GREEK C UL TS OF DEIFIED

ABSTRACTIONS

Thesis submitted for the degreeof PhD by

Emma J. Stafford University College London

1998

ABSTRACT

This dissertation aims to explore the phenomenonof the worship of abstract in form concepts personified and its developmentin the Archaic and Classicalperiods. An introductory chapter surveysprevious scholarly literature on the subject and covers some general theoretical issues: i) definitions; ii) problems of sources and iii) the question of the predominantly feminine gender of these figures; methodology; iv) ancient and modern theories on deified abstractionsas a class. Six chaptersthen look at a selection of individual cults in roughly chronological sequence, each exemplifying one or more of the general questions raised by such cults. Themis provides a good exampleof the very "mythological" deified abstractionsof the Archaic period and the problems of tracing the origins and early history of personificationcults. Nemesiswas probably worshipped at Rhamnousfrom the sixth century, but acquires in fifth from battle the the unique status an associationwith of Marathon; the cult of the two Nemeseisat Smyrna, I argue, is a fourth-century innovation. Peitho is often in a variety of locations associatedwith rhetoric, but a survey of her cult associations her erotic side, an aspect further revealed in vase-painting. These three emphasises figures all have roots in archaicliterature, whereasHygieia, though soon mythologised daughter Asklepios, does in before her arrival in Athens as of not appear any medium in 420 BC in the healing god's wake. Her cult particularly raisesthe question of how seriously personifications could be taken as deities, since the concept which she is human desideratum. Later innovations are similarly often embodies so patently a dismissedas "mere" allegory or propaganda,as is illustrated by the case of Eirene in fourth-century Athens, most famously representedin Kephisodotos' group of Peace holding the child Wealth, her cult introduced in responseto quite specific political literary The circumstances. problems of correlating archaeologicaland sources are figure be in "abstract", the to the case of most considered,Eleos, particularly acute dates from late deity "altar Pity"; Athenian the the the of although altar of eponymous later development. is its insubstantial From these six probably a god sixth century, be deified the offered on place of case studies some provisional conclusions can in ideas Greek abstract religious thought and practice.

CONTENTS Acknowledgments Abbreviations and Conventions List of Illustrations 5 7 9

1. Introduction: "personification as a mode of Greek thought" Definitions ancient and modern Sourcesand methodology Thegender question Deified abstractions as a class

13 23 26 45 56

2. Themis: archaic personification

and the epithet theory

66

Themisin archaic literature and art Cults of Themis Delphi, Themisand oracles Rhamnous at -Themis Athens and Ge Themis

67 70 75 78 83

3. Nemesis: "myth into logos? "

92

Hesiod's Nemesis Nemesismother of Helen and the cult at Rhamnous Rhamnousin thefifth century Rhamnous,Athens and the Nemesia TheNemeseisof Smyrna Iconography of Nemesis

94 96 100 107 114 119

4. Peitho: sex and rhetoric

123

Cults ofPeitho: islands and Asia Minor Cults of Peitho: mainland Greece Peitho and Aphrodite Pandemosat Athens Peitho, Aphrodite and seduction Seductionand the wedding

125 129 136 146 152

5. Hygieia: "non dea sed donum Dei" .9

158

"Without you no one is happy" Hygieia's origins Hygieia's associates Thepicture of health

160 163 170 174

Eirene: propaganda and allegory TheAthenian cult of Peace Kephisodotos'Eirene and Ploutos The tradition of Peace and Prosperity Euripides'andAristophanes'Peace OutsideAthens

183 184 190 194 196 203

7. Eleos: the Athenian "altar of Pity" and its god

Literary sources Archaeological evidence and identification of the altar

207
208 222

Conclusion

236

Illustrations

244

Bibliography

278

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I have often felt that this thesis would never be finished, and it can only be due to the help and encouragementof a large number of friends that is has finally reached the light of day. Alan Griffiths hasbeen a constantsource of inspiration over the seven has he his I level, to supervisedme, and owe much years constructivecriticism at every from content and structure to the minutiae of copy-editing. In the final stagesof the first version Diana Burton was helpful beyond the call of duty in commentingon draft in less Lampeter far removedfrom the resourcesof London chaptersand making seem libraries. This secondversion has been much improved by the erudition and eye for detail of my examiners,Robert Parker and Catherine Morgan, whose criticisms and have informed have been I thorough the suggestions a over-hauling of piece. also helped in have had by Nick Fisher, I greatly and encouraged my revisions with whom have been Nemesis, Several kind enough inter many conversationsabout alia. people to read and comment on one or two chaptersat various stagesof their development (some at unreasonablyshort notice): Roger Brock, Pat Easterling, Keith Hopwood, Doug Lee, John North, David Noy, John Wilkins. All remainingerrors and infelicities deal has A thesis the this are of course entirely my own work. great of substanceof been aired in the form of papers, and I should like to thank the many audiencesfor their (on the whole) encouragingreception;Nick Lowe and Lin Foxhall deservespecial for faith in their mention contagiousenthusiasm and extraordinary me. Most of my researchhasbeen carried out at the Institute of ClassicalStudiesin London, and I owe a huge debt to all the library staff there, especiallySueWilletts and Paul Jackson. The ICS postgraduatework-in-progress seminar vetted most of my Gordon Tea-Room before the to their -Square outside world, and papers unveiling (as well as tea). provided endlessenlightenment,references,and refreshmentof spirit Regular denizensin my time included Richard Alston, Mike Chappell (to whom I owe Apollo), Hymn Nicky Devlin, Rebecca Homeric know I to the about everything Flernming, Barbara Goward, Tamar Hodos, Alan Johnston, Ruth Leader, Bob Sharples,Karen Stears,Russell Shone and Chlod Productions. For financial support during this period I should thank the British Academy, and those who saw fit to give Greek Latin, UCL; Department Department the the and of of me paid employment:

History, Birkbeck; the Department of Classics,Royal Holloway; the Ancient History Division, Leicester; and the Barbican Arts Centre (where I had time to read many books, as well as hear good music). Since October 1995 1 have been based at Lampeter, where my colleagueshave been almost unfailingly gracious and practical in their support, from the providion of exceptionally good computer facilities, and the lending of books, to Anne Morley's supplying of emergencychocolate. Many of my helped by difficult being have asking also questions and polite enough to students in fortnight interested in Finally, School Athens British the my work. a at at sound August 1997 allowed me to work on this second version undisturbed in congenial surroundings. For general moral support and accommodation/food/pints at various moments (without like Steve Hin-Yan Wong Jane Fisher-Hunt I to thank of crisis would and and library Garden Camden ICS Covent the to and residences extendedvisits would whose have been much more difficult to arrange);Margaret Purdy, Marcus Daniels, Andrew Colski and David Hanson; Kate Gilliver, Louis Rawlings, Helen King, Helen Morales Gideon Nisbet. Alexander Evans Clark, Jim Karen Pierce; Duncan Barker, and and Over the past two years, in particular, Tony Brothers has administeredmuch welcome G&T and sympathy, and Alex Woolf and Dave Atkinson have been astonishly forbearing house-mates. Finally, and most importantly, my parents Sheila and John Stafford have always supported and encouragedmy academic endeavoursin every possibleway -I is dedicated begin This to thesis to thank them adequately. cannot believed Bewley, Herbert that them and to the memory of my grandfather, who Good Thing. educationwas a Lampeter, September1998

CONVENTIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS

As a generalpolicy I have included the Greek or Latin text of passages quoted (my translation own unless otherwise specified); this may at times seem as well as a but hope it be have both I to the to the original of assistance reader will cumbersome, hand. have interpretation I to adopted the usual compromise position over and my transliteration, following the Greek spelling for the most part but retaining traditional Latinisations for some familiar names,such as Thucydides. Abbreviations of ancient follow OCD in listed in those the authors and works with some amplifications the interests of intelligibility. Modern works other than those below are referred to by date full details being in bibliography. the of given author's surnameand publication, Abbreviations of periodical titles follow LAnnee Philologique, but I include here a few Greek periodicalsnot listed therein.
AAA ABV ApXazoAoruc6 A v&Acirrae AOi7vcov B eazley, I D. (19 56) A ttic Black-Figure Vase-Painters, Oxford

Add2
AEphem

Burn, L. and Glynn, R. (eds. 1989)BeazleyAddenda, 2nd ed. Oxford

ApXazoAortic E(pqpe'pz!;

AR V2
CEG

2nd ed. Oxford Beazley,J.D. (1963) Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters,

Berlin and Hansen, P.A. (1983 -9) Carmina Epigraphica Graeca 1-11, New York

CVA DAA

Corpus VasorumAntiquorum Raubitschek,A.E. (1949) DedicationsftOm the Athenian Acropolis, CambridgeMass. Bianchi Bandinelli, R. and Beccati, G. (eds. 1958-94)Enciclopedia dell'Arte Antica Classica e Orientale, Rome Jacoby,F. (1957- ) Die Fragmente der GriechischenHistoriker, Leiden Inscriptiones Graecae A Lexicon of GreekPersonal Names,Oxford. Vol. 1, TheAegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica., ed. Fraser,P.M. and Matthews, E., 1987. Vol. II, Attica, ed. Osborne,M. J. and Byrne, S.G., 1994

EAA

FGrI-I IG LGPN

LIMC

Lexicon konographicum Mythologiae Classicae,Zurich and Munich 1981Liddell, Scott and Jones(1940) Greek-EnglishLexicon, 9th ed. Oxford Meiggs, R. and Lewis, D. M. (1988) GreekHistorical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century BC, rev. ed. Oxford Migne, J.-P. (ed. 1875-7)Patrologiae Cursus Completus:Series Graecae,Paris Beazley, J.D. (1971) Paralipomena: Additions to AB V and to AR Oxford Kassel,R. and Austin, C. (eds. 1984-9)Poetae Comici Graeci, Berlin Bernabe,A. (ed. 1996)Poetarum Epicorum Graecorum, 2nd ed. Leipzig Page,D. L. (ed. 1962)PoetaeMelici Graeci, Oxford Davies, M. (ed. 1991) PoetarumMelicorum GraecorumFragmenta 1, Oxford
lIpKrzKrillj ev A0Ivaig apXazooyiKilgcruipetal;

LSJ ML

MPG

Para.

PCG PEG

PMG PMG 2

Praktika Prott-Ziehen

Prott, J. de and Ziehen, L. (18 96) Leges Graecorum Sacrae e titulis collectis, Leipzig 1896

RAC
DU

Reallexikonfr Antike und Christentum, Stuttgart 1950Paulys Real-Encyclopaedieder ClassischenAltertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart 1893-1972 Roscher,w. H. (1902-9) AusfhrlichesLexikon der Griechischenund RmischenMythologie, Leipzig Epigraphicum Graecum,Leiden 1923Supplementum Collitz, H. et al. (eds. 1884-1915)Sammlungder griechischenDialektInschriften, Gttingen

Ix. ri
D-

F. -uscher SEG SGDI

siG3

3rd ed. W. (1915-24)SyllogeInscriptionumGraecarum, Dittenberger, Leipzig

ILLUSTRATIONS (pp.244-77) Fig. 1 Three Nymphs, Thernisand Cheiron in the wedding processionof Peleus frieze black-figure dinos by Sophilos, Upper Thetis. of and c.580 BC, British Museum (Shapiro 1993,fig. 179). Fig. 2 Gigantornachy:Thernisdrives Dionysos' chariot. North frieze of the SiphnianTreasury,Delphi, c.530-25 BC (Shapiro 1993,fig. 180). Fig. 3 Aigeus consultsThemis, acting as the Pythia. Tondo of red-figure cup by the Codrus Painter, 440-30 BC, Berlin (Shapiro 1993,fig. 182). Fig. 4 ThemiswelcomesBendis. Red-figure skyphos,430-25 BC, Ttibingen (Shapiro 1993, fig. 185).
Fig. 5 Thernis, seated on an omphalos, counsels Zeus. Red-figure pelike by the Eleusinian Painter, fourth century, St. Petersburg (Shapiro 1993, fig. 183).

Fig. 6

General a) plan of Rhamnous,showingthe relationshipof the sanctuaryto the fortress (Petrakos 1991,fig. 2). b) Plan of the sanctuary,showingthe two temples,the fifth-century stoa and the fountain-house(Petrakos 1987,276 fig. 6).
in have looked it Rhamnous Reconstruction the as might of sanctuary at a) the fifth century BC (Petrakos 1987,270 fig. 2). b) Plan of the small temple (Petrakos 1991, fig. 10). Statue of Themis by Chairestratos, c.300-250 BC, Athens NM (Harrison 1977, pl. 43.1).

Fig. 7

Fig. 8

Fig. 9 The western end of the Asklepieionterrace on the south slope of the Akropolis (Walker 1979,fig. 1). Fig. 10 The Akropolis and surroundingshrinesand buildings in the secondcentury 1.22.1-3). AD (Travlos 1971,71, plus locations for the shrinesof Pausanias
Fig. 11 Despinis' reconstruction of Agorakritos' cult statue of Nemesis, showing the extant fragments (Karanastassi, etc. 1992, no. I*). from imperial Italy, Nemesis, Agorakritos' Roman Fig. 12 period, early copy of Copenhagen, Glyptothek 2086 (Karanastassi, etc. 1992, no. 2a*). fig. base (Shapiro 1). Lapatin 1992, front Nemesis' Reconstruction the Fig. 13 of of Identities (?): 6. Helen, 7. Leda, 8. Nemesis.

17 (Shapiro 1992, Lapatin base: Nemesis Detail pl. c). Fig. 14 of the

Fig. 15 Leda finds the egg, watched by Tyndareosand the Dioskouroi. Attic bellkrater from Egnatia, c.420 BC, Bonn 78.247 (Carpenter 1991,fig. 295). Fig. 16 a) The persuasionof Helen. Amphoriskosby the HeimarmenePainter, c-430 BC, Berlin 30036 (Ghali-Kahil 1955, pl. 8). Cf fig. 28.
b) Details: i) Nemesis and Tyche (?); ii) Heimarmene and unidentified figure (photos: Isolde Luckert, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz).

Fig. 17 Torch-race team processtowards three goddesses.Votive relief from Rhamnous,c.330 BC. a) London BM 1953.5-30.2+ Rhamnous530, and b) cast (Palagiaand Lewis 1989, pl.49). Fig. 18 The two Nemeseisof Smyrnaappearto Alexander. Bronze coin, issues fig. (drawing: 14). Aurelius, Gordian I Levi 1979,1 Marcus Philip and under Fig. 19 Two Nemeseiswith measuringrod and bridle. Carnelian,2nd or 3rd cent. 5*). 1992, AD, New York, MMA 81.6.189(Karanastassi, no. etc. Fig. 20 Nemeseiswith measuringrod and bridle. Bronze cistophor from Smyrna, Hadrian, (Karanastassi, etc. 1992,no. 9*).
Fig. 21 Temple front, with two Nemeseis inside. Bronze cistophor from Smyrna, Hadrian (Karanastassi, etc. 1992, no. 8*). Fig. 22 Nemesis with scales and wheel trampling a youth. Marble votive relief from Thessaloniki, 3rd cent. AD, Vienna, Kunsth. Mus. 1808 (Depot) (Karanastassi, etc. 1992, no. 163*).

Fig. 23 Reconstructionof the aedicula of Aphrodite Pandemos on the south-west fig. (Simon 7). Akropolis 1983, the slope of
Fig. 24 Fragment of the aediculd's architrave (Simon 1983, pl. 15.1). Fig. 25 Aphrodite, Eros and Peitho? Detail of the east frieze of the temple of Athena Nike (BRimel 1950/1 fig. 13).

Fig. 26 Peitho flees from the sceneof the Rape of the Leukippidai. The Meidias Painter, London E224, c.420 BC (Shapiro 1993,fig. 168). by in Skyphos Peitho Aphrodite Helen, Fig. 27 Paris abducts attendance. and with Makron, Boston 13.186(Ghali-Kahil 1955,pl. 4)
Aphrodite, Himeros, Paris. Helen, Peitho, Helen: Persuasion The Fig. 28 of (photos: Isolde 30036 Berlin Painter, by Heimarmene Amphoriskos the Luckert, Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz). Cf fig. 16.

10

Fig. 29 Menelaosis reunitedwith Helen, with the assistance of Peitho, Aphrodite (Shapiro Vatican H 525 fig. Oinochoe, 1993, 150). Eros. and Fig. 30 Wedding preparations:Aphrodite, Eros, Peitho, Harmonia, Kore, Hebe, Flimeros. Epinetron by the Eretria Painter (Shapiro 1993,fig. 58).
Fig. 31 Telemachos Monument: (Beschi fig. Reconstruction 1982, 2). the a) of monument b) The relief, side A: reconstruction and fragment showing seatedHygieia Athens NM 2477 and London BM 1920.6-161 (Beschi 1982, figs. I and 8). (IG fi-. fig. Inscription 112 Clinton 4960, 1994, 1). c) a;

Fig. 32 Asklepios and family, relief from Thyreatis,AthensNational Museum, (Krug fig. BC 370-60 1993, 50). c.
Fig. 33 Hygieia and the Hesperides. Meidias Painter, London E224, c.420 BC, London (Shapiro 1993, fig. 79). Fig. 34 Hygieia flanked by Pothos and Hedylogos and Eunomia. Pyxis, manner of the Meidias Painter, c.400 BC, London (Shapiro 1993, fig. 82).

Fig. 35 Hygieia the bride. Squatlekythos, mannerof the Meidias Painter, c.400 BC, London (Shapiro 1993,fig. 84).
Fig. 36 Asklepios and snake; Hygieia and worshipper? Boiotian krater, c.400 BC (Lullies 1940, pl. 26). Fig. 37 Hygieia and Asklepios? Relief, c.415 BC, Brocklesby Park (Hausmann 1948, pl. 13, A 42.3) Fig. 38 Asklepios and Hygieia (?) attend a patient. Relief, late fifth century, Piraeus (Hausmann 1948, pl. 1, K 1.1) Fig. 39 Asklepios, Hygieia (?) and worshippers. Relief, c.350 BC, Athens (Kerenyi 1956, fig. 21).

Fig. 40 Offerings for Hygieia (?) and Asklepios. Relief, Athens, c.330 BC (Kerenyi 1956,fig. 16).
(Waywell Malibu BC, 400-350 Copy Hygieia. Hope 41 The Fig. of original of 1986, pl. 47). (Sobel Rhodes 1990, 320 BC, Copy Hygieia. Broadlands 42 Fig. of original of c. I 1b). pl. ii) 40*); (Croissant head 1990, i) Hygieia: Kassel no. without Fig. 43 with portrait head and restorations (Sobel 1990, pl. 10b).

II

Fig. 44 St. Bernard's Well, Edinburgh (photo: TerenceChan). Fig. 45 Kephisodotos' Eirene and Ploutos. Julio-Claudiancopy, Munich Glyptothek 219 (Woodford 1986,fig. 224).
Fig. 46 Panathenaic amphora of 360/59 BC from Eretria, Eretria Museum 14815 (Simon 1988, pl. 5). Fig. 47 Second century AD Athenian bronze coin (Simon 1986, no. 4). Fig. 48 Eirene follows Dionysos. Round altar at Brauron, c.420-10 BC (?), Brauron Museum 1177 (Simon 1988, pl. 2; inscription = IG 131407 bis). Fig. 49 Eirene in Dionysos' retinue. Kalyx-krater, 410-400 BC, Vienna 1024 (Simon 1988, pl. 3)2). Fig. 50 Dionysos "loves the goddess Peace". Pelike, late fifth century, ex-Paris (Shapiro 1993, fig. 9). Fig. 51 Eirene of Western Lokroi. Silver stater, c. 380 BC (Simon 1988, pl. 3,1). Fig. 52 Pax/Tellus/Italia. Detail of panel from the Ara Pacis (Zanker 1990, fig. 135). Fig. 53 Pax with caduceus and cornucopia. SchaffhausenCameo, reign of Tiberius. (Simon 1988, pl. 10,I) Fig. 54 Pax with cornucopia and torch. Bronze sesterce,Vespasian (Simon 1988, 12,2). pl. Fig. 55 Cesare Ripa's Pace (Simon 1988, pl. 12,3).

Fig. 56 All that is visible today of the enclosureof the altar of the Twelve Gods, fig. (Camp 24). 1992, in foreground base Leagros' the statue with
fig. 23). (Camp Gods 1992, Twelve Fig. 57 Reconstruction of the altar of the

fig. (Camp AD 1992, in Agora Athenian the Fig. 58 Plan of the secondcentury 153). 1972). (Thompson Wycherley Agora Pausanias the and Fig. 59 Route of around "altar Pity" Thompson the of with associates Fig. 60 The three-figure reliefs which (Thompson 1952, pl. 17).

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Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION: PERSONIEFICATION AS A MODE OF GREEK THOUGHT

We seethat intelligence,faith, hope,virtue, honour,victory, health,concordand other things of this sort havepower, but not the power of gods. For they are either inherent in like intelligence, hope, faith, properties ourselves virtue and concordor objectsof our desire- like honour,healthand victory. I seethe value of these things, and I seethat statuesare dedicated to them. But why they shouldbe heldto divine power I cannotunderstand further investigation. possess without

Cicero'
While personified figures are quite familiar to anyoneversed in Western art or
literature, as artistic or rhetorical devices passedon through the Classical Tradition, the idea that such abstract figures should actually be worshipped may appear even more from late it did twentieth-century than to Cicero. a unlikely standpoint Literary

personifications range from such figures as Milton's Sin and Bunyan's Hope, Goodwill and Piety to Baudelaire's Ennui, or even the Death who features prominently in 2 fantasy Terry Pratchett's Discworld in Visual

novels.

representations come

various

forms, from the complex allegories of Renaissance painting Batoni's Time orders Old Age to destroy Beauty -

Cranach's Charity,

Gherado di Giovanni's Combat of Love and Chastity, La Hire's Grammar, and to the host of sculptural figures decorate buildings the which nineteenth-century monuments and public of many ' European cities; Britannia herselfhas featured on British coins from the Reformation, 4 literally in is One 50p the the everyday currency on reverse of coin. and still quite figures be however, to take these to seriously as real powers expect any of would not,
1 Cicero, De Natura Deorum 3.24.61 (the speaker is the Academic Cotta): Nam mentem fidem spem virtutem honorem victoriam salutem concordiam ceteraque huius modi rerum vim habere videmus, non deorum. aut enim in nobismet insunt ipsis, ut mens ut spes ut fides ut honos sunt, ut salus ut victoria; quarum rerum nobis ut aut optandae concordia, ut virtus in is deorum insit tum autem vis quare simulacra; etiam consecrata video utifitatem video, intellegam cum cognovero. See below pp.56-8 on Cicero. 2 Paradise Lost 11648-60; The Pilgrim's Progress (passim); "Au Lecteur", Les Fleurs du Mal; The Colour of Magic, etc. (1983-). The music of Hildegard of Bingen is currently enjoying fewer by than Virtutem her Ordo no nineteen personifications. peopled of a vogue, something 3 See Warner 1985 passim. On the particularly rich crop of allegorical figures in the public 1999b). (Stafford forthcoming Liverpool, paper my see sculpture of 4 Britannia as a symbol of the triumphant nation is a significant transformation from her Aphrodisias, the AD first as a at at relief warrior-woman century a on earliest appearance, feet of the emperor Claudius, where she represents Rome's newly subdued province. A more familiar the first today, iconographic the of one figure, ancestor dignified recognisably 1985,46. The British Museum Warner See (AD 119). Hadrian postcard appears on coins of Pius (c. 143-4), Antoninus bronze juxtaposes Coins" of a penny of sestertius a "Britannia on (1797) and a penny of George V (1933). George 111

13

revered or propitiated necessarilyjust a manner of speaking,or a way of giving artistic form to something ' It might come as a surprise, then, to discover that intangible. amongst the many personificationswhich people ancient Greek art and literature, a number were indeed apparentlyworshipped that is to say they had altars, temples and cult statues,they

indeed, in a monotheistic culture personification is

received sacrificesand more lasting dedications,and they were invoked in hymns and The prayers. extent to which thesetrappings of cult can be taken to indicate belief in the real "divine power" of the kind of figures about whom Cicero is so scepticalwill be the subjectof this thesis. Various categoriesof non-humanthings in ancientGreecewere at one time or
another represented in human form, and in some cases worshipped: geographical features, especially rivers and springs (e.g. Acheloos, Arethousa); countries, islands (e. and cities g. Hellas, Delos, Thebes); natural phenomena (e.g. Nyx, Selene). What here, however, concern will me are cults of abstract ideas - of ethical qualities, ideals, political social goods, states of being. While such a division is very much a it is in limiting discussion, the modern categorisation, obviously useful material under has justification insofar as the personification of abstract concepts requires and some "the additional intellectual leap of imagining the invisible and intangible in physical Moreover, geographical/political entities are likely to be restricted to specific .6 localities, while the worship of natural phenomena in human form is likely to be a development from earlier forms of nature-worship/animism, considerations which 7 have On discussion beyond I thesis. the this similar grounds also scope of require largely avoided the various female groups who appear in Greek mythology Furies, Seasons,Fates and Graces discussion.' the form"

whose collective nature seemsto merit separate

5 Johnson on the personifications of Fame and Victory: "to give them any real employment longer, but to is to them them to shock allegorical no make agency material any or ascribe the mind by ascribing effects to non-entity" (Life of Milton, quoted in Bloomfield 1963,167). 6 Shapiro 1993,27; my definition of "abstract" is broader than Shapiro's, however (see below). Cf. Pottier's ten categories of conceptual type (1889-90), Papadaki-Angelidou's 1917,793). (Foucart three Gardner's (1960), et al. twelve and 7 Smith (1997,17-18) points out that this dichotomy is first apparent in Roscher's Deubner's (1902-9), Lexicon entry on personifications of abstract where mythological See ifi kationen". Ostrowski (1990,15"Lokal Steuding's from distinct is person on concepts 21) for bibliography on local personifications in ancient art. 8 The Furies feature largely in Aellen 1994; for a slightly convoluted discussion of their ification? ". Furie "La 82-90, person n est-elle une status, see especially

14

Cults of deified abstractionsraise a number of general questions, which can be formulated (interrelated) headings: perhaps under a number of i) Origins How does a personification cult arise? Are there any necessary preconditions,such as in literature or art, or associationwith an Olympian deity? the figure's prior appearance What historical circumstances give sucha cult the impetusto develop? ii) Status How were deified abstractionsseenin relation to other gods: did they have the same in belief the status systemor were they recognisedas somehowmore "intellectual"? Is difference in status reflected in different forms of worship? any such Did

personification cults perhapsappealespeciallyto the educatedupper classes?Is there "artificial" "arbitrary" something more and about personificationswhose cults were introduced in the late fifth or fourth centuries,as opposedto those who have a placein early literature? Is Eirene, for example,any less"real" a goddessthan Nemesis? iii) Conceptual categories What ideasattained deified status,and are any conceptualcategoriesbetter represented than others? Does the presenceof particular personificationcults give a fair indication held be for the to the community at the of values which were of special significance time? Or is our evidencetoo scatteredto establishsuchpatterns? iv) Relationship between cult personifications, art and literature Were the distinctions between an abstractnoun, its personificationin art/literature and its deification clearly felt? What implications doesthe presence local have for of a cult literature, figure's in indeed for the use of and appearance art or our understandingof a the abstractnoun?
logos Myth v. v)

The very existenceof cults of deified abstractionsis surely an excellent crystallisation least first debate, into logos? " "myth the at conceptsrepresentedare, at since of the incarnations divine "rational" in their thought, tune are whereas with sight, quite light development issue Does "mythological". the their on shedany wider necessarily logical development thought? the of of

9 Personification cults were a notable omission from the colloquium Myth into Logos? held at Bristol, 24th-27th July 1996; see the forthcoming proceedings (ed. Buxton).

15

Greek personifications in general, and particularly their incarnations in visual deal last hundred in have the years. of scholarly attention media, received a good Several works on personification cults appeared in the first two decades of this century. Deubner's article "Personifikationen abstrakter Begriffe", in Roscher's

Ausffihrliches Lexikon der Griechischen und R6mischenMythologie (1902-9), sets its in both Greek Roman, to aspects, out give an overview of personification, all and headings list Cult, Myth, Poetry Art, the of epigraphic, under concluding with a and literary and numismatic evidence for over ninety Greek and fifty Roman cults of personified abstractions. For the most part Deubner merely statesthe evidence,with little comment, and the list of testimonia gives very few indications of chronology, nor in is but the the relative reliability of evidence, a vast amount covered the space,and of the interdisciplinary approach makes this fundamental for later studies. Farnell disposesof cults of deified abstractions in a few pagesat the end of the final chapterof Cults of the Greek States (1896-1909, V. xi), after cults of natural phenomenaand localities; he too supplies a list of testimonia, which agrees substantially with Deubner's though including fewer than half as manydeities. Roman cults receivemore detailed consideration in Axtell's The Deification of Abstract Ideas in Roman Literature and Inscriptions (1907), which discussespublic and private worship of individual personifications, as well as dealing with issues relevant to deified broader into later Greek Roman Ten a cults are put and years abstractionsas a class. in Encyclopaedia Hastings' in "Personification" framework the of theoretical entry Religion and Ethics (1917), by Foucart and others,which also coversthe phenomenon in Egyptian, Indian and Semitic contexts. in Realby Paulys StOBI "Personifikation" Subsequent encyclopediaentries on
in Der (1937), P6tscher Altertumswissenschaft Classischen der Encyclopaedie and "Kultische 1952 Nilsson's Deubner. little do (1972) to to add Kleine Pauly article Religion, der Geschichte his however, to griechischen Personifikationen", a postscript deities by issues theoretical the as a tackle abstract raised to makes a serious attempt A how they more general focussing the about. came of question on especially class, by is Webster's Greek Thought" Mode "Personification provided of a as of overview figures between cult personifications and allegorical 1954 article, while the relationship (1966). Allegorie" "Personifikation Reinhardt's focus und essay is the of The most

16

extensive treatment specifically of

Greek cults is Hamdorf s Griechische

Kultpersonifikationen der Vorhellenistichen Zeit (1964), which does great service to the subject by drawing attention to the large number of cults attested before the Hellenistic period. Hamdorf covers natural phenomenaand local personificationsas well as abstractions,accompanyingeach section with a catalogueof testimonia. The drawback to Hamdorf s work is that the large amount of material covered leaves main space for only brief discussion of each figure, often obscuring the very different it is best few standardsof evidence adduced, and general conclusions are reached; consulted as a starting point for further investigations. A return to the broader theoretical approach can be seen in Gombrich's 1971 article "Personification" in Bolgar's Classical Influences on European Culture AD 500-1500, which relates the Greek precedent to the "ubiquitous habit of personification" in medieval and early Renaissanceart and literature. Similarly, the colloquium held in Paris in 1977 on Mythe et Personnification had papers consideringthe phenomenonin Scandinavian, RenaissanceSpanish, and modern Greek literature as well as in Greek and Roman (ed. Duchemin 1980) attempt to arrive at a general the mythology, and proceedings definition of "mythical personification". The search for a universally applicable in "Dynamics Humphreys' Greek of the explanation of personification cults recurs Greek breakthrough: the dialogue between philosophy and religion" (1986), which An in trend. the the more general rationalising context of a phenomenon places be individual detailed theory to casescan examinationof with more attempt combine Hellenistic World: Tyche, dissertation Personification in in Kershaw's the seen Kairos, Nemesis (1986), which considerseach figure in the light of literary usage of for Personification its iconography cult. the abstract concept, as well as evidence and in just in briefly two feature two pages standard general works on religion, cults in Parker's but (1985,85-6), Greek Religion Burkert's section a more substantial Athenian Religion: a History (1996,227-37). A paper deliveredby Nicolas Richer at September (Hay-on-Wye, 1997), Perspectives New Sparta: the recent conference leur les Fepoche Sparte ique: "Innovations a evolution", makesa pathemata et archa: a from later known date to the bold attempt to sources cults of personification a number demonstrated by basis the conditions social conducive of on century seventh/sixth literature. Spartan art and archaic Richer's arguments are admittedly highly

17

speculative, but his approach is salutary, with its focus on the attempt to explain a group of personified abstractionsworshippedin a particularpolis in terms of that city's 'O history. social Much work has focussed on personification in the visual arts, often raising
issues of interest to the current study. " Hinks' seminal Myth and Allegory in Ancient Art (1936) is much concerned with theoretical questions beyond the strictly

iconographic, especially the "mythical thought v. logical thought" question. Three recent studies, however, give the images centre-stage, combining useful catalogues less discussion. Alan Shapiro's Personifications in Greek Art: more with or extensive the representation of abstract concepts 600-400 BC (1993, based on a 1977 Princeton dissertation) provides an A-Z of personified figures in the sixth and fifth centuries BC. Attic vase-painting inevitably makes up the bulk of his material, but he does also catalogue lost works known from literary sources, and discusses each figure in the light of evidence for her cult; his entries provided a starting point for all but one of the figures on which the current work focusses. Published in the same series, Christian Aellen's A la Recherche de I'Ordre Cosmique: forme etfonction despersonnifications dans la ceramique italiote (1994) is concerned solely with personifications in fourthcentury South Italian vase-painting. Aellen gives much consideration to questions of definition - how personifications relate to other mythological figures the and function of personifications in the scenesin which they appear, but his discussion keeps literary iconographic the the terms tradition, only rarely making of and mostly within facets historical in the to cult practice or any other of context reference which the images were created. Amy Smith's dissertation Political Personifications in Classical Athenian Art (Yale 1997), however, covers some of the same ground as Shapiro, but into fourth investigation local the the century. adds personifications and continues Smith eschews the catalogue approach in favour of a chronological one, with three (480-431,431-378,378-322 50-year period chapters each covering a BQ, which,

10 This is due to appear in English translation in the conference proceedings (Richer forthcoming). 11 For a summary of pre-1900 works see Smith 1997,16-17, or Aellen 1994,14. 18

figures her individual focus to along with the relate on a particular polis, enables
12 closely to their political context.

