PREFACE

In India, the number of women in Lok Sabha has increased in the past fifty years, but it has never crossed 10% of the total number of seats of Lok Sabha. Even in the recent parliamentary elections held last month, the representation of women at Parliament has not crossed 10% of the total Parliament seats. The turning point occurred in 1992, when the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha passed the 73rd and the 74th Amendment to the Constitution, thus making the Panchayats and Municipalities as institutions of self- government. The 73rd Amendments can be seen as landmark in the Indian Womens Movement as it secures 33% reservation of seats for the Indian rural women.

The 73rd Amendment for the first time brought 3340% women into decision-making process, from the miniscule 2-4% in earlier years. This meant 10 lakh (1 million) women coming into grassroots level politics for the first time in 1992. Reservation provides the possibility of a voice for women, it does not guarantee it.

INTRODUCTION
The Indian Republic started its journey with the ideals of liberty, equality and justice that made Indian women feel secure with promises of survival, equal treatment and opportunity. Their dream of being equal citizens, however, remains unfulfilled even today. The progressive vision of the Constitution has proved inadequate in addressing the

complexities of gender discrimination. Democratic and secular India endeavors to provide conditions necessary for greater participation of women in all spheres of life. Equality of opportunity is guaranteed, and discrimination on grounds of sex, language, religion, class or creed is prohibited. Yet, in reality, womens participation in decision-making at all levels-national to local has remained low. Womens participation is an integral part of democratic process and for improving the quality of civic life. Since women constitute about half the population of India, they must be involved in decision-making body of all socioeconomic experiences and and political organisations. Womens would enhance unique alter

perspective

and

definitions of problems and solutions and would also

empower them. Womens empowerment and participation is, however, a political question, linked to changes in power relations. A mutually supportive process of empowerment can certainly redirect and influence a political process which has largely failed to tap the energy, knowledge and ability of women so far. Entry of a large number of women into decision-making processes can radically change the existing situation. If more land more women are associated at different levels, it is bound to affect public policy.

There is a growing consciousness to recognize women's autonomy, and their capacity to act as full citizens. Political participation, representation and a share in decision-making bodies are significant indicators of the status of women in any society.

HYPOTHESIS To strengthen the position of women in society, equal participation of men and women is required. This is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy, but a necessary condition for human existence. The entry of women into politics and decision-making structures can change the policies, vision and structure of institutions. They could redefine political priorities, and place new items on the political agenda to address gender specific concerns and provide a new perspective on mainstream political issues. Development can only take place when women are given decision-making roles. Education combined with this

opportunity can overcome social, cultural and economic barriers and lead toward self-determination.

CHAPTER I

WOMEN'S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AN OVERVIEW

Women's political participation encompasses a wide range of actions and strategies. It includes voting and voter education, candidacy in national and local elections, lending support to candidates who carry gender-sensitive agenda, campaigning against those who are have policies that are 'anti-women's rights', and advocating for the integration of a women's rights agenda in the platforms of candidates and parties. Political participation strategies include mechanisms that enhance women's political participation. Examples of these are gender quotas that allot 30 to 50 percent of decision-making positions for women; gender mainstreaming strategies that promote a culture of gender sensitivity in government; national machineries for women, which have the primary role of leading and monitoring gender mainstreaming strategies of governments; gender or women's budgets that allot a percentage and of national budget action for for gender women's

mainstreaming

affirmative

advancement. In legislatures of some democratic countries,

women's sectoral representatives have been appointed on terms and capacities at par with elected representatives. A more recent mechanism that provides a leeway for women's political participation is the party list system where women's groups can bid for seats in the legislature. Quotas Quota systems have significantly increased women's participation and representation in both elective and

appointive political decision-making positions. Quotas have been viewed as one of the most effective affirmative actions in increasing women's political participation. There are now 77 countries with constitutional, electoral or political party quotas for women. In countries where women's issues had always been relegated to least priority, the increase in number of women in decision-making positions helps put women's agendas at a higher priority level. The visibility of women leaders gives a higher profile to women's rights in general. Quotas for women in politics make possible changes in attitudes about women's roles and abilities such that they open up more education, work and other opportunities for women.

Gender mainstreaming and gender budgets Gender mainstreaming efforts 'mainstream' or integrate gender perspectives and the goal of gender equality in government policy-making, planning, implementation, and evaluation. This makes government more efficient in serving the needs of its citizens by ensuring that even seemingly neutral policies and programs take into account the women's concerns and needs right at the onset. Moreover, gender mainstreaming efforts have also produced strategies and tools for analysis and evaluation, that e.g., gender data, race, sexclass,

disaggregated

statistics,

mainstreams

ethnicity and other concerns into government policy and planning. This benefits not only women but also other marginalized sectors that women also belong to. Along with gender mainstreaming efforts, gender budgets have been a method of determining the extent to which government expenditure have detracted from or have come nearer to the goal of gender equality. A gender budget is not a separate budget for women, but rather a tool that analyses budget allocations, public spending and taxation from a gender lens and can be subsequently used to advocate

for reallocation of budgets to better respond to women's priorities. Gender budgets have been instrumental in

increasing government expenditures in social services that benefit mostly women and children, and in steering

government priorities towards the 'care' economy such as health and nutrition, education and other family and community services. In some countries, gender budgets expose areas where government policy has been weak, e.g., in productive sectors such as in agriculture and industry. Lastly, gender budgets also trace where most expenditures have been spent, often exposing corruption and under-funded social services. Overall, gender budgets make a significant

contribution in enhancing gender mainstreaming strategies. However, feminists have argued that gender

mainstreaming and budgets are not ends themselves but are simply tools for achieving gender equality. The weaknesses in the use of these tools have been evident when gender efforts and budgets are spent mostly on activities that are womenidentified or do not have anything to do with women's needs. An example of this is spending the gender budget on day care centers that, although important, do not really change women's subordinate status in society but merely aid women

in performing the gender role of child care. Some government agencies spend the budget on skills training on cosmetology and dancing lessons. Livelihood projects for women such as raising livestock have also been frequently classified under gender budgets. Although livelihood projects may actually help women contribute to the family income, they also add to women's multiple tasks in the home because housework is not shared with the men. In turn, women become more burdened with home tasks and are prevented from

participating in public and political life. In worst case scenarios, gender budgets do not reach the women and men at all but are pocketed away by corrupt politicians. Legislative advocacy and training to win elections Women have been able to participate in political decision-making through legislative advocacy by drafting and proposing laws that, in turn, are coursed into the formal lawmaking process through elected representatives in the legislature. Women intervene in the law-making process by gathering mass support for or campaigning against a proposed law, and advocating amendments to or repeal of an existing law.

