian Antiquary, XVII, 1888, p. 94. i Artakhshir i (87) The K?rn?me tr. and ed. D. P. k?n, Sanjana, Bombay,

und Indo April Pdpa 1896,

p.

11.

(88) Ibid., p. 40.

(89) Stein, op. cit., p. 97.

(90) Foucher,
(91) See above,

op. cit., pis. 365, 379.

note 85.

(92) ASIAR,

1913-14, pi. XXVIII,

p. 54.

163

Bishamon-ten

tilityis in complete accordwith the legends of Vaisravana and the statue of the divine king related by Hsiian-tsang and with the descriptions of the purposes of the worship of
Tobatsu Bishamon in the Japanese of Tobatsu and Chinese can texts. It is our contention with that the final ico legen? connection nographical of the prototype form Pharo-P?ncika-Kuvera-Vaisravana Bishamon-ten be the fully developed by the Khotanese

as a lokap?la and carrying a lance. The

dressed

a bird-crown, in the long Central Asian armour, wearing and fer? religious significance of this deity as a giver of wealth

darymaterial,which is unique in the lore of the Tobatsu Bishamon-ten, and by the first element of this composite deity, Pharo or the ? kingly glory?. As we shall show below, much of the symbolismof Tobatsu Bishamon can be understood in termsof a cult of deified
royalty. In gular this connection, we shall first consider of Tobatsu stiff stance, outline of the images The the rigid frontal pose and the overall trian? statues of Kaniska The Kushan Bishamon. provide skirt with These its decorative are borders, the

explained

distinctive leg gear and the position of the sword and details of the belt all resemble cor?
responding features in the Tobatsu illustrated above. elements and shared by other of the other royal portraits, for example, the sculptures at Surh Kotal, the portraits

interesting parallels.

the A-shaped

Kushan kings on their coins, and by the painting of S?rya over the vault of the niche of the 120-feetBuddha at B?miy?n,where the regal type is incorporated into a new divine
image.

One of themajor iconographicalfeatures of Tobatsu repeatedly noted above is his on Prthivi. This is clearly an extensionof a concept resting deeply rooted in Indian religious is It in art found Gandh?ran Buddhist in reliefs of theMah?bhiniskramana symbolism. and the assault ofM?ra (93). Depictions of the earth goddess witnessing the Enlightenment of theBuddha also occur in later Indian Buddhist art and are frequent inChinese cave sculp? where Prthivi similarly holds up the feet ofMaitreya (94). ture, The most striking parallels toTobatsu on Prthivi belong, however, not to Buddhist of the god Visnu. Fig. 14 from sculpturebut toHindu art and are found in representations a Taxila has small bust of Prthivi between his legs and is reminiscent of theLung-hsing-ssu and Rawak Tobatsu (figs. 12, 13) (*5). Fig. 31 from Nepal, and dated in the 6th or 7th cent.
A.D., reproduces exactly the Tobatsu Bishamon-ten the configuration of Prthivi in the Tun-huang, Chinese one possible explanation and the two yaksas images which (*6). of all these fig? support and Japanese

ures to the goddess of the earth: he notes that in the Satapatha Br?hmana theking is called
(93) A. Gr?nwedel, CaderianLondon, 2nd figs. 50, 51. Buddhist Art ed., 1965, pp. in India, 98-101,

Coomaraswamy

provides

for the relationship

(*4) Catalogue of Buddhist Sculpture in the Vatna Museum, Patna, 1957, fig. 11; O. Siren, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Centuries, London, 1925, I, -pis. 138, 139, 145;

II, pi. 278. The Development of (95) J. N. Banerjea, Hindu Iconography, 2nd ed., Calcutta, 1956, pl. XXI. The photograph reproduced here is taken from this work. (S6) The photograph is taken fromM. Singh, Himalayan Art, London, 1968, p. 175.