Personifiednatural phenomena and localities have beenthe subjectof a number of recent studies. Neuser's Anemoi: Studien zur Darstellung der Winde und

Windgottheitenin der Antike (1982) focusseson the iconographyof the winds, with a chapter on their in place cult. Weiss' Griechische Flussgottheiten in

Vorhellenistischer Zeit (1984) considersrepresentations in literature and of river gods Gods Greece: The River Brewster's of various visual media, especially coins, while is (1997) Hellenic in ths the a more popular survey of mY and mountain waters world divine incarnations, lavishly illustrated their rivers and with photographsof the modern Greek landscape. Roman as well as Greek rivers are covered in Ostrowski's Personifications of Rivers in Greek and RomanArt (1991), though not in great depth; in human form be the question of whether representations should regardedas of rivers is is in introduction. Ostrowski the also the gods or as personifications considered lArt (1990), dans Romain des Les Personnifications Provinces which author of in Greek local brief the art as a personifications representationof provides a survey of " backgroundto the personifiedRoman provincesunder consideration. In addition to these works on various groupings, individual personifiedfigures
have received extensive treatment in recent years in the Lexicon konographicum Mythologiae Classicae (1981-). Although the focus is obviously on iconography, each literature in figure's begins the and gives some place entry with a summary of indication of her/his place in cult, with questions of status sometimes receiving further discussion in the commentary which follows the catalogue of images. A few deified including I been two have the subject of recent monographs, whom also abstractions is (1988) Grecia Poracolo la Themis: below: Corsano's antica nella noma e consider fortunes her literature, in those to of the relating role goddess' with concerned mainly 14 (1990) der Gesundheit G6ttin die Hygieia: Sobel' s the concept she represents; her iconography, is focus her the with on cult, although provides some commentary on

12 This dissertation came to my attention on its completion in 1997; 1 am grateful to Amy then. her for since me with work Smith sharing 11 Cf. Marshall 1997 on the personifications of Cyrene and Libya, who, along with the oecist Cyrene. identity in Roman functioned of civic as symbols Battus, 14 See further below p.66 n.1 for studies of Thernis.

19

a catalogue of representations. Nike and Eros, two figures excluded from Shapiro's " catalogue, have received some coverage since. Mark's The Sanctuary of Athena Nike in Athens: architectural stagesand chronology (1993) discusses the cult as well as more technical architecturalmatters,the study arising from a New York dissertation (1979).16 Eros' status as deity is discussed in relation to the philosophicaltradition in Osborne's Eros Unveiled: Plato and the god of love (1994), while a chapter of Thornton's more popular synthesis love to on ancientattitudes and sex,Eros: the myth Greek of ancient sexuality (1997), is devoted to Eros' divine incarnations in literature.17 W6hrle's Hypnos, der Allbezwinger: eine Studie zum literarischen Bild des Sch/a/es in der griechischen Antike (1995) is a thorough survey of Hypnos' in literature Greek few towards appearances and ancient attitudes sleep,with a pages " his on cult. The most completerecent accountof any singlepersonifiedabstraction's is Culte Gaetan Le dHomonoia dans les (1996), Theriault's cult cit9s grecques which for the examines all possible sources, primarily epigraphic and numismatic, Homonoia's cult in the Greek world. Each one of five chapters takes a particular homonoia homonoia between "the Hellenes", the the of aspectof city, cities, - within homonoia in the family, and Romanimperial concordia discusses in the concept and follow, for individual to the each general provide a context cult attestationswhich complete with translation and commentary. I shall return to Theriault's conclusions below.

Ancient personificationsin general,then, have attracted much interest of late, '9 in been 1990s. having just dozen the the than published mentioned of a works more
15 Nike on the grounds that she is practically inseparable from Athena in sixth- and fifth1993,27-9. Shapiro he "would Er6s because Athens, monograph": a separate require century 16 See especially 1993,94 on "the popular confusion of Athena Nike, a form of Athena, and Nike, the personification". 17 On Er6s, see below pp.50-1 and n.146. 18 See below p.51 and nn.150-2. I hope to address Hypnos' iconography and cult in a forthcoming paper. 19 Further indication of the current vogue for personification can be seen in Yale University Art in Greek Roman (1st Tyche Fortune: Obsession An and Gallery's Art with exhibition Tyche (ed. by 1994), December collection of essays on a accompanied September-31st National Gallery's the Renaissance 1994), exhibition personifications, Matheson and, on Sept. Dec. 1994), (28th Personified Ideas Variations: accompanied Themes and -4th entitled British Museum (Room Hellenistic the One the title. at the rooms new of same by a video of Hellenistic that Personification", "Realism explains art which and 14) has a panel on in forces individual the felt in that interest the abstract and were enormous "demonstrates an displays known the human case a nearby well the experience", while of variety to shape

20

Most recent work on deified abstractions,however, has focussedon individual figures and/or on iconography; on the phenomenonof personification cults as a whole no single extensive study has been undertaken since Hamdorf (1964). What the current is to work aims provide a synthesisdealing with the generalproblems associated with but just individual figures, such cults, approachedvia case-studies of six so that the theoretical discussioncan be tested againsta more thorough evaluationof the evidence than Hamdorf s catalogue-styleformat allows. Every one of these figures deserves to be treated at greater length ideally be in the each would considered context of a study of the meaningand usageof the abstract noun, and of the various regional cult 20 in systems which the personification appears. Converselyit could quite properly be argued that a much greater number of such figures needsto be examinedbefore any reliable conclusions can be drawn about personification cults as a class. Given the however, what is offered enormity of the task presentedby these conflicting demands, here is a practical compromise. The personified abstractions in question are Themis (Order), Nemesis
(Retribution), Peitho (Persuasion), Hygieia (Health), Eirene (Peace) and Eleos (Mercy). The choice of these six has been determined by a number of factors. Firstly there is the practical consideration that their cults are relatively well attested - for the figures have dedicatory inscription than worship of many no more evidence we a single little basis for discussion. in Pausanias, or a passing mention which would provide Secondly, with the exception of Eleos, they cover a chronological spectrum from the sixth to the fourth century have been held be to personification cults widely

despite demonstration feature Hamdorf Hellenistic the to the s of period, primarily a 21 desirable. be 1 the shall of course earlier period seems contrary, so a study of discussing dates of inception, but broadly speaking Themis and Nemesis are first fifth-century is largely Hygieia Peitho in the phenomenon, a sixth century, attested

bronze head of, Hypnos and numerous small jewellery pieces decorated with Nikai and Erotes. 20 See e.g. Buxton 1982 for the literary contextual isation of Peitho, or Richer (forthcoming) for personification cults at Sparta. 21 The Hellenistic period in general has some coverage from Kershaw (1986), and much of Th6riault's material dates from the third and second centuries BC (1996). See also various Matheson, S. B., "The Goddess Tyche" (18-33) 1994, Matheson in especially ed. articles Fortune Cities in Greek World" (34-49), the F. J., "Tyche the P. B. of and and Smith, Brouecke, A. C., "Queens and Empresses as Goddesses: the public role of the personal Tyche in the (86-105). World" Graeco-Roman

21

but in in fourth, late fifth Eirene the the appears achieves popularity century wide and is installed in Athens in the first half of the fourth century. Eleos is an odd case becauseof his almost exclusive connectionwith the Athenian "altar of Pity"; the altar itself dates from the late sixth century, although Eleos' divine status is extremely before late Hellenistic period. Thirdly, my six figures represent a the problematic variety of conceptual categoriesThemis and Nemesis are bound up with ideas of fate and justice, Peitho with rhetoric on the one hand, sex on the other, Hygieia with physical well-being, Eirene most obviously with politics, and Eleos with the ethics of supplication. Fourthly, eachfigure exemplifiesto someextent one of the more general in questionsraised the rest of this chapter. Just how representative a samplethese six figures are must await further study, but it is to be hoped that the provisional generalisingconclusionsreachedon the basis of this selectionwill provoke discussion for and provide a starting point more detailedwork on both the figures consideredand their fellow personificationsin Greek cult. Before turning to my casestudies,however, sometheoretical preliminariesare in order, which will be the subjectof the remainderof this chapter. In sectionII shall definitions it. "personification", the term examine some of and clarify my own use of In section HI having to work with a wide variety of the of shall address problems

diverse in evidence, often geographically and chronologically scattered as well as in literature Greek I and art, nature. shall consider some problems of personification looking particularly at the questionof how, if at all, a distinction canbe drawn between "allegorical" figures and "real" deities, before arriving at a set of working criteria for MI In the identification of a personification) section s cult. look shall at the muchin female. Finally, fact that personifications are predominantly commented-upon deified I IV, abstractionsas a class, shall survey views ancient and modern on section following in be the how to the various questions raised are addressed and outline chapters.

22

I.

DEFINITIONS ANCIENT AND MODERN

Personification: 1755 (f personify) 1. The act ofpersonifying, esp. as a rhetorical figure or speciesof metaphor; b. an imaginary person conceived as representing a thing or abstraction 1850.2. A person or thing viewed as embodying a quality, etc., or as exemplifying it in a striking manner; an incarnation (of something) 1807.3. A dramatic representation, or literary description, of a person or thing 1814. Personify: 1727 [a.F. personnifier] 1. trans. Tofigure or represent (a thing or abstraction) as a person, esp. in speechor writing; in art, to symbolise by a figure in human form. 2. To embody (a quality, etc.) in one's person or sef, to exemplify in a typical manner. Chiefly in pa.pple. 1803. Shorter OED

In general usage the terms "personification" and "personify" are most often in the second sense defined by the OED: "he was regarded as the applied personificationof evil", "she is gracepersonified". For obvious reasons,the first, more technicalusage,"representinga thing or abstractionas a person", is largely confinedto literary criticism or art history. In the context of the present study the distinction between the two is of some importance: to call Aphrodite "love personified" is to describethe goddessin terms of her major sphereof influence, as exemplifying love, label "health is Hygieia to whereas personified" simply to apply a technical term, indicating that she representsan abstractionin humanform.22 It should also be noted that, as an English speaker,my understandingof personificationmust be affectedby a fundamental difference between English and ancient Greek, and most other modern 2' languages: its lack distinction basic in European The of an explicit gender structure. English is between animate and inanimate: the neuter pronoun "it" is applied to anything inanimate, whether a concrete object or an abstract concept; the moment I it becomes feminine "We "thing", to animate. will pronoun a assign a masculine or but "though I justice" brings the to the as soon as add qualification abstract mind, seek form is English in human The becomes Justice it is term that meant. clear she elusive" "personification" is obviously derived from the Latin persona + facere, but no Latin does in defined Instead, to the appear, above. what term exactly corresponds concept Quintilian, is the term prosopopoeia, a transliteration of the Greek rhetorical term be literal factio the translation. of course would personae npoacononotux, of which
22 See further below pp.33-4 on interpretational allegory. 23 Bloomfield (1963,162) notes a number of German analyses of English literature which are in the their English freedom by the gender of personifications; choosing of writers fascinated English, have languages that "One gender, grammatical unlike with say might he comments, " built-in of some sort. personification automatically

23

The word seemsto be of fairly late coinage and has a wider range of meaningsthan is included in broader latter by cc I the the personification", though what understand
category. From its first appearance in Demetrios' De Elocutione npoacononottiocis used in analyses of literary and rhetorical style in the sense of "putting speeches into basic to meaning characters' mouths", as opposed maintaining authorial narrative, a 24 in is designate it "dramatisation" It to throughout employed antiquity. which retains by Halikarnassos Herodotus' Dionysios Thucydides' and style of comparisons of and Marcellinus, and similarly by Athanasius and John Chrysostom in exegeses of the Septuagint. 25 Clement of Alexandria implies "characterisation" by his application of the term to a parable in Luke, a shade of meaning emphasised by Origen in his he it both Celsus, the process of characterisation and of the refutation of where uses of 26 however, In treatises, to rhetorical resulting speeches given a character. in idea broader definition, has the of speaking the voice general a with apoacononotta imaginary. of a character not actually present, whether real or Suitable subjects

include dead ancestors and countries as well as abstract concepts, like Demosthenes' Kairos (Olynthiac 1.2); some distinguish between imaginary, generic characters and be living that at the time, any real person represented should not real people, or specify 27 the figure is an effective vehicle for feeling and useful for making a point memorable. The earliest Latin rhetorician refers to the figure as conformatio, including "people not

24 De Elocutione 265. On the grounds of internal evidence, Roberts (1902 ed.) favoured a first-century AD date, but more recently earlier dates have been argued for, c.270 BC or (1995,312-14). Loeb latest translation to the introduction C. Innes' D. BC; see second century 25 Dionysios, De Thucydide 37 (on Thuc. 5.85) and De Imitatione 2.3; Marcellinus Vita Thuc. In Job Chrysostom, 38); (on Psalm 27.188B MPG Athanasius, (1985); /tr. Piccirilli 38, ed. MPG 56.572D (cf. De Cruce et Latrone 10.9). Sermo I11, 26 Clement, on Luke 12.16-20, Stromata 3.6.56.3 (ed. SWhIin 1906; Origen, Contra Celsum (ed. Borret 1967) especially 7.36.19-21, but also P.6.2,1.32.1,1.34.1,1.49.11,1.50.15, 41.5, Lamentationes in Fragmenta 5.10.3, Jeremiam In (cf. 1.71.23,2.1.3,2.1.13 37.17.19). Psalmos in Fragmenta 41.4, Romanos Epistulam in Commenturn ad 27 The most extensive analysis of the term comes in Aelius Theon's Progymnasmata, ed. The 60.22-30,68.21-3). (cf. example of 11,115.11-28,117.30-2 Spengel, Rhet. Graec. (Spengel De Figuris in his Rhetor by Alexander discussions in is Demosthenes' Kairos cited Aischines' 12,299.6-12). (Spengel Rhetorica Ars in his Gadara Apsines of 111,19.14-20)and law-court just deified such a introduces as abstraction (1.128-30) a Against Timarchos "The our ancestors city and is speaking): as actually (although represented not she witness I had If being presented witnesses about Pheme, goddess... a great as founded an altar of if I the disbelieve Will then believed cite goddess me, have you me. individual, would you an 145. On the Embassy the On 54, memorability of below "; ? cf. and n. see as witness ... Yates' "art the on see imagines which of memory", the of agentes cf. personifications, (1966). book fascinating

24

" be describes Cicero "mute to things" present" as well as represented. as characters the figure, under devicesfor amplification, aspersonarumficta inductio, but seemsto have no proper term for it. 29 Quintilian coins the transliterationprosopopoeia and uses it, in the broadest senseof the Greek word, of "representationof characters",but his do include known his longest Vergil's Rumour, examples suchwell personificationsas 30 device in list figures for intensifying treatment of the coming a of emotion. That inanimate is to things giving words any different from giving them to imaginarypeople have been felt. Quintilian commentsthat "there are somewho" to seemsnot strongly body has be to to apply the term npocrcononot'M only caseswhere a as well as words imagined (personification proper), calling imaginaryhumanconversations 8t(xX6yotor (Oonotticc), but the only extant writers to draw such a distinction sermocinatio 31 Hermogenes explicitly are of Tarsusand Priscian. The absenceof specific discussionof personification in the modern technical in despite the texts, the wide occurrenceof the phenomenon, sense majority of ancient distinct in Classical It that thought. there might even would suggest concept was no incarnations inanimate that things were not generally seem of abstractions and from distinct from kind imaginary people, or people who recognised as any other of be dead buried. has but intangible because It to noted, too, that all and were real, into to the term a character'smouth, npoaa)nonotita refer speechput occurrencesof in historical dialogue in that of adopting the narrative or within a context of either discussion Theoretical of personification various personae within a public speech. link literary its to style, making no with artistic rhetorical and material confines or cults of personifications. representations For the purposes of this dissertation, I shall restrict myself to a narrow definition of "personification" as a technical term, meaning an anthropomorphic

28Rhetorica ad Herennium 4.53.66. 29 De Oratore 3.5.204-5.

The only other extant Latin writer 30 Quint. 9.2.29 ff., cf. 1.8.3,2.1.2,3.8.49,6.1.25,11.1.41. designate form it the to Porphyrio, Pomponius is of applies who term to use the prosopopoeia ). 1.28. Carm. in Hor. (Comm. 128 pr. Odes Horace 31 Quint. 9.2.31; Hermogenes 9.1-7, ed. Rabe; Priscian, Praeexercitamina Rhetorica 9.27 that, the the Priscian noted point while seldom elsewhere raises (ed. Keil 111,437.29-438.1). imply first inanimate, the both to second and and animate third person can apply equally well inanimate therefore latter to the subject an of degree of personality; application some See Keil 11,587.22-25). 12.6.18, Grammaticae (Institutiones it automatically personifies distinction. the personae (1990,407-13) senvocinatiolfictio Lausberg

25

representation of any non-human

32 thing.

1 am primarily concerned with the

personification of abstract ideas, taking "abstract" in the general sense of "nonconcrete" - ideas indicating a quality, a state of being, an emotion. I include in my definition a number of characters who have some mythological role: figures such as Themis, Eros and Hebe are so well established on Olympos that they might be thought hardly to count as personifications at all. The critical point, however, is that, unlike the names of Zeus, Hera and the rest of the Olympians, 0E_`[ttq, F'-'pcoq and ijPq are used as 33 We havebecome abstractnounsthroughout to these

antiquity.

so accustomed

words

as gods' namesthat as often as not we leave them untranslated,making a distinction betweendeity and conceptwhich would not havebeenperceivedso sharplyby a native speakerof ancient Greek.
34

Whether or not a particular personified abstractionis a

god is of course a question that I shall be concerned with throughout. I take c4personification" to be the general, all-embracingcategory, but by the term "deified be implying I that a personified concept has demonstrablecult abstraction" shall status.
31

Id

SOURCESAND METHODOLOGY

The sources available for the study of Greek cults of deified abstractionsare dauntingly diversein nature, provenanceand time. What might be consideredthe most "direct" evidence comes from material remains, especially inscriptions recording dedicationsor regulations concerningthe worship of personifiedfigures, and from the testimony of antiquarians, geographers and lexicographers writing of altars, cult information in honour Our for local on a of personifications. rituals statuesand aitia location, in be figure as the case of the concentrated on a specific may particular

32 Cf. Bloomfield's definitions of "true personification", which he distinguishes from various (1963,163-4). "pseudo-personification" forms of related 33 Shapiro (1993,14) likewise takes the occurrence of the divinity alonside the abstract noun in (or he) felt to "personification, that for title the she occasionally was as qualification in Hastings 1917,792-3. Gardner's definition Cf. the the ed. abstraction". essence of embody 34 Hebe's role as wife to Herakles, symbolising his immortality, may be a post-Homeric development (Od. 11.602-4 being recognised as an interpolation even in antiquity) but the by the flanked in as early as seventh century on an other gods, chariot, a shown are pair 3330). See Burton 1996 (LIMC "Herakles" from Samos krater Orientalising sm. unpublished Laurens 1988 Hebe. (or Cf. immortal Herakles' 4.5 and on otherwise) status, 1.3 on and chs. Sarian 1990 and Angiolillo 1992 on Hestia. 35 Reinhardt (1966,9) is begging the question by applying "deification" more generally.

26

Athenian Eleos, but is more often geographicallyscattered,with perhapsa dedication from Paros here and a Pausanianreferenceto Megara there. Rarely can any kind of intervening few huge between be the gaps either, chronological continuity established, is in Greek have, there the problem of the study of religion, notices we and, as always being largely confined to sourceswriting centuriesafter the event. explicit commentary The sparsityof direct testimoniameansthat materialfrom literature and art needsto be brought into play to answer even the most basic questions about such cults: Greek is from Homer Hesiod and onwards thronged with personifications,they are poetry legion in extant sculpture and painted pottery, and we hear of yet more in descriptions is however, lost Chest Kypselos. With there the of such of such material, works as always the question of status - can a poetic or visual representation of a just is it be for figure's in taken the a as evidence existence cult, or personification it is licence"? dealing "artistic Since I am matter of with sucha wide range of material, in inherent from important be the the to problems aware start of perhapsparticularly various categories of evidence, and explicitly to outline the methodology which briefly follow. in I then, the the shall, chapterswhich presentationof material underlies in literature and art, poetic survey some general questions about personification including the related phenomenonof interpretational allegory, before consideringthe deified for "direct" abstractions. sources cults of more
AND ART: THE "STATUS QUESTION"

PERSONIFICATION

IN GREEK LITERATURE

Accomplished craftsmen... representnot only the various gods in human forms, but in everything else as well, sometimespainting rivers as men and springs certain feminine forms, and islands and cities,,and practically everything else,just as Homer dared to representthe Skarnandrosspeakingbeneaththe flood, and though they cannot forms to their do figures, them they appropriate symbols their and to give give voices 36

nature...

"real" "artistic" between distinguish cult The desire to personifications and figures seems to have troubled most commentators on the subject, and various distinguishes St6f3l three "status been this have to question". made address attempts

36

Dio Chrysostom
(plbcret

ltolitgo-6kLevot

Oratio 4.85: oi ic%tVol cCov8illitoupycov... Olo 110v0v r ccov OF-cov 6tvop(on, ce irorallov ccov (X kcov EK(XGTOV, Kat 'j ('XXI('X E't'F-Gtv, volg -'2, t,
1(Pliva imit 4)IIIC(XVTCC,
sitvii, alro' l(61ce-tvol v%

Evio, re 'leIG iro

olloiov POVCe (xvsp(, xcrtv YP6C(: 8' I1(X siv lltlcpoz r'(X (X im, t
F-tq geF-770gF-V0V U ot'-Ke-t(X biro, Tij 1. C(Xi allktEM

E'v 'Clat 'ICOto V 0

T-OvaticEtot "OgllpO K(XI1

liV oibic

ete(yt,

v11001)

re

Km

9'COXg'nCrF-V
e,xov(yt itpocoeiv(xt

', ltt8Fig(Xt
Tot

Z1C6C1i(Xvpov F-t5(02, Ot,

(PO)vo'c

(P1bOF-Cog...

27

divinity; Webster individualised fully from "pure to outlines a scale steps, abstraction" decreasing deification from of via strong and weak personification to vividness, betweenpersonificationproper (the poetic) and technical terms; Pbtscherdistinguishes "Person-Bereichdenken"(the religious), subdividing the latter into four categories, from those with "ausgeprtigtemPersonlichkeitscharakter" to those with scarcelyany personality;Kershaw favours a "sliding scale" and draws attention to the fact that any 37 it. Evidence of cult might be one personification may appearat severalpoints along taken as an important criterion for establishinga figure's place on the "reality" scale, although, as Aellen quite properly points out, it is difficult to generalise when our cult 38 is in evidence so scattered terms of place and time. We might questionthe usefulness of the whole exercise, which betrays such an academic preoccupation with categorisation, and obscuresthe point that any one figure may have been regarded differently in different places and times. Rather than attempting to define a figure's imaginary broad it be helpful to take exact status on an a overview scale, might more less her/his incarnations in indication to of of more or various media gain a general widespreadrecognition.

Literature The first problem with literary personification is technical: in a language which

has inanimate, between formal distinction no such and which animate and makes no be drawn line for initial the the a proper name, where can capital convention as betweenan abstractnoun and its personification? At the least explicit end of the scale, denoting by if it is described be qualified a verb or adjective as personified a noun can human action, feeling or status,a use of personifyinglanguagewhich might be termed '9 it be but it Some than to "light personification". can others, authors are more prone how deeply indicating (prose diversity in found as well as poetry), of genres a human The in terms. is things to in Greek tendency the of thought conceive embedded

37 St6Rl (1937); Webster (1954); P6tscher (1972); Kershaw (1986, ch. 1,1-14). Cf. Willcock to figure than "little from Iliad, of speech" a in the more on a scale (1970,3) on divine action in the "autoschediasma" "Augenblickserfindung" 1977 or on "totally independent agent", and Iliad. 38 Aellen 1994,173 n.2. 39 Cf. Webster (1952a, 28), who includes this in his criteria for recognising a figure as personified.

28

topic deservesfuller treatment, but a handful of exampleswill illustrate the principle. The adverb dikai6s implies that the subject is acting according to human ethics: 40 cc does fairly", vengeance not succeed while the application of the qualification sophos to a plant is clearly humorous: "the wood of the vine is clever".4' The verb homilein denotes human intercourse, but ideas to the concrete usually social can relate abstract 42 "battle is hard for cc world: against the stronger company men", you consort with
43 fortune". Similarly the verb hepomai, used primarily of people, "to follow" or good "to attend (as a servant)", is striking when applied to abstracts: "may daring and wide44 45 let cc follow, in One spreading power attend me", persuasion and success action". 46 be "captured" (haliskomai) by death, love; "words can madness, weariness or are the healers of the disease of anger", "ageing time teaches everything". 47 Within this light category of personification I would also place the figure of apostrophe, which implies personification by putting its object in the place of the human audience, and 48 imbuing it with sufficient personality to be addressed.

More obviously personifying is the presenceof a genealogy,used to convey is basedupon close relationshipsbetweenconcepts. The whole of Hesiod's 7-heogony less from Memory as mother of the more or significant genealogicalrelationships, Muses to Strife, mother of Toil, Famine, Sorrows, Slaughter, Lawlessnessand the 49 for least in Hesiod's Duchemin part as a partiality personificationsat explains rest.

46 Hom. /L 21.281: vbv 5e LekeuyaXecp Aj. 216: Soph. Gavaup e"qtapzo gavitqc y('xp akcovat. 60, 252c: Phaed. Plato &Mtoicea0at. 7.40.4: Thuc. coat. cipcowq ibn' xoncq (kkobS. 47 PV 377: 6pyfig vomibmiG eiatv iccupoit.PV 981: &XV ii6t66cricet ndvO' 6 yi1paoiccov xpovoq. 48 Quintilian (9.2.31) makes the point that it is impossible to conceive of speech without (in this figure the by case prosopopofia of be it so to a person, spoken conceiving to the to is attribution of words in acceptable make a strict sense) necessary personification Frye 1957, Pindar, Homer in 1991 and Chappell and See on apostrophe inanimate things. bases, "X inscribed formulas statue and on vases Cf. the 249 ff. standard signature Agora: Athenian the see on boundary which the Ctigt..., of Opoq stones and me", made/painted Ober 1995 and Oliver 1998. 49 Theog. 915-7,226-32; see West (1966,34-7) on Hesiod's "family planning". See below Night (Theog. 94 the 901-6) (Theog. of children Thernis on p. and daughters the of 68 on p. between barrier the "Erecting mythical (1994,15) artificial an Buxton comments: 211-225). between (Tight'), dM ('Right') Dike between or barrier and Hesiod in -a and non-mythical " thought. the travesties poet's Pandora and womankind -

40 Thuc. 4.62.4: for See Smith 1918 6ticaitcoq. a catalogue of ngcopitcc y('Xpobic c'U'voxETI from Thucydides. examples 41 41bkov rl^lq C'Cgn6'?,ou. w' Eur. Cyc. 572: aopOv ye 42 Pind. N 10.72-3: xaXF-7c('x 6' e'ptq &vGpcbnotq icpeacrowov. op), eTtv 43 Eur. Or. 354: 66n)Xiiq 8'abwN; 6jitX6;. 44 Pind. 0.9.82-3: rokgcc U icalt &g(pt), eicynotco. a(pi'l; 81bvccgtq 45 Aisch. SuppL 523: icet0d)81icovco icaltcuxii iyalcullptoq.

29

result of his project to presenta unified picture, in honour of Zeus, out of very diverse source material, with personificationsused to create links between disparateelements; " influence Near Eastern she also points to the of genealogieson the Theogony. The lyric poets likewise use genealogiesto expressrelationships, or to exalt an abstract concept by association with divine parentage Alkman makes Lawfulness sister of " Persuasion and daughter of Forethought. Bacchylides even invents a special genealogyfor the first day of the Olympic festival: "0 radiant daughter of Time and 1)52 Night, you, the sixteenth day of the fiftieth month at Olympia... Herakleitos developsthe device as a central principle for his cosmology "War is father of all and king of all" in as well as using personifications a number of striking phrasesto expresshis view of cosmic order - "The Sun will not transgresshis measures. If he does,,the Furies, ministers of Justice,will find him out", "Lifetime is a child at play, " in belongs Kingship moving pieces a game. to the child". A further stage is represented by statements deity to which explicitly attribute an abstract idea. Hesiod's Phemeis an early example:"No rumour wholly dies that 54 is many people rumour; shetoo somehowa goddess". Euripides, however, provides some of the most startling uses of the trope. The Cyclops' assertionthat "Wealth is the only god for the wise; the others are boastsand fine forms of words" characterise

-6 'Cits 8' 763-4: op. (PIlAw tV cat, livuvoc nAkol/ (pligil ob uq nagnav CMAXL), Parker (1996,235) 'the Pheme, Aischines' 27 See and on of n. on use above ecru lc(x'tM&M, is divine". inference that to Pheme's description from she an power of a easy transition

54

Empedokles frs. 1 16-7 Cf. the pacrt), of personifications 11itil. na4cov, necycre-bownat8o,q T'I "lovely Truth blind by (1981,280-2), e. g. and as oppositions, mostly Wright pairing, related Uncertainty".