Especially

at

the

level

of

local

elections,

non-

governmental women's groups have pursued 'winnability' training for women who intend to run for public office. Among women officials and advocates, women's groups have also been conducting training on lawmaking, e.g., how to draft an ordinance informed by women's realities and needs. Women's agenda Aside from campaigns for balanced gender

representation in political decision-making positions, an integral part of the core of strategies for women's political participation is building women's agendas for change. Women's political leadership should further be

strengthened in terms of realizing the agenda of peoplecentered and sustainable development; and, working towards the elimination -in law and in reality- of discriminations based on gender, race, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation, caste, descent, work, lifestyle, appearance, age and others. Women political leaders, few or many they may be, can only make a difference if they are able to translate their political power into political, social, economic and cultural

advancement of women and other marginalized groups.

Women who have been able to access formal political power are faced with multiple challenges. These challenges include pursuing a people-centered sustainable development in the context of the current trend of globalization that has resulted in the increased influence of free market forces and the accompanying loss of autonomy of the State. Increasing debt, poverty and skewed distribution of wealth remain challenges for many countries coupled with Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) and the agenda of economic liberalization pushed by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. SAPs have resulted in the forced reduction of basic social services as well as for government expenditures in general, including national machineries and programs for women. Women political leaders have to overcome identity politics, local elite politics and control by family dynasties, which in many developing countries have been the same forces that have allowed women to access positions of political power in the first place. Women are also faced with the challenge of tearing down cultural restrictions on how women should look, speak and act while, at the same time, transforming the political culture into a genuinely gender-fair

environment. A gender-fair environment estimates women's capabilities not on how well they imitate 'male-speak' or how well they compete but on their capacity for collaboration, vision and leadership. Moreover, there is also the continuous need to resist and fight against the propensity of the state to homogenize its citizens. The state's propensity for

homogenization is made apparent through policies and standards that claim equality in application but discriminate and marginalize in reality. Aside from increasing women's access to decisionmaking positions in government, enhancing women's

capabilities in implementing international mechanisms and instruments on women's rights at the national and local levels should continuously be pursued. International instruments that are in place, particularly the opportunities provided by the Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) should be maximized; strategies to implement them such as advocacy, policy reforms, special measures and affirmative actions, accountability and evaluations systems, and other means should be explored. Women in government should continue to invest on sharing of strategies and

information resources, as well as forming networks and strengthening linkages with other women in government and non-government women's groups and experts. They should continue to study the increasing complexities in politics and economies brought about by globalization. At the national and local levels, understanding and coming up with concrete ways to resist and fight against 'dirty' or corrupt politics is one of the biggest challenges for women who carry a feminist agenda. Still a few women While women's global activism, especially at the level of the United Nations, has instituted mechanisms for increased representation of women in politics, the assessment made by the United Nations Development Program for the Beijing Plus Five verifies that women are still greatly under-represented in political and bureaucratic posts around the world. The UNDP reported that women "are nowhere near half of the decisionmaking structures. The threshold of 30 percent advocated by the UNDP Human Development Report, as a prelude to the 50 percent is still a dream for most women" (UNDP, 1999). The Inter-Parliamentary Union's monitor pegs at 15.2 percent the total number of women in parliaments. Thus, campaigns for

balanced gender representation in government such as the 50/50 Campaign of the Women's Environmental and

Development Organization remain one of the most strategic moves to increase women's political participation. Freedoms and rights To participate in the political processes, women need to enjoy the full exercise of their civil and political rights. Democratic freedoms such as expression, media, opinion, peaceful assembly, association, and others are necessary vehicles for women's full political participation. In countries where the freedom of association is limited, women find themselves under constant surveillance and sometimes under threat by their own governments. In countries where religion and culture impose numerous social restrictions and impinge on state laws, women experience more difficulties in accessing education and engaging in the public political space. The fulfillment of basic survival and social needs, economic independence, and freedom from family and community violence are equally crucial requirements in women's

realization of their political potentials.

Human Rights Mechanisms Women's activism at the global arena has resulted in various strategic documents and instruments that ensure and promote women's political participation. The 1985 Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies and the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action are strategic instruments that laid down the groundwork for women's political

empowerment. The Nairobi Strategies guided governments in ensuring women's equal participation in all national and local legislative bodies. It also called for equity in the appointment, election and promotion to high-level posts in the executive, legislative and judicial branches. Beijing Platform for Action calls on governments, national bodies, the private sector, political parties, trade unions, employers' organizations, research and academic institutions, subregional and regional bodies and nongovernmental and international organizations to implement "measures to ensure women's equal access to, and full participation in, power structures and decision-making" and "increase women's capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership".

Measures recommended for governments include: the establishment of "the goal of gender balance" in all

government bodies and committees; taking measures to encourage political parties to also pursue the same; protecting and promoting "equal rights of women and men to engage in political activities and to freedom of association;" monitoring progress on the representation of women; and, supporting non-government and research institutes' studies on women political participation. Part of the advocacy for balanced representation is the recognition and promotion of shared work and parental responsibilities between women and men. The Convention on the Elimination All Forms of

Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is an important international treaty that upholds the importance of women's involvement in the political machinery of State Parties. The United Nations Division for the Advancement of

Women reports that as of September 30, 2003, 174 countries or 90 percent of the members of the United Nations have become party to the Convention. Articles 2 to 4 of the CEDAW call on State Parties to actively pursue the elimination of discrimination in women's political participation through legal and temporary special

measures and affirmative action. An example of a special measure to speed up achievement of de facto equality are quotas for women's seats in the legislative, executive or the judiciary branches of government. Article 7 of the CEDAW instructs State Parties to "take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country". It ensures women, "on equal terms with men, the right: (a) To vote in all elections and public referenda and to be eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies; (b) To participate in the formulation of government policy and the implementation thereof and to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government; and, (c) To participate in non-governmental organisations and associations concerned with the public and political life of the country." Article 8 brings women's political rights to the international arena. It instructs State Parties to "take all appropriate measures to ensure to women, on equal terms with men and without any discrimination, the opportunity to represent their Governments at the international level and to participate in the work of international organisations."