164

? (97). His Bh?pati, or ? husband of the earth as a symbolic marriage of the sky=king with was thus deemed absolutely necessary. This

coronation the earth =

ceremony queen,

is therefore presence

whose

interpreted at the rite

the section of the Suvarnaprabh?sa also accord nicely with interpretation would connection. In the S?tra which is often taken to be the source of the Tobatsu-Prthivl chapter of this text devoted s?tra, and concealing S?tra with Suvarnaprabh?sa prosper follows and his she vows goddess, her form, to lift up his feet (98). The to the earth the royal cult has been respect. The repeatedly vow to protect intimate noted the reciter of association above; of the merits the the of

this text consist inmaking ? kingly? the king who

subjects The to show him

supports it by causing his realm to

of Prthivl merely can be extends the boun? as

ties of the Suvarnaprabh?sa S?tra to all, by raising spirituallyand materially anyone who
its tenets.

visual representation of this ideal of the furtherexaltation of the god as faithfuldevotee

and protector Many of the Buddhist Law. elements of Tobatsu Bishamon Roman ("), and can be explained and as of the other iconographical

presence

of Prthivi

beneath

Vaisravana

understood

the

symbolsof royalty. The sun and moon displayed on the chest of the god and mentioned in
the Tibetan texts are common were often signs of the divine featured with king. The discs emperors the the of Iranian monarchs the celestial reliquary

Kaniska shows theKushan king flanked of the heavenly bodies. by personifications

as flames rising from the sometimes portrayed particular nimbus of Tobatsu, In regard to the former, shoulders and sometimes as smooth arcs, is also a royal attribute. an evil to which subdued the king preserves a legend of Kaniska, Hs?an-tsang according The on are also n?ga by releasing fire from his shoulders (10?). Vima and Huviska represented to regard It is otherwise possible their coins with flames shooting from their shoulders. moon which were the smooth arcs in some of the Tobatsu images as the crescents of the (fig. 32) (101); however, the first suggestion. the more of the nimbus as flames

so frequently depicted behind the shoulders of the Sasanian kings on their silver vessels
frequent representation favors

The presence of the bird on the crown is one of the most important links between Tobatsu and the old Kushan period prototype, who wore thewinged cap. It seemspossible to assert that the bird is a sign of Pharo, the kingly glory,who in the Pahlavi text cited
above most which K?pisa. often took that form. There is of interest here, and which The text tells of a universal is a Sogdian Manichaean at the same time illuminates Kysr (Caesar) text from Central Asia Hsiian-tsang's legend of who was threatened by a thief.

monarch,

? Spiritual Authority (97) A. Coomaraswamy, Power in Indian Theory of Temporal Government?, JAOS, 1942, pp. 11 ff.; Satapatha and
Br?hmana

(") H. R. L'Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World, Oslo, 1953, p. 36. note 27), 1, p. 42.
(101) L'Orange, (10?) Ta-Tfang Hsi-yu-chi, op. cit., p. cit. 38. (see above,

(98) Konk?my?-ky?, cit. (see above, p. 158 and note 36), p. 162.

9.4.20,

cited

in

the

above.

165

The scoundrel attempted to disguise himself in the formof Pharo, the tutelary divinity of Pharo, and the thiefhas curious resemblances to theK?pisa episode of the divine guardian
king, who bore a bird on his crown precisely over, an important indication of an awareness toward off pilferers (103). The as story is, more? the of the role of Pharo tutelary god of the king (102). Unfortunately, the tale is incomplete; however, the association of the king,

king inCentral Asia of the 9th or 10th cent. A.D.