50 Duchernin 1980. She distinguishes between two categories of Hesiodic personification, that of abstract ideas, the "intellectual", and that of natural phenomena, the "primitive"; she takes the latter to be a development from animism, the former to be "le produit de 1'esprit humain" (1). She takes a fairly optimistic view of the status question: Il a toujours 6t6 6numer6es dans la Th6ogonie les divinit6s avaient eu en quelque lieu que vraisemblable... des fid&les et des clergds pour les servir, des po6tes pour les chanter. Le seul probl6me 6tait pour nous de savoir ob et quand..." (4). 51 PMG2 64: Ei'Jv%dccq <, rE > imit rIetWoq ('x8F-X9c'c/ icaltr1pogaellaqfty('xr-qp. Cf. PMG2 57 for Dew daughter of Zeus and Selene. On Alkman's personifications, see Piatkowski 1960, though her ideas on the "cosmogonic" fragment 2390 have been demolished by Most (1987). 52 e/ Xticapck Xpovou rr. ic[aity NuvcoS, cri nevblicovra gilvow agEpecv/ Bakch. 7.1-3: `%2 Obyovrep jjcjc(xt8F-KC'Vuccv Pindar's 5) (1964, Bowra See 'oX-ogir[itat. genealogies. on ch. E'. v 53 Herakl., tr. Kahn 1979 (q.v. ad loc.). Fr. 53 DK (Kahn LXXXIII): rIokegoq navxcovgev bnepPI'crerect "H), XLIV): DK (Kahn Fr. 94 8i pcccrtXE1b;. yokp obx tecpcctog Cyrt,nd'vrcov F-, IC(X'rl'lp XLIV): Fr. 52 DK (Kahn int'Koupot ^I 'Eptvlbp-G Aitic% 8 ccim nat; eaTt F-4c-opilcrouatv. gtv F-i gTI,

kao'tta-

Oeoq

30

" A number him not only as conventionallyimpious but also as somethingof a sophist. of comparablestatementsappearin Euripides' tragedies, such as Helen's exclamation "Gods! For recognising one's friends is a god.))56 In the Trojan Women,Hekabe opens the agon scenewith a prayer addressedto "Zeus, whether the compulsion of nature or the mind (nous) of men", and later equatesHelen's particular nous with Aphrodite: "Seeing him (Paris) your own mind was made the Kyprian; Aphrodite is 57 ,, just the folly of mortals, and the goddess'namecomesstraight from her aphrosyne . In the Phoenician Women, lokasta exhorts Eteokles to shun the "unjust goddess" 51 Ambition and rather "honour Equality". Paradoxically,no one would suggestthat this kind of statementis indicative of "real" deity; presumablyit is the very fact that Ambition is not a goddessthat gives the description its point.59 A related problem is presentedby hymnic invocations of personifications. Pindar's addressto Hesychia,for has example, severalformal featuresof the hymn genre: an initial addressfollowed by reference to Hesychia's parentage, descriptive relative clauses and a statement of introduced by power yokp: Kindly Quiet,daughter hold the of Justice makes who citiesverygreat,youwho keysof councils from Aristomenes honour the sovereign andof wars,receive of a Pythianvictory. For youknowhowto givegentleness to others as as well 60 it, receiving at exactlythe right time.
Since Hesychia appears so deified only in Pindar, this cannot be taken as evidence for a be dismissing her divine but to claim cautious of status out of cult as such, we should

55 Cyc. 316-7: 0 nkoiYroq, OkVopconilaice, / 8' XOYCOV E)Eoq, a"U'a icognot Icalt ro^tqCTO(PO^tq wk had been for form the (ad loc. ): "This 1984,164 Seaford of statement used 66gop(pitat. The description divinity sophistic movement of allegiance. of popular or simple attribution of the late-5th century may be behind a third use: sophisticated attribution of divinity, tending towards persuasive redefinition of divinity, particularly when it appears to be exclusive. " 56 E)Fo't(P'tXo'Uq560: Eur. Helen E)P-O'q ytyvCDOicCtv rO' y('Xp icait CO 57 eit,Te Ibid. / Ppoc(ov, &vC'Vy1cq Eur. Troiad. 886-7: Ze)q, Cit"C' cyenpocr-qL)4&g1jv vouq F-oq (plbc; 'A(ppo8'tvj Ppocoiq) II 988-90: 6 cro'q8156)vvtv vouq Enotilffil Kibicptq-/ wk g(opa yap Tcavveadtv Nauck: fr. 1018 Eur. Cf. OC&q. 6pE)coq y('xp i1gow conv ev o vobq ccpXp-t o'c(ppoolovilq robvog' icat Oc6q. r, Eicacyup 58 8atj1OV(JDV E-'(P'tECYat/ MXI g1l au Mticoq 00, 531-6: Phoin. y'ougtaq, uit rfiq icaidtavjq 59 But see below pp. 192-3 on Wealth. / POUX&V 60 01)Y(XTFP, Kait nOXC'LCOV/ 'CC gVYtCFTO7COXt d) 'Hai)Xita, A'tKaq/ P. 8.1-7: 00%6(ppov V / ci) yc'cp U7CEpT6XTaq/ rNOtowcov rttokv Bexeu. 'Aptcrroge'vet KXd-15aq ro' gaXOaic6'v cip4at Exotcya 69COq/ "ItO'CaCat N. 9.48 for SM, 0.4.16 fr. 109 Cf. and IME)ETtv 'CF, IC(X't o ai)v aupcicETt. K(xtpc. Pindar's Hesychia.
E)r, -oq-... icE^tvo ic&Utov, 'ce'icvov, / 'lao'cira mpt6cv.

31

hand The question of the status implied by hymns will arise later in the casesof .61 Nemesis, Hygieia and Eirene.62 The seriousnessor otherwise of an invocation's context is important in assessing the status of its addressee, and I would obviously not take such a comic passageas the opening of Lucian's poem on gout to indicate podqgra's godhead: "0 hateful name, o you who are hated by the gods, Gout, muchgroan-causing,child of the River of Wailing (Kokytos)... ))63

In additionto the personifications merelytalked aboutin tragedyand comedy,

a number appear as dramatis personae, presenting something of a challenge of In extant tragedy the representation for the producer, ancient and modern. phenomenon is limited to the Prometheus Bounds Kratos and Bia (see below) and Lyssa, who probably first appeared in Aischylos' Aantriai but is better known to us from Euripides' Madness of Herakles. 64 A number of personifications, including Lyssa, however, appear in Pollux' list of characters requiring "special masks"

(F, 1<axF-uanpocrconcc), at the end of a section describing the masks of various stock tragic characters:
Special masks: Aktaion is homed, Phineus blind, Thamyris having one eye grey the black, Argos many-eyed, Euippe being changed into a horse by Cheiron in other Euripides, Cheiron, Tyro with livid cheeks in Sophokles [this because has she suffered her step-mother Sidero's blows] - Achilles with hair shom because of Patroklos,, Amymone, a river, a mountain, Gorgo, Dike, Thanatos, Erinys, Lyssa, Oistros, Hybris, a Centaur, a Titan, a Giant, Indos, Triton, and briefly Polis, Priam, Peitho, Muses, Seasons, [Mithakos'] Nymphs, Pleiades, [Apate, Methe, Oknos, 65 Phthonos].

E'-IC't IreTCOVE)eVI 11 IEXIJY(xt; 10(poicket 'Eptvb 'Ag'0gC0vij, Abol Gavcvro; 6icogos, ropy(f), 11' 11 11 O'po, 11 11 IIcvrp6icXcp 11'icovxg6; il ty 11 " 'IvBo; eIaI " " I 5i "YPptq, fi tcy r' Tpivuow, Ttc'v ,n K'vrcvL)po; " 01 ag il' bcrcy(x 'VaXa icccit rpo; A, rIoXt; [Imit ICOC't rjPt'CClI0G 1CCC't rIU060 K(xt

61 For a full treatment of Pindar's use of hymnic invocations, see Williamson 1990,219-47; she concludes that no clear line can be drawn between "the ritual and the literary" (240). See Pulleyn (1997,43-51) on the relationship between hymns and prayers. 62 See below for hymns to Nemesis (p.122), Hygieia (p.158) and Eirene (pp.196-7). 63 / OCO^tq rI08('XYP(X, CFTL)Y0'%LEV0V, ICAUCYTEVOUCTE, 6a 1-2: Luc. Podagra yv6v oi5vog', cO crcL), Kcoicvroi)' ur-': icvov... Thanks to Nicky Devlin for many hymn references. 64 Aisch. fr. 368 Mette. Eur. HF 843-74. On Lyssa, see Shapiro 1993,168-70, and see Trendall (1989, fig. 355) for Mania watching Herakles on a Paestan kalyx-krater (Madrid 11094). 65 'Armitcov (I)tvp-i)q E-'crTt Kepacr9opoq, npocycona c'L)(pX6q, il' Fi-'iccTiceucya 4.141-2: 8' Pollux vk fi "Apyog fi' 8C %go;, Bbit7mil g6kava, noXu6(pGa, w'v %g0'v kcov e6cguptq cov bnakkarroge'vil YXcoolco'y 6*0a. liev C fi xeitPCOVOG it'icicov 0) Tj a (X F-is cc Tupb Eb'purit6ij, %t8v) 11 nap' im, Tk 7cccpctkg icap6 'AXtXXEbq
8' -ono' '01; 9Ij'Cp'L)t6Cq [1cob"rol.
Xt6lip0b;

"12pat Mobaca icalt [MW61coul Nibgqat icat rIXet6'c8rq IC(x't icccit

'AnC'C, Tll icalt MS. one only

ME'011

' "Olcvo; icalt006vo; j Apate, Methe, Oknos and Phthonos appear in

32

Apart from Lyssa, Oistros may have appearedin Euripides' Antiope, but what plays is a reminder of the others are from is a matter of speculation;nonetheless, the passage how much tragedy is lost to us, and that personificationsmay have appearedon the " tragic stage more often than our few surviving exampleswould suggest. Webster On from Masks list Aristophanes Pollux' derive Byzantium's that argues of may (Athen. 659e), and iconographic evidencerelatesmany of his masksto the late fourth idea third or early century, giving some of what early Hellenistic revivals of classical 67 have looked like. A great variety of personified characterslikewise tragediesmight in appears extant comedy,Old and New. AristophaneshasJust and Unjust Arguments debating at length in the Clouds, while Demos is a principal characterin the Knights, is in Ploutos, features Wealth Poverty, Peace Eirene the the the as also which of while 68 In Menander's more everyday world, the is attended by Vintage and Festival. personificationsIgnorance,Fortune and Proof still find a place speakingthe prologues 69 Perikeiromene, Aspis Once the title. of, respectively, the and a play of unknown be dramatic inventions the the to again, such charactersmay purely of playwright suit circumstancesof the moment, but the fact that personificationswere presentedin form have in helped, physical must alongsiderepresentations the visual arts, to give 70 in imagination. them substance the popular Before leaving literary personification, the phenomenon of interpretational The deserves the two exact converse are often confused. some notice, since allegory ideas is deification the processwhereby the nameof a personalgod the of abstract of 71 for function to : as an appellative what the god represents comes

66 Oistros appears on a calyx-krater by the Underworld Painter in a scene of the punishment 5.4; Trendall A Gedes Melbourne, Antiope: from the derived be coll. to Dirke, thought of 1989,91 fig. 211. 67 Webster 1952b; he does not cover the "special masks" as such. 68 On the Peace, see below pp. 198-201. See Komornicka 1964 for an exhaustive treatment that the two the (1993,101-4) Taplin Cf. suggestion on of Aristophanes' personifications. humans. than been have Clouds rather cocks as the costumed Arguments of might 69 Perik. 121-71, Aspis 97-148, fr. 717 K6rte. Cf. Lucian Pseudol. 4 on Elenchos. Webster to Methe the that for the a prologue little spoke have suggestion (1949,7) seems to evidence Eleos that for 223) the (1974,62-3 spoke Holzberg See suggestion n. Menandrian comedy. ff. Picard 1985,60 Hunter in the Epitrepontes; general, question on the prologue to the development the theatre the influence of allegory. the on discusses of 1942) 0 Picard (1942) argues that dramatic personifications even provided inspiration for their in the arts. visual representation 71 Burkert (1987,78): "One ought to keep distinct, however, the two directions of allegorical elaboration".

33

We shouldnotethat all the Greeks,whenthey saw a thing to be powerful, believed that its power did not operatewithout the authority of the gods. They calledboth the 72 powerful thing andthe god setover it by the onename.

This passagefrom Tzetzes' commentaryon Hesiod continueswith an extensivelist of "things", both tangible and abstract,which are called by god's names:Hephaistosfor 73 fire, Demeter for bread, Bakchos for wine, Athena for wisdom, Aphrodite for sex. This would seemto go hand in hand with the philosophicaltrend for allegorising the Olympian gods which is apparentfrom the mid fifth century on. Veyne discusses this by for Stoics "Since the the truth as a strategy adopted rationalists of myth: upholding beforehand have that the truth, they are certain myth and poetry speak only to put them to torture to reconcilethem with this truth. Allegory will furnish this Procrustean bed. ,74 It is not unreasonable to suppose that, by blurring the distinction betweendeity development interpretational have facilitated the and abstract, of such allegory would the making of personifications into gods. It cannot be coincidencethat Prodikos, just for the the that the credited as one of earliest exponentsof gods are names view elements of the world basic to human life, is also the author of the "Choice of Herakles", which Whitman calls "the first true personificationallegory in the West"
75

72

"EXXilveq, icopcov, 'a 8,6vagtv 6, 'Iareov, 1 11.279-82: Schol. Hes. Op. p. e`xovra zt ndvua oti
8)V%UV VF-P^fetV MU"MOV Er', EEV09tOVivt

OCCO cov T6V I Ac F-ICICTT(XCYtCCG 0 CCVF-A)

IU

ovoga 'rt0C 'r

T'IV

Uwagtv

73 Cicero (De Natura Deorum 2.23.60) illustrates this by quoting a line of Terence: sine Cerere et Libero ffiget Venus (cf. 3.24.62 for refutation). 74 Veyne 1988,65. On Homeric gods as "personifications of psychological motivations, or 1.2. 1996, Burton for ch. see events" unexpected externalised causes 75 Prodikos fr. 5 DK Whitman 1987 makes a clear distinction between compositional and in his in ancient and medieval of allegory account stimulating interpretative allegory Particular 1948,128-44,203-13. Curtius questions of 1936,44-111, Lewis and literature; cf. but for thesis, this be throughout studies of general interpretation raised will allegorical 1986. Shapiro 1939 Hinks in and allegory ancient art, see

intaraw, E"Xovicalt ro'v

^uvra uoncpOF-6vc'ov%taov-

34

The Visual Arts

the ancients,wishing to makeFortune'swickedness satisfied not manifest were ... is (though form in this her the of a woman with painting and sculpting merely hand, her have in her folly) but to placedunder sufficient sign of a rudder also gave her feet a rolling pedestaland deprivedher of her eyes;demonstrating through all 76 thesethings the uncertaintyof fortune.

Personification in the visual arts presentsa different set of problems. Unlike the literary figure, there is no room for ambiguity betweenabstractand personification: the artist either represents an abstract in human incarnation, or the idea must be anthropomorphism at all, 77 Rather, the major problem with visual "personifiedness" are not in question. is identification: how that representations of are we to recognise a personified in figures familiar from Classical The to the abstraction sculpture or painting? us Tradition are identifiable by their armoury of attributes or particular style of (un)dress, a languagewhich requires a dictionary such as CesareRipa's influential konologia of 78 for its interpretation. Some of these attributes have a long tradition, but very 1593 few are acquired before the Hellenistic period, and may not be constant even then. What is immediately striking about the figures of the period 600-400 BC cataloguedin Shapiro's Personifications in Greek Art is their similarity - the vast majority are in the form of young women with no distinguishing features, only identifiable if is below, Hygieia be figures inscription. Of by to the only considered accompanied an by less by her Eirene the child cornucopia-carrying so easily snake, recognisable readily Nemeseis her Tyche), holds (although the two this of and could equally make she Smyrna by their measuring-rods;for identification of Themis, Peitho and the fifth79 following I inscriptions. In the Nemesis chapters we are entirely reliant on century identification rests on shall consider one or two more speculative cases, where expressed without recourse to degrees of so

76

ig(pavitaat Flemming: Rebecca 2.2, tr. Medicine to liq viv gox6ilpitav Galen Exhortation
oi nocXoctoi yp&povTe
a7r6wrcov

povkqoevreq

iV '1800OW , , ktov XX OtV XF-P F, I 7En5 (X (X Ica' (X 1 &VO, 10 (X; C71WOXOV, 1,1V t1C(XVOV 'VO-O' icavrot i1picaBilcrav, %I 5E' P6 T,, E)ECF(XV 6(p&ALo^tv wtv xat F-C; 1UF-PjJCFCCV (Y(P(XtPt1C1JV, X0 IV '07ce 7CO801V IV I 'COT ica, ainfi exetv

MCI ICUMTOVces

(Xbrv '0 1

iv Oi) gOVOV

eit&t

'fl)VORKO's

77 Cf. Beazley (1947,7) on Athanasia. Shapiro (1993,15) proposes some distinction of iconographies. less specific terms in of more or degree 78 The second edition (1603) advertises itself as "ampliata di 400 & pib imagini". Each figure her/his illustration, of given explanation an and is described, many with accompanying Latin texts. from by backed quotations up often attributes, 79 See below on Hygieia (pp. 174-81) and Peace (pp.190-4).

8t('X 'rolu'row V8etjCV1bgF,VOt r,,

ro' rfij; TlbXil;

a'acoccov.

35

inscriptions doubt but are context/analogy, must usually remain where an element of lacking." A further technical consideration is raised if we ask what purpose artistic be familiar figure In personifications serve. as part of the may already some casesa built is known from literary to story sources,so any allegorical significance already us into the narrative context, as in the caseof Sleepand Death carrying Sarpedonoff the battlefield." In others personifications may have an explanatory function, giving ideas is to expression not easily portrayed in visual form. In a period when landscape human form, totally to the almost subservient personifiedlocalities or rivers may serve to indicate a geographicalsetting, as with the rivers Alpheios and Kladeos on the east pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia, or the figure of Delos on vasesdepicting " birth Apollo Artemis. Similarly, the of and personified abstractionsmay provide a "psychological context", or draw attention to particular aspectsof the scene/myth,as 83 Heimarmene "Persuasion Painter's Helen" Less on the of specifically, vase. figures Meidias Painter's the personified can provide a general atmosphere,as with 84nor should comic intent be ruled out: the humour of Lucian's "feel-good" vases, " Gout is paralleledby the Kraipale Painter's personificationof Hangover.

Although visual representations are unequivocallypersonified,then, their status

device-cult "artistic the on figure" scale is no more definitionally secure than that of their literary counterparts. When it comes to their use as evidence for a figure's cult, different visual media present a variety of methodological problems, of which a brief is in order. review

80 On the need for accompanying texts to make more complex symbolism intelligible, cf. Cohen 1997,97-101. 81 See below pp.51-2. 82 E.g. Ferrara Mus. Arch. 20298 (ARV 1277,22) ; Vienna Kunsthist. Mus. IV 1771 (ARV function the (1994,133) Aellen Cf. 1321,9). of (ARV2 on 1318); Palermo Mus. Naz. Italian South vases. on "macrocosmic" personifications 83 See below pp. 107-8 and 150-1. Aellen argues that personifications have a particular role the is discussing, he the myths function making funerary ceramics the of to in relation (1994, in justice the for hope in afterlife offering cases some and universal, more represented 65-6,180-93). 84 See below pp. 174-6. 00.352, ARV Boston 430 BC, Attic 1993. c. 85 Not noted by Shapiro red-figure oinochoe, 112. 1954,11 Beazley no. Caskey and 1214,1; see

36

First, free-standing sculpture. In the absence of the kind of narrative context hardly it is help identification in surprising available to vase-painting or relief sculpture, that many possible identifications of personifications in free-standing sculpture remain 86 speculative. Even where identity can be established, however, whether the existence of a statue of a personification is indicative of her cult is a moot point, since the information Roman the that vagaries of survival and problem of copies mean adequate 87 is in Even the rare case of an about a work's original context often not available. found less in situ, such as Agorakritos' Nemesis at Rhamnous, original statue more or literary is definite identification to cross-referencing with sources necessary allow as 88 the cult image. More often literary sourcesmay allow us to identify the subjectof a

its in further but Kephisodotos' Eirene, the statue and sculptor, as caseof put us no forward in determining the figure's status - if a statue is not specifically the cult image from a shrine, was it necessarilyregarded as embodying the divine? The between discussion the their relationship gods and representations was a matter of have had in different that even antiquity; common sensewould suggest viewers would differing opinions on the subject, but even a single person's responseto a particular 89 Perhaps beyond is likely be to the to reach of modern scholarship reconstruct. statue dedicatory base have however, a statue with a are caseswhere we more clear-cut, inscription, with or without the actual statue;not only does such an inscription usually figure divinity it implies but identity the the represented, of also establishthe statue's 90 is the statue meant as an offering. since

86 See e.g. Harrison (1977), who makes an interesting, if not entirely convincing, case for She Thernis. Parthenon the from L the as of identifying the seated goddess east pediment debated for the identity be colossal statue much Thernis that a suitable also would suggests "No BC): 330 2370, S (Agora Agora in other goddess the Stoa c. Royal front the in found of Archon the law-court the front the of in to where place of be stand appropriate so would inscribed Athenians the law-codes on the were of ancestral Basileus held session and where her Tyche, Agathe this identifies own against 1994, Palagia as Contra, (157). who see stone" Demokratia. (11982) it identification as of earlier 87 See Ridgway 1984. 88 See below pp. 101-4. 89 Compare e.g. Plut. Mor. 379c-d (on the popular elision of god and representation) with The 5-6). (1990,223-4, idealism" Hellenistic cf. "Late Pollitt's selection of passages on Apulian an early on of vase-painting in the, medium is unexpected, perhaps raised question by is Herakles none other watched of statue on a at work column-krater, where a sculptor "viewing The 131). religious fig. and 1989, of problem (Trendall himself hero than the the (1997,14-16) Cohen Cf. 1995,44-80. on Tanner by length discussed is at experience" Greek "through eyes". impossibility of viewing (p. 164). Hygieia Pyrrhos'Athena 79-80), (pp. is Them and 90 See below e.g. on Chai restratos'

37

Architectural sculpture suffers from the sameproblems of identification as the free-standing variety, and only rarely has any attempt been made to recognise a decorative frieze Ero^s the Nike nature personification other than or pediment; on a or 9' Other for it relief of such sculpture makes unreliable as evidence cult status. be has its because to tendency sculpture associatedwith an some advantages of inscription. A fair number of local personificationshave, for example,been identified fourth-century Attic document reliefs from the content of the inscription they on 92 discussed by Amy Smith. She seesthe imagesas ephemeraldevices accompany,as document lazy, intelligible illiterate, the the to the making substanceof or merely 9' indication does This than necessarilyan viewer, rather of cult status. not of course figure depicted document from having divinity, but preclude a cult status on a relief have be demonstrated from The Demokratia to shown would external sources.
from known decree Demos 337/6 BC the the crowning on anti-tyranny relief of well Athenian Agora is a good example - she is known from other epigraphic sources to have been in receipt of cult at this period, but the relief adds to our information by 94 however, image Votive the reliefs, of goddess. providing us with our earliest extant definition from by different they a cult context. are are a matter, since The

in interpreting deities is humans in between differentiation and useful size conventional have be divine figures identity to the the the scene represented, although may of inferred from any accompanying inscription, or from the relief s provenance (if known). Where there is no inscription preserved identification may be difficult to

in be iconographic the but as of assistance, may context establish with certainty, for Aklepios, in divine figure female depicting scale company with of a various reliefs identification. least is Hygieia a probable at whom

fifth in for the A large proportion of our material evidence personifications in Only the by Attic is cases can rare very painted pottery. provided century like be in taken positive this anything as medium appearanceof a personification

91 See above n.86 on Thernis, below pp.146-7 on Peitho. 92Smith 1997,172-87. On the document reliefs in general, see Lawton 1995. 93 Smith 1997,173; she points out that Hamdorf frequently, and misleadingly, cites such testimonia. as reliefs 94 Athens, Agora 1 6524, SEG XII. 87; Stewart 1997,154 fig. 93. On Demokratia's below Athens, her 1994; see 1986,1993 at cult on Alexandri-Tzahou and see iconography, 189 and n.30. Below pp. 177-8.

38

attestation of cult 96 be may an example -

Thernis welcoming Bendis on a red-figure skyphos in Ribingen be inclusion of a personification may sometimes although the

knowledge hypothesis the of a the most readily explained on artist/commisioner's of 97 More local CUlt. be literature, like taken as to needs often vase-painting, how impression direct to the to supplementary of well general more evidence, adding known a particular personification may have been. At the most it may be permissable to argue on the basis of a figure's repeated appearance in vase-painting for an earlier

date for her cult than more explicit testimoniesallow -

parallel with the methodology 9' by in adopted Oakley and Sinos their study of the Athenian wedding. The vaseshape e.g. Flimeros and

may give some indication of how a particular figure was viewed -

Pothos are deemedappropriate decorationsfor pyxides, containersfor cosmetics is helpful for this although more establishingconceptualcategoriesthan status. The broader question of the status of the painted pottery itself is relevant to some extent, insofar as it has implications for the statusof the creatorsand usersof the images,but the matter of function is perhapsmore immediatelygermane:were the piecesI shall be for everyday use or specifically to accompanytheir owners to the considering made 99 in funerary look for latter, If the significance their some afterlife? we might decoration, as Aellen has done in his study of personifications on South Italian 100 is Attic the Even the of question whether pottery, of a concern, more with ceramics. imagescan be seenas a fair reflection of concernsclose to home, or were influenced by the demandsof an export market. Such problemsare not susceptibleof resolution in the spaceavailablehere, but the question-marksthey throw over the use of painted '01 below. individual in borne be pieces mind when considering pottery as evidencewill in Greek instances the looking been have As I of personification cults at any not

Below p.78. 97 See below on Nemesis (p.98) and Hygieia (p.175). 98 Oakley and Sinos 1993,7. Cf. Sutton 1992 on the use of vase-painting as evidence for Athenian the for the iconographic of 1992 ritual Hamilton evidence on women's lives, and his for methodology). 123-46 of application wider Anthesteria (see especially pp. 99 Vickers and Gill 1990; see Gill 1988 for a brief outline of problems involved in to that more the secondary only trade was pottery Greek view the and vase reconstructing important cargoes. 100Aellen 1994. 101 Useful surveys of questions surrounding the production and trade of painted pottery are (203-32) the Johnston, by A. and 1991 ) market (eds. on Spivey Rasmussen in and provided Athenian for fifth-century 1994 Seeberg See (131-51). N. Spivey, on Etruscan customers the painter. directly dealing with customers

96

39

colonies of Southern Italy, I have generally not made referenceto South Italian vase102 drama. painting, except where a connection could be argued via the influence of One point noted by Aellen, however, provides an interesting parallel for a feature observablein Attic vase-painting:the great majority of South Italian personifications found are on Apulian vases, and especiallyin the work of the Darius Painter and his immediate predecessorsand successors. In Attic vase-painting there is likewise a concentrationof personificationsto be seenin the work of the Meidias Painter and his 'O' It is at least a possibility that our impression of the prevalence of school. personifications on painted pottery has been exaggeratedby the popularity of such figures in two particular workshops.
OTHER AUTERIAL EVIDENCE AND PROSE WRITERS

Personifications in poetic literature and the visual arts, then, present indicative of a figure's considerableproblems of identification and are not necessarily actual worship; for more direct attestation of cult we need to turn to other forms of material evidence and to various genres of prose literature written in the Roman period. The exact sites where most of the figures to be considered below were worshipped are unfortunately unknown - we either have only very imprecise information on their location or there is nothing on the ground to confirm the kind of by notice given our written sources. The sanctuary of Nemesis and Themis at Rhamnousis exceptional, being the only sanctuaryyet found dedicatedprimarily to a it is has the that rather case a personification personification; usually some subsidiary has in Olympian Hygieia the as sanctuary of an statues, and representation do in Asklepieia. Where a personification written sources associate occasionallyaltars, looking for it is location archaeological obviously worth cult with a reasonablyspecific traces, although matching up the two is rarely straightforwardthe caseof Eleos, as involved. illustration The is the problems main of we shall see, a particularly good identification, is, sincewe are problem with archaeologicalevidence once again,one of information form to to connect any site with of written some need going nearly always
'0' In general see Taplin 1993, or, for a briefer account, A. D. Trendall in Rasmussen and S? ivey 1991 (151-82). 10 Aellen 1994,15; see below pp. 174-6.

40

a personification -

from inscription the from description a prose writer or an either a

in but itself broadly the is deity in true, This site naming the more of course question. better known deities we are more likely to have comparative evidenceto aid case of identification. Particular sorts of offering, sometimesspecial sacrificial animals, are associatedwith some gods for doves for body-parts Asklepios, of representations Aphrodite, pigs for Demeter - so that a shrine may be indentified by the votives deified dedicatedthere.104We have as yet established information about any no such however, in that abstraction, so personification cults must easily go unrecognised the archaeologicalrecord. The one type of material evidencewhich can supply us with relatively firm
identification of a personification's cult is epigraphy. The largest category with which I shall be concerned is made up of inscriptions recording dedications and a number financial few instances but there of accounts are also a which name cult personnel, loans from "Nemesis' silver" at Rhamnous, to relating a personification's cult made from from Eirene's sacrificial victims the one case of sale of skins profits (for Peitho), the and sacrificial regulations concerning prohibition of particular victims 'O' inscription hymn (to Inscriptions arguably share some of Hygieia). one of the of a the advantages of other material evidence and prose sources: an inscription is (almost) 106 datable; it least is location to approximately and often at a specific always attached rrspeaks" more directly than most material remains, and the genre is generally less

107 Inscriptions licence the of encounteredelsewhere. problems of artistic prone to kinds from the same problems of preservation as other of material course suffer but have the texts, most common comprehensible readily all evidence, and not difficulty encountered by the non-specialistis inadequatedocumentation: details of find-spots are not always recorded, nor dating criteria, which is particularly frustrating

104 Many of the articles collected in Alcock and Osborne (eds.) 1994 discuss such problems (138-9), Corinth first temple the dedicant the Morgan at C. of See on e.g. of identification. in type that "These minor Demeter many regular to so are dedications S.G. Cole on M. Jost (203) by the on and identified be alone" Demeter votives may sanctuaries of de F. theoretical Cf. the (219-21). of papers the more gods" "landscape preferences among the Osborne R. (3-18), and Geometric on archaeology and "visibility" cults of Polignac on the (143-60). Attika in archaic history of cult activity 105Below pp. 100,127,158 and 189. latter the letter-forms, though find-context, may the or 106 By an explicit dating-formula, 1992,65-7. Biers dating, inscriptions g. see e. absolute and on range; wide a quite Frovide (07Though e.g. see pp. 135-6 below on Peitho at Daphne.

41

just it inscription is the has been lost where always made clear since recording; nor how speculative restorations of missing passages are. The absence of such information, especially contextual details, may obviously limit the usefulnessof such documentsas evidencefor cult practice.'O' This brings us finally to the writers of various genres of prose in the Roman period who are major sourcesof information about cults of all sorts, and often provide our only evidencefor the worship of a particular personification. Shrines,statuesand dedicated to personificationsare among the myriad religious sights commented altars by in his Pausanias listed, Greece, travels them upon around mainland some of merely others more extensively discussed. Traditionally taken as a fairly straightforward chronicle of Greek monuments and customs, Pausanias'text and its usefulnessas for has been the subject of much recent scrutiny of late. evidence ancient cult practice Habicht and (more recently) Arafat look especiallyat the criteria Pausanias appliesto the choice of monumentshe describes,his constant emphasison autopsy, and what kind of information he is more or less reliable on.'09 Elsner provocatively defines Pausanias as a "pilgrim", self-consciously exploring Greek identity through an his land by implicit definition by than examination of own rather an contrast with the "O in Scythia. historical Egypt The Pausanias otherness of or context which was travelling has always to be remembered,and the inherent conflict between his project to give an account of the distinguishedpast of a free Greeceand the politics of his own day, when Greece could be regarded as a unity largely becauseof its status as the interest in religious Roman province of Achaia. However, Pausanias'almost obsessive for "seeing he importance to the the experienceof attached sites and ceremonies,and I informed better him than and shall many of our sources, considerably oneself', make

108 For an excellent example of how an inscription can be presented, with full contextual information, see Jameson, Jordan and Kotansky 1993. The articles collected in HAgg (ed.) for issue to the cult epigraphic evidence of using demonstrate 1994 a number of approaches

r)ractice. 1-2). Cf. D. Birge on "Trees in 109 Habicht 1985 and Arafat 1996 (see especiallychs. 1994,231-45. Osborne in Alcock landscape", and Pausanias' to the early Christianpilgrimsuch as Egeria 110Eisner1992.The comparison of Pausanias differences important to the draws himself Elsner attention the tell story whole not may distant holy journeying lands, to than his in travelling rather country own was that Pausanias his the did for particulars of religious share necessarily not who audience an and was writing (28). "mass the myth-histories" of conflicting of a variety encompass could which experience,
42

be referring to him more than to any other ancient author."'