The CEDAW Committee's General Recommendation 23 on Women in Political and Public Life provides overviews on women's political and public lives and needs in various parts of the world. Importantly, it clarifies how CEDAW provisions on women's political participation and priority measures can be implemented at the national/local and international levels. The international bill of human rights -the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)all work together to provide the foundations for women's right to political participation. Facts and Figures

In 2002, women still accounted for only about 14 percent of members of parliament worldwide. (BBC News through Online Women in Politics)

Out of over 180 countries, 14 are headed by women, six women are vice presidents. (Women's Learning

Partnerships, 2002)

With 48.8 percent of seats won by women in the recent parliamentary elections, Rwanda became the country that has the most number of women parliamentarians

in the world. Currently, women in Sweden hold 45.3 percent of seats in parliament, Denmark with 38 percent, Finland with 37.5 percent, and The

Netherlands with 36.7 percent. (The Guardian, October 2003)

Sweden,

Denmark,

Finland,

Norway,

Iceland,

Netherlands and Germany had all reached the 30% goal of parliamentary seats taken by women by the end of 2002 along with Argentina, Costa Rica, South Africa and Mozambique. (BBC News through Online Women in Politics)

In May 2003, Qatar appointed Sheikha bint Ahmed AlMahmud as the state's first woman cabinet minister. The appointment followed an April 29 referendum in which Qataris overwhelmingly approved a written

constitution recognising a woman's right to vote and run for office. (DAWN Internet newspaper, May 2003)

The proportion of women parliamentarians in the United States is 14 percent, France 11.8 percent and Japan 10 percent. In Rwanda, women compose 48.8 percent, and in Uganda 24.7 percent.

Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates do not give women the right to vote or stand for election.

7 percent of the world's total cabinet ministers are women. Women ministers remain concentrated in social areas (14 percent) compared to legal (9.4 percent), economic (4.1 percent), political affairs (3.4 percent), and the executive (3.9 percent).

There are 9 women ambassadors to the United Nations. They are from Finland, Guinea, Jamaica, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Liechtenstein, Somalia, and

Turkmenistan.

In the United Nations system, women hold 9 percent of the top management jobs and 21 percent of senior management positions, but 48 percent of the junior professional civil service slots.

In 1893, New Zealand became the first nation to grant women full voting rights.

Among the countries in the developing world that were the earliest to grant women the right to vote were: Albania (1920), Mongolia (1924), Ecuador (1929), Turkey (1930) and Sri Lanka (1931).

Some of the latest countries to grant women suffrage are: Switzerland (1971), Iraq (1980), Namibia (1989), South Africa - black population (1994).

Some countries still do not have universal suffrage. Among them are Brunei Darussalam, Kuwait, Sultanate of Oman, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates.

Among the developing nations which have not ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) are: Bahrain, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sultanate of Oman, Syrian Arab Republic, United Arab Emirates.

The United States is the only industrialized nation that has not ratified CEDAW.

CHAPTER II

THE WOMEN'S RESERVATION BILL

The question of reservation for women had surfaced even before Independence because women from the elite classes of that period - who wanted to play some role in public life, realised the hurdles in their way. This view was again reflected during the review of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, (CSWI) in 1974. The Committee observed that "the rights guaranteed by the Constitution have helped to build an illusion of equality and power which is frequently used as an argument to resist protective and accelerating measures to enable women to achieve their just and equal position in society". Social scientists also who undertook studies on the Committee's request came back with a uniform finding that while women's participation as voters had been increasing at a faster rate than men's, their representation as candidates - successful or unsuccessful -registered in fact an opposite trend. The marginalising trend has continued till date. In Lok Sabha elections between 1952 and 1996, the percentage of women contestants remained virtually stagnant at 3.2 per

cent. The exception was in 1957, (the second general election), where their percentage was 4.4, the stagnation was very marked. In the success ratio on the other hand there was a definitive decline from 43.1 per cent in 1952 and 50 per cent in 1962 to the lowest ever 7.9 per cent in 1996. In state assemblies there were variations in representation, ranging from 1.8 in 1952 to the maximum of 6.3 in 1957, and stagnation around 4.5 per cent in the rest of the elections. In the state averages covering the period 1952 to 1997 the variation is negligible, again showing a stagnation around 4 per cent. Surprisingly the CSWI, while recommending

unanimously reservation for women in statutory women panchayats at the village level rejected the demand for reservation in legislative bodies. The majority decided to stand by the position taken by their seniors and ignored the junior cadres of women political activists, who complained bitterly to the CSWI about the discriminatory treatment meted out to them by political parties in offering nominations. Only three members of the Committee (all women) dissented on this, because they felt the Committee was being unwise in ignoring the need for institutionalised measures to eliminate or at least

weaken institutionalised inequalities which universal adult franchise had failed to dislodge.

The draft recommendations of the Government of India's National Perspective the Plan (NPP) of for Women 1988, and

acknowledged

problem

under-representation

recommended 30 per cent reservation for women in local governance, pahchayat, zilla and in local municipal bodies.. There was however a provision that in the initial years this quota may be filled in by nomination/co-option. National women's organisations called for a national debate to discuss the NPP. When the Government disregarded the call, they organised themselves and critiqued it. They rejected outright the recommendation regarding nomination of women/cooption on the ground that it was 'Subversion of the Constitution'. They demanded 30 percent reservation for women in panchayats and municipalities 'with due

representation for women belonging to Dalit and Tribal communities' but to be filled only by election. Thus, final version of the Government's NPP

recommended reservation for women in panchayats and municipalities, to be filled in by elections. This version was

then incorporated in the 64th Constitutional Bill of 1989. The late 1980s and the early 1990s witnessed three changes of government at the national level, with two general elections in 1989 and 1991. The Panchayati Raj Amendment Bill went through successive revisions, and finally emerged as the 73rd and 74th (Constitutional) Amendments in 1992. The response of women to these two measures in the elections that followed in several states, and the political dynamism demonstrated by them persuaded women's organisations into putting forward a joint demand for one-third reservation in state assemblies and Parliament. The plan too like the CSWI did not raise the issue of women's reservation in Parliament and State Assemblies. The demand was accepted and almost all pre-election party manifestos contained promises to implement 33 per cent reservations for women as well as The Common Minimum Programme. The newly formed coalition government of the United Front which introduced the 81st (Constitutional) Amendment also known as the Women's Reservation Bill. In September 1996, a private member's bill was moved,

introducing reservations for women, a day before the closing of the monsoon session. However it was this move that

subsequently

led

to

the

introduction

of

the

present

Reservation Bill.