Sasanian monarchs wore

The association of thewinged diadem and royaltyis attested by representations of the

Khotan diadem in art and by Chinese indicate that the kings of literary sources which as the similarity of the Tobatsu birdcrowns well (104). R. A. Stein has noted Asian world-conquerors, Pehar and Gesar (105). Gesar is the

to that of the Central

hero of theTibetan epic, and Pehar was the tutelarydivinity of the Bhata Hor or the Vaisravana in the formof a bird but was shot Uighurs. According to legend, he fled from down by theKing of theNorth and brought to Tibet (106). It is not possible to discuss the interconnection of the legends of Tobatsu Bishamon and theseCentral Asian characters; all of thismaterial has been brilliantly treatedby Stein inhis work on theTibetan epic. It strengthens our hypothesis that the symbolismof To?
batsu Bishamon is intimately linked to that of the world-conqueror or divine king. In conclusion, theory. The monk woman sources which provide additional there are two Japanese support for our first is a legend preserved in the Kakuzensh?{3Xl\ a collection of iconographical in the east of India and of the woman he encounters.

drawingsmade by the Buddhist monk Kakuzen (1143-1213 A.D.).

in search of a magical turns out jewel

A story is told of a

She tells him of a wonderful bird that is capable of leading him to the treasure. The
to be Avalokitesvara, and the bird is Vaisravana (107). The significance

of this legend is twofold; it associatesVaisravana with knowledge of hidden treasure, the exclusive rightof the cakravartin,and, in its mention of the god assuming the form of a bird, it preserves thememory of the synthesisof the Indian deity of wealth and valor with the Iranian emblem of kingly power.
The second work is a now lost s?tra, monk the Daibon-?-nyoi-tobatsu-z?-?-ky?{*o). done between the years It is quoted 1251-1266 A.D., in the Asabasho^ of the Tendai Shocho(aq)

theKy?inbukkakush?, and the Zuz?-sh?^ of Konen(as) (1120-1203 A.D.). It states that Tobatsu is a manifestation of the kingNyoi-z?-?, whose realmwas in the north of India by
the sands of the Ganges (108). The text thus preserves some traces of the Indian

thisdeity, and his profound connectionswith the lore of kings.

origins

of

(102) Stein, op. cit., p. 280. (103) Ibid., p. 289. For the Sasanian works op. cit., p. 437. Ghirshman, op. cit., ipls. 235, 242, 252. (105) Stein, op. cit., pp. 344-346.
(104) Lo-yang-chie-lan-chi, cited by Matsumoto,

see

Geographie Historique et Legendes Ancestrales ?, BEFEO, XLIV, 1951, p. 151. (107) Kakuzensh?, Taish? Zuz?, 5, p. 534. (108) Taish? Zuz?, 9, pp. 418c-419a.

(106)

R.

A.

Stein,

?Mi-nag

et

Si-Hia,

166

7.

Summary In summary, it has been shown that much of the iconography as of Tobatsu Bishamon

can be explained in termsof royal symbols, and it has further been indicated that at least
in Khotan archs and this uniquely Khotanese the embodiment of the ? kingly glory ? Vaisravana with the Iranian xvardnah or Pharo, sometime in the P?ncika-Kuvera-Vaisravana which merged with the Indian god of wealth seems to have enjoyed great favor within This new composite deity the Kushan period. Kushan he was Khotan, ten and there realm as a god of wealth and fertility; however, there associated with a cult of divinized royalty. The his connection with the very meaning we have is no definite evidence that in importance of Vaisravana Bishamon may have the god actually seems to have been regarded the power behind their rule. We have sought the source of the state's mon to connect

their kings, the Central Asian dress of the Tobatsu ? suggest indeed that Khotan of the name ? Tobatsu the completion of the maturation of the Tobatsu

been the place of origin of the fullydeveloped iconographicalformof Tobatsu Bishamon. inhis reversion to his original characteras a guardian of wealth and fertility, mingled with a wide variety of folk deities in China and Japan. Traces of his conception as the syn?
thesis of the Iranian xvardnah and the Indian P?ncika-Kuvera-Vaisravana are Finally, seen Bishamon-ten

however, in the lore of theAn-hsi Tobatsu and the legends of the Kakuzen-sh? and the
Asabash?. Phyllis Granoff

preserved,

167

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