I would place more

weight on his testimony for things he has actually seenthan the stories he adducesto explain them, and will be bearing in mind the possibility of discontinuities in cult 112 his descriptionfrom the past he favours. practice over the centurieswhich separate Slightly earlier than Pausanias, though still very much a product of the Roman Empire, is Plutarch, whose moralising biographies and essaysare my source in a number of casesbelow. Despite his philosophicalinterests,he seemsto have retained for traditional cult practices, as is apparentfrom his writings as well as great respect his position as priest at Delphi. His desireto hold intellectual and more conservatively in balance can be seen in a passage,of particular relevanceto the religious views in current enquiry, the Erotikos, where Eros' divinity is under discussion. The young Plutarch of the dialogue warns against allowing clever allegorical interpretations to faith in traditional the gods: undermine Others is desire, Hennes, theMuses againwill saythat Aphrodite speech, arts,and Athenawisdom. You cansee feet if the abyss that opens of atheism underour we 113 classifythegodsasvariouspassions, capacities, or virtues.
It would appear that the ultimate sanction for taking Eros seriously as a god rather than a more abstract force is simply that "the ancient faith of our fathers suffices" ( 13). 114As with Pausanias,the fact that Plutarch is writing in a Greece much changed from its classical heyday must always be taken into account; it can often be unclear he by influenced is Roman the to current referring ancient practices or ones whether he does demonstrate awarenessthat even the most traditional rule, although sometimes "' of rituals can change overtime.

111Arafat 1996,17: "Autopsy is, in my view, the single most distinctive feature in Pausanias' work". 112 Cf. Alcock on "Minding the gap in Hellenistic and Roman Greece" (Alcock and Osborne, Hera functions temple the 1995 the Arafat 1994,247-61), of at of changing on and eds. Olympia. 113 F-'tvcct icalt uo'v E'-'npot 'Aqpo8t', 8' (757b-c): 14 Eroticus rqv entftg'tccv aZ (paovat rhv
Movcyaq 'Epgfiv k6yov Kai 'r('xq cF-'xvaq icalt 11 066TTITOG, F-t'G a"V Pv06v 6 j)-n0XccgP(xvovTcc &g cc 0 lIg (ppovilcriv
IC601 1 Tv

'AGijv&v.
,6

6f)4G 611 licou

rov

IC0Cit suv,

v ccgetG icat apeca; 8tccyp6c(pc, )gF-

1997. Russell On the 660v. see speech, Excccnovmv 114 Cf. Eroticus 18 (763b-d), on the relative merits of poets, lawgivers and philosophers as towards Plutarch's On in the allegory, see attitude belief ambivalent for gods. guides Boreas the Sokrates' Cf. of myth of explanations caution about rationalising Stafford 1999a. 229-30). Phaed. (Plato, Oreithyia and 115 See e.g. the essay entitled Why are oracles no longer delivered in hexameter verse? in Roman Empire, the Greek Plutarch's On see aristocrat as a position (Mor. 394-409). Roman Question. 153 below 1997; (ed. ) Mossman on a p. see and 1994, and Boulogne

43

The Elder Pliny provides some information on representations of

personifications in sculpture, and their creators; Pollitt points to the "traditional and unoriginal nature" of Pliny's chapters on art in support of their worth as evidence, drawing, as Pliny himself claims they do, on as many as 2,000 earlier sources."' Athenaios is even more given to citing his sources, perhaps as a display of erudition, facilitates the analysis of the earlier material he quotes so freely; although the which for starting point any discussion in the Deipnosophistai is of course always an item of food or drink, the range of material drawn in is extremely wide, and includes several 117 Finally, a mine of fascinating titbits passagesof relevance to personification Cults. about otherwise obscure personifications, their festivals and other rituals is to be found in the works of scholiasts commenting on ancient texts, and of lexicographers who range in date from the second to the ninth centuries AD - Zenobios, Hesychios, Pollux, Photios, the Suda. Clearly these need to be treated with the greatest caution, long they time after many of the customs they describe must have since are writing a fallen into disuse, and we usually do not know what sources they are drawing on, but they can sometimes shed at least plausible light on problems raised by other sources.

WORKING

CRITERIA

To sum up, then. Personifications in literature and art may be more or less well

developed,but without external evidencethere is alwaysthe possibility that they are no 118 licence. Epigraphy than the affords the most unequivocal products of poetic more information availablefor actual cult status,usually in the form of dedicationsnaminga later writers of various prose genresprovide much of personification as recipient, and However Pausanias. lexicographers, Plutarch, all and above sundry my material: be informative, least to they and setting out are at reliable or otherwise their testimony, belonging to a personificationas I take their referenceto an altar, a temple or sacrifices lateness The investigation. the for basis of of least problem perennial a reasonable at

116 Pollitt 1990,2-4; Pliny NH praef 17; most of the sources Pliny actually names were Pliny's For thorough chapters of evaluation a artists. practising even Greek, and some were 1991. Isager on art, see his to Pausanias' wide Athenaios' references 117Arafat 1997 contrasts vague specificity with reading. literature/art, then life in begin somehow that 118 See below for the theory personifications the cult. of into sphere move

44

such sources in relation to the institutions they describe can only be approachedby juxtaposing them to the less explicit evidence afforded by earlier literature, art and archaeological remains. To a certain extent any conclusions have to remain

provisional, since excavation continues at such important sites as Rhamnousand the Athenian Agora, inscriptions continueto be published,and more sophisticatedanalyses '19 iconographic be hope, the however, have 1 of to evidencecontinue to produced. establishedat least a basic framework for further work with the evidence already available, and to have contributed in some small way towards the current trend for a more interdisciplinary approachto Greek religion.

111. TI 1-EGENDERQUESTION120
(Adehno compares images of the whore of Babylon and the Virgin Mary): I was not so much struck by her form as by the thought that she,too, was a like the other, and yet this one was the vesselof every vice, whereasthe other woman 121 was the receptacle of every virtue. But the forms were womanly in both cases...
If we take the personifications seriously, we must take their predominant femaleness 122 seriously too.

The most immediately striking generalisation that can be made about

figures is that the majority are female, a rule especially true of concepts personified happiness connected with and prosperity, "good things". Given the subordinate status deemed ironic in it Greek that the qualities seems of real women ancient society, 123 female form. desirable by Greek men should be represented in Peace is a mother

119 See e.g. below p. 113 on the "Great Nemesia" inscription from Rhamnous, published as 1997 Smith 1993 Shapiro Compare 1992. on political personifications, g. e. with recently as (Heidelberg). Borg by Barbara forthcoming work and see 120 This section now appears as an article in Foxhall and Salmon 1998 (Stafford 1998). Versions were given as papers in the Gender Studies seminar at Oxford (28/11/94) and the both (3/12/94); Nottingham Identity audiences made Power Masculinity, seminar at and for his Hawley Richard to I subsequent grateful helpful suggestions and am particularly comments and references. 121Umberto Eco, The Name of the Rose, London 1994,241. it, inherited fifth 122 the "Personification, 158-9: and was used century as Padel 1992,160; cf. inside happened to but language, and trick explaining what of part isolatable of an not lived fifth-century to the that answers tells mode Cult, personifying us all, above people... it reality. 123 Blundell (1995,17) comments on the paradox. Stewart discusses the problem in the for "the body the society: a metaphor Greek as naked male use of broader context of in Greek For is immediately polis a problem. raised power and specificity very metaphor's

45

and generalterms for prosperity are firmly feminine,like Eutychia and Eudaimonia,not to mention Hygieia, the good Health needed to complement such fiscal well-being. Then there are the civic virtues of Democracy, Justice (Demokratia and Dike), and "Good Order", in the form of Themis or Eunomia. Andreia does not appearuntil the 30s BC, depicted on the monument from Aphrodisias which commemoratesZoilos, but it is particularly striking that even"Manliness" shouldbe feminine.124The standard answer usually advanced to explain this paradox is linguistic: in Indo-European languages the abstractnounsthat tend to be personifiedare usually feminine in gender. But this is only a start, for why should suchnounsbe femininein the first place? And what about those personified nouns which happen to be masculine or neuter in grammatical gender? Further investigation is needed into the sociological and iconographic context in which thesepersonifiedabstractsdeveloped. Even English, despite its lack of an explicit grammaticalgender system,has a 12' certain under-cover engenderedness. The only inanimate objects regularly given femalegender,usually by their male owners, are boats, cars, and even church bells, but 126 be found levels. An example with obvious male-biased sexism can at many is the fact that only girls are given as application to the caseof personifiedabstractions namesnouns which designatevirtues: the charactersMercy and Charity in Dickens' Martin Chuzzlewitmay sound a little old-fashioned,but Prudenceand Constance were in still popular my grandmother'sgeneration,and in my own Verity, Felicity and Grace Greek likewise include Modern like Eirene, are not uncommon. girls' names virtues, Elpis, Euphrosyne, Eleutheria, Nike and even Themis (Peace, Hope, Good Sense,
Yet its the feminine, city's essence above all, most abstract nouns. was as are gendered men" (1997,133). 124 Zoilos, a freedman of Augustus, himself stands next to Time, "Honour", while other less Polis Roma: Mneme, the frieze include the abstract and along with on personifications Erim 1979, pls. 21-9. Smith 1998 includes a photograph and drawing of the recent best Hellenistic "one he frieze, the of our examples civic of calls which restoration of allegory" (29). 125 The inherent androcentrism of English is discussed at length by Spender 1990 and Key 1975. 126 That bells should be "she" is particularly striking, given such proper names as "Great Tom" and "Big Ben" (thanks to Lin Foxhall and Hamish Forbes for a bell-ringing lesson). The Key length by Spender 1990 1975. is discussed English and at of inherent androcentrism deviate, from the is the the that others a norm idea which category, universal male E.g. the Eight Grammatical Rules Kirkby's Eighty John in formal found first of expression theory which female than the is "more the that 21 comprehensive" male gender states 1746: rule no. (Spender 1990,147-9).

46

Freedom, Victory, Order).127 In ancient Greece real women are less often given 128 find do like Eurykleia; a wide abstract values as such than compounds, where we In is in these the some cases range of abstracts adopted names. prostitutes' of context (Persuasion, but Joy), Euphrosyne Peitho to their seem appropriate or calling, e.g. daughter: the paradoxically majority signify virtues worthy of any good citizen wife or 129 Eukleia, Galene,Eirene, Sige (Fair Fame,Calm, Peace,Silence). The gender of English personifications is neatly explained in an eighteenth dialogue by Addison: Joseph century It is a greatcompliment to the sex,saysCynthio, that yourVirtuesare methinks in for it, saysPhilander, but generally shown petticoats.I cangiveno otherreason 130 because be feminine in learned languages. theychanced to of gender the When faced with the question "Why are personificationspredominantlyfemale? " most have been happy between female to to the the commentators point congruence sex of these figures and the feminine gender of the abstract nouns they embody: the be is Why phenomenon an accident of grammatical gender. such abstracts should feminine in the first place, though, has generallybeen left to studentsof linguistics, as "' inconclusive debate part of the on the origins of grammaticalgender. The terms masculine, feminine and neuter were first imposed by ancient in female biologically to the creatures each male or majority of grammarians,according 132 for his Aristotle Protagoras authority as cites morphological category. feminine (('XppEv(x), distinguishing genders of nouns (,yE'-vTl 6'vogwrcov)as masculine

127 Thanks to the Greek students in my Greek Religion seminar group at Royal Holloway 'Apevl, E-68oldtcc, (1994/5) for compiling a list, which also includes: 'Ay&ml, 'AGavcccrita, rlitcntq, 7_0(pita. 60-ogice, ZO)h,rhxpoevitcc, Elu"roxiM, Du'gop(pta, E, E'68o4itoc, 128E.g. LGPN I lists just one Thernis. Vol. 11 lists one Peitho and two Themides (though one 87). below Thernis, be p. see read as a priestess of of these can 129 Athen. 13.577a, 583e, 587f, 593b, 4.157a. Eirene/a is particulary popular: 47 A "mythical" 11. in of 1,36 wife LGPN in poetess listed (Dav'racita, vol. occurrences are 1379.62) Od. in (Comm. Eustathios by and is Nikarchos Memphes, daughter of mentioned Italia, Sybaris, daughters Themistokles' For Photios (Bib/. 3.151 ab). geographical names, cf. Asia and possibly Hellas: Whitby (forthcoming). 130Dialogue upon the Usefulness of Ancient Medals, London 1726,36. 131On linguistic gender and personification, see Wilarnowitz (1931,26): "Man k6nnte sagen, Abstrakta den Personifikation der als sie htte angefangen, mit die Sprache selbst twentiethFor and Geschlecht nineteenthof surveys gab". weibliches und mrinliches 1973,14-50. Ibrahim 1959,7-30, Fodor and see gender, theories grammatical on century is that the an arbitrary has gender (1993) position Lazzeroni espoused More recently, the brief his but sketch of a languages, only gives article Indo-European in categorisation arguments. in Foxhall Greece, in to ancient plants 132 Cf. Foxhall on the attribution of sex and gender 1998,57-68. ) (eds. Salmon and

47

(0114cc), and inanimate objects (aicm)ii). substitutes gEra4i)

Aristotle uses the same terms, but sometimes

for cricFibq, and notes that many inanimate objects are in fact In the first century BC Dionysios of and added

designated by masculine or feminine "' nouns.

Thrace's Art of Grammar standardised the term oIUMVrEpovfor "neuter",

two further genders: "the common and the epicene: the common, e.g. horse or dog (i. e. may be masc. orfem. ) and the epicene, e.g. swallow (fem. ) or eagle (masc.; i. e. 134 always of same gender, whatever the sex referred to). 1) The problem of mismatches between grammatical gender and sex comes discussion under as early as Aristophanes. In the Clouds Sokrates is parodied as debating this along with other obscure topics in , replies that first he must learn some basics, and procedes to set him linguistic traps to fall into. First the fact that 64Krpucov can mean either "cock" or "hen" is regretted, his "thinking- shop". When Strepsiades begs to be taught the "unjust logic" Sokrates

is coined to distinguish the female. Much play is made and a new word 6cXF_icrp1bcav(x with the gender of il Kccp8onoq ("kneading-trough"), one of those awkward feminine

nouns of the second declension, which looks as though it ought to be masculine. Then a problem arises with some men's names which, being first declension nouns, look

distinctly feminine in the vocative, e.g. Aguvtaq, 02 Aguvta. 135 Despite such difficulties, the theory of "natural gender", i. e. that grammatical gender reflects biological sex, was espousedin the nineteenth century by such scholars Grimm; the great many inconsistencies and anomalies observable could be explained as 136 have into "logical However, the this as confusions which crept order" over time. obvious problems with equating sex and gender, not least that no two languages have identical division, have led an gender many to question the "natural gender" theory. Most late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century analysts tended to look for the in internal laws language, the to of congruence origins of grammatical gender rather than relating the question to the social context of language. Meillet, for example, in is feminine that the most modern a grammatical category which, gender asserts

Aristot. Rhet 1407b7. 134 E)'qXvc0V' Ars Gramm. 634b (ed. Uhlig 1883,1,24-5): lyF'-V-q JF'-V OZV F_t'Crl rp'tor &pCFCVtK0V, 8160,1C0tV0V U c'761comV, TE lccci IC0tV0V gev otov C"CUCC TOITotq npoonGe'acyt 71 F-VtOt %N . 11 0'686"UEPOV. U U C/ 010V IC'tICOtVOV fell Dionysios' E', Latin tn7COg 16M, grammar early under XF-Xt8cov ccecog. influence, and via Latin most of the modern grammars of Europe are indebted to him. See Robins (1951,1-68) on Greek and Roman grammatical theory. 135 Nub. 657-93. On this passage see Loraux 1995,4-5. 136cf. Varro De Lingua Latina 9.55-62, for a defence of natural gender.

133

48

Indo-European languages,holds an important place in morphology, but on the whole has no significance:"Deja en latin, le genref6minin Wavait plus de signification. " 137 Adherents of such an approachwould hold that grammaticalgender has little connection with the way we seethe world, but there is plenty of evidenceto suggest 138 otherwise. A sensibletreatment of the question can be found in Marina Yaguello's Les Mots et les Femmes, discussingsex and gender in the French language.139 She the problem succinctly: summarises
La question qui se pose, comme pour le probl&meplus g6n6ral des rapports langue-pens6e,est bien celle-ci: Est-ce que nous percevonsla mort, la mer, la lune, etc.,,comme f6minines parce que la hasard d'une classification nominale aveugle les a dotdesdu genre f6minin? ou bien, au contraire, sont-ils f6minins parce qu'il s'y rattache des valeurs symboliques qui seraient liees aux structures mentaleset sociales 140 et aux valeurs culturelles? Probkme de la poule et de l'oeuf, pourrait-on dire...

In the end, she concludes, the question of the origin of gender is a false problemwhichever way the arrow goes, gender--> symbolism or symbolism4 gender, the system as we have it certainly does convey an ideology linked to the social status of men and 141 women.

It is interesting that extremesof good and evil should both be representedin female form, a point made by the Eco quote with which I beganthis section. At the from "good think things" the might about we our personified end of spectrum opposite the many female monstersof Greek mythology: Skylla and Charybdis,the Sirensand Harpies, Medusa, the Furies, the Chimaira, the Sphinx. Ruth Padel puts our female figures into this context: "Femalepersonificationsin classicalGreek are a living part of

137 Meillet 1938,24-25: The feminine is a subdivision of the "genre anim6", which covers not tree "animated", to g. earth, e. but is beings, considered everything also extended only living "La hand. is "inanim6e", cat6gorie une it bears, fruit gender), the neuter (opposed to which Le langue. la A toute travers A m6chanisme I'appliquer fois cr6de, on est amend Et la f6minin. ou tout A faire masculin soit substantif anim6 que grammatical oblige he " But de tr6s tenir even chose. peu deux les genres peut parfois entre r6partition feminine from, the developed Latin, languages etc., which suspects that in the prehistoric Commenting this. does he on though on kind enlarge not have did of value, some gender into taking the account social Mauss of necessity points out Meillet (in the same volume), this categorisation. of factors question studying when and psychological 138 See the linguistic and sociological studies cited by Key 1975 and Spender 1990. Many of far they in of questions relate as to so especially enquiry, our their points are relevant in feminine the society. the to place of women and linguistic gender 139 Yaguello 1978,91-113, "Genre et sexe: La m6taphore sexuelle". 140 Yaguello 1978,98. 141 Yaguello 1978,100.

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in danger daemonic imaginative landscape. landscape This a precise concentrated female forms, such as Sirens and tragedy's talismanic daemons, the Erinyes. " 142 Similarly, extremes of human behaviour often seem to find mythical expression in female form; those "monsters" Klytaimnestra and Medea spring to mind. At the "good" extreme, apart from personified abstractions there are plenty of heroines looser in (personifying, in the the representing ultimate virtue of one sort or another Penelope the chaste, Alkestis the selflesswife. In addition to monsters,the sense): landscape,both real and imaginary, is peopled by more or less beneficentnymphs,all descended from herself, has just Olympos Earth ultimately as many and of course deity have become to goddesses as gods. In a Judaeo-Christian culture we more used being male, though female aspectscan be unearthedevenhere,143 but in Greek religion Olympian goddessesdo not seem, as a rule, to be especially discriminated against. Given the inferiority of mortal women in Greek thought this might seemsurprising,but denigration of female deities is rare. Aristophanes'Peisthetairosand Euelpidestouch deity for in discussing Cloud Cuckoo Land the on subject when a suitable patron Birds:
Peis.: What's wrong with Athene? Euel.: Oh, no. You can't expect a well run city if you've got a female goddess 144 his knitting. Cleisthenes full there gets on with in armour, while standing up

145 bird. In the end they decide on the Persian cock, a unequivocally male

Although the majority of personifications are female, there are a number of in is their figures, there masculinity. significance any and we might ask whether male The male personifications most often depicted in Greek art are the youthful Eros and his companions, 11imeros and Pothos, though even Eros seemsto have had remarkably 146 female Arguably the little place in Cult. these occupy much same position as our

142Padel 1992,161. On the place of Furies in the cosmic order represented in South Italian 1994,24-90. Aellen see vase-painting, 143 See Long (1992) on the history of the figure of Wisdom (feminine Sophia in Greek and traditions. Eastern Near Greek in Hebrew) in and Hochma 144Birds 828-331, tr. David Barrett, 1978. 1995, Blundell Cf. divine. the difference 145See Loraux 1992 for a discussion of gender and her iconography status "masculine" problematic Athena's reflects that the 191 for suggestion deity. female as a powerful (1993,110See Shapiro his 851, 1986, cult. on 146 especially On Er6s, see Hermary et al. triumvirate". "ubiquitous the 24) on

50

figures, being beautiful young men of a suitable age, potential objects of men's desire.147 in the Hellenistic period Eros becomes younger, increasingly represented as the mischievous child of Aphrodite, inspiring desire in others but not an object of desire himself The only other personification regularly represented as a child is also

is in Wealth (Ploutos), first "Peace Kephisodotos' the male: arms of appearance whose holding the child Wealth", in which context I shall discuss him further in chapter Six.148

Eros and Ploutos, then, though personifications of masculine nouns, are generally represented as youths or children, categories of ambivalent sexuality. Lysippos' famous statue of The Opportune Moment (Kairos) at Sikyon was also a desirableyouth, describedin an epigramby Poseidipposand represented in later reliefs 149 and gems. The only other male personificationsto appearwith any frequencyin the Sleep (Hypnos Death Thanatos). On Chest Kypselos, the visual arts are and and of as describedby Pausanias, they were shown as children in the arms of their mother Night (Nyx), but thereafter they are almost invariably depicted in their Homeric capacity as "0 (c. Sarpedon. On Euphronios' to pall-bearers much-discussed calyx-krater 510 BQ in the secondhalf of the they are both mature, beardedmen with wings; vase-painters fifth century usually differentiatebetweenthe two by making Death older and bearded, idea beardless differentiation Sleep Such the a surely reflects often unkempt, a youth. that Death is a figure to be reckonedwith, in contrast to his more obviously desirable "' Sleep is Pausanias for brother. Evidence to their sparse:according cult younger in dedications he Epidauros Muses, Troizen at and received with the sharedan altar at his capacity as healer.152Plutarch mentions shrinesat Sparta of Death and two other

147 Cf. the relationship between the active/passive opposition and the masculine/femi nine distinction in grammatical gender: e.g. the active agent phylax is masculine, while the more is feminine. "guarding", phyiake, abstract assive 1P48 See below pp. 190-4. 149 Poseidippos, AP 16.275; see Pollitt 1986,53-4, fig. 47, and Kershaw 1986, ch.3. Rhetor's Alexander (5.14.9), Olympia Kairos analysis to and cf. at Pausanias records an altar 27). (above 1.2 Olynthiac in by Demosthenes Kairos n. of the use of a personified 150Kypselos: Paus. 5.18.1; cf. Hesiod Theog. 212. Sarpedon: Iliad 16.453-4,671-2. 151 Euphronios: New York 1972.11.10. See Shapiro (1993,132-65) for Classical "juvenation" to Sleep Hypnos/Thanatos. process of similar a undergoes representations of latter: from the indistinguishable being see virtually Er6s in the Hellenistic period, often 1991/3. Stafford 1997 and Bazant 152 Altar at Troizen: Paus. 2.31.3. Epidauros: IG IV 1048,1335,1336; cf. Paus. 2.10.2. 47-50. W6hrle 1995, See 827-32. Philoktetes Sophokles, esp. healer at Sleep is invoked as

51

"' (Gel0s). male personification, Fear (Phobos) and Laughter

The kind of laughter

respected at Sparta is clarified by Plutarch's account of Lykourgos' dedication of a statue of Gelos, indicating that humour could add light relief to a severelife-style, as having in well as educationalvalue making reproof more palatable. Fear's temple at Spartais describedby Pausanias boys had as outside the city, a place where adolescent to sacrifice puppies to Enyalios the night before engaging in a vicious-sounding unarmedcombat; Plutarch commentsthat the Spartanshonour Fear as a positive force, "becausein their opinion the state is held together above all by Fear".154Outside the Spartancontext sacrificesto Fear on the eve of battle soundmore apotropaic,meantto "' disruptive force. avert a powerfully Two male personifications of traits which one might categorise as vices are Hesitation (Oknos) and Envy (Phthonos), though neither has an extensive iconography. The former appearedin Polygnotos' painting of the Underworld in the Lescheof the Knidians at Delphi; Pausanias him "a inscription to the refers as man says is Hesitation", suggesting that he was not a familiar figure; he was apparently he but representedas a seatedman plaiting a rope, which a she-ass ate as worked, no further indication of his appearance is given.156 Envy, on the other hand,is explicitly of in Lucian's description of Apelles' allegorical painting undesirable appearance Slander.157Envy standsbefore the throne of a king, who is flanked by Ignoranceand Suspicion (Agnoia, Hypolepsis), while Slander(Diabole) drags her unfortunate victim forward, attended by Treachery and Deceit (Epiboule, Apate), and followed at a distance by Repentance(Metanoia), who turns to look at Truth (Aletheia). Envy, black, in is in the clothed only male personification the scene:"a pale, ugly man who has a piercing eye and looks as if he had wasted away in long illness".

153Temples at Sparta to Thanatos, Phobos and Gel6s: Plut. Kleom. 9. Statue of Gel6s: Plut. 4yk. 25.; cf. statues of Hypnos and Thanatos at Sparta (Paus. 3.18.1). Phobos at Sparta: Paus. 3.14.9, Plut. Kleom. 9. On Sparta's cults to predominantly male Fear, "Sparta On (forthcoming). the Richer n-ness" of a cult of see personifications, see Parker 1989,162. 155 Sacrifices to Fear: Plut. Thes. 27, Alex. 31, Appian Pun. 21. Phobos is also among the (ML 38). IG XIV 268 for Selinous' listed at victory deities as responsible 156 Paus. 10.29.1. See Shapiro 1993,178-9 on this and another possible representation of 996). Palermo lekythos, (black-figure Oknos 157 On not being quick to believe slander, 6-8. Botticelli's Calumny of Apelles, in the Uffizi, Warner Truth; 1985,316-7. figure for the description of see except closely, follows Lucian's

52

Personifications in adult male form, then, are often of equivocal or even negative values, but the main point is their scarcity. For the most part literary and artistic tradition demands that abstract qualities, positive or negative, should be representedin female form. A good exampleof the strength of this tradition can be in the story recorded by Kallisthenes, quoted by Athenaios, about Limos, seen "Famine"; the word is usually masculine in gender, though there are occasional "' instancesofTj ktgo; (fem.) in Doric dialects. According to Kallisthenes,when the Arkadians were besiegingthe smalltown of Kromnos, one of the Spartansunder siege back to Spartavia a riddle: the woman imprisoned in the managedto send a message temple of Apollo must be liberated within ten days, as shewould no longer be capable liberation of after this time. The riddle is explained:
For this "'woman"is in the templeof Apollo besideApollo's throne,beinga painted representation of Faminein the likenessof a woman. And so it became clearto all that the men in the besieged town were ableto hold out only ten dayson accountof 159 famine (8ta' uO'v ktgOv).

For Kallisthenesthe masculinegenderfor limos was clearly the norm, but he makesno commenton the anomalyof Famine'sfemaleform. A more confused caseis that of the masculineEleos, "Mercy". A number of
later Greek sources seem to be unhappy with the masculine, and use our instead, a word obviously associated conceptually, though not exactly a (DtXccvOpcoTct`(x 160 Eleos' masculinity is even more of a problem for Latin authors. an synonym. is, feminine translation the accurate of F'-'XF-o; of course, misericordia, with clementia keep is the there as a possible alternative; no suitable equivalent which would 161 Clementia in Athenian Agora description Statius' the the of altar of masculine. fortunately for but, Statius, in describing Mercy's cult statue, raises a potential problem

(p(XVF-pO'V 0&

'Ano, %Xo)v'tcp 124 F13): (FGrH 10.452b Athen. Kallisthenes, ap. nccp('x CTrtvE'-Vcq^) abcil y6p E', &nogFgtg1jgF'-voq Atgo% Buk E)p6vOV 'Anokkomq E'Xcov q gop(pTIv. yuvatico; yp(x(pi^IS ro) ,rov 8t&
B'U'V(XVT(Xt 86'1COC Oi ICOXtOpICOU'ltF-VOt P(XG r'r"'Tt ICCCP'TFP'^nCYCCt 1cjjIF', O"M TO 7E(^XCTtV E'-Yrr-Vrr,,

158Used e.g. by the Megarian in Aristoph. Acharn. 743.

159

Limos for further to Theog. 227) (ad West 1966,231 personifed: references See ktgo'v. ,rO%v the the the god are variable". of sex and word "the gender of 160See Apsines and Sopatros (below pp.210 and 227). 161 See e.g. Quintilian and Seneca (below pp.210 and 231). Cf. iaxtpo'G/occasiofor Greek/Latin gender-crossing.

53

there is no such thing: "There is no image, the goddess' form is entrusted to no 162 metal".

Problems of representationobviously also arise with personificationsof nouns first five from Age, in Old Geras, the which are neuter gender. appearsonly on vases half of the fifth century, all depicting Herakles' confrontation with him, a story for which no literary account survives. Gerasis representedas an old man in every case, being particularly wizened and deformed, leaning on a walking-stick, on pelikai in the Louvre and Villa Giulia.163 Penthos, Grief, has human form implied by the fable, by Aisop, it/him honours Plutarch for in Zeus to the attributed ask which makes a share being handed out to the gods. The Greek is equivocal, Grief being designatedonly by in dative, the once a personal pronoun abrcq, which could of course be masculine but designate in English Grief "he" translations to or neuter, are obliged as order to 164 be interesting know how Kratos It the to maintain personification. was would in represented the original production of the PrometheusBound. Its/his companion Bia was presumablyfemale,though masculinitymight be expectedof "Force" acting as in is however, Prometheus; the the contrast to guard of captive character silent, Kratos, who has a lengthy exchangewith Hephaistos in the opening scene of the 16' Ixion depicted in The the the of on punishment context of play. pair were apparently but in Basel, in late fifth-century fragmentary a private collection skyphos a 166 inscriptions. hand is Bia's two the that and survives all unfortunately

162 Theb. 12.492-3; see below pp.215-16. Wycherley (1954,148) comments that the lack of deity the the difficulty might the "otherwise of gender for Statius of is lucky slight a statue have become acute". 163 Louvre G234, ARV2 286,16; Villa Giulia 48238, ARV 284,1; see Shapiro 1993,89-94, nos. 34-8. 164 Consolation to his Wife 6, e.g. tr. Russell 1993,299-300; the fable does not appear in to Consolation At 1956-9). (Leipzig Aesopicarum Fabularum Hausrath's edition of the Corpus Arsinoe; Queen "a to the comforting philosopher', story Apollonius, 112a, Plutarch attributes 43 See 1928). (Loeb, "she" on p. here above Penthos as translation Babbitt's of F. C. see Plutarch and allegory. 165 PV. 1-87; on the disputed date and authorship of the play see Griffith 1977 and Bees Productions Chlo6 by 1998 Drama Greek Festival London of 1993. A production for the the are sequence chaining of problems Bia practical Kratos some male; as and played both discussed by Dyson 1994. that Shapiro 110. 1993, Shapiro comments 541; HC no. Cahn, 166 Collection of Herbert "this its a clearly not was and for ending be taken with "easily masculine" -os kratos could (167). Greeks" the that worried problem

54

In Monuments and Maidens, Marina Warner discusses the "allegory of the female form" in the Classical Tradition. 167She form first female that of argues while at personified virtues was an accident of grammatical gender, iconography took hold, perpetuating the tradition. In addition to this, a further rationale for depicting concepts in female form is provided by the female figures of Greek myth, especially Athena; this affixing of meaning to the female form, she suggests, can be seen today in 16' Her account is persuasive, but the argument needs to be taken further advertising. back. Literary and artistic tradition did indeed perpetuate a female iconography for personified abstractions, but this iconography has its roots in attitudes towards the feminine. In a male-dominated society extremes of both good and evil tend to be represented in female form, as "the other"; further, it is noticeable that all the personified "good things" we have seen are either handsomeyouths or beautiful young 169 Is it too fanciful to suggest that they are so represented women of marriageable age. because both abstract and image are indeed ob ects of men's desire? In Prodikos' "Choice of Herakles" the superficially desirable Vice is described in explicitly sexual terms, appealing to the hero to take the option of a life of decadenceand indulgence.170 Aristophanes makes play with just this connection with the silent female characters in several plays who are leered at by the men on stage: the "Peace-treaties" (Spondai) of the Knights, "Reconciliation" (Diallage) in the Lysistrata, "Vintage" and "Festival171 (Opora in fact Theoria) Peace. While the the that women have a going" and very low profile makes the female form a practically suitable vehicle for abstract ideas in incarnation, desirable form desirability their the search of an psychologically conveys of 172 the abstract values they embody.