The 81st Constitutional Amendment Bill 1996, seeking to reserve one-third seats for women (including within the two already reserved categories - for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) has become a highly debated issue. It is worth noting that none of the arguments that have been brought up against the 81st Amendment Bill came up during the passage of the 73rd and 74th Amendments (1989-92). The motion for consideration was mooted on May 16, 1997, but it lapsed, following the dissolution of the 11th Lok Sabha. The Bill was again brought before the House during the 12th Lok Sabha on July 14, 1998, as the Constitution (84th Amendment) Bill, 1998, when the Union minister sought leave of the House to introduce the Bill. Permission for this was granted only on December 14, 1998. The Bill did not reach the consideration stage and therefore lapsed, following the dissolution of the 12th Lok Sabha. Then, the Constitution (85th Amendment) Bill, 1999, popularly known as Women's Reservation Bill was introduced on December 23, 1999. On December 22nd, 2000, it was once again shelved. On May 5,

2003, during the Budget Session of Lok Sabha that the Women's Reservation Bill was last resisted amidst loud protests from many opposition parties and some sections of the ruling NDA alliance. The house was forced to adjourn and when it returned after an hour and a half, the speaker of the Lok Sabha announced that he would call for an all-party meeting to generate unanimity/consensus on the Bill in order that the house may agree to its smooth passage. The 81st, 84th and 85th Constitutional Amendment Bills providing for reservation for women in Parliament and State Legislatures has not been passed for not having reservations within reservation for women on the basis of caste. The Bill was referred to the Joint Select Committee, headed by the late Geeta Mukherjee, who presented their report to the House on December 9, 1996. The Joint Select Committee accepted two provisions of the 81st Amendment Bill. They are: one third of the seats in the Lok Sabha and Legislative Assemblies must be reserved for women; and there will be no reservation for States with less than three seats for the Lok Sabha for a period of fifteen years (for three elections). Amendments that were not accepted included reservation for women of other backward classes (OBC). This committee also recommended

the following: the Bill be passed with out delay; the OBC reservation for women be considered by the government; and a modus operandi for reservation of seats for women in the Rajya Sabha and Legislative Councils be introduced. In the discussion the with the of Select Committee of

Parliament, organisations

delegation

the

national

women's for not

countered all charges of elitism

recommending reservations for women of 'other backward classes', they point out that (a) they had requested the quota within the sections which already enjoyed reservation within the Constitution; and (b) they saw the need for a

Constitutional amendment to force all political parties to undertake the much needed reforms within their own structures. This is because little had been achieved in more than two decades since the CSWI's recommendations to the political parties and resolutions made by many political parties themselves. The women's delegation emphasised the crisis facing India's democracy with increasing political instability and growth of irresponsibility, fragmentation and criminalisation. Despite their efforts, the Bill was not passed due to the lack of a majority in the parliament, and strong opposition from members across parties. In this context, the

lapse of the women's reservation bill, seeking one-third of the parliamentary and legislative seats is extremely distressing. The most recent dialogue regarding reservation for women is now suggesting an amendment to the People's Representation Act. The new formula suggested seeks to reserve 33 per cent tickets for women. This could be achieved by an amendment to the People's Representation Act, enjoining political parties to allocate 33 per cent tickets to women candidates. This reveals that women will continue to be underrepresented, unheard and excluded from decision making processes. In the almost total absence of a conducive environment for women to enter into politics and lack of empathy by the larger society and the mainstream political culture, the government must take immediate action to ensure that the Bill be passed immediately. It is for the women's movement to demonstrate their political responsibility, not merely through the politics of protests, but also through direct intervention in the tasks of governance. And this is not possible unless larger numbers of women are present in all these bodies to collectively engender politics.

STATEMENT OF CONCERN Even after more than 50 years of democratic

governance, it is distressing that the government and the policy makers are lulled into complacency, by not translating de jure rights to de facto rights, to effect changes in the society. History reveals that women have had no space in the political arena and even in the political parties as decisionmaking partners. Further, it also shows that other formal institutions have not validated or recognised the participation or contribution of women. Women's role in the sphere of decision-making has so far been insignificant to have any kind of multiplier effect. Their numbers in formal decision-making bodies have not increased over the years. Statistical records show that there has been only a marginal increase in the last few decades in the number of women candidates fielded during the elections. The number of women parliamentarians has never exceeded 15 per cent of all seats. At the state level, their membership in the legislatures is abysmally low, lower than their numbers in the parliament, with the highest being 7.1 per cent in the state of Delhi.

Articles 325 and 326 of the Indian Constitution guarantee political equality to all, yet women have not benefited from this right. The political climate as it exists today continues to be male centered and is therefore perceived to be conducive to male participation. Women are not treated as a political entity in their own right. They have been treated by political parties and other power groups as a means to further their own interests and gains. This is evinced by the declining number of women candidates fielded during the elections, despite promises made by political parties in their manifestoes to provide reservation of seats for women. Across parties, the trend is to treat women as decorative pieces, relegated to women's wings, with not much importance given to them in mainstream activities. Even the few women who are elected are sidelined and often allotted 'soft portfolios' such as, welfare, education etc. In both cases women lack access and control over apex bodies where decisions and policies are formulated. Women's participation in political processes is impeded due to various social, economic, historical, geographical, political and cultural factors, thereby resulting in their

minimal participation and even their exclusion. Illiteracy, women's triple burden, patriarchal values, lack of access and control over income and other resources, restrictions to public spaces and insensitive legal systems continue to impair their effective political participation. This is compounded by the absence/inadequate availability of infra-structural facilities and support services to facilitate their participation. There are no specific laws or policies so far, that can strengthen the grounds for political and economic

empowerment of women. The Government has attempted to empower women politically through affirmative action by providing for one-third reservation for women in local bodies, to ensure their participation at the local and district levels of governance. While these initiatives have created the political space for women, they have not been able to guarantee a nondiscriminative or conducive environment for women to participate. However, even this legislative intervention in higher political bodies i.e., State Assemblies and parliament is absent.