167Warner 1985, especially 63-87, "Engendered Images". 168 Warner 1985,85-6: "Divorced from the religion that gave her worship, disinfected of ". language in the the Athena cast... of virtue was mould which provided pagan cult and ritual, Warner 1985,85-6. 169 Homer's Litai are the only female personifications to be characterised as elderly, their (//. 9.502-12). logic by the dictated the Ate to allegory of a in relation jqe Prodikos fr-2 DK (Xen. Mem. 111,21-34); on Herakles' encounter, see Fox 1998,13-19. between Education Lucian the the choice with young Cf. Lucian's parody, which presents 6-9. Dream (Hermoglyphike), Statuary Art the of Paideia) and 71 ynov8ccit,Equ. 1389 ff.; AtaUccyll, Lys. 1114 ff.; see below pp.198-201 on the Peace. 172 Cf. Rodgers 1995 on the "non-specificity" of female images in Romano-British mosaics, 1992,297-328. Jesnick and

55

IV. DEIFIED ABSTR,4 MONS AS A CLASS

ANCIENT ANALYSIS

Although allegorical interpretations and general criticisms of the Olympian 173 deified discussion in Greek gods are plentiful of explicit speculative writing, abstractions is scarcely to be found before the Roman period, when it is extremely difficult to disentangle the Greek and Roman religious contexts, of the phenomenon, differences between the two. The absenceof such discussion from obscuring possible Plato is perhaps particularly surprising, given the obvious parallelism between deified abstractions and the Platonic Forms: as Dover puts it, "Plato's 'ideas' are, historically speaking, the progeny of the personified abstractions who thronged the suburbs of Olympus". 174 In Plato's account of his last days in prison, Sokrates himself employs just the kind of trope discussed in later rhetorical treatises when explaining to his friends why he will not even try to escape from Athens. He conjures up a dialogue between himself and the city's Laws (Nomoi), who convince him that he should abide by the state's judgements and face the prescribed death penalty; Sokrates concludes but it is by no means clear how that he should follow the course indicated by OOF-Oq, "the god" relates to the rhetorical personifications who have been its mouthpiece.175 Even in the Symposium, with its extensive discussion of the nature of love, and such is Eros' Love the status as a gods, questions as whether oldest or youngest of birth from between his is Diotima's a union account of not addressed; personification Contrivance (Poros), son of Invention (Metis), and Poverty (Penia) implicitly suggests 176 disputed. his allegorical nature, but his divinity as such is never

Cicero,,however, has plenty to say on the subjectof deified abstractionsin the Laws. The religious laws of his ideal state include an injunction to worship not only "those who have always lived in heaven", but also "those qualities through which an 177 is It Faith". Piety, Virtue, Intellect, thing is heaven good to a to man: granted ascent

173 See Muir 1985 for a succinct general account of Greek religious scepticism. 174 Doverl980,7.

175Crito 50a-54e. On the trope, see above pp.24-5. 176 Sym. 203b-204a; cf. Plut. On Isis and Osiris 57 (574d). Poros also appears in the iii; fr. 2 2390) 5 (P. Oxy. PMG2 Alkman: see above col. fragments with associated cosmogonic n.51. 177De Leg. 2.19.9: Diuos et eos qui caelestes semper habiti sunt colunto et ollos quos endo Quirinum, Pollucem, Castorem, Aesculapium, Liberum, Herculem, <>ocauerint, caelo merita Pietatem, Virtutem, Mentem, in homini<bus> datur caelum, ascensus quae propter ast olla obeunto. delubra sollemnia sacra laudum uitiorum nec ulla sunto Fidem, earumque

56

for suchvirtues to be "arbitrarily deified", as they havebeenin Rome, because then the good men who possessthem "may believe that the gods themselvesare established within their own souls"; on the sameethical note, we should give our gods namesof "things which we should desire, such as Health, Honour, Wealth and Victory". 178 Vices, however, should not be worshipped, and the existing altars in Rome to Fever, 179 In the De Bad Fortune and "all abominations of that kind" must be removed. Natura Deorum, Cicero puts both sides of the argument. Stoic doctrine, which is basically in favour of the deification of abstractions, is outlined by Balbus, who describestwo complementaryprocesses. Either the gift of a god may be given the Ceres' be god's name,as gift of corn can called"cereal", or
in other casessomething in which particularly great power residesmay itself be designatedby the title "god", like Faith and Intellect, whom we seerecently dedicated Capitol by Aemilills Scaurus, Marcus the on and indeed Faith had previously been deified by Aulus Atilius Calatinus. You seethe temple of Virtue, you seethat of Honour, restored by Marcus Marcellus, which was dedicatedmany years before by Quintus Maximus M the time of the Ligurian war. And what of Wealth, of Health, of Concord,,Liberty, Victory? Becausethe power of all thesethings was so great that it could not be governed without godhead,the things themselvesacquired the title of have been In Desire, Pleasure Venus Lubentina the the gods. same class namesof and deified,,vicious and unnatural things (even if Velleius thinks otherwise), but 180 nonethelessthese vices often strike more powerftilly than nature.

The argument that some abstract "things" just seemtoo powerful not to be gods is it below. Academic have The in its I to to return cause compelling simplicity, and shall Cotta, however, is not impressed,and demolishes the Stoic position by a reductio ad by let in deities that the allowing any are crowd of ridiculous absurdum, representing be forces He that are powerful and may even abstract concludes gods to exist.

Victoriae, Opis, 178 Ibid. 2.28.13: Honoris, Salutis, nomina, expetendarum rerumque ... bonarum efigitur animus... rerum R9oniamque exspectatione Palatio in Araque decet uetusta ibid. 2.28.11: Virtutes enim, non uitia consecrar<> Febris et altera Esquiffis Malae Fortunae detestataque omnia eiusmodi repudianda sunt. 180 De Natura Deorum 2.23.61: tum autem res ipsa in qua vis inest maior aliqua sic dedicatas in Capitolio Mens, Fides, deus, videmus quas ipsa ut ut nominetur ea appellatur ut Fides Calatino Atilid A. consecrata. vides erat Scauro, Aemilio ab M. autem ante proxime a bello Marcelld M. erat multis annis Honons quod renovatum a Virtutis templum, vides Libertatis Concordiae Salutis, Opis, dedicatum. quid quid quid Ligustico a Q. Maximo ipsa deo tanta posset, res regi non sine ut erat quia vis rerum omnium Victoriae? quarum Veneris Lubentinae Voluptatis Cupidinis et et deorum nomen obtinuit. quo ex genere Velleius (quamquam aliter naturaiium neque rerum vitiosarum sunt, vocabula consecrata ipsa pulsant. saepe tamen vehementius natura vitia ea existimat), sed

57

desirable,but they are either human qualities within our own charactersor objects of "' desire for this our the chapter. point view starting which provides -a A hundred years later, Pliny the Elder is even more cynical, his tone becoming decidedly satirical as he includes personificationsin a general dismissalof traditional form God, him human For it is "a to to and religion. mark of weakness" attribute any to believe in countlessdeified abstractions,especiallypersonified vices, "reacheseven 182 human heights is Not the traditional greater pantheon a only entire of stupidity". fantasy, but even if a supremebeing existed it would hardly be interested in men's 18' in kind is The affairs. Belief any of god(s) merely the result of wishful thinking. idea is echoed by Juvenal's comment on Fortuna: "You would have no divinity, Fortune, if we had any sense;it is we, we ourselveswho make you into a goddessand 184 in heaven". blames Lucian's the set you satirical council of gods particularly deal for invention deities. They this philosophers arbitrary receive a great of abstract being from be being despite the that to the of absent worship should paid proper gods, heavenand indeed"unable to exist at all as realities": "Where is that much talked about Virtue, and Nature and Destiny and Fortune, insubstantialand empty namesof things dreamedup by those bleating philosophers ? ...
-)1185

Not surprisingly, St Augustine's Christian assessmentof the phenomenon is

deified "that the abstractionswho crowd of minute gods", particularly scathing about 186 be desired". Having done" "all "all to that to that ought and ought represent discord, he built being Concordia the temple on a site of notorious as of ridiculed for deities host debunk the the to preservationand necessary apparently of proceeds

Ibid. 3.17.43-7,3.24.61. 182 NH 2.14: Quapropter effigiern dei formamque quaerere inbecillitatis humanae reor. totus totus in visus, est sensus, parte, deus, quacumque et alius, est modo si quisquis est innumeros totus totus quidem credere atque etiam ex totus sui. animi, totus auditus, animae, Fidem, Clementiam, Honorem, Spern, Mentem, Concordiam, Pudicitiam, vitfis hominum, ut Beneficium, Poenam socordiam duos ad maidrem et Democrito omnino, placuit, aut, ut accedit. 183 NH 2.26. 184 Satire 10.365-6: nullum numen habes, si sit prudentia: nos te, / nos facimus, Fortuna, locamus. deam caeloque 185 h 13: Deo. 7coXuOpbXliToq ('xpF-v'i conv (plbat; ic(x'tet'g(xpgcvllicat Conc. icccit j" nob y('xp &vOpconow PXalccov KEV& 6vogomcc cO)v (ptXoq6(p(j)v KCC't T(XT(X O'CvA)ICOC;, bno' np(xyg6vr(ov ,ZlbXll,
cluvoll0ev'M...
186

181

City of God 4.9 and 21.

58

187 if Roman He Empire. the extension of then poses a very good question: such qualities as Virtus and Fides have been deified, why not other important virtues? Perhaps, he suggests, particular virtues like temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia and sapientia are all included under the general heading of Virtus; but in that case they 188 his be logic God. Pursuing the the might as well of regarded as aspectsof one he they are argument concludes:"Not truth, but stupidity has createdthesegoddesses; in fact the gifts of the true God, not gods themselves. " 189A little later he admits that the existenceof personification cults could even help to convert some people, if they intelligent were only enoughto realisethat the namesthey worshipped really belonged to the gift desiredrather than to any possiblegiver.

MODERN

TFiEORIES

Modern commentatorsecho someof theseideasand add further theories. The deified the questionof origins of abstractionsis closelyrelatedto the whole problem of the developmentof personalgods and their names:were the gods originally concepts have become deified, ideas "de-personalised"gods? Usener's which or are abstract language but thesis that an array of extreme originally possessed no abstractsat all "Augenblicksgotter" and "Sonderg6tter" has long been discarded,but the origins of in have been "Abstraktifizierung the still sought von particular personifications "O Since personificationsappear Ddmonen", as we shall see in the case of Themis. for have in however, Homer, their no real evidence and we abstract noun alongside likely "chicken before Homer, to remain the thought patterns and egg" question seems "' deity between Burkert the as a abstractand more practically sees relationship vexed. "Insofar in "fixing" importance the the as gods: two-way process,emphasising of epic divine names are meaningful, the boundary between name and concept is fluid; it is 192 here. " delimitation Homerization that set up a clear only the processof

187 Ibid. 3.25-6,4.8-19. Instances of discord at various levels are of course frequently the 1996 Thdriault ia/Homonoia: Concord passim. for see worshipping occasion 188 Ibid. 4.20. 189 Ibid. 4.21: has deas non veritas, sed vanitas facit,' haec enim veri Dei munera sunt, non sae sunt deae. go Usener 1896,364 ff.; see Farnell 1907 for summary and criticism; on Usener, see 1902-9,2068-9. Deubner Cf. 1990. Bremmer 191 Dietrich 1988,26: "It is impossible to determine whether the personal evolved from the impersonal concept", or vice versa. 192 Burkert 1985a, 185,

59

Aside from the more general question, then, the first strand of interpretation seeksto explain a cult personification in terms of her close relationship with a more personal deity. Deubner espouses the most straightforward version of this, what we might call the "epithet theory", which understandsa personification as an aspect of a personal deity, which has developedinto an independentfigure via a stage as a cult title. He suggeststhat the majority of Greek deified abstractionsdeveloped in this if taken in way, claiming that Dike and Nemesis,for example,are only understandable he reversesthe an adjectival sense,"the directing" and "the apportioning" goddesses; progressionfor Roman personifications,which he seesas "lifeless" attemptsto animate ideas, "' leaving the abstract never really conceptualsphere. Writing around the same time, Axtell is rather wary of the epithet theory in respect of Roman personification cults, seeing it as only a partial explanation, and not universally applicable: "It is, however, so sure and convincing a causein a few instances that it hasbeenseizedupon as a satisfactory explanation for them all, and nearly all writers on the subject apparentlygo on the principle. Given a deified appellative,find its original personalor concrete parent.""' Farnell is likewise cautious in applying the epithet theory to all Greek personification cults, proposing the variation that abstractnamesmight become he to that Hebe at Phlious and Eros attached older cults; expandson this by suggesting have Thespiai begun local fertility but at might as gods, without offering any hypothesisas to how such a superpositionmight have come about.195More recently Mark has seen evidencefor such an annexationof an older cult by a younger in the fused Athena "such from Nike: titles thought to the annexation name are usually arise 196 local by Athena In the or assimilation of a preexisting cult a major god". case of Nike it would have to be the personification who came first; Mark cannot definitely demonstrate such preexistencefor Nike, but he favours the idea to the "text-based hypothesis" that personifications originated as epithets. Clearly this approachleaves but it is for the question of the personification's origins unanswered, a possiblemodel

Deubner 1902-9,2069-70,2078. 194Axtell 1987/07,64; see 59-67 for a full review of earlier discussions of Roman deification ideas. abstract of 195 Farnell 1896-1909, V, 444. 196 Mark 1993,127-8.

193

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explaining the striking noun-noun combination of such cult appellationsas Ge Themis, Aphrodite Peitho and Athena Hygieia, all of whom I shall be consideringbelow."' An alternative scenario picks up on Balbus' idea that even "vicious and unnatural things" may be so powerful that they becomedeified, a theory which helpsto explain the presenceof a number of "negative" values in the realm of cult. In such figures as Aidos, Eleos, GelOs and Phobos Farnell recognises"a different religious phenomenon" from that which applies to Hebe and Eros, one that come from the sphere of magic and polydaimonism; he derives these deities from the primitive psychologicalprocesswhich externalisesa strong emotion and identifies it with some divine causativepower.'9' A more deliberateprocessof externalisation can be seenin the approachwhich suggests that cults of personifiedideaswere a response to the need for an ethical elementotherwise lacking in Greek and Roman religion. Farnell, again, notes that many personification cults represent such moral ideas, and that they are '99 "of late but draws Commenting on Roman mostly emergence", no conclusions. religion, Litchfield sees deified abstractions very much in this light, their cults introduced as part of an attempt to remedy the lack of morality in the traditional religious system:
The ancientdivinities weremadeto denounce the moral vices,andthemselves endowed,, more or lesssuccessfully, with moral attributes. The creationof deities,purely moral, Fides,Concordia,Pudicitia, andthe like supplementary -a too familiar to needmorethan a passingmention- is perhaps phenomenon testimonyat onceto the original incompetency divinities, in this respectof the elder 200 inadequate Roman in to the the and success of state their reformation.

Lind also adopts the need-for-morality model, following Deubner in positing that Roman personification cults developedin the oppositeway to Greek ones,the abstract first being deliberately deified concept coming and .
201

In a later piece he speaksof a

"Roman inclination toward the formation of abstract conceptions" as an inheritance "from the Indo-European past", and hints that the personificationof such abstractions

197 Cf. Th6riault (1996,35,39 and 188) on attestations of Demeter Homonoia, Aphrodite Homonoia and an Artemis Thermia Homonoia. 198Farnell 1896-1909, V, 444-5. Cf. Deubner 1902-9,2071-2, and Hani 1980 (on Aidos). 199Farnell 1896-1909, V, 446. 200 Litchfield 1914,19. 201 Lind 1973-4.

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202For Greek is also a "primitive survival", though he adduceslittle evidence. cults a similar hypothesis, expoundedby Reinhardt and Hamdorf, seespersonification cults developing to fill gaps in the effective sphere of the old gods, responding to the 203 changingpolitical and ethical needsof society. This approach is developed,sometimesin combination with variations on the
epithet theory, by a well-represented school of thought which sees deified abstractions as representing a rationalising compromise between religion and philosophy, allowing the idea of one God to coexist with many gods, part of the same trend as the interpretation allegorical of the traditional Olympian gods and mythological tales. Thus Nilsson argues that personifications gained importance from the second half of the fifth century as compatible with, but more accessiblethan, an indeterminate OF-6;or 204 60061ov. Burkert places the beginnings of the process earlier, adducing the Indo'r Iranian parallel of Mithras ("Contract") for the antiquity of the worship of gods designated by abstract concepts.205 Thanks to Homerisation, archaic Greek personifications "come to assume their distinctive character in that they mediate between the individual gods and their spheres of reality". He sees a progression from the appearance of personifications in poetry to their representation in the visual arts, whence they "finally find their way into the realm of cult" towards the end of the archaic period, reflecting an increasing scepticism about the gods of poetry: "Of the existence and actuality of the Homeric gods there can be no proof, but no man of intelligence can dispute the importance of the phenomena and situations designated by

202 Lind 1976,258 and 245. He is drawing generally on Dum6zil 1949, though the latter makes no specific mention of personification. Cf. Axtell (1987/1907,64): "the habit of personifying and deifying a quality or condition independently of other gods was inherent in the Roman character". Cf. Ferguson (1970,72-3) on the use of personifications as propaganda in the imperial period. (03 Reinhardt 1966, Hamdorf 1964 (and see Haussmann 1966). Cf. Comford's discussion 1907,221-43). 04 Nilsson 1950,39: "Der Durbruch des Kultes des Personifi kationen im 4. Jahundert v. Chr. ist ein Zeichen der Zeit, der Aushhlung der alten Religion... Man wendet sich an die darstellt. He Ausschnitt " die Personifikation the der Macht, applies einen von gttliche theory" to pre-fourth century cults (e.g. Philia develops from Zeus Philios), though he Asepithet Pheme. fifth-century the of exception single grants (05 Burkert 1985a, 185. Cf. the personifications of Sumerian dispute poems, which include inanimate objects (Hoe vs. Plough, Copper vs. Silver, Upper vs. Lower Millstone) as well as Vanstiphout (French texts) 1991. Dijk 1953 translation of and see van natural phenomena; Canaanite Poem Baal, the the (1950,115-222) of such as of Gaster on personifications See Cunning and Death.

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206 , Humphreys gives a similar account of the place of personification abstract terms. beginning in around cults a more general process of rationalisation and secularisation 550 BC. On the one hand"more abstractconceptionsof deity were developed:if gods On the other, have no bodies, their existence cannot be empirically disproved. 11207 by Zeus to the giving prominencewas given more rational elementsof existing gods, the cult title "Saviour", for example, and by the introduction of personifications of from defensible is in "There philosophically a gradual shift of emphasis cult... concepts: had incomprehensible to the to archaic aspects of gods which come seem 208 blessings for. hoped , personificationsof the men which The most recent commentatorson personificationin Greek art seemnot to find the figures particularly problematic as a class. Shapiroreviews various opinions on the developmentof personification cults, but is basicallycontent to state that "the Greeks felt by divine Romans, themselves countless and supernatural and who surrounded divinities ideas into durable individualized things powers, naturally made and gods, and 209 Similarly, Aellen in , take their the sees the place great pantheon. who might Greek minda more general ambivalent status of personificationsas symptomaticof la la divinite de Fabstraction) de Felement (ou "Ce constitue a set: va-et-vient constant basememe de la penseemythologique.Mo Amy Smith, discussingAthenian document local the that personifications representedthereon are really no reliefs, concludes different in kind from figures attestedin cult:
The Greeks regarded every entity or concept as possessinga spirit, which was frequently made more intelligible by its translation into a human form, through the All thus these representspirits, most of personifications of personification. process of Athenians The the fell point at which short of receiving worship or a cult. which

206 Burkert 1985a, 185-6; see 246-50, on the gods and morality. Parker (1996,234-6) feature be Olympian of from new the a plausibly independence may sphere that suggests fifth-century he the cases though fourth in problematic the notes century, personification cults Pheme and Eukleia. of 207 Humphreys 1986,96. 208 Ibid. 102. Cf. Kershaw (1986, ch.5,81) on the place of personification cults in the been has declined; reorganised has consciousness "Religion religious not Hellenistic period: (1936,52) Lewis in the living changed world". in order to fulfil the needs of the people interpretation, of philosophical capable position a as occupying personifications sees similarly the "the twilight Christianity: to gods of from transition the paganism their survival of ensuring is the mid-morning of the personifications". 209 Shapiro 1993,12-14. 82(see "status the especially question" 0 Aellen 1994,13. Aellen is much concerned with 21 beyond the to difficult be realms apply his would but categorisations complex 90 and 173-8) that if are personifications he unhelpfully, elegantly, Italian concludes ceramics; South of (193). irrdelles" divines r6elles profanes, abstraites, 11concr6tes

63

decidedthat a particular spirit or force was divine, and deserved is or cult, worship 211 difficult, or impossible,for us to determine .

There is much sense in these views in general terms, which certainly suffice as a background for the iconographicalstudieswhich are their authors' focus, but they do not addressthe more chronologically and geographicallyparticular questionslikely to be askedby social historians. A recent investigation which is concerned with such questions, however, is
Theriault's study of the cult of Homonoiia, in conclusion to which he discusses 212 He sees such cults as reflecting "Ies political personification cults more generally. themes de Fheure" (e.g. concord, democracy, peace), political ideals "que Pon crut doute les sans consolider... en sacralisant. Mais cette divinisation de notions abstraites repondait a un besoin pressant, celui de faire face aux nouvelles realites, alors que Fon 21' desesperement democratie. is , Theriault recherchait paix, concorde et critical of those, such as Nilsson and Burkert, who have denied religious seriousnessto fourthlater century and personification cults: "Je crois que ces cultes, avec leurs temples, leurs autels, leurs sacrifices, leur pr6tres et, dans certaines cites, leur inscription aux calendriers sacrificiels - au moins pour Homonoia - eurent certainement, malgre leur nature essentiellement politique, un caractere religieux. ))214 He explicitly poses the in the question of place of political personifications the pantheon, suggesting that they lower in hierarchy be Olympian than the the great position should seen as occupying a influence; but differentiated by their relatively restricted sphere of gods, essentially only they belong in the category of minor divinities, daimones, "qui agissent dans une 215 )1 Their Fon d6terminee

characterisepar une activite particuliere . in does in insignificance their position cult, where reflect not necessarily myth relative sphere et que

life in important have the of the community, religious they may often part played an has Theriault Olympian la de the being "plus pres gods. realite quotidienne" than

Smith 1997,187. 212Th6riault 1996,182-8. The case of Homonoia is unusual in having a chronological before is homonoia the fact that by the not attested word terminus post quem provided Thucydides (8-75.2). 213 Th6riault 1996,183. 214 Th6riault 1996,184. 215 Th6riault 1996,186-7. 64

211

certainly demonstratedthe truth of this proposition in the caseof Homonoia; whether it can be more generallyapplied is part of the current investigation. In the following chapters these theories will be tried out on six individual personifications. Themis and Nemesis are both fully developed characters with a mythological role to complementtheir place in cult. Themis in particular has attracted interpretation by various forms of the epithet theory, while the fact that she appearsin Homer makes her a good test-casefor the developmentof personification cults in the archaicperiod. Nemesisprovides an exampleof a cult which in its early stagesappears to be restricted to a specific locality, allowing interpretation in the light of particular historical circumstances; sheis also the only personificationfor whom we have a firmly identified sanctuary and cult statue, as well as occupying a particularly grey area between myth and more "rational" modes of thought. Peitho and Hygieia, though having only minor mythological roles, are both brought within the Olympian sphereby their close associationswith major gods, Peitho with Aphrodite, Hygieia with both Athena and Asklepios, once againraising the possibility of applying the epithet theory. For Peitho we have a substantial body of representationin Attic vase-paintingto in direct for her in Athens, addition to attestationsof complementmore evidence cult is in Greek Hygieia's the cult even more widely attested,while cult elsewhere world. the fact that the concept she embodiesis so very much a "good thing" might seemto invite the question of how seriously she could be taken in humanform. Similarly, the been has figure Eirene seen as empty propagandaor, with often of overtly political Ploutos in her arms, as allegory rather than as a seriouslyworshipped deity. Finally, involved in form in Eleos the methodological problems the elusive acute raises being literary the as as record, well archaeological with personifications matching firmly tied to a specific location. In my conclusion I shall return to the general development in of the chronological and this origins on chapter, questions raised Greek in deified the pantheon the abstractions of place class, a personification cults as for implications for of such their our understanding "reality" the worshipper, their and debate. for the literature, mythllogos figures in art and and their significance

65

Chapter 2
THEMIS: ARCILUC PERSONIEFICATION AND THE EPITHET THEORY'

In the archaic period the few personifications reliably attested in cult are mostly "less the at abstract" end of the scale, having some mythological role to make them in Olympos As thoroughly seem anthropomorphic. a character already established on Homer, Themis is a good example of such an early figure, as well as embodying an important archaic concept. Studies of the abstract noun in Homer and later literature freely in leader has OF'4ttq to the that suggests particularly signified speak right every the assembly, more generally indicating the established customs upon which a political is based; 60E', is does community ttacoq used of a man who not recognise this moral (R. law indicates 9.63), OE'-gtq the the the norm, principle construction F-art while 2 determined is Themis If the personification of naturally which rules a social group.

has "right", "established her "social such custom", order", cult obvious potential illustration implications The Themis good ethical and political case of also provides a .3 of the methodological problems surrounding the question of the origins and early developmentof personification cults. She seemsin one or two locations to be closely has first Ge/Gaia, the association sight an unlikely combination,and at associated with Ge, have hypothesis that the to of originated as an epithet she may given rise idea because favours influence. Farnell Earth's the representinga particular aspectof
1 This chapter started life as a paper at The Development of the Archaic Polis, Durham, September 1995, and a much abbreviated version appears in the proceedings (Stafford 1997a); many of those present at the conference made helpful suggestions, especially George Robertson and Lin Foxhall. In addition to the usual lexica entries, Thernis has Dea Themis Pighius' Stephanus from of as as early attracted a number of monographs, 1568, a study of both the goddess and the concept in Greek literature, inspired by a is Thernis 23). (drawing Rome he had herm Thernis p. seen at as a representation of both 1921, Ehrenberg 1907 Hirzel in Verwandtes" "und Dike and considered alongside idea to 1956 Vos in Greek thought. and attention equal "Rechtsidee" gives concerned with interesting develops 1988 Corsano literary an usage. goddess, providing a useful survey of her V. P. the taking the fortunes point of as the TIthemis gene, of linking with argument 1997, is Karanastassi iconography Themis' discussion who of departure. The most recent is these identity the speculative. though of of many 33 representations, catalogues 2 Wees (1992,322 n.1) defines Homeric themis as both "(divine) law" and "the place Vos 1956,1-38 See Od. 9.112). (e. discussed" law g. are of matters at which where/meeting Vos to (1959). tries Valk (1958) Defradas by and for full discussion, with useful reviews 81KII fundamental defines that E)F-gtq rights, 6irg, from arguing distinguish Homeric OF'-gtq For (30-31). Pic( to in of an account the opposition community, applies to a right valid within 1993,58-60. Murray Or:, 8iticoct Homeric and guneq, see the operation of 3 Corsano (1988,6) sees Thernis as representing the orally transmitted norms of an 6 designata, Thernis il termine esprime, femminile divinitA con "La che aristocratic society: dell' della ordinamento 1'elaborazione e giuridica realtA cultuale, e dimensione mitica nella " th6mistes le rappresentano. che politico

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he deems improbable "the only other conceivable theory, that Themis began her religious career as the mere personification of the abstract idea of righteousness". Latte adopts a variation on the epithet theory with the hypothesis that Themis was originally an earth divinity identical with Ge, who later became an abstraction, is not an adjective. Reinhardt circumventing the obvious linguistic problem that OF-'[ttq discussesthe question of the direction of Themis' development earth goddessto ' length, but abstract or vice versa - at greater comes to the same conclusion. If Themis did indeed start life as an aspect of Ge, her gaining of autonomy could be in from fertility understoodas a reflection of a shift emphasis, an agrarianconcernwith and natural justice to an increasingly urban concern with law and political order, alongsidethe rise of the archaicPolis .7 Whether such a developmentcan be traced, however, remainsto be seen.
5 4

Tinmis

iN ARcHAic

LITERATURE

AND ART

The goddess Themis appearsin literature long before we have more direct for her is In Homer evidence cult. she very much a personaliseddeity, describedas "fair-cheeked" (KaXXt7cccpf1oq, 11,15.87) like any other female character, and shown has fallen (11.90here Hera Zeus 1). That Themis sympathisingwith out with when she is a fially-realisedgoddessis emphasised by Hera addressingher as OFa EM4tt(1.93), in house fairly divided feast" her injunction "rule their the to the over gods at although ' in imposition (1.95)does suggestthat Themis represents the of order a social context. both divine (R. This is further apparent in her function as summonerof assemblies, Ithacans "in the 20.4-6) and mortal, as when Telemachosappealsto the assembled dismisses both Thernis, the Olympian Zeus assemblies and convenes and who of name
4 Farnell 1896-1909,11113. Deubner (1902-9,2069-70) leaves such figures as Thernis and discussion his haben", Geltung of of out "die Hebe, erlangt eine volle pers6nliche they that the need separate analysis. grounds on Personifications,
Latte 1934,1626-7. 6 1st Themis eine uralte Erdgottheiten und zur 'abstrakten' Reinhardt 1966,26: Rechtsordnung die hat Oder man umgekehrt Rechtsordnung erst nachtrglich geworden? " Urgttin Rang erhoben? einer nachtrglich zum

7 Bremmer (1994,11), on the divine sense of justice in Homer: "Although gods did uphold This the had friends kin to attitude reflects priority. their justice, and obligations the rules of in it is that legal developed a more only natural and system, Homeric a in of society absence " be to justice divine lack questioned. came of sense a of a such period regulated 8 See Janko 1992,238-9, ad 15.87-8. He notes Themis' role in assemblies, and "An Right that Her (11.807). themis now also show will may presence fact in is a called assembly " Olumpos. prevail on

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highly of men" (Od 2.68-9). Both feastsand assemblies structured and are of course formal gatheringsof men, where order and the observance are vital, any of precedence failure in such observanceleading to quarrels and fighting.' Hesiod places Themis in the generation of Rhea and Kronos, as one of the daughters of Earth and Heaven (Theog. 132-8), but he links her even more firmly to Zeus: "Next (after Metis) he Lawfulness,Justiceand luxuriant Peace, married bright Themis,who bore the Seasons, "'O This makes explicit who watch over the works of mortal men, and the Fates... Themis' associationwith law and order and reflects the very "morally correct" Zeus of the Worksand Days, where he is againfather of Dike (Op. 256) - in the absence of a developed political vocabulary, Hesiod articulates his concern with social justice " through the medium of myth and personification. Themis' position as the genealogicallink between Gaia and the Seasonsalso suggeststhat she has a role in assuring the order of the natural world. Themis makes a brief appearancein the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (92-5), where she is one of the group of goddessesin labour, feeds Leto's Apollo throughout the attendance and new-born nectar and ambrosia(124). The role of kourotrophos again suggestsa connectionwith fertility, and the company Themis keeps here - Dione, Rhea, Ichnaia and Amphitrite - has been described de "groupe deesses herself Gaia is not telluriques", though also as a " Homeric In Hymn Zeus, Themis the to mentioned. returns to a position asparedros and advisor to the king of the gods, who "conspiresin close conversationwith Themis, " inclined him" (23.2-3). Both this advisory capacity and Themis' towards sitting be in by just Kypria, Zeus the the as summarised can seen plot of associationwith a Proklos (EGF p.31,11.5-6), where it is Themis who suggeststhe Trojan War to the
9 See Vos 1956,42-7 on the Homeric goddess.

11 Murray paraphrases the Thernis genealogy: "the relationship between divine order and human order produces the norms which establish good rule, justice and peace" (1993,62). On Thernis and a just Zeus, see Lloyd-Jones 1971. 12 On this passage and its connection with ancient Delos, see Gallet de Santerre (1958,14951). For Ge Kourotrophos, see below on Athens. 13 Both the Kypria story and Themis' "leaning" pose are nicely illustrated on a late-fifth from the epic: the Painter Kadmos episodes several by the conflates krater which century Thernis the Eris Zeus, Paris, progress of Judgement and watching is the with of main scene ARV 1185,7; Shapiro 1993, 1807; 0.28/St. St. Petersburg 0 BC, 41 (c. from above their plans 107-8) for below (pp. discussed Berlin Cf. the 184). suitable 14 amphoriskos figs. 15, and no. Thernis Zeus' Vos 1956,53-6 See from the on as sidelines. watching personifications advisor.

10 Theog. 901-4: Beikepov ilyd'yew Xtnapi'lv Gcgtv, ii rcicev "Upaq,/ Eibvogitilv cc Aiticilv cc icait See West 1966 PporoTtatJ 0'... Mo'tpccq / Etipilvliv rc0CCXb^tCCV, laruccOvilroTtat CCT 'U' eipy' r3opebo-ocrt Eirene in literature. 1 94-201 below (pp. 406-8); loc. on pp. see ad

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king of the gods as a meansof punishingthe corruption of mankind and reducing the earth's over-population." 15 by 8ticn, In later literature the abstract OE', be the tends to and replaced gt; Themis is it Dike than sametrend can be seenwith the goddesses rather usually 16 features linking in but Hesiod's lyric the who of allegorical extant archaic poetry two is taken up in the first half of the fifth century by Bakchylidesand Pindar. In the dithyramb entitled "The request for the return of HeleW', Bakchylides' Menelaos appealsto the Trojans' senseof fairness:"but it is established amongstall men to meet with straight-forward Justice, attendant of sacredLawfulness and wise Themis; the blessed her iiV In Olympian 13, Pindar the to share their home. children of choose Corinth's law her dwell "in Lawfulness to the attributes prosperity city's and order: her firm foundation of cities, Justice and Peace,who is reared with her, and sisters, for 1-08 guardians of wealth men, golden children of wise-counselling Themis ... ElsewherePindar completesthe Hesiodic genealogyby referring to Thenlis as wife of (fr. 30 SM), although sheresumesher Homeric place Zeus and mother of the Seasons in (30-45), Olympians Isthmian Zeus Poseidon 8 to the and as adviser where shewarns " his father. is fated bear Thetis, to againstpursuing a son strongerthan who In the visual arts of the archaicperiod Themis appearsonly rarely. We hear of in Dorykleidas by Themis the mid-sixth century sculptor statue of a chryselephantine the temple of Hera at Olympia; Pausaniaspicks up the Hesiodic genealogy in his is Seasons", "mother describing Themis Dorykleidas' the since she of as account,

14 See further below (pp. 96-9) on the Kypria and Rhamnous. 15 Vos 1956,32-5. 17 Fr. 15 Maehler, 53-6: &XV ev [gecy]cot tGeTtow, Abcav ayv6cq/ ice-tuct ictxCtv/ ic&atv m0pomotS The 6, %Pitcov ] E)r-'gtroq-/ n[cc^t6e';vtv atipebwat OlbVOIKov. Ebvogtiaq ('XicOkoi)0ovlaxit 7Ctv1)IU&q in to the her bringing latter Hybris, the ruin, Dike adherents to with contrast speech goes on in the The Giants. passage set the up destroyed opposition arrogant she same way as is Themis Ge" (62-3); "arrogant Giants, explicitly the of Dike sons Themis against with places Presumably below). (see frieze Treasury Siphnian such a the Giants the to on opposed the Defradas Ge. Thernis for on comments of has aspect as an no room rational polarisation Prometheus, that Ge/Themis of Bound, mother Prometheus makes in which genealogy 182-9, for Maehler, fr. 13 Bakchylides Cf. (1958,204). "Right" seems to have changed sides (485/3 BC). Aigina home to Pytheas the peaceful victor Eukleia and Eunomia welcoming

16 E.g. Solon fr. 4 West, 12-16.

further War, Trojan the Thernis On see 1991,70-3. and Ir On this passage, see Slatkin brief to in be a Zeus reference a seen also perhaps can An with 98-9. association below pp. 52). 219, below (see 360 n. SuppL p. Thernis Hikesia, Aisch.

Mica PaOpov 18 0.13.6-8: icat' iv r4 y('xp E,(')vog't(x vaitet ImatyVITUCC nokitcov o'co(paXeq) 'cc, E)E'JItT0G... EbpolbXOU 7td'l8F-G Xplbcre(xt IckobT01)) Etipliva, CCV8PC'CCrt 'raglat 0 kpo(po;

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standing beside a group of seated Horai. 20 She is among the many deities who attend the wedding of Peleus and Thetis on the well-known Sophilos dinos of around 580 BC (FIG. 1),21where the sceptre she carries may be a reference to her Homeric connection 22 for is Olympian the Such the with assembly. context also gods a collectivity of Themis' appearance on the north frieze of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi, where she 23 in takes part the Gigantomachy, 530-25 BC (FIG. 2). Before the discovery the

c.

of

inscription naming her as Themis,the figure in the lion-drawn chariot had usually been assumedto be Kybele, in her aspectas Mistress of Animals, becauseof the lions and the animal skin she is wearing over her chiton. But the inscriptions suggestthat the lions belong to Dionysos, who has dismountedto fight, to the left, while Themis is 24 his acting as charioteer.
CULTS OF TBEMIS

The literary and iconographic record, then, presentsthe archaic Themis as a but firmly subsidiarycharacter established with a position amongstthe Olympiangods. More direct evidence for specific local cults of Themis is widely scattered, from Macedoniato the Argolid, but most of our information comesfrom inscriptions dating fourth has however, from Pausanias. This than the no earlier century, or not, for in locations. from arguing an archaic cult several prevented a number of scholars Vos, for example, seesThemis' cult as originating in Thessaly,where it is "alt und fifth by Attica Boiotia the to through early reach urspriinglich", moving south

20 Paus. 5.17.1-3. For Dorykleidas' birth-date in about the 50th Olympiad (580-76 BC), see Pliny NH 36.9. 21 London BM 1971.11-1.1; Para. 19,16 bis, Add 10-11; Shapiro 1993, no.141 fig. 179. .2 22 E.g. Achilles swears on the sceptre which "the sons of the Achaians/ carry in their hands Zeus" (E)i honour the they (6ticacricoXot), of justice ordinances toraq) when, administering 1.237-9). See van Wees 1992,276-80 on the functions of the Homeric sceptre. Some sort kalyxThernis by being be to on a red-figure in played politics seems of related ritual role kings, between two BC, 470 sceptre-holding Syriskos, stands by she where krater signed c. in her left, lekythos hand, her in holds a which Thernis right phiale out a Balos and Epaphos. 145 1993,219, Shapiro libation". to "preparing no. interprets a pour as Shapiro tentatively fig. 181, Malibu 92.AE. 6 (unpublished). 23 identified by Brinkmann 1985: Dionysos inscription =N 16, figs. 63-4; Thernis inscription friezes complete for 93 north with fig. and of west whole 65-6; reconstruction figs. N 17 see fig. 180; Schefold 143 1993 Shapiro interpretation. their no. inscriptions, and 121-30 on frieze the the Gigantomachy in the of altar included south is on Thernis 67. again fig. 1992, fig. 98). 1986,97-110, (Pollitt Pergamon Zeus at of Kybele. "in the here Thernis of guise" as 24 Schefold (1992,59-62) explains

70

25Hamdorf for date is he century; more cautious, though would allow a sixth century the cult in Thessaly and perhaps Olympia; 26Shapiro takes only the cult at Troizen to be 27 It is perhaps worth briefly reviewing the evidence upon which these archaic. hypotheses are based before turning to the more substantial casesof Delphi, Rhamnous Athens. and The case for an early Themis cult in Thessaly rests largely on the appearanceof
E)F_tt(: r,rt`oq as a month-name in a number of towns, mostly attested by inscriptions recording manumissions. One such list from Metropolis Itonios four local provides us with

month-names, Thuos, Hermaios,

28 1hemistios, and while the more recently

discovered manumission list from Skotussa gives further names and some indication of 29 That the name is peculiarly Thessalian is suggested by an arbitration their order . from Kerkyra, dated to 182 BC, which refers to "the month Themistios, as the record 30 (call it)' Thessalians None of these is dated before the second century BC, but such . held to be of some antiquity, and related to festivals month-names are generally " celebrated therein. Given the difficulties of interpretation presented by even the Attic

calendar, about which we are relatively well informed, the Thessalian Themistios can only cautiously be taken as evidence for the early worship of Themis, but the

32 is Further evidence of Themis' important position in the Thessalian there. possibility is, however, from dedicated by Pherai the to six pantheon provided unusual altar 33 Block A has five half-stelai in inscribed three relief, each with goddesses. pointed

(the line 2 the two names, partly erased names of written retrograde): upper

25 Vos 1956,68-78. He is writing before the current programme of excavations at Rhamnous began, on which see below. 26 Hamdorf 1964,50-1,57. Olympia: below n.62. 27 Shapiro (1993,217 and n.503). Corsano's chapter on Themis' cult (1988,97-108) later; the fifth data to the out she points and century relating on sensibly concentrates from the date the data system of oral a period when that goddess concerning all our paradox Pstice, which she takes Thernis to represent, had lost its influence (6-7). 8 IG IX.2,277; see Monceaux 1883,52-6. Hamdorf 1964,109 T 411 refers to SGD1 386 for an archaic (?) dedicatory inscription from Metropolis, but this seems to be an error. 29 U'LnEpect Gegtarito-o &TcO' 'Ovcro'u Ang, SEG XV (1958) 370. Eg b.11-12: co-O) 11 uptoq (X
riocYF, t8'tn[7co, L)-... and 52-3: 'Ape0o'Docra &=' 'ApXE7C6, %EC0q luoi)' rIo, %, 0/4F'-vou GEparitou e'P5%Lij.

1 from Cf. IG IX. 2,256b. 30 IG IX. 1,689,3-4: 0epavitou. GeJoacckolt [COg a', yowt : Lnvk/ %-0jcpItc0, jj0, imperial (Roman (D<Xa>p'tou U col Pharsalos period): c;, rpcvu1jyobvco; nearby Gqttaritou;... jvo; , 1 Burkert (1985,227) argues that in general month names must go back to at least the be "must later that but reckoned with". always changes points out Proto-Geometric period, 32 On problems with the Athenian calendar, and scholarly blindness thereto, see Pritchett 1979,163-8. 33 Discussed in detail by Miller 1974.

71

Histia Thernis Thernis

Demeter Aphrodite Aphrodite

Enodia Athena Athena

Aphrodite Enodia Enodia

Athena Demeter Demeter

Themis Histia Histia

This may have been part of a larger construction, or half of a pair of monuments, honouring the Twelve Gods, with images of the goddessesresting above the inscribed block. 34 A mid fourth-century date is suggested by the type of hook clamps and letter forms used, with subsequent damage and repair no later than the early third century. While Hestia, Demeter, Aphrodite and Athena are quite regular members of the set of " be Olympian goddesses,Enodia and Themis seem to peculiar to Thessaly. six major Miller sees Enodia as fairly straightforwardly taking the place of Artemis, since both iconographic is Hekate, there and are associated with plenty of archaeological and it in have been for Enodia's Thessaly, to cult observed Pherai evidence which seems from at least the eighth century before becoming more widespread.36 The case for Themis as replacement for Hera is perhaps less obvious, but, as Miller points out, both are consorts of Zeus, and such a substitution would go some way towards explaining the lack of evidence for Hera's cult in Thessaly before the Roman period. In addition to the month-name Themistios, a number of personal names derived from Thernis may in Themistion, important Pasithemis, the that the region: goddess was also suggest Themison, Themistokles and Themistogenes are all attested in Thessalian inscriptions, 37 in in dedications Thessaly Themis in date. Actual Hellenistic to are though most are be has to archaic. any claim short supply, and only one This is from Phalanna,

dating its 7hemissta, by the dedication Orestaia tentative to on resting recording a it the than letters forms 0, this though earlier any the make not need a and of archaic 38 Themis least Thessalian fifth That first of sanctuary the one

quarter of

century.

at

34 See Miller 1974 fig. 4 for a reconstruction. Cf. Long 1987 on representations of the Twelve 75. fig. illustrated for this 205-6) 30 1 (p. at Pherai altar, and Gods in general, and s.v. 35 Cf. below p.223-4 and 228-9 on the Athenian Twelve Gods. 36 Miller 1974,250-2. On the Thessalian Enodia, and her chthonic connections with Hekate, Early in Pherai the (1997,170-5) Morgan at activity See cult on 1994. Chrysostomou see Iron Age and archaic period. 37 Miller 1974,252-5. Various Thernis-related names are also attested on Cyprus (cf. SEG Nymph) Cave the from the Thernis several and to of dedication Cypriot for 30.1608 a doubtless LGPN future provide 211-12), will of 1, volumes (LGPN and islands pp. Aegean Parker Athenian below See and names, line on this for enquiry. of pursuing more material in to general. their cult practice relation and theophoric names 1998 on in IG IX,
or 'Opecna[it]a 0'w'Ocia- r4 0ejdicycrug. No date is volunteered 38 IG IX. 2,1236,99: ... Jeffery 1990,96-9 on but 1), 7,1882,223 AM see (Lolling, no. in the original publication forms the E) 7 for 4 and of 1 same 1 of examples and nos. pl. cf. Thessalian and script, archaic 475-50 BC. to dating cc

72

in the secondcentury BC, however, had sufficient funds to require public management is attestedby a lead tablet from Dodona recording an enquiry of the oracle of Zeus by the people of Mondaia: Of ZeusNaiosandDionethe stateof the Mondaiatai themoney enquires concerning 39 lend it for better Themis. if Themis it to out and of is permissible
Also in Thessaly, according to Strabo, in the region of Thessaliotis, is "Ichnai, locate (9.5.14), in is honoured" Ichnaian Themis the town though other sources where Macedonia. Herodotos places it near Pella, Hesychios speaks of an oracle of Apollo at Macedonian Ichnai, where "Ichnaian Thernis is honoured", and Stephanus Byzantius by Zeus, Themis the topographical epithet as acquired when explains was pursued 40 "We Farnell's Ichnai that the must suppose comment since she was overtaken at . idea imagined him the of abstract pursuing a real corporeal goddess, and not people is is it but that the grammarian conflating pithy, seems quite possible righteousness" Themis here with Nemesis, the story of whose pursuit and rape is rather better known 41 Our only possible material evidence for Themis in Macedonia is a black. foot, inscription Themidos the the under glaze skyphos of the mid-fifth century with though a cup "of/belonging to O/order" need not necessarily relate to a cult of the 42 personification.

For Boiotia our only datable testimonium is a fourth century inscription from 43 Thespiainaming Alexis, daughterof Xenophilos, as a priestessof ThemiS. Pausanias Dionysos Tanagra, Thernis theatre the and sanctuaryof near at mentions a temple of
39

IG IX. 2,276a, Cf. i(cy)1axpegev. Pe'knov Gegt/(c; ), rt icait ,r&q E)e'guno(q), ca' 6c(v)Eivc[61vccrut/ wc

Atcovoct/eicticom-X'Coc SGDl 1557: Alt A('xo)t icocit

M048](narav

'To' 1C0tV0'V ICEP ro(^t)

[&Pyy)Ppot

Suda's in Epiros the in Themis Mondaia. Themistios again appears 5 for the month-name at 'Hiceitpou, icruit (S. Pox)Xewc): Boucheta for town the i1v Tfi; V. interesting etymology icoktq of i1ceTt iXGc^tv in't Poo'q E)egtv 8ta' co'v ivn& 6'Xovge'v1jv rl'lv vo' (pilat (DtXOXopoqC'Ovog&crOat

AFE101CC)CMUOVOG 1C(XT(X1&UCYtL0V.

6 'AnoUmv McciceBovitav, 'IXvcdtijv Hesych. s. v. ei'vea 'To'gavc6lov x6pow- chv baseless the 14) (1902-9,111 Farnell rather makes 1xvatil Ge'gtq. t 'ral ica, ng cc T, CYXE, et 1CC(, this presumably the oracle, of occupier Ichnaia original Thernis perhaps that was suggestion "IXVCCt, 'IXV(X't: M(X1CF_80V't(Xq... TO' S. V. 7COXt; Byz. Steph. below). (see Delphi by analogy with iv c6if coU IWO' Atk, 8twicogEvij iccvur, y&p ifttico'v icalt 'IXva^toq laxit 'IXvcc't(x11Gegtg. _Xc't(pGTj Alternative 't'xvoq explanations Stcoxefivat covogocceil. iccvc' 11 1Xweitcov wC) ano' icat' c6onot; ,rCov late be this 1993,52), though (Gantz a may "Tracker' literal its to meaning title the point of isation rational to Nemesis, ichnai6 for alongside 9.405 appealed AP Cf. 41 Farnell 1902-9,111 14. an for 1.94(above) Apollo to Hymn Hom. See Nemesis' rape. Adrasteia. See below pp-96-8 on Thernis. to deity, though next Ichnaia as apparently a separate 42 Shapiro 1993,219 n. 507. Schachter Themis, Boiotian On ', see GF. i(XPEEt&4(x(Ya 43 IG VII 1816: 'AXE4't; EFMOUCO/ liva. 1994,50-2. 40 Hdt 7.123.

73

(9.22.1), and a sanctuary of Themis with "a white stone statue" at Thebes, near sanctuaries of the Moirai and Zeus Agoraios (9.25.4). Themis' proximity to Zeus

Agoraios may be fortuitous here, but on Rhodes an association with the market-place be in can seen a fourth century inscription on a statue base from Lindos, dedicated by Erasmios after being in office as agoranomos "to Zeus Agoraios, the Themides and Hermes". 44 Such an association, recalling Themis' Homeric role, is assumed by Hesychios' entry for "Themis Agoraia: of the Assembly". 45 Plural Themides are also by Pausanias at Troizen in the Argolid, where an altar "they say" was attested dedicated by the mythical king Pittheus (2.31.8). Shapiro asserts that the plurality

indicates the cultIs antiquity, as it "is a frequent feature of Archaic religion", rejecting

Hamdorf s suggestionthat it reflects "die Vielseitigkeit desBegriffs'146 would argue .I that an ability to multiply is rather a feature of personifications,facilitated by their lack individual relative of characterisation,and not confined to the archaic period; I 47 in Nemesis. shall return to the question connectionwith So far, then, a case for an early cult of Themis can only really be made for Thessaly, and even here we have no firm evidencebefore the fifth century; Themis' supposed association with Ge has yet to be seen. Three locations remain to be investigated: an archaic Themis is often posited for the Panhellenic sanctuary of Delphi, where, with Gaia, she is one of the mythical "previous owners" of the oracle-, Themis seemsto have sharedNemesis' sanctuaryat Rhamnous,where there are traces is is from Athens Thernis the the only place where of cult activity early sixth century; Ge. actually attestedas an epithet of

44 ASAtene n.s. 17-18 (1955-6), 170 no.21, fig. 21: 'Ep(XCF ' gtoq 'Epaatg'ou/ rob Kp'tvtoq/ I &-topavoglicyaq/ Atil 'Ayopaitcotlaxit Gegtcyt/icalt 'Epgat. Some idea of fair trading may also inform two references in Pindar which associate Thernis closely with Zeus Xenios: in the feasts honoured is the "Themis Tenedos never-ending at context of religious celebrations on "saviour Thernis, Aigina 11.8-9), (N. enthroned hospitality" on again and Zeus, of god of (0.8.21-3). The than context is honoured men" all other Xenios, among more beside Zeus in dealing here Thernis commerce, and that indicates straight represents Aigina the quote of P. 8.22, ), but I (N. 4.12, Aiginetans the dealings etc. just elsewhere the of Pindar praises Shapiro 219, Thernis (contra Aiginetan cult of an this of proof take positive as not would 507). n. 45 46 Shapiro 1993,217 and n. 503; Hamdorf 1964,51. See Price 1971. 47 See below pp. 116-18 on the two Nemeseis of Smyrna.
fl Wyopaita Gelitq* Hesych. S.V. F-ICIC%1ICTt(XCTTtICTI-

74

DELPHI,

THEMIS AND ORACLES

Cur Themis oraculis praesit: Themida nostram nihil aliud quam legem esse ... divinam ab ipso summopromanantem bono, naturaeque universitatis ita praescriptam, ut sine hac consistere nequeat. Igitur et oraculorum divinationisque fontem purum continere arbitrantur Platonici... 48

The myth which associatesboth Themis and Gaia with Delphi as "previous owners" of the oracle, before the arrival of Apollo, is first attestedby the prologue to Aischylos' Eumenides, produced in 458 BC, which opens at Delphi, with the Pythia praying: "First of the gods I honour in my prayer is Earth, the first prophet; after her, Themis, who was second to hold her mother's oracular seat, as the story goes...
,, 49

Thernis willingly handed the oracle on to the Titan Phoibe, who in turn gave it to Phoibos Apollo as a present on his birth.'O Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood has demonstrated that this myth cannot be taken to reflect any real cultic convincingly history of the oracle, but rather expressescertain perceptions about it, of the fifth " later, its function. Examining the century and especially civilising, order-creating for historical Apollo case any predecessors of at Delphi, shepoints out that evenwere beenposited, but there to have been a Mycenaeancult of Gaia there, as has sometimes is far from in the certain, absenceof any evidenceof continuity cult activity which betweenthe Mycenaeanperiod and the late ninth century arguesagainstconnectingthe hypothetical Mycenaeanshrine with the previous owners myth.52 Since the Apolline by have been Od it (e. is in 8.79-8 1), Homer to must well established g. oracle referred

48 Pighius 1568,82. 49 Eum. 1-4: icponov gev

5 TO JIIJTP6 6EIUT6'P(X

F, -bxfi

cf

TOB'

E'ETO/

LOCVTETIOV, (bq

iic U I-(x^t(xvGewv/, irpcorogavav rv npF -aPeibco

XOYOq 'UtS...

'C^q; eE g tv,

-n

50 Elsewhere the transfer of the oracle is violent, e. g. Pindar fr. 55, Eur. /T 1242-82. Commenting on the Eumenides passage, Shapiro (1993,221) says: "Later in the play, however, Aeschylus takes liberties with this same genealogy, when he speaks of Thernis and Gaia as two names for same goddess (211-12). " Presumably he is confusing the Eumenides transfer (1993,88) that Gantz below. peaceful points out with the Prometheus, on which see Eumenides, for the the is story of to prologue female appropriate from a very male of power here". invention Aischylean so "we should probably suspect 51 Sourvinou-Inwood 1987; see 235 n-1 for sources for the myth, n.2 for modern believers in For the Delphi. divinities previous owners a reading of at Themis Gaia and/or as oracular On 1995,183-93. Loraux feminine", the practical a more see "neutralising myth as a way of 1993), helping "to (Marinatos sanctuaries the of competitive nature level, the myth reflects its (Morgan in to therefore rivals" relation superiority, and the antiquity, oracle's establish 1990,148-90. Morgan divination Delphi see and 1993,36). On early 52 The Mycenaean female figurines found in the archaic sanctuary of Athena Pronaia do not in Mycenaean is the Gaia not attested deity and the worshipped, identity of the show lack Delphi the of material evidence and at history sanctuary of the On early pantheon. 1990,126-47. Morgan BC, 800 see before c.

75

the eighth century, i. e. soon after the beginning of cultic activity in the sanctuary, 53 leaves little for Gaia Themis. which room or of a previous cult Leaving aside the myth, then, what positive evidenceis there for the presence
of Gaia/Themis at Delphi? Thernis' unusual inclusion on the frieze of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi (above) could be explained as a reference to a local cult, but is certainly not evidence of such by itself, at a symbolic level her presence can perhaps be 54 indication If the the explained as an of scene's message, victory of order over chaos. anything, the frieze counts against an archaic association of Themis and Gaia, since " be fighting her they should on opposite sides, Earth supporting sons the Giants. The

literary earliest evidence for worship of Themis at Delphi comes in an ode of Pindar, of 474 BC, where the victor's compatriots are exhorted to come "... where when night falls you shall hymn sacred Thernis and Pytho and the right-judging navel of the 556 from Also first half the earth... of the fifth century are a pair of statuebasesfound

Spring, inscribed Kastalian by Ga Themis the the near with names and respectively, the hand; same cuttings on the basessuggestthat they stood next to one another,with a bronze laurel tree betweenthem.
51 57

We have little further information on Themis, but

from a fourth century inscription and Plutarch's descriptionwe know that Gaia had a '9 Apollo. shrinesouth of the temple of Our earliest evidence for the Previous Owners myth and for the historical fifth dates from first half Gaia Delphi, Themis the the then, of and at worship of
53 No link can be made between Delphi and the Thernis of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, as the passage occurs in the Delian part of the hymn. Indeed, the Pythian part contradicts the does Alkaios' Hymn to founder Apollo the oracle, as of as previous owners myth, presenting A ol/o (Sourvinou -Inwood 1987,216-7 and nn.7-8). 5? So e.g. Shapiro (1993,219) explains the link between Dionysos and Thernis on the frieze 5 Delphi. Dionysos' 224 tradition 1985a, the Burkert See itself'. at "Delphi presence of on as Such use of a personification as an explanatory "label" could be paralleled by the personified date. The though indicate at such an early not setting, geographical rivers and places who Gigantomachy myth also appears on the west pediment of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. 55 See above, n. 17. 6POOBIKav/ 56 p. 11.9-10: (X1CP(X CFbV KEXCCBCFET' y(^Xq lc(x, t rh)()COV& 6JAqCC1%O, OE'gtV 'Te t'F-P(XV O'(PPC( V F-CMEP9C.... Hieros is not usually used of divinities in Greek literature, so Vos (1956,62-3) but the "holy impersonal, here Thernis given in righteousness"; Wilarnowitz follows making by (1958,205) Defradas justify. difficult to is compromises idea of praise, the abstract very hieros indeed that the "allegorical signifying epithet Thernis goddess", as an understanding Right is deified here, but only as a poetic conceit. 57 Delphi inv. 4286; Courby 1927,163-4 fig. 126; Shapiro 1993 no.144. Shapiro (1993,221) Delphic the Aeschylean "that the these genealogy of takes assuring as simplistically rather fabrication". is poetic a oracle not 58 According to Coste-Messeli6re and Flaceli6re 1930,289 and 294. Sourvinou-Inwood to the be myth. these response a that as seen can 987,221) suggests 1 9 plut. pyth. Orac. 402c-d. Sourvinou-Inwood 1987,221 and n.29.

76

century. If there was no historical tradition for the myth to be basedupon, how did it arise and gain currency? The answer surely lies in the conceptual links which both Gaia and Themis have with the oracle, vague associations which the myth 60 systematises The omphalosin Apollo's adyton symbolisedDelphi's position as the . centre of the earth, the meetingpoint of the mythical eaglesof Zeus sent from furthest east and west (Pindar fr. 54 SM), but the term "navel" inevitably suggestsEarth in .6' 62 linked possibly again with a cult of Themis, and oracular powers are often associated 63 with chthonic cults, so the idea of an Earth oracle at Delphi would be in keepingwith Gaia's cult in general. Then-fis'associationwith the oracle is most straightforwardly by for "oracles" and OF-gicrCe"OF-tv "to give explained the usageof the plural 0E-'gtcrrF-q 64 from Homer an oracle", onwards. The oracle's role as adviser to individuals and is states paralleled by Themis' role as adviser to Zeus, and the goddessis explicitly representedas Delphic adviserin the tondo of the Codrus Painter's cup in Berlin, 44030 BC (FIG. 3).65 The Athenian king Aigeus stands in a temple, indicated by the anthropomorphicform According to Pausanias, Earth also had an oracle at Olympia,

60 Sourvinou-Inwood (1987,228) suggests that Thernis "was a symbolically mediating figure between Apollo and Gaia", providing a "halfway house" between the primordial, chthonic goddess Gaia and the Olympian Apollo, since she is associated with Zeus' order and justice, but is nevertheless female. 61 The stone may be considerably older than this interpretation of it. See Souvinou-Inwood (1987,225 and n.47) on a type of oval stone in Minoan iconography associated with young male gods, and 233-5. 62 Pausanias records an altar of Ge, where "they say" there had "in even more ancient times" been an oracle of Earth; immediately after this he tells us that "the altar of Thernis is built at what they call the Mouth (7,, mgtov)" (5.14.10). Whether the two were located together is unfortunately not clear, as this falls in his section on "all the altars at Olympia" (5.14.4fo, where Pausanias has departed from his usual practice of describing things in the order he found them: "my description has wandered around in the order in which the Eleians sacrifice" (5.14.10). Valk (1959,147) cites this as of especial interest in support of the Thernis as earth-goddess idea: Vos 68ff. "has not proved beyond doubt that this theory is incorrect", although he has shown that cults of Thernis are often not of great antiquity. On the case for early cults of Gaia and Thernis at Olympia and Delphi, see Morgan 1990,42-3 and nn.51-2. 63 Cf. the Oracle of the Dead at Ephyra and that of Trophonios at Lebadeia. Teutonic in Wagner's Ring Erda, has appears as who earth-goddess, prophetic a also mythology / ich ich; / "Wie Wotan: to alles sein seh' alles wird, wie wird, wie alles war, weiss adviser 4). Rheingold, (Das " scene auch... 64 Vos suggests that0F_'gtCYTF_Gshould be translated as "decisions" of the gods, manifestations (1957,17-22). Valk (1959,145) "oracles" than is their rather the privilege, authority which of things". instituted "the to of existing this order and unalterable elaborates 65 Berlin F2538; ARV 1269,5 and 1689; Shapiro 1993, no.146 fig. 182. See LIMC 1,359, s.v. in Euripides' Medea, Aigeus the The myth more or for of version Aigeus, myth and sources. in the the the oe'gt; the context of oracle: of word makes use vase, less contemporary with " 676-8. In Eur. Or. 163-5 hear the for to it themis said? "Is oracle me what Medea asks ironic in Thernis, the, that tripod Delphic an oxymoron making to the with of as Elektra refers "the frequent themis that Shapiro of Apollo. perhaps use with suggests her view, adikos

77

column and entablature, opposite a female figure, in the guise of a priestess, sitting on a tripod and holding a laurel branch and a phiale in her hands. Iconographically, she is clearly the Pythia, but an inscription identifies her as Themis, the personification of the Pythia's utterances.66 Such a Delphic Themis is perhaps also evident in the Ribingen red-figure skyphos of 430-25 BC, on which Thernis is shown carrying a torch and a kanoun, apparently welcoming the newly arrived huntress-goddessBendis to Athens; a plausible interpretation is that Thernis is here fulfilling Delphi's traditional role of sanctioning the establishment of a new cult (FIG. 4). 67 An explicit association between Delphi and the "wise-counselling" Thernis of archaic poetry is in the scene made depicted on a fourth-century pelike by the Eleusinian Painter from Kertsch, where Thernis is advising Zeus (perhaps suggesting the Trojan War plan to him?) seated on 68 (FIG. the omphalos 5).

THEMIS AT PUIAMNOUS

At Delphi, then, both Themis and Gaia are associatedwith the oracle) the common link strengtheningtheir Hesiodic connectionwith each other, but not before the fifth century. At Rhamnousa rather different history can be traced, with Themis apparently developing as an associateof Nemesis rather than of Gaia. As it stands today, the sanctuary is dominated by the remains of two buildings standing close together: a Doric peripteral.temple of around 430 BC, identified as that of Nemesis, and a smaller structure consisting of simply a cella and porch (FIGS. 6-7a). The site first by was excavated the Society of Dilettanti in the early nineteenthcentury, and further investigations were carried out in the late nineteenthcentury by Stals, but the left then site was undisturbed until the current excavation programme was begun twenty years ago, which continues under the direction of Vasileos Petrakos. The fortress of Rhamnous was studied in detail in 1947-50 by Pouilloux, and Petrakos' investigations have added more information about the fortress and the tomb-lined
divine law idea divine to the that the to eventually pronouncements gave rise and reference (Shapiro 1993,223). Delphi lived had at once Roddess" 6 On the role of the Pythia in divinatory procedure at Delphi, see most recently Maurizio 1995. 67Tabingen F2; ARV2 1023; CVA TObingen 5 (1986), 49-52 (including a summary of previous discussions); Shapiro 1993,223-6, no.147 fig. 185. Roller includes this in her brief survey of (1988,511-12, fig. 3). See in Attic Parker 1985, foreign depiction vase-painting cults of the in to legitimising cult practice. relation the of oracles role 305 on 68 St. Petersburg, c.340 BC; ARV 1476,2; Shapiro 1993,223 fig. 183.