The mechanisms to facilitate and protect women in political participation are not in place, such as a strong supportive

constituency particularly for women, increased awareness of their rights and responsibilities as elected members, training and information dissemination on governance processes, gender sensitisation of the male elected members, and so on. In the absence of these mechanisms, women would become subject to negative experiences like no-confidence motions moved against women presidents and at times coercion. In the process, women may experience a backlash, which may act as an overall deterrent to their future career prospects and re-entry into politics.

The effectiveness of women's participation continues to be evaluated against indicators that have been defined by men from a male dominant perspective that is non-gendered. While disadvantages continue to impede women's participation, the disparities between the sexes get widened because of the manner in which women's participation is perceived. For example, while the women's agenda prioritises issues like health, education, safe drinking water, etc., which have longterm benefits and returns, the men's agenda primarily comprises of issues related to infrastructure that have immediate and tangible returns. Further, the resources that

men give importance to are mostly financial in nature while women, because of their inability to mobilise financial resources often resort to human (women) resource

mobilisation. Thus, while women may have participated in the political field their participation often remains invisible. This comes out clearly in the analysis of the available gender insensitive data on political participation of women.

The 33 per cent reservation quota provided for women in the local self governing bodies have enabled several women, who had never been in power and even those illiterate, to enter politics. Historically Indian women, who have risen to power, have done so as a result of familial or other elite connections and rarely because of the voting decision or power of a female constituency. As such these women have typically been more accountable to those who helped them get into power, i.e. their families, caste, or political party connections rather than to their constituencies.

Thirty three per cent as a number denies them their voting majority on issues of concern to women and leaves them without the power to make the changes expected of them.

This would mean that even after an historic democratic experiment of such magnitude, a million women would not necessarily have the majority in any given decision making body to actually make a difference. They need to gain the confidence and capabilities for contesting elections to the local bodies against the unreserved categories, thus increasing their overall representation. However, at the levels of the higher political bodies, the absence of reservation of seats for women has led to an increase in their powerlessness due to their representation being very low.

Finally, there is a legitimate concern that electoral quotas do not really have a long-term solution. An environment should be created wherein women choose to come into power bereft of their men's support, but on their own right, on their own terms and in a position to build and sustain their

constituencies.

WOMENS PARTICIPATION AT GRASSROOT LEVEL: AN ANALYSIS A democratic polity involves the decentralisation or deconcentration of power in a way that the affairs of the local people are managed by means of their positive participation. It implies the extension of democracy at the grass-root level in view of the fact that the peoples participation signifies the constitution of a democratic government not merely at the top but also at the foundation level of the political system. Thus, democratic decentralisation or Panchayati Raj aims at making democracy real by bringing the million into the functioning of their representative government at the lowest level.1 The philosophy of Panchayati Raj is deeply steeped in the tradition and culture of rural India and is by no means a new concept. The rationale behind the concept is to involve the public in local planning, identification of beneficiaries, decision making and proper implementation of policies and programmes of the people as described by them. Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) have today the basic commitment towards rural development.2 Panchayati Raj, as a system of governance, has had its ebbs and flows in the Indian polity Various ever

since Indian attained

independence.

committees

headed by Balwant Rai Mehta, Ashok Mehta, V.P. Naik, P.B. Patil, G.V.R. Rao, L.N. Singhvi overhauled these institutions which gave necessary impetus to the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. The Panchayati Raj, an enigmatic and elusive concept, has undergone topsy-turvy changes in its role, shape and function after the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992 which came into effect from April 24, 1993.3 With the passage of the 73rd Amendment, India is at a crucial juncture in the evolution of PRIsthe Indian brand of rural local selfgovernment. It has envisioned peoples participation in the process of planning, decision-making, implementation and delivery system. Gender equality and gender equity are emerging as major challenges in the global development debate. Social scientists and development activists are giving increasing emphasis to these fields in their agenda for research and development.4 As Noble Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen has pointed out, Democracy is not only the goal of development, it is the primary means of

development.5 Womens participation in political processes is important for strengthening democracy and for their struggle

against

marginalisation,

trivialisation

and

oppression.

Emergence of women as a strong group would change the prevailing political practices, the nature and content of debates in the legislature and womens issues can be taken care of from the feminist perspective both in policy

formulation and implementation. Although the new Constitution through various Articles (Art. 14, 15, 23, 29, 30, 42, 45 etc.) did guarantee equal rights for women, Indian women continue to remain oppressed and struggle over everything from survival to resources.

While women have made considerable progress in some areas such as education and employment, they continue to be subjected to the influence of the existing patriarchical attitudes in Indian society. The dilemma

for Indianwomen today is that despite the liberal provisions of the Constitution and various laws,

serious inequalities remain.6 In fact, right from the days of the freedom struggle the Indian women have been

consistently encouraged to take part in active politics. But due to the vitiated political milieu, resulting from increasing politi-cisation and criminalisation of politics, the level of politicalparticipation of women has been adversely affected

despite the fact that there has been a marked increase in the level of literacy and political awareness among women. This kind of constitutional provision (73rd Amendment) has created a scope for accomplishing development with social justice, which is the mandate of the new Panchayati Raj system. There can be no real progress if women of a country are not made partners in this process of development. Mahatma Gandhi also believed that full and balanced development of the nation and establishment of a just society is possible only when women participate actively and fully in the political deliberations of the nation. The Balwant Rai Mehta Committee on Panchayati Raj System emphasised that rural women should not become mere beneficiaries of

development but should be made equal partners in its affairs as contributors. India is perhaps the first country to recognise this social fact underlined by Lenin on the International