78

Sacred Way which links it to the sanctuary, as well as the sanctuary buildings 69 themselves The extendedfortifications were not completeduntil the secondhalf of . the fourth century or even the early third; the earlier citadel must have been in is by but before 412, how in the existence mid-fifth century a matter of much was place 70 is debate Pausanias' have Rhamnous fullest literary The some of account we . description, which locates the village "seven and a half miles from Marathon... by the but famous Agorakritos' thereafter sea"', cult statue concentratesalmost exclusivelyon Nemesis. just fortress, beside harbour, The the the of village was south-eastof eastern though little remains to be seen; the Sacred Way continues to the south of the 71 linking it deme TrikorynthoS. to the neighbouring sanctuary, of The smaller structure (FIG. 7b) seemsto have been built on a virgin site, but the date of its foundation has not been establishedmore exactly than "early fifth 72 beginning fifth "the inscriptions found inside Two the the century", or of century". building name priestessesof Themis, the earlier being one of a pair of thrones dedicatedby one Sostratosin the secondhalf of the fourth century: of Kallisto. a) In the priestesshood of Philostrate. b) In the priestesshood 73 dedicated SOstratos SOstratos dedicated this to Nemesis. this to Themis. The secondinscription, of the end of the fourth or early third century, is from the base dedicator (FIG. Themis 8), the the and sculptor as naming statueof of much-discussed well as two priestesses:

69 Pouilloux 1954. For a brief history of the excavations, see Miles 1989,137-40 (the Society of Dilettanti had intended to travel to Asia Minor, but were put off by rumours of the For ). do in Attika! to find had of site see to accounts general they something piracy, so Petrakos 1987 and 1991; also Travlos 1988,388-400. Miles 1989 discusses the temple of Nemesis in detail (see below p.100-1 and 106-7). 70 Pouilloux (1954,43-66) discusses problems of dating the ramparts at length, concluding (56-7) the absence of any he notes that any sixth-century occupation seems unlikely; Spartanthe Herodotos' in defence of combined account Rhamnous as a point of mention of have however, fortress, in the Recent uncovered (5.74). 507/6 excavations Boiotian attack of 1991-2. 1990-1 AR the and inscriptions century: sixth of some 71 Paus. 1.33.2 ff.; Pouilloux 1954,16; on the bias of visitors ancient and modern, see ibid. 9-13. 72Blue Guide to Greece (1990), 240; Petrakos 1991,20. Other offers: "archaic", Miles 1989, 1988, Travlos Marathon", Schlacht der "nach 1985-6,17; AR von War', 139; "post-Persian three the beneath found kylix statue of southernmost black-figure Attic The 388. stem of an beginning "the the terminus of of quem post the shrine provides a bases in the SW corner of discussion the detailed For 576). 1984,143 of a (Petrakos no. fifth century" for the statues 1984,142-53. Petrakos temple see smaller / E)E'Ltbl 73 Y_0)0, %oc;, iepeitaq (a) 40): 4)t, 1954, Up(XCoq rTjq] (Pouilloux rp&[, no. 4638 Ent H2 IG Neguyet '01licev. / 6we / YcocYCpcvCoq n't E', %tCFro[i)q1 KaX, (b) tiepeitaq 2 aveffilicev.

79

Megaklesson of Megaklesthe Rhamnousian being having dedicated Themis, to me Kallist6, his justice, in crownedby the peoplebecause the and of of priestesshood of Pheidostrate, boys' in both having been Nemesis, the andthe priestess of victorious men"s [athletic competitions],while gymnasiarchand choregosfor the comedies 74 Chairestratos,sonof Chairedemos,, the Rhamnousian madethis.

These inscriptions give clear evidence of two separate offices for priestessesof Nemesis and of Themis, and the phraseEn't iEpF_t"(xq [woman's name], which appears in both, soundslike a dating formula, suggestingthat great importancewas attachedto 7' The statue cannot of course have been the cult image, since it is a the position . dedication, but the inscription certainly implies that it should be identified as private 7' Two goddesses ThemiS. were certainly worshipped at the sanctuary,then, although straightforward interpretation of the smallerbuilding as Themis' temple is obfuscated 77 How early the cults of by its apparentuse as a storehouse,at least in later stages. however, each of the two goddesses were established, remainsopen to question. The Nemesis temple of c.430 was preceded by two successivestructures of the sixth from fill to the artificial terrace upon which the century, material which was used extant temples stand. All that survivesfrom the early sixth-centurybuilding are some Lakonian rooftiles and a terracotta sphinx head, but the construction dating from the end of the century was a Doric temple, with a distyle in antis fagade,which Petrakos destroyed by the Persiansin 480-79 BC and left in ruins until suggestswas probably 7' built The extreme proximity and lack of alignment of the the current temple was . Then-fisstructure with the Classicaltemple of Nemesisis presumablyto be explained by the fact that the former would have been built in relation to this archaic temple,

74

Statue: Athens NM 231.

Inscription IG

E)e'gt5t %[Eol)]G 'PCCgV01L)(Y[1]0q MEY(XK, O'CV6,0-nicev

/ iEpcitag / i[ict' iIF-pritag Negeact KaDacnolb (Det8oarp&vjq icait waloaq Tcatcriticait Cf Kccit eveica / XatPEaVPCCr0G xCaPE81190-0 XOP117COV. iccogCot80% Icait 'YA)gVaCFtC(PXC0V CCV8PCCCTt i1C<0>TjCFE. 'PCCgV<0>)CTt<0>g

3109 (Pouilloux 1954, no.39): Meyccickfig 'tq 8ticat-/ocT, crcE(p(xvo)OF, wco' rcov 511gorcov 0vTjg

112

75 See Wilhelm 1940 for an analysis of the two inscriptions, alongside that on the base of a 2 (iG 11 3462; the third Nemesis the century end of Aristonoe, at of priestess statue of Pouilloux 1954, no.44). 76 Palagia's argument against the identification seems unnecessarily complicated (1994, few fixed in the the the points inscription relatively one of The statue makes 118-19). See Harrison 1977 1986,265-8. Pollitt the Hellenistic on see sculpture; chronology of Thernis. to this of representations other relationship of 77 Petrakos 1991,23; he is perhaps over-cautious in commenting that, although Thernis was (1991,7). be Cf. traced" there "her clearly cannot the in presence sanctuary, worshipped Olympia. Hera temple the at of 1995 on Arafat 78 AR 1984-5 and 1983-4; Petrakos 1984,135-6.

80

79 In later the addition to these structures version. which was somewhat smaller than there are plentiful finds of pottery to indicate somesort of cult activity on the site from the early sixth century, but nothing positively to identify the deity or deities 'O be in The the earliest votive which can unequivocally worshipped archaic period. is fragment helmet Corinthian of a connectedwith either of our abstract goddesses a inscribed: "The Rhamnousiansin Lemnos dedicated me to Nemesis". This was dated beginning fifth in to the the previously of century, associatedwith a party of in (Hdt Rhamnousians Miltiades Lemnos 499 BC the who served under campaignof 6.137-40), but Lewis and Jeffery point out that, although the helmet is undoubtedlya battle, is letter forms later the spoil of no victory mentioned, and suggesta slightly date, c.475-50 BC; it was presumablydedicatedby Rhamnousiansoldiers garrisoned " fourth dedication is Sostratos' Lemnos. The Themis to throne the of on earliest century. Was the archaic sanctuary sacred to Nemesis, and the worship of Themis a
later development, given a proper place with the building of the smaller temple at the beginning of the fifth century? Burkert takes this line, explaining the addition in important immensely [sc. "since terms, taking nemesis] plays an offence conceptual 82 between link Nemesis in Such and a conceptual role preserving social order". Themis can certainly be argued for generally, but does not help with a relative dating her Nemesis, has just Themis to given an archaic cult as as good a claim of their cults. 83 Alternatively, deity in could think of the sixth

early establishmentas a

epic.

we

her to Thernis, temple buildings the to makeway to small moved cult as sacred century for Nemesis, newly important in the wake of the battle of Marathon as defenderof
79 Cf. Miles, who suggests that "the wish for continuity at the sacred place" influenced the The 34). (1989,150-3, Nemesis excavators earliest n. temple Classical the of placing of Thernis temple to the temple late the design sixth-century of mistakenly assigned the Petrakos 1991,20). 0 The latest pottery from the terrace fill is from the first half of the fifth century, but most is (AR to "appropriate loutrophoroi cult" a chthonic fragments including date, of century of sixth late from date the herms sixth century, style rustic of 1983-4). A series of small rectangular 1984-5). (AR does sandals a pair of stone as

82 83

43. XXXVI date: SEG BC 499 &IvkOec; 81 IG 13522 bis: Pagvocytot Oi E', NEgIF', cret. ccv v Aegvo[t inscribed bronze is 122a 701 lb. wheel 122b. a votive pl. no. Petrakos 1988, no. 706 pl. the that "is this that a AR was wheel reminder a the remarks 6weaelcev; of author 'Epo8opoG Osborne bronze For 17). fig. cf. 1985-6,18 wheels, (AR votive Nemesis" of later symbol "Onesos Rhodes: the from Apollo to dedication late fig. 61) on a archaic (1987,185 the Apollo cart". to a of wheel dedicated me bronzesmith -

Burkert 1985a, 85. than being for GrEp; linguistic concept an older for the 1956,70 case And see Vos

vE'qtcat.

81

civilisation against the barbarians, though such a move would go against a general 14 dedication In the tendency to conservatism. either case, of a whole religious before is Hellenistic deified the to exceptional period, and sanctuary a abstraction quite deity. to then the plays a subsidiary role a more major even personification usually Troubled by the idea of a cult attached to "a mere personification of the moral idea of development from Nemesis Rhamnous ArtemisFarnell of retribution", posits a at an Aphrodite Nemesis; his argument is based largely on a few testimonia which seem to link Artemis and Nemesis, which could equally be read as later syncretisms, but his doubts are understandable." Petrakos betrays a similar unease in his rather purple

description of Nemesis as "the agrarian goddess who looked after the allocation of herself grazing grounds and concerned with the stability and preservation of rural order. These functions were in keeping with the situation of her sanctuary, the

isolation forms, the the of the gentleness and softness of peaceful sunlit shore and calm

locality...5386 One important questionwhich may have somebearing on the sanctuary's however. history has been by Who pre-fifth century scarcely raised any commentator, worshipped there just the people of the local demesof Rhamnousand (given the SacredWay) Trikorynthos, or a wider clientele? I shall considerRhamnous'links with Athens in the fifth century further below, but there is nothing to suggest that the in local than significance the archaicperiod, though this might sanctuarywas of more 87 late if by Tetrapolis demes Marathonian the the to two sixth century. of other extend least dedicatee, be deity local is a and at this the case, a purely unsurprisingas would hypothetical case can be made for Nemesis being worshipped in Attika in the sixth

de Polignac 84 See the proverb gi) ictve^t But 3.736). Or. Sib. AP 9.685, (e. cf. Kccp'Xptvav g. deity, the different for of sanctuary as with "recycling" a space the sacred of conscious on just The 1994,9). Osborne, sanctuary (Alcock small eds., and Apollo Maleatas at Epidauros dedicatee Rhamnous fortress of change a the to underwent the of entrance of south-west have to Aristomachos hero local the seems towards the end of the fourth century, when demands to the due Amphiaraos, of a hero healing probably better-known the to given way Parker 30-5. inscriptions 1954,93-102, Pouilloux nos. more cosmopolitan garrison; see by intruded be "to heroes healing for upon trend older (1996,176) comments on a general the younger heroes of broader fame". 85 Farnell 1896-1909,11488-96. 86 Petrakos 1991,7; he explicitly rejects the association of the founding of Nemesis' cult with finds. his because century Wars, pre-fifth of the Persian Trikorynthos) Oinoe (Marathon, are Tetrapolis and the dernes 87 Three out of the four of the in the Phaleron) Aphidna of smallest (along and Rhamnous with together with grouped Kleisthenes' that (1986,23-30) system was Whitehead argues Aiantis. IX tribes, Kleisthenic links. based existing on fundamentally organic,

82

" in century, before she was known elsewhere,as we shall see the next chapter.

The

fifth beginning the Themis the the temple to of century might reflect an addition of at defender justice her had indicating Nemesis, that as of role and social order aspect of during demes in importance the sixth century, After the grew gained as surrounding the Persian Wars, however, Nemesis' rapid rise to prominence as avenger of Attic kept it is in Themis Nemesis' pride a secondaryposition, and as primary place of is best known. that the sanctuary worship

ATHENS AND GE THEMIS

At Rhamnous, then, although Thernis seemsto have become establishedby the is between link Gaia The the archaic period, no apparent. connection very end of with the two seen at Delphi, however, is first made explicit by an Athenian poet, and it is at Athens that we finally come to epigraphic evidence for a Ge Themis. In the Theatre of Dionysos seats are reserved for a number of religious officials who have the goddess' in is "priest There their titles. name possibly a of Themis", although most of the name is missing (t'EpE'co; E)E'-[gt6oql, IG 112 5109), an "Olephoros of Athena Themis" (O'X, 'A"vas q(pOpoi) IG 112 5103), a "priestess of Ge Themis" (t'F-ptia; Ffiq E)E'qtt8oq,

E)E'*t8oq, IG 112 5130), and "two Hersephoroi of Chloe Themis" (Ep(Tq(p6pot; P' XXOijq E)Egt8oq,IG 1125098). None of these is in the front row of thrones, but three back, fifth is in from first 5098 kerkis, in the the row center; on the right are the same 5103 in the tenth, and 5109 in the twentieth. The priestess of Ge Thernis has her seat a little further round in the third kerkis on the right from the centre, in the second row back. Given the clearly honorific status of the front row, it seemsnot unreasonableto back in further have hierarchy to attached reserved places might suppose that a rough

Ge Themis for the higher than implying the others, of priestess the auditorium, status be inscriptions for date the Nor be can an exact though this point cannot pushed. in detail, front thrones discusses of MaaB which the some of row easily established. from theatre's the dated, under refurbishment individually be range which and can '9 behind The AD. thrones, the BC rows in the 338-22 to secondcentury Lykourgos
in the Cf. the Kypria. attested the names obscure 88 See below pp.96-9 on Nemesis and 1994,29-46). Rosivach 1986,190-4; Whitehead 1358; 112 (IG Tetrapolis' sacred calendar 1985 for Humphreys fourth-century late a the context; 89 MaaI3 1972. See Mitchell 1970 on his recently and most the reforms, of Lykourgos mechanisms and detailed of study more On 1946,141-2. bridge Picka in rd-Cam theatre On see the general, 1996,242-55. Parker

83

however, have unfortunately

in-depth treatment;the editors of IG If not receivedsuch

assign 5083-164 all to the Roman imperial period, but these inscriptions are of much inferior workmanship, and many, carved on the upper surface of the step rather than below the seat, have been badly detailed difficult. Even if away, worn making study the inscriptions were more accuratelydated, however, there is no way of determining, without external evidence,whether the offices mentionedare of long establishment or 90 innovation. recent Putting aside the question of date, then, let us look more closely at the four inscriptions in question. I am inclined to be scepticalabout the reconstruction which gives us a "priest of Thernis"; the rule that female deities have female attendantsdoes have exceptions,but, as we have seen,Themis has a priestesses at Rhamnousin the late fourth/early third century, and we will shortly encounteran Athenian priestessof 91 The "Olephoros" inscription is Themis. our only evidencefor an Athena Themis. The title of the office gives us little further information about the cult, since an ' the barley-cornsto be sprinkled on the oX, n9Opoqis simply the bearer of the oi);Uxt, sacrificial victim and altar prior to the slaughter,part of the standardprocedure for blood sacrifice92 That this particular barley-bearershould have theatre-seat her a of . own, though, would indicate unusually high status for such an attendant, suggesting that she belonged to a major sanctuary. As we have no other information on Athena Themis, we can but speculatethat the title had becomeattachedto one of the many 93 Athena Akropolis. The "two Hersephoroi of Chloe Themis" cult statues of on the is are more revealing. According to LSJ, F', paq(popot an alternative spelling for best known being the two young girls who lived on the Akropolis for a the ccpp, 990pot, year, then carried the secret symbols of Athena in processionfrom and back to the temple of Athena Polias. It is not clear what the Arrhephoroi of Athena actually carried, but the literal meaning"dew-bearers" seemsappropriatefor Chloe Themis,an

91 Rhamnous priestess: IG 112 3109,4638 (see above). On "gender asymmetry for priests Connelly 1996,60 Cf. 46 Cole 1992,111-13. the and n. on gender of see and priestesses", Athena's attendants. 92 Burkert 1985a, 56. 93 On which see Ridgway 1996.

90 See Maa(3 (1972,99-101) history of cult.

the successive stages of the theatre's building and problems of dating, see Wycherley 1978, 206-15, Travlos 1971,537-52 (though neither has much to say about the priest-seats).
on the problems of using the inscriptions as evidence for the

84

94 "Verdant Order" There was an Attic spring festival called the otherwise unattested . Chloaia, "the shooting of the stalks", in honour of Demeter, and it is Demeter who
9' bears Chloe. the epithet usually

A further generalproblem with the priest-seatinscriptions is raisedby the cases both Chloe Themis and Ge Themis. It is generally assumedthat the theatre seats of designated for one priest or priestess,although he or shemight officiate for were each a cult which worshipped more than one deity. If only one deity is mentionedthe case is clear, as the priest of HeavenlyNemesiscertainly had a seatto himself (IG 125070), if or, two deities are mentioned, supplementary evidencemay indicate that they were 96 in worshipped together, as the caseof the priest of Eukleia and Eunomia. The lack however, of punctuation, meansthat somecasesare not so clear. Just behind the seat Ge for Themis, the of priestess of example, is a place for bgvqrp't'ccq[t'F-plt(xq (IG Kou[plo, 1125131). Are we to understand three IIF_t0o1-)q rpO(pouA1"g[, qrpoq1 separategoddesseshere Kourotrophos, Demeter, Peitho by all served the one

ccsinger-priestess"? Or should we envisagetwo or three priestesses sharingthe rights 97 to one seat? Even if we take Kourotrophos as an epithet of Demeter, we still have two deities implausible, but is "Child-nurturing Peitho" Demeter not only a rather a before in inscription is be rIFtOol-)q the that the to word wider space would suggest Demeter, this apparent taken separately. SincePeitho is nowhere else associated with is by ingenious is Price, An their explanation offered conflation of cults surprising. description inscriptions Pausanias' to the theatre-seat of the south slope of who relates the Akropolis. After leaving the sanctuaryof Asklepios, walking towards the Beule Flippolytos, Themis then, Gate, Pausanias to temple after a memorial and of records a

94 Paus. 1.27.4. The Arrhephoria ritual is mirrored by the myth of the daughters of Kekrops, be "dew-bearers" literal connected the may with that of Burkert meaning suggests and "moist tree: facing the Erectheion, front the in is olive with sacred Pandrosos, whose shrine of 2 5099 IG Cf. 1985a, 228-9). (Burkert the the the polis" dew, it embodies order of continuity of for a theatre seat "for two Hersephoroi of Eilithyia iv "Apya4g]". 95 Parker 1987,141-2; Whitehead 1986,192 n.86. %Eitaq 96 On Nemesis Ourania, see below pp.111-12. Theatre seat: ieptcoqEbic, icai Elbvogitaq (IG 112 3738, Eunomia Eukleia iepcibq inscriptions and of a mention 5059); two other (IG 112 include inscriptions "multi-deity" Other further for seat 1964 references. 4193). See Hamdorf for 112 5047), the (IG Roma Charites priest the one and Demos and and the for of priest one QG 112 -HPT1; designated two Conversely, Simply Soteira. are seats Athena Soter Zeus and of different for two the of priest(esses) or for cult, two same officiants of 5150,5154); are these been having the due to moved? place is the Hebe, multiplicity or cults of 97 Apart from the front-row thrones, individual places are not obviously marked off, perhaps inscription. longer by the a to covered space occupy than person one more allowing

85

digression Pandemos Aphrodite Phaidra, Hippolytos a the on statuesof story of and he Peitho, Chloe; Demeter Ge Kourotrophos concludes and and a sanctuary of and by find "you these tantalizingly rather names out all about can with the advice that discussingthem with the priests" (1.22.1-3). Price, following Beschi, arguesthat 5131 is shorthand for "the singer-priestess (Chloe), (Ge) Kourotrophos, Demeter and of Peitho", envisaging one priestessas serving two closely neighbouring small shrines, locates bastion Beschi immediately below Athena Nike the the terrace which on rocky (FIG. 10).9' It should perhapsbe pointed out that there is a seat "for the priestessof Demeter Chloe (and) of Diophantos" (IG 1125059) more or less in front of the priestessof Ge Themis' place, which slightly undercutsPrice's argumentin this case, but the principle seemsreasonable, and a similar hypothesiscould perhapsexplain our two Hersephoroi of Chloe Themis. In a discussion of some of the topographical problems of the south slope of the Akropolis, Walker identifies a fourth-century structure at the west end of the Asklepieion terrace as Pausanias'temple of Themis 99 (FIG. 9). If this is to be associated Ge Thernis, we might posit with our priestessof that our two Hersephoroiin fact servedboth this and the sanctuaryhigher up the slope to the west of Ge Kourotrophos and Demeter Chloe, "of Chloe Themis" being 100 involved. deities for "double-barrelled" shorthand the three The evidenceof the theatre-seatinscriptions,then, is far from clear, althoughit does seem to associate Themis with deities of agricultural fertility. Our earliest Ge. A however, Athens, for Themis' testimony of makesno mention cult at epigraphic line from Nikomachos' revision of "Solon's" sacrificial calendar,set up in the Royal Stoa c.401 BC, stipulatesexpenditurein the month Metageiton of 12 drachmason "a 'O' in Themis the for Whether to Themis". this established already was sacrifice ewe
98 See Price 1978,8 and 101-32, on Ge as the primary Athenian Kourotrophos (esp. 106-7 1967-8,517-26; Beschi 112 5131). IG 113 see Pausanias' on location and the shrine of on further below pp. 136-46 on Aphrodite Pandemos and Peitho. 99 Walker 1979,244-8. See also Aleshire 1989,21-3.

100 A connection with Gaia/Demeter could explain the otherwise obscure reference in lamp, the the Themis, sword, forbidden "the marjoram, to symbols of Clement of Alexandria Mysteries, 'the the in the of is to manner and say, euphemistically the women's comb, which 4't(poS, XlbXvoq, 6p'tyavov, rretq E)e'gt8oq vk anoppilroc a1bgPoXa female genitals'. " (,c^^nq 2.22.5). Protrepticus %5^T yuvaucetov. Loptov l. einetv T-5,, guamccog icat L(0G FIU(PIJl. EalutV 0 y IwaticEtos, fertility be to likely to a attached more Such "forbidden symbols" suggest a mystery cult, for that the incidentally, is, Clement story a source to abstraction; than personified a goddess See Mysteries. Eleusinian the details for impiety of revealing with Aischylos was charged Roberts 1975 on the passage.

101LSS 10.fr.A. col-111.60:

E)F', U&

01G.

On the calendar, see Parker 1996,43-55 and 218-20.

86

instituted it rites early sixth century, or whether was one of the many more recently is impossibleto establish,given which had madethe revision of the calendarnecessary the fragmentary state of the inscription. A date no later than the last third of the sixth into be for, if, Thessalian however, take the century can cult, we argued as with Athenian The the theophoric account evidence of earliest securely attested names. bearer of a Themis-related name is the famous Themistokles, especially well found in in Agora the the representedamongst ostraka and eponymousarchon 493/2 BC, who must have been born, and named, c.525 BC. 102 The Lexicon of Greek Personal Names records no fewer than 52 later Attic individuals called Themistokles, Classical bearers Hellenistic as well as several and of a number of variations on the 103 theme. An independentfifth-century Themis is also mentionedby Herodotos (2.50), few deities he be Egyptian Pelasgian the to than as one of rather name considers whose in origin. That Themis continued to have an independentcult at least until the midby two small dedicationsfrom the Athenian Asklepieion, third century BC is suggested recorded in the sanctuaryinventory lists: "a tetradrachmand eyesfrom the priestessof 104 Themis". The "eyes" must refer to the votive offering of a representationof the body-part in question, as was standardpractice in Asklepieia all over the Greek world, 10' feature Given Greek Orthodox the close proximity modern ritual. and remainsa of (FIG. Themis location Asklepieion Pausanias' to the the sanctuaryof of proposed of 9), it is very tempting to associate the dedications with a priestess from this neighbouring shrine. Such an independentThemis need not be incompatible with the theatre-seat
for in follow Price if testimonia some sort of conflation of allowing we either in Ge identified became Themis that cult with priestessly roles, or more simply posit deities between link Thernis date. later The of agricultural and conceptual only at a fertility can, however, be traced much further back. Our earliest sources for Gaia's (458 Eumenides Athens Thernis the mentioned already passage are at connection with in daughter, Gaia's the in Themis Hesiod follows a passage and BC), which making
I 39. 11 LGPN 102Agora XXV. 664-1049, IG 12 E)quaroickfiq 1035; sx.

'gt8o; BC: 250/49 E)F. 127b-c), V. 2 Inventory 1989, 104 IG 11 1534.252 (= Aleshire ceTp(xxgov X(xt 690ockgolt. te OpEtocq Asklepieion the Corinthian from the metal dedications with 10 Compare e.g. the collection of Greek in Mary Virgin churches. the many icons beneath of hung up tamata

103 LGPN 11s-v- E)egtc; GegitcrOtoq,Ekgtcn&, OF-gun'ta, E)eg'tcrctoq,&-paw8bal, O(xyOp(xS, E)egtrEo;. E)Fg'tcrcL)v, E)ej. ttc;,r6,

87

Prometheus Bound which explicitly identifies the two. Prometheustells the chorus, "My mother Thernis,and Earth, of many namesbut one form, had often foretold to me 106 how the future would come to pass... A reference to Delphi and the previous " owners myth might be seen here, given the oracular context, but problems with the authorship and dating of the play make it impossibleto establishthe exact relationship 107The identification of the two goddesses in betweenthis and the Eumenidespassage. the Prometheus passagecertainly need not be taken literally as evidencefor a cult of Ge Thernis,and may evenbe an innovation, sinceit is madeso pointedly, descentfrom '" in Themis putting the protagonist a stronger position againstZeus. We have seen intimations of Themis' link with the natural world in the Hesiodic genealogywhich daughter Gaia, makesher mother of the Seasons as well as of and a generalassociation in in Bakchylides Pindar the with prosperity and passages, prosperity any pre-modern 109 fertility. being society closely tied up with agricultural Conversely,Earth can be demonstrated to have her political side. One of the Homeric Hymns is addressedto "Earth Mother of All", and although it is mostly in fertility, blessed by "rule Gaia those orderly concernedwith agricultural who are 110 in fair Burkert the their cities of occurrence philosophical commentson women". despite Gaia "as the relatively the a prototype of all piety", speculationof worship of Gaia's in Earth the political aspect: actual religious practice, and notes modestplace of ""' "the earth not only sustains,but also imposesobligations on her native sons. This

/ icalt rakc, icoxx(j)v 6'voganov goppil P. V. 211-13: E-'gotR glycilp oL')X&ica govov E)e'gtg, P. V. Thetis the (1991,74-7) Cf. Slatkin and on cpavatco npoukeoeonbcet. glOtfc, 0 gjkkov See Griffith 1977 and Bees 1993 for extensive, if inconclusive, discussion of the P. V's 445 (on the terminus for Bees date. Aischylos c. quem of to post a argues and attribution Aischylean 10) (1988,66 Corsano Herodotos). accepts n. basis of a comparison with 6 Eschilo ipotizzare dati riferito a si "Non che but sufficienti per crediamo ci siano authorship, tradizioni mitiche oa culti esistenti al riguardo. " 108 Gantz 1993,52. Corsano (1988,61) inverts the usual interpretation that the Titans "Prometeo Zeus: tyrannical, the of rule demos aristocratic overturning represent the I'arbitrio tirannico il si che Zeus cio6 nuovo, I'antico personifica ordine, rappresenta In Themis. Prometheus' hence " with association tradizionale... sostituisce alla legalitA daughter, imply to (360), Dios is Thernis BC) (465-59 seems which Aischylos' Suppliants his in "she that Gantz Zeus; as some acts way suggests than of or wife, nurse rather (1993,53). re Agamemnon is law "the that 10Fresentative" e. g. ion meant: nature" of suggest Some usages of Oe'pq it is (//. 9.134), for is themis Briseis, whereas and men women has as he slept with not swears Maehler). 3.88-90, (Bakchylides to try to for young stay themis men not 110 Hom. Hymn 30.11-12: ablrolt 8' eibvogblot noktv icdvraica),Xtyuvatica/ icotpaveo, ot. , first 16-19. Ge Sept. 90, Prom. Aisch. "mother as 111 Burkert 1985a, 175. Earth as of all": Plato beloved the Ge 40b. gods: of Tim. and of men Plato mother as the gods: and eldest of Menex. 238a.

106

88

can be seen in a specifically Athenian context in Solon's celebration of his own in "May bear the Olympian the reforms: court of the witness gods mighty mother of Time, noblest black Earth, from whom I once lifted the boundary-stonesplanted in "' free". is many places; then enslaved,now she passage The traditional explanation of this

land, their removal signifying that the boundary-stones marked mortgaged has been Whatever

the cancellation of debts and return of land to its rightful owners "' is debated. questioned,and exactly what Solon's reforms entailed much

the historical accuracy of the poem, however, it certainly demonstrates Earth's involvement in political propaganda,appealed to as witnessto Solon's establishment of 114 justice land. social via redistribution of
CONCLUSION

From this brief survey it would seem that an archaic cult of Themis can be

demonstratedfor Thessaly,where sheseems to be of sufficient statusto take the place of Hera and to have a month namedafter her, and possiblyat Athens, though the small in in high Nikomachos' position the sacrifice mentioned calendarwould not suggesta in Athenian Gaia, Themis' explicit state pantheon. conceptual association with literature from the fifth century, becomesenshrinedin cult only at a later date, quite possibly not until after the mid-third century BC. About the early history of the but Themis Rhamnous there the of speculate, worship sanctuaryat we can only really from at least the beginning of the fifth century suggestsan interesting alternative had Themis it is At Delphi Nemesis. any again unclear whether association with between Themis but in and an early conceptual connection archaic presence cult,
112 Fr. 36 West, 1-5: c;, 8itic'n XP0V0, L)/ glrnp Ev vXI-O'C' C`CV %ttccprL)po'v1 &veTtkov 6poi. iy' NJ '0.%A)]I7C'tC0V/ nokkccX )G 11 co icoTe/ T^ gE'-XatVOc, ('X'PtCYTCC
VUV EXE'UGEP(X-

8atgov(ov geyitavl 00E8 icp'crO ve

80'UXE'L)0IXY(X,

113 On Solon's poetry in relation to his reforms, see Murray 1993,181-200. See Foxhall Greece. in early systems agricultural of 997) for a review of scholarship and re-assessment 11 14 An association between Thernis and Gaia is further attested by one or two odd late the Eratosthenes myth of Athens. an alternative version to records specific references not Zeus that "Musaios 479-84): Theog. (Hes. Gaia by says when Zeus that the infant was nursed yewcogevov (ML), Aim tI Themis" Rhea to yap (pilat by a(x^toq he born entrusted was was 5 Hymn's Homeric the This 13). Katast. account recalls 'Peccq rather E)cgt8t, wco' yxF-tptcrofiv(xt p-, be Themis Zeus between link The suggested may (above). and same Apollo's upbringing of is (1927) Themis Harrison's Jane Kouretes, the around which by the Cretan Hymn of Zeus birth by the brought of ends fertility about the prosperity and description of structured: a Harrison the 1.36). (00pe OE'. addresses Themis" fair for aV], "leap gtv ic[a), iciG injunction with West 1965, See (480-535). last in the chapter oracles Themis' with connection of question Hymn. the date the of 194-5, on below pp. and

89

oracles is apparent in the use of the word 0E'[ttcYcF-q; the concept of OE'jit, at least, is implicated in Delphi's legitimisation of the laws and cults of developing poleis, but only in the fifth century do we have any evidence for the association being expressedin worship of Thernis at Delphi. While Themis does have a place in archaic and classical cult, then, nowhere have we seen evidence to support the theory that Themis originated as an epithet of Gaia. While it is not inherently implausible, it would be difficult to prove, as the process of separation would have to have taken place before Homer. Hesiod's genealogy attests to an early association of the two in mythological thought, but the complete absenceof Ge/Gaia as a cult title of Thernis throughout the archaic and classical periods would rather suggest that the reverse process took place. Rather than Themis originating as an aspect of Earth, it was Gaia's increasingly political aspect which led her to be associated with Themis, the personification of right and social order, because of a perceived communality of interests. Only at Athens, and "' Hellenistic final than Ge-Themis be the in no earlier period, can a union of seen cult.

Everywhere except ThessalyThemiswould seemto fit with Burkert's model of a personification beginning life as a literary figure, mediating between the mythical gods and everyday morality, her cult developing during the course of the sixth 116 Themis' extraordinary position in the Thessalian pantheon, however, century. though not attested before the fourth century, might be indicative of much greater in humble in Her Homeric epic could be this antiquity region. relatively position in the context of the poems' Panhellenic stance, which consistently understood ignoring demoting Olympian deities the presentsa unified picture of gods, or myriad have been in localities. Such is of great significance particular an approach who must thoroughly explored by Laura Slatkin in her thought-provoking study of the fliads Thetis, of whose extraordinary position of simultaneous presentation paradoxical in be the terms of suppression of explained can only argues, she power and weakness, 117 figure. is If Thetis more powerful we a much an alternative mythology where indications Thernis, hypothesis to of such a we might see applied a similar "suppressed"mythology surfacingin the crucial advisory roles given to Thernisby the

115 Sourvinou-Inwood 1987,240 n.62: "In my view, Ge-Themis is a later syncretism; Themis in fifth-century Gaia identified religion". with not was 116 See above pp.62-3. 117Slatkin 1991; see especially 77-84.

90

Kypria and Pindar (Isthmian 8). Before coming to a conclusion on Themis' origins, however, we should look at the closely related case of the cult of Nemesis at Rhamnous.

91

Chapter 3 NEMESIS: "MYTH INTO LOGOST"

To every mortal is thy influence known, And men beneaththy righteous bondagegroan; For ev'ry thought within the mind conceal'd Is to thy sight perspicuously reveal'd... All to see,hear, and rule, 0 pow'r divine Whose nature Equity contains, is thine... Give aid benignant in the needful hour,, And strength abundant to the reas'ning pow'r; And far avert the dire, unfriendly race Of counsels impious, arrogant, and base. From the Orphic Hymn to Nemesis, tr. Thomas Taylor (1792)

Like Themis, Nemesis has some mythology attached to her, and one might has that too much "personality" to count as a personification, since, almost argue she like many other minor goddesses and mortal women, she gets raped by Zeus.2 This borderline position between deity and personification makes Nemesis a good case for definitional her between study our a mediating role problems, and potentially gives "mythical" and "logical" modes of thought; I would argue that from her earliest being in both literature Nemesis the at the ends of spectrum, appearances encompasses figure time of mythology and an allegorical representation of an same a personal from idea. Nemesis' The the sixth century spans, cult range chronological abstract her high is is into Roman the the profile of relatively period, exceptional, as until well is it in Attika, focus Nemesis' This Rhamnous. cult where on chapter will sanctuary at first and most extensively attested, but I shall also examine the case of the two Nemeseis of Smyrna, for whom an archaic cult has often been posited, and conclude it has iconography, Nemesis' development brief since of consideration of the with a implications for the "myth v, logos" debate. denote "retributive in English been long has to "Nemesis" The word used in being the sense of Taylor's justice", the all-seeing nature of reflected goddess

1 An early version of this chapter was delivered as a paper to the graduate research those the to especially present, 1 of 1995; comments June in much Exeter owe seminar at helpful and references kindly of a number me sent Wilkins, John who subsequently 1983 the the site guide. found of edition Harvey, of a copy David me who suggestions, and translations. delightful Taylor's to drew my attention Keith Armstrong 73. Thernis, to p. above the 2 See Famell's comment on pursuit story attached 92

"inevitability" attaching to the abstract.3 She is also one of the few deities not to have acquired a Latin name when adopted by the Romans, perhaps indicating a difficulty of 4 translation. Our understanding of nemesis has been much influenced by its traditional association with hybris: nemesis is the punishment inevitably meted out by the gods to mortals guilty of forgetting the limitations of their mortality, arousing the jealousy of the gods, boasting over-confidently or enjoying an excess of good fortune. Nick

Fisher's thorough re-evaluation of hybris has shown, however, that surprisingly few passages actually make this association explicitly, and hybris, rather than being denoting term primarily a religious an attitude particularly offensive to the gods, most "specific to often refers acts or general behaviour directed against others"; hybris can be defined essentially as the "serious assault on the honour of another, which is likely 5 lead to cause shame, and to anger and attempts at revenge,,. Clearly this has implications for our understanding of nemesis, which may require some adjustment; is beyond the the scope of this while a complementary study of usage of nemesis hope light I the chapter, an examination of goddess will shed some on the concept she basic definition is however, Some two and strands personifies. provisional necessary, derivation from "distribute, be in to the vF_tco, noun's of meaning may noted born, distribution", lot idea "first the the associates apportioW': of with which you are 6 is due" idea "distribution fate, N/vF4tF_(YtS the makes of what of alternative while with the link with justice, an association strengthened by the usage of the linguistically for "law". related v%toq The latter aspect seems to be the most commonly

is emphasised, so perhaps the most generally applicable translation of vE'_tUytq 7 injustice. "righteous anger" or "indignation" aroused by

3 OED: Nemesis (1553) 1. The goddess of retribution; hence, one who avenges or fear the "Guilt... (1597). this instance of justice; a produces Retributive 2. of an punishes. in the Nemesis, is Towers Alton vague presumably A called divine N." (1733). ride at deserts". just "your than for is Thing that rather "the you" waiting sense of 4 Poena, the nearest Latin equivalent, is not listed in Axtell's catalogue of Roman deified Poenae 8.25), (Theb. in Statius Poena plural and literary appears though a abstractions, 198. See below Cf. 37.91. in Pis. Cicero, Furies, p. the e. g. identified with sometimes are Axtell (1907,44-5) on Nemesis' Roman cult. 5 Fisher 1992,1; see 142-8 on specifically "religious" hybris. Contra, see Cairns 1996a"receiving from derived of a verb 6 Two other "fate" words, Lo^tpcc are also and F-igccpgF-v% one's share", geitpogat7 Fisher advocates "anger' or "indignation" as generally safer translations than discussion if dated, full, for 1949 of Laroche See a 81). vEgCO, (1992,358 n. "vengeance" "rancune, definition the as of he vEgEat with concludes and vogitco; tq, vogog vegec; he the (256); comments destin6e" personification on jalousie; rdpartitrice, vengeance,

93

HESIOD's NEMESIS

Nemesis' earliestappearances her in Theogony Hesiod. The one of makes are the many offspring of Night, along with sundryother personifications:
Night bore hateful Destiny andblack Doom and Death,and shebore Sleep,andthe tribe of Dreams. And againgloomyNight bore Blameand painful Woe, thoughshe slept with noneof the gods,andthe Hesperides, who guardthe beautiful golden applesand the treeswhich bearthe fruit beyondglorious Okeanos.Also sheborethe Destiniesandthe relentlessly-avenging Fates,K16tho,Lachesisand Atropos, who give mortals at their birth both goodand bad to have,and who pursuethe transgressions of both men and gods,nor do the goddesses from their terrible angeruntil they cease punish whoeverhas sirMedwith an evil visitation. Also deadlyNight boreNemesis, a banefor mortal men,and after her Deceitand Affection and destructiveOld Age and ' Strife. strong-spirited

Like most of Hesiod's genealogies, this can be read in fairly allegoricalterms. Most of Night's children are rather "dark" characters,for one reason or another: Sleep and Dreams literally happen in the night time; Death is associated by analogy; the Hesperideslive in the land beyond the sunset;Blame and Woe might be thought to 9 trouble you especiallyat night. Though ideasof fate are not necessarily negative,the facets the darker side: Moros, not various associatedwith Night here all emphasise personified elsewhere,and Ker are usually used of a man's allotted death; the Moirai 'O inescapable forces in are characterisedas relentless, againstwhich we struggle vain. Nemesis is explicitly a nfig(x, a "woe" for mortals, not an obviously suitable description for "justice", so the word may well be being usedin its more literal sense of "allotment", especiallygiven the companyof the Fates. In their pursuit of "those who here be Moirai the to overstep", seem carrying out a task elsewhere specifically " Nemesis, to assigned as we shall see.

"chacun des aspects de la N6m6sis a 6t6 et reste lobjet de controverses sans fin" (89). On 13. below n. see nemesis, aid6s and 8 E)avacov, Hes. Theog. 211-25: N164 8' e', veKe aTi)ycpov rc Mopov imit Kl^lp(x gekawav/1cait
"Ylcvov, 8' 'VEICE
C'utivuE Omv U ucicc (PiAov

iycitvaro Uv8pea Mo'pccq K^pccq E0ttI icait ical ic(xplc'v-/ 'upIcakok geX0, L)m xPIjCTF-CC "Mponov, PporoTtat/ 86ouatv / A('xxF-cytv [Kkcoft a"I re yeivoge'votat u icalt cc vq), Eoiro'tvo, u;, ' 'no-oatvj 68c' 6CVBP-V 06 f/ UPE o, lcom 11 (1) TFE 6)v cc napatpacitaq (xy(XE)oV CC JC(XiCOVTEEJ/ (X T' tv F1 XF, . 61ctv, &g('xpvjJ U f 6cno' 8cococyt / BFUVOTIO XjjIy0'j)CFt ftalt Oanq nivre up KaicTIv icat OtO, npitV XO?, 'AnocTliv 8' 6), PporoTtat/ Nbt 11P(x; Oviyuo^tat TEKE Kait (DtX0vjr(x/ I-fi oq- genc T11v Nejacatv Tcilg(x
9 (X (P'POV'T' ,r' 016ko'gEvov, icat 'Eptv TFE'KE K(XPTCP0GIL)jI0V-

nvt icotAij0C^I0(x

Seibccpov(A) M(J)Aovicait 'Otbv ('XXytv0ecYa(xv/ OvF-'tpcovJ ob 'fliceavoTO/ / 'Emcept'Saq0', al"S tfi. XccicE'Ipijv Ni)4 Cpcpevv, ick'Lnob

9 Cf. AP 16.265-6 for Hellenistic images of M6mos as an emaciated old man. 10 Harrison (1903,166) nicely describes the Keres as "like a sort of personified bacilli". On 1980,8-9. Duchernin 227-30, 1966,35-6 West and and family Night's see 11 On Night's family see West 1966,35-6 and 227-30, and Duchernin 1980,8-9.

94

A more positive Nemesis can be seen in the Works and Days, where she is linked with Aidos, both leaving the earth at the end of the Age of Iron:
And then will Aidos andNemesisgo to Olymposfrom the wide-pathed earth,their fair forms wrappedin white robes,abandoning for mankind the companyof the defence be bitter for be left there no immortals; will mortal men,and sorrowswill 12 againstevil.

Although the mythological element is more apparent here, with the two characters explicitly anthropomorphisedand on their way to stay with the Olympian gods, the allegorical messageis hardly far to seek: in our degradedtimes shameand righteous indignation are no more to be found. Instead,"men will praisethe doer of evil and his hybris; justice will be in physical strength... " (191-2). Nemesis' associationwith the idea of aid6s, "shame, modesty, respect", the observing of proper relationshipsand limits, is quite consonantwith Homeric usageof the abstractnoun: feeling nemesisis Telemachos'reaction to Athene/Mentes' having been left unattendedat the door for " behaviour. Aidos Suitors" time, to the appearspersonified once some and arrogant for in is twice there or elsewhere archaic poetry and art, and some evidence a cult at Athens, and possibly also at Sparta, but she remains a shadowy figure beside her 14 The context also firmly establishesNemesis' connection with justice; defender.

12

Hes. Op. 197-201: icalt

%UVCCg6'VC0 1Ca,

wce

(paPEOUt

At'8c'oqimit NF', gecrt- rck 0,161. On the whole "race of iron" passage, see Fisher 1992,191-3,

/ 6cvE)p6)noi); XPO(X ICCCXO'V/ &0aV&T(0V gFUM (PbXOV t', Tov npokticovT' &VOPCOTCOUTV 8' X10YP6C/ OV11TOTS keb4c'Mt O'L')K 6"CjCT6T(Xt JC(XKO'U ()CX'YF-(X 8E and Cairns 1993,152-

5i'l npo'q

"M-OgnOV

&n0'

XGOVO'G EU'PU08F_'tTjq/

kFEUICOT10tV

6.
13

Od. 1.119-20,226-9;
Gtq Oi) VF'-IIF,,

"Ogljpo Op. 200 that Hesiod The (1/. 14.80). remarks scholiast on vegung (p-oyeetv Kaicov Homeric On E, T9e0 'v 'v 8' expression gev np(xyga ry prima er. society's as nemesis ob. OtB 'CO Redfield 1975,115-18. 1993,51-4,56,84-6,98; Cairns lack of aid6s, see of disapproval of Homeric for underlying Turpin (1980) argues a popular exclamation at'80)qmit v6geatq usage of the terms. 14 Pindar, 0.7.44, N.9.34-4,36-7; Sophokles, OC 1267-9. Red-figure amphora by is 23,1), the (ARV Artemis figure rape by context where of Phintias, inscription AiAux Akropolis by localised 1.17.1, the Pausanias Altar: on Athenian cult:(see Cairns 1996b). Suda pcogoq; Hesych. ff; Ati&oq. 1279.39 Ai8ob; S. 22.451, V. SM. p. Comm. ad/L Eustathius, Dike Generally 5147. IG 112 Dionysus: and with worshipped, in theatre of for Seat priestess belief: General Sparta Possible 25.35. Aristogeit. cult: In Eunomia: Demosthenes, 3.20.10 Penelope: Pausanias Statue with near city, associated Xenophon, Conv. 8.35. BC). On 460 this identity of c. to statue an extant with (see Eckstein 1981 for an attempt (forthcoming); Richer the Sparta, Aid6s on 1993; see Cairns at on Alaid6s in literature, see 1980. Hani figure, (104), see cult a as "la Aid6s, conscience morale" "reality" of

the phrase

In Homer the noun is used particularly in ", for that... is "it infinitive, the e.g. o-6y('xp nq anger cause no plus see Fisher 1992,162-3.

95

interestingly in a re-working of the passagein Aratos' Phainomena it is Dike herself " leaves in disgust. the who earth
NEMESIS MOTHER OF HELEN AND THE CULT AT RHAMNOUS

Nemesis' less abstractside comesto the fore in the myth that makesher mother Helen by Zeus. While personifications are often fitted into genealogiesof the of "meaningful" Hesiodic variety, and can even, like Metis, occasionallybe parent to a 16 for birth is to a mortal otherwise unheardof goddess, a personified abstractto give For a full account we have to turn to various late sources, of the first or second century AD, but the main elementsof the story are all in place by the mid-sixth century in the Kypria. Following the advice of Themis,Zeus plans to punish the corruption of mankind and reducethe earth's over-populationby meansof a great war. To this end, Zeus beginsby raping Nemesis:
And after these17 he begat a third child, Helen, a wonder among mortals. Beautiftilhaired Nemesis once bore her, after being joined in love by force with Zeus, king of the gods. She fled, and was unwilling to be joined in love with father Zeus, son of Kronos,, for shame and indignation distressedher heart. By land and by the dark, barren sea she fled, but Zeus pursued and longed in his heart to catch her. Now over the waves of the loud-roaring sea, she sped acrossthe great deep in the form of a fish, Ocean the now over river of and the boundaries of Earth, now over the muchfurrowed land; she kept turning into such terrible beastsas the land nurtures, in order " him. to escape

Note the rationalising element even in such a mythological story as this: Nemesis is by by indignation", by herself "shame the quality vE'-jIF-crtq motivated and and (xt'B('Oq, 19 is born. her is Helen pursuer, and as a result protects. Nemesis unable to shake off A much later telling of the story fills in the details:

ai8ot/

15 Aratos Phain. 96-136. She does so at the birth of the Bronze Age, and becomes the daughter Aid6s, both for Dike 943d Laws Cf. Plato Virgo. know of of as as constellation we 1992,490. Fisher lies; towards see whom are nemes6tos 16 Personified rivers are always fathering children, and local nymphs get raped, but these 14 19. from pp. and different above see abstractions; personified matter slightly are a 17 The Dioskouri (Fr. 8 PEG). / 18 'E, %F', PPOTO^t(Yt, Oai)g(X T11V VIJV TEEICE, HE', 8.334b: Fr. 9 PEG = Athen. gvc& uptu'Xvjv wbq bjC' ('XV('X7jCjjq*/ OECOV ZIIV't PacytXfii 90%0vin TF'-ice icpaTEEP1jq gtye^tcYa/ no, ce icccUiticogoq Negecytq iv %Ovyrt/ Adt 'OFXEv 71 Kpovt(Ovt6 (pt, IL) YYE 'YOC gtXOgevat Er YCC (P Evas t (PE; " E'nip o'p p' ncvrp't p, o'S' , XaPF-^tV 8' i58O)p/ 8'
5e j1E'XC(V ('X'rP1bY6'rOV icalt yfiv icarok icalt vEgc'cYet"XXOTE a gE'V IC(XT('x lCug(X

9CbY6, ZEI^)q

E'-8'tCOlCF-'
F-'80g'Vij tE

CP F,AAA.M'F-'UO i4OPOO1)VEV'/ TCOAA)V

/ OOCX('XCFc; ll;, 7EOJ%L)(PXO'tCTl3O10

I'XO'tIt)

ir' OVITOV

19 Fr. 10 PEG = Philodemos De Piet. In other literature before the Bibliotheke only for Leda finding LP 166 fr. Sappho an egg; the preserved: are story fragments of

upcoXcoca.ytyvero 7roX,

'tp(XC(X 121CEMOb 1COUagO'V ICCC't nF, ratil;, / 600,or' O'CVI'17CEEIPOV ('XV' axXOT, '00' ln"nFUPO; at'V(X TPUPFU, O'(PP(X (P-OyOt VM Oilpt' 8'(xt'F-'t/

96

Some say that Helen was the daughter of Nemesis and Zeus. While fleeing Zeus' company, Nemesis changedher shapeinto a wild goose, but Zeus took the likeness of a swan and had intercourse with her; from this union she bore an egg. A shepherd, finding this among the trees, rescuedit and gave it to Leda; she put it In a chest to keep it safe, and when the time was right Helen was born, whom she brought up as her own daughter.'O

The attempt to reconcile the conflicting versions of Helen's parentageis interesting, light than the better known story of and this version shows Leda in a less scandalous her dalliancewith Zeus in the form of a swan. An early Christian sermongives a much abbreviatedversion: "By turning into a swan or a wild goose Zeus fathered Helen on Nemesis,though sheis believedto havebeenLeda daughterof Thestios...
21 ,,

Our earliest evidencefor the worship of Nemesisis at Rhamnous,and one first

century BC/AD source locates the rape there, relating the story as part of a collection of catasterisation myths:
The Swan. This is the one called the Great, which they representas a swan. It is said that Zeus took on this form becausehe was in love with Nemesis, since she changed into every shapein order to safeguardher virginity, and so he becamea swan; thus he too took on the likeness of this bird and flew down to Rhamnousin Attika, and there he ruined Nemesis; but she bore an egg, from which Helen was pecked out and born, Kratinos And he himself did not changeshapeagain, but flew up into the as poet says. the sky as he was, and he placed the image of the swan among the stars; it is flying 22 like he did then. just

Bakchylides fr. 52 Maehler makes Nemesis mother of the Telchines. Asklepiades FGrH 12F1 1 records only that Zeus took the form of a swan and had intercourse with Nemesis. See below p. 109 on Kratinos' Nemesis. See Gantz 1993 (319-21) on the sources for the story. 20 <Apollodoros> Bibliotheke 3.10.7: krkyouat Be P'-vtotNegecrew; 'E%rr-vllvETWOCI 1cat At6q. U Ato'; gop(pi'jv geraPakeTtv, 6gotcoOe'v'Ca et; xilvec viv auvopaitav (PEI&YOUCrow Y&P T1,1V TOCIbVIV U eIC U
iWit A, = 1001MP (YUVF-xOEtV* I Tv E- CP I$OV 11 Tfi; CFUVOAXF'ICC; C'UEOTEICETV, wbw E', V w%

"XCTE e ovra ctvcc notg'va (X xytv ebP,

91)x6acretv,
21

laxil XPOV(P icccOT'llcovTt yEvvilOeTtam

Be k6poncoc 8ouvat, A'89c icaucGege'vilv etiq r-nv 11 1cogitCY(xvca 'E, e4

%F', VTIV WS TPUPEM a-UTfig O'L)Y(XTEPG(

GecrOtou A118PC Nege'(Yet 98): 5.13 (Rehm Homil. c ical Rome> rfi p. <Clement of &TF-KVC60CTC('TO 'EIXE', VIJV yEvOgevo; 6ccn Xv lobAmS VOgtGO61019 aZotq p yF-v60geVOq imit i#'91jVCV fI0X'U8E1bKIJV KCCCF'TOPCC (late first century AD). K(Xt
22

Axo; 6gevo; D, 25 Kbicvov Katasterismoi s. v. geyaq, o"v ecrrtv 6 icaXo, <Eratosthenes> Nege'OECOq epac; ine't cocp Gfivat, 6gotcoOEvax U XFE'yeuct Aita lclbKvcp eficocoucrtvwibup Tcp cO'v
TI 11 WTui6q, 'PagV01OV'roc ic6ciceitO)v u^q eliq larran'rfivat wib'cq) U Nijaecrtv 'EkevTIv, A imcokoupOfivat 66v, (POP-Ttpat- '* d"JS (pilat icalt yevecfflat cv e4 TEKETtv BtO'C TO' gl) gF-*TOCgOP(PO)OfiV(xt II% et; rov Obuoq avalmilvoct al('Yrov,O'C'U, Kp(xt-tvoq 6 lroujlrlj- ical ilc'cclcgevo OIOG TOTE TIV. 1% lp U 5^W E"OTIICF-V 161CV01) TOb Vb7ZOV IUO'V ev TotGcearpotq-ecrut 0,L')p(XVO'V,JCO('t though the Hyginus without specifying a librarian version, same much gives Augustus' to form the by taking Venus and pretending an eagle that of He assisted location. adds taken the inadvisedly Nemesis egg resulting was to shelter; gave Zeus' which swan, pursue does indeed bear Cygnus The Olor). (2.8, Mercury by constellation s. v. to Leda in Sparta in flight. to swan a quite a passable resemblance Ociuvil namxv e OgOICOGwa alowv gEIPE TI 'tVa )IOP(PTIV, , OPVeCP r-(P TI TV nCCPOEV't(XV (PUX6411, Kait TOTE 1C'OICVOGYEYOVFV' ObTCO KCC't

97

Linking Rhamnouswith the rape myth is an obvious connection to make, providing a good aition for the cult's location, but few of our sourcesmention it explicitly. An odd reference in Kallimachos calls Helen "Rhamnousian"',which would imply that Kallimachos was familiar with the association, and Kratinos' comedy Nemesis may 23 have located a version of the "Helen in the egg" story at Rhamnous,as we shall see. It is even possiblethat the Kypria's inclusion of the rape story was prompted by the author's knowledge of the cult of Nemesis at Rhamnous. Davies follows Wackernagel'slinguistic argumentsthat much of the Epic Cycle cannot be earlier than fr. 550, c. and 1 of the Kypria in particular has many Attic features,somenot paralleled 24 He suggests beforethe fifth century. that frs.8-9 might fit in the contextof the Judgement Paris, in by Aphrodite describingthe reward she Will give Paris for of perhaps a speech Nemesis,the folk-tale choosingher, and commentson the oddity of the shape-changing detail more usually being associated with Thetis and her pursuit by Peleus. Since a reluctantThetiswould clashwith the pictureimpliedby fr.2 of Hera rewardingthe nymph for Peleus having Daviessuggests with that the poet of the Kypria refusedZeus' advances, "transferred the motif, from its original and apposite associationwith the sea-sprite Thetis, to a rather less obviously appropriate connection with Nemesis, the 2' But where does the story that Nemesis,rather than personification of retribution". Leda, was Helen's mother come from? Davies points out that the Leda and the swan familiar is first in Euripides' Helen, though to version, more us, attested and could evenbe 26 invention, Euripidean implying Nemesis that the a story was older. We might elaborate on this argument, taking the linguistic evidenceinto consideration,and suggestthat Nemesis' motherhoodof Helen is specificallyan Attic myth, first told by the peopleof local by Rhamnous Kypria, their taken the the the about goddess of sanctuary, up poet of in If to the motif presence the we were accepta sixth-century who added shape-changing her in for Themis, the two thus association of goddesses, role a perceived and sanctuary this telling of the Trojan War myth would be givenevenmorepoint, too. Thernissuggests is brought War for the Zeus War the to the about earth's overpopulation,and as a cure

23 Kallimachos Hymn 3, to Artemis: the Greeks were on their way to Troy, angry about 'Pagvoocrit8t (232). 'EXF'-V'n

25 Davies 1988,35-9. 26 Davies 198,39.

24 Davies 1988,3-5; 178ff.

Wackernagel, J. (1916) Sprachfiche Untersuchungen zu Homer,

98

by the woman to whom Nemesis gives birth Indignation Righteous the of power 27 working to fulfil the requirementsof divine Order on the earth . When describing the figures on the base of the cult statue of Nemesis at
Rhamnous, Pausanias is as concerned as anyone to clear up confusion about Helen's parentage, explaining: "The Greeks say Nemesis was the mother of Helen, and that Leda only gave Helen the breast and reared her; in the same way they and everyone 28 believe it father Helen's , The Zeus Tyndareos. that text else as stands and not was reads rather awkwardly: who is "everyone else" in opposition to "the Greeks"? Schubart (ed. 1853) deletes "EXXijvF_qand inserts it later after ren'), instead r& of the "EXF'_vijq, by (eds. Hitzig Bhimner 1896). Frazer codices' an emendation adopted and interprets the spirit of Schubart's text, rendering the second half of the sentence: "as for Helen's father, the people of Rhamnus are at one with all the rest of the Greeks in 29 Such an interpretation could be facilitated by simply holding that he was Zeus ...... "Ekkilveq in the first clause with a local reference: "The Rhamnousians say replacing Nemesis was the mother of Helen ; in the same way both they and all the Greeks ... 0 This would reflect Pausanias' habitual interest believe that (her) father was Zeus ....... in local variations in myth, and strengthen our case for the "Attic-ness" of Nemesis' divine her Helen. The Helen two to motherhood of attribution of parents makes a very heroes by two special case amongst mortals, perhaps only paralleled one or cases of 31 locality. between from a god and a personified resulting unions

As we have seen,the sanctuaryat Rhamnousseems to havebeenin use from at least the early sixth century, although the earliestevidencefor the identity of its owner 32 is the early fifth-century helmet dedicatedto Nemesis. Given Nemesis' role in the

This kind of moral dimension is suggested by Apollo's summary of the story towards the is the (1638-42), Orestes explicitly a overpopulation Euripides' earth's where end of XtCTTE-1bgC('Cj/ XCCPCOV, / 0E0i 80goL)q 1C(X), TO (P TfiCFBEE 11 t En6l laficrat TI E'-q V1bg(4)IjV Brr'hybrisma: a'UTjv &7c(xvuXo^tev XE)ovo'q/ )g (, E'-'E)Tllc(xv, / 6ocv&, q F", V FE t' r' ToL); Uvn'yayov, "EXXilvaq c;, Op1byaq imit
OV11'UCOV C 2PPt'ag(X 5 F, tt IL) CC cc IL) 'E, (X ' %'vijq t Aicc 8i o' C^ OP, ica' wc', r imm' n" vrcq xa' oZrot ica' t epa nar' -4fatIC(X' lu'r tv (X .tC divat T-ov8&pP-cov vojlitO'Uat.

27

Paus. 1.33.7:

nX'nPC0g(X'r0G(00VO'D 'Ekevij

'E, %X1jvP-q, Xeyouatv AOav NF-'gruytv eivat gilrepa

SF', II(XGCO'V

29 Frazer 1896,151-2.

30 Thanks to Nick Fisher for drawing this problem to my attention, and suggesting the solution. 31 E. g. Zeus + Aigina = Aiakos (Pindar N. 8.6-8, Paus. 2.5.1-2), Helios + Rhodes = seven indignant that the (1985,185) Burkert of rape and myths 0.7.71-3). suggests (Pindar sons Erinys". Demeter double the "very Nemesis raging of a clearly make withdrawal 32 Above p. 81.

99

Kypria, however, a sixth-century Attic cult is perfectly plausible; an even earlier date be could sustainedif we followed the argumentsfor the Epic Cycle containing material just as archaic as that used in the Homeric poems,although any pre-sixth-century cult has left no archaeologicalrecord. In the absenceof further information, the archaic history of the sanctuarymust remain somewhatobscure,but with the fifth century the improves both becauseof the usual increasein material availablefor position rapidly, because study and of political circumstances which causedthe sanctuaryto take on wider significancethan it had enjoyedin the archaicperiod.
RHAmNous IN THE FIFTH CENTURY
13

First, the material evidence. From the first quarter of the fifth century we have the putative Themis temple and the inscribed helmet, and a small temenos of an deity unidentified recently uncovered north-east of the temple of Nemesismay be of similar date, although previous excavation has apparently made this difficult to 34 establish. In the middle of the century, accountsof the financial resources,in reserve loan, "of for five between Nemesis", 450 or on years c. and 440 suggestthat Nemesis' 3' flourishing. At some point before the large temple was built the cult was already terrace reachedits final form, with its impressiveretaining walls to the north and east, 36 fountain house built (FIGS. 6-7a). Dinsmoor's and the and stoa to the north were has been Nemesis "Theseion the temple to the ascription of architect" convincingly by latter's for date late Miles, 430-25, though the than the refuted case a of rather 37 fluting has found details, incomplete Various 430s, suchas not universal acceptance. in finishing interrupted its drums, building that the suggest work was extant column on in disruption Attic be the elsewhere seen stages,which would certainly consonantwith War, beginning Peloponnesian by they the the although of caused construction work

33 On the Epic Cycle and Homer, see 8latkin 1991,9-14. 34 Petrakos 1990,1-3, fig. 1 and 1992,8-9. There are traces of an altar and a small temple of local stone. , 35 IG 13248; Pouilloux 1954, no.35 (see 147-9 for discussion of the sums involved); ML 170 lack discussion, the for 160 (see 100 1986,387 on of and Whitehead no. 53; no. dated by demarchs). Nemesis funds; the deme accounts are between cult and distinction 36 Petrakos 1991,20 and 37; contra Pouilloux 1954,55 n.1. 37 Dinsmoor 1973,181; Miles 1989,221-242. Miles 1989 is the most recent extensive 47) for (1993,77-8 Mark but temple, the n. criticism of see the of architecture work on below. further See dating criteria. Miles' stylistic
100

could alternatively be indicative of financial constraints during the War.

38

The temple

is built of local marble, with pale blue veining, from nearby quarries at the southern end of the Rhamnountine plain, near the sumit of the low pass leading to the modern seaside village of Ayia Marina, which may have been specially opened for the 39 purpose.

Nemesis' new temple was equippedwith a magnificentnew cult statue. All are in agreementthat it was the work of a sculptor of some renown, though exactly who seemsto have been a subject of much ancient debate; some, including Pausanias, attributed the work to Pheidias,others to his pupil Agorakritos. Zenobios reports that it is the work of Pheidias,explainingthe confusionthus:
Antigonos the Karystian says that a tiny plaque was suspended from this which bore the inscription: 'Made by Agorakritos of Paros'. This is not surprising; many other have people also written someoneelse's name on their own works. So it is likely that Pheidias had yielded to Agorakritos; for Agorakritos was his beloved, and in general Pheidias was driven to distraction over his favourite. 40

Photios likewise records the attribution to Pheidias,but suggests that the work was in someway dedicatedto Agorakritos: "Pheidiasmadethe statue,and his signaturewas a favour to Agorakritos of Paros, his beloved. " He comparesthe case with that of Pheidias' Zeus at Olympia, the finger of which was apparentlyinscribedwith the kalos 41 favourite Pantarkes. pupils, one nameof another of the master's Following Despinis' reconstructi6n of the statue, however, most modern art historians are in agreementthat the statue was