Working Womens Day in 1921,8 and to have taken concrete measures to draw women into leadership positions and

thereby in to politics by giving them one-third reservation in what may now be called the third tier of governance the Panchayati Raj. The constitutional amendment providing one-

third representation to women in elected bodies as well as reserving one-third of the offices of chairpersons for them will have far-reaching consequences in Indian political and social life.9 Article 243D(3) of the Constitution (Seventy-third Amendment) Act, 1992, reads: Not less than one-third (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the SCs and STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Panchayat shall be reserved for women and such seats may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Panchayat. And Clause (4) has the following provision: not less than one-third (including the number of offices of chairperson reserved for women belonging to the SCs and STs) of the total number of offices of chairpersons in the Panchayat at each level shall be reserved forwomen: provided also that the number of offices reserved under this clause shall be allotted by rotation to different Panchayats at each level.10 Now, some general observations can be made

regarding the role of women in grassroot level governance. It has come to the notice that the percentage ofwomen at

various levels of political activities has increased formally. The general trend is that those in politics are women belonging to the younger age-group between 25-45. It is also revealed that women take up political career as an extension of their domestic role. While women have been active in mass

movements, their presence is not felt in decision-making. The influence of the husbands and close relatives is quite palpable. This tendency is due to lack of confidence. This dependency is a stumping block in their empowerment. Another positive impact of the grassroot level experiment is the increase in the female literacy rate. Studies reveal that after two years of their election to PRIs,

many women demanded literacy skills and also felt the need to educate their daughters. generally take Issues interest in are

which women representatives

drinking water supply, primary health, child care, public distribution quality system and environmental protection. is One their

observed

among womenrepresentatives

patience to hear the problems of the public. They also work in adverse circumstances. It are has honest been and observed accurate bodies in and

that womenrepresentatives presenting issues to the

decision-making

authorities. Women would

bring

new

ideas

in

local

governance. They believe in a sustainable development and their emphasis is on natural working resources at the

management. Women representatives

grassroot level also believe that communal harmony is an important element of development and they strive to achieve this objective. Another promising fact is that they do not indulge in corrupt practices.11 Under this system, in many parts of the country, the elected women have exhibited their leadership in solving some of the local problems and creating facilities for betterment of the rural society. Women are considered an extremely pivotal point in the process of change in the rural areas. Womens participation in panchayats provided opportunities to women to participate in the decision-making process. Womens participation proved to be the most effective instrument in bringing about a change in their way of life in terms of economic well-being and adoption of new technology.12Womens entry into PRIs, both as members as well as heads of Panchayats, has pushed them into the policy-making and policy-implementation process in a very big way.

Whether their husbands, fathers, brothers or other relatives compelled them to take up these roles, or whether they assumed these roles as dummy incumbents, one thing is certain: they crossed the rigid boundaries drawn through their households by the same male relatives. Problems of Qualitative Women Participation Prior to the reservation bill, statistics regarding womens participation in PRIs were significantly lower

(between four and five percent).13 Today 33 per cent of candidates participating in the PRIs are women. In

general, participation at local level can be viewed from two anglesquality and quantity. As far as the qualitative aspect is concerned, there are three levels of quality of participation: passive participation, making participation. But women representatives lack this aspect of active participation and decision-

qualitative participation. A constitutional provision is only a necessary step which should be followed by effective

measures for womens upliftment in the rural areas. To make womens participation in society and politics a reality, enormous work remains to be done, given their present socioeconomic conditions.

Despite reservation for women, effective participation in PRIs have failed due to misuse and manipulation by the local power-brokers. Ignorance of women about their rights and procedures and about their potential and responsibilities have kept them far behind men in the local bodies. It is very much doubtful that mere increase in the number of reserved seats for women in local bodies is likely to increase

the participation of women. Unless structural changes are brought about, a sincere effort is made to educate women and the power structures existing in rural areas are neutralised, nothing much can be achieved. Women representatives often run into barriers (especially of family and society) and are hindered from participating effectively. They feel inhibited to speak especially when they are in large male dominated assemblies. Those who muster up enough courage and strength to speak receive very little respect or attention. It has been observed that women are invited only to complete the quorum. Further, the officials also pay heed to the needs of upper class women in preference to the needs of

peasant women. The rights of women thus get systematically nullified by the local bureaucracy.

The family, community and the state (represented by the officials) have together created a situation wherein elected women representatives are facing many operational constraints while playing their roles and discharging their functions in the PRIs. Women representatives have some individual weaknesses: Illiteracy and low education levels of the majority of the women elected to the PRIs. Overburdened with family responsibilities. Introversion due to the lack of communication skills. Poor socio-economic background with which

the women have come into the system and poor capacity building. Patriarchical system indirectly controls and directs their participation.16 There are some other limitations regarding womens qualitative participation in PRIs: Male family members and also leaders from the caste group/community come in the way of the affairs of the Panchayats. Indifferent attitude and behaviour of officials working in the system.

 Misguidance by the local bureaucracy. Apprehension of no-confidence motion by the other elected members of the system. Mounting pressure from the political party which has vested interests in the gender reservation for positions in the PR system. Women representatives face problems at every stage of their participationfrom the Gram Sabha to Zila Parishad. In an Open Forum organised by the Rural Litigation And Entitlement Kendra for 300 elected women representatives of PRIs of Uttar Pradesh, the following observations were made by the participants: Government orders on devolution of powers to PRIs were a mockery. There was a blatant practice of commission demanded by Block level staff. Women were branded as incompetent in the eyes of villagers and were forced to quit through the passing of no-confidence motions. Undue interference by the husband (post sarpanches) of women dummies. representatives, treating them as mere

 Widespread use of corrupt practices among the male members and local bureaucrats. It is clear that mere reservation is not enough because a woman representative lacks

qualitative participation due to both internal and external factors. Womans empowerment is not something which can be handed over to women only. This is a process which involves sincerity, earnestness and capacity and capability on the part of both men and women. It is a challenging task in village India as even today she cannot take any independent decision. She feels subordinate to her husband and even to her son.

Steps taken by the Government In keeping with its past and present policy objectives, the government has launched a number of programmes focused on empowerment of rural women. In 1998, a scheme was started that aimed at empowering women in rural areas. It was called Swashaktithe Rural Women Development and Empowerment Project. In 2001, the government launched Swayamsiddhathe Integrated Women Empowerment

Scheme that aims at holistic empowerment of women through

awareness generation. In 2002, Swadhar was launched to make rural women economically strong. Under the Ninth Plan (1997-2002), Empowerment of Women became one of the nine primary objectives of development. India has heralded the New Millennium by pronouncing the year 2001

as Womens Empowerment Year. Under the provisions of The Women (Empowerment for Equal Participation) Bill 2005, it is stated that reservation for women in local bodies like village panchayats, municipalities etc. is not enough. They should have equal participation in the governance of the nationlegislative, executive and judiciary on the basis of their numerical strnegth. One of the admirable steps of the government is that now girls are entitled to equal property rights along with their brothers. Recently, with the efforts of the Ministry of Women and Child development, the Domestic Violence Act, 2006 has been passed and come into force from October 26, 2006. The Act covers abuse or threat of abuse, whether physical, sexual, verbal, emotional or economic and it also covers both houses and work places.21 This Domestic Violence Act will certainly help the

rural women representatives who suffer from physical or psychological threats/ violence from male members of PRIs.

SUGGESTIONS There is a need to empower rural women to enhance their quality of participation. The awakening of women

in India towards a society where justice and brotherhood prevail, can best be achieved by woman-to-woman contact. The cultural patterns of Indian society are such that social progress amongwomen can be promoted effectively though the medium of personal relationship among them. It

is women who can inspire confidence and offer stimulus for social change especially among their sisters in the rural areas. Hence, effective leadership among women must come from the ranks of womenthemselves. Their qualitative participation can be achieved through training besides of course the literacy educational programmes. Mahila Mandals could be activated for this purpose where women could learn skills and acquire confidence. Links have to be strengthened between the village and the bureaucracy at the lower level. Special programmes on the role of women in PRIs, on rights of women and procedures should be prepared and highlighted through the mass media so as to make women aware and improve the quality of their participation in the socio-political system. The

commitment to political empowerment must be supplemented by a new conceptualisation of womens role in the economy of India. The government (Ministry of Women and Child

Development) should take the responsibility to make the rural women aware about their rights and responsibilities. There should be a remedy It for each be problem followed of by

rural women participation.

should

comprehensive empowerment policies and programmes. Some problems and their remedies are as follows: Low Status and Morale: Need of UpgradationMost of the women in rural areas feel inferior to male members of family/Panchayats. This attitude needs to change to

make women as part and parcel of the family as well as Panchayats. They should retain their confidence level.22 There is another major problem with

the women representatives. Women hailing from SC and ST categories may find it difficult to mix with representatives of general categories. To cope with this problem, it is necessary to inculcate confidence among them and to bring attitudinal changes through training in the psyche of the upper classes. Stern action should be taken against such persons who foment communal feelings.

Dependence

upon

Men

since

Childhood:

Need

of

Independence from Early StagesIn Indian villages,

girls

remain dependent upon the father, brother or cousin and this very feeling continues in their married life. We must give capacity building training to girls in schools to be

independent.23 The programmes of free universal education upto the age of 14 should be vigorously implemented. The courses of studies should inculcate courage, the the values of etc. of

gender equality, which would

self-respect, help to

independence personalities

develop

girls/ women. In all kinds of public participation, the primary responsibilities of women for looking after home and children always come in the way; unless arrangements are made for child care and other domestic responsibilities,

sustained participation of women in the public sphere is not possible.24 Women Elected Representatives of PRIs Give Way to their Menfolk: Need of Taking Independent Decision

Women representatives in PRIs must be trained in the art and science of decision-making so that they are not influenced by extraneous factors. They must develop leadership qualities. They should discuss among other women and take their

opinion.25 All women members of Panchayats and other executive bodies must be trained and empowered to exercise their authority. Particular attention must be paid to the development of inter-personal communication skills among the community leaders. Efforts are required to

elicit participation of women by establishing links between the elected representatives and the development functionaries. The prevailing male dominated power structure in the village is not ready to accept women as chairpersons (Sarpanches, Pradhans of Block Samiti and Chairperson of Zila Parishad) of the Panchayats. This problem can be solved by

persuading womento come forward to assume responsibilities. This requires special orientation camps for the rural elite. Lack of Interest and Knowledge: Need of Enthusiasm and TrainingWomenlack interest in PRIs on account of the lukewarm attitude They to PRIs by the Union and State within

governments.

must

generate

enthusiasm

themselves by making a goal and attach themselves to the altar with a spirit of dedication must be and reverence.26 able to

The women participants

mutually

communicate in order to be able to exchange ideas. They should be given proper training in the working of the politico-

administrative institutions. It is also suggested that PRIs prepare publicity material in local languages. Audio-visual and print media can contribute significantly by the

dissemination of information on womenrelated issues and prospects.27 No Forum to Exchange Ideas: Need for All Women Forum Elected womenrepresentatives of three tiers should meet once in three months and formulate integrated plans. In this way, they would be more participative while deliberating on important issues.28 The empowerment process requires social change by organising and mobilising the womens groups for struggle. Mahila Mandals should be formed in all the villages and get the full support of the National Commission for Women (NCW) and other womens welfarebased NGOs. Women MLAs and MPs do not take Interest in them: Need of Motivation by their own ExamplesWomen MLAs and MPs should visit frequently the elected representatives of PRIs to solve the problems faced by the rural womenmembers. They should encourage them to take decisions independently.29 The national and regional political parties can play an

important role in making them aware about the process, values and working of democratic institutions. Empowerment has multidimensional focus and its success depends on environmental forces in a given society. For that, a healthy environment is a must for womens empowerment at the grassroot level. Drawing lessons from experiences and case studies at the local, national and international levels is important. In the end, it can be said that 33 per cent reservation for women in PRIs is a good step but it should be the As

supplemented with effective qualitative aspect

measures

that ensure

of womens participation.

the India Panchayati Raj Report 2001 reveals: Womens expectations and hopes for a greener, cleaner, responsive and representative politics have gone up. They will send out more clearly and energetically the message of womens

empowerment and social development. For that reservation needs to be accompanied by considerable amount of

affirmative action programme.30 To influence and lead effectively,women representatives must develop and use

legitimate power (authority). To empower is giving women the capacity to influence the decision-making process by

integrating

them

into

our

political

system.

Hence

empowerment of rural women can be made possible not only through reservations but it also requires removal of the causes of disempowerment whether social, political or

psychological. n

CONCLUSION
In pre-independence India, women had

demanded voting rights as early as 1917, and they bravely fought against colonialism traditional society. Voting as well as the rights came patriarchal, national legislative

with and

independence.

Constitutional

provisions

securities subsequently led women to enter elective and appointive public office in unprecedented numbers. India has had a woman Prime Minister and several state chief ministers. The celebration of the year of Empowerment of Women, the reservation of 33 percent of panchayat seats for women and a proposal for a similar reservation in Parliament are all steps in the right direction. In general, however, the involvement of women in politics has been low key. They have acted as volunteers in civic and social community efforts, in electoral politics as political wives, party loyalists and voters. But in political decision-making their status has been subordinate to that of men. Only a small section of women belonging to or supported by affluent and influential families have managed to enter the political mainstream.

One hindrance is that, in India, politics has been associated with unhealthy competition, display of physical strength, greed and struggle for the exercise of authority. Women have been socialized to believe that politics is a male domain, a dirty game and have stayed on the sidelines. But it is not simply their choice. Indian culture assigns women the responsibilities of primarily parenting and nurturing, so they develop an according psychology and choose the role of caregiver and confinement to the private sphere, i.e. home. The family in India has an important influence on the life of women, whose identity and course in life are considered to be determined by their fathers, brothers or husbands. Women's limited political training and socialization takes place within the family and home. Practices such as female seclusion and sex segregation, the relative rigidity of the division of labor, and the notion of the "naturalness" of males' and females' work, and many subtle aspects of gender relations all contribute to the shaping of ideology and practices that marginalize women. Even in the area of politics there is a gender gap, not only in choice of candidates but in voting. This is mainly related to illiteracy. It is exacerbated, however, by inadequate

vote registry campaigns and carelessness of those whose duty it is to help women, even illiterate ones, complete the formalities through which they can exercise their

constitutional right to cast a ballot and choose their leaders. Patriarchy should not be regarded as an

insurmountable obstacle, but must be fought. Education, development of scientific outlook, legal safeguards,

enlightenment of men and awareness of their own potential by women are the effective forces in this direction. By

strengthening women's leadership, building up their selfconfidence and morale and equipping them with information the situation can be changed. It is not just the numbers that count. Success lies in the way women leaders perceive the problems and effectively resolve the issues.

References Lowe Morna, Gender Budgeting: Myths and Realities, October 2000). 1. J.C. Johari (2001), Indian Government and Politics,

Jalandhar: Vishal, p. 515.

2.

Neelima

Deshmukh

(2005),

Womens

Empowerment

Through Panchayati Raj Institutions, in Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. LI, No. 2, New Delhi: IIPA, p. 194. 3. R. Venkata Ravi and P. Sunder Raj (2006),

Decentralisation and Development In India, in Man and Development, Vol. XXVIII, No. 4, Chandigarh: CRRID, pp. 4950. 4. S.S. Sree Kumar (2006), Representation of Women in Legislature: A Sociological Perspective in the Indian Context, in Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. LXVII, No. 3, Meerut: Indian Political Science Association, p. 617. 5. http://www.thp.org/india/panchayat.htm. 6. http://homepages.wmich.edu. 7. Ashok Kumar Jha et al. (eds.) (2004), Women In Panchayati Raj Institutions, New Delhi: Anmol, pp. 198,199. 8. V.I. LeninBut you cannot draw the masses

into politics without drawing the women into politics as well. For, the female half of the human race is doubly oppressed under Capitalism (and) in household bondage. 9. George Mathew (1994), Panchayati Raj from Legislation to Movement, New Delhi: Concept, p. 129.

10. S. Maheshwari (2004), Local Government in India, Agra: Lakshmi Narain Aggarwal, p. 184. 11. S.S. Sree Kumar, op. cit., p. 621. 12. A. Rajeshwari, PRIs and Women, in G. Palanithurai (ed.) (1996), Empowering PeopleIssues and Solutions, New Delhi: Kanishka, p. 128. 13. http://homepages.wmich.edu. 14. Manjusha Sharma, Womens Participation in Gram

Panchayats: A Study in Haryana, in Shiv Raj Singh et al. (eds.) (2003), Public Administration in the New Millennium Challenges and Prospects, New Delhi: Anamika, p. 216. 15. Ashok Kumar Jha, op. cit., pp. 198,201. 16. A. Venkata Ravi and D. Sunder Raj, op. cit., pp. 60-61. 17. Ibid. 18. Rajesh Gill (2006), Empowering Women Through

Panchayats, in Man and Development, Vol. XXVIII, No. 4, Chandigarh: CRRID, p.98-99. 19. S.L. Goel and Shalini Rajneesh (2003), Panchayati Raj in India Theory and Practice, New Delhi: Deep and Deep, p.272. 20. http://rajyasbha.nic.in/bills. 21. The Hindu, October 26, 2006.

22. S.L. Goel and Shalini Rajneesh, op. cit., pp. 283-284. 23. Ibid. 24. A. Rajeswari, op. cit., pp. 132. 25. S.L. Goel and Shalini Rajneesh, op. cit., p. 285. 26. Ibid. 27. S.L. Kaushik and Kiran Hooda (2002),

Political Participation of ElectedWomen at Grassroots Level, in Indian Management Studies Journal, Vol. 6, No. 1, Patiala: Punjabi University, pp. 52-53. 28. S.L. Goel and Shalini Rajneesh, op. cit., p. 286. 29. Ibid. 30. India Panchayati Raj Report (2001), Vol. II, Hyderabad: NIRD, pp. 302-303. The author is a Lecturer in Political Science, Department of Correspondence Courses, Punjabi University, Patiala. He can be contacted by e-mail at ajitpal_chahal@yahoo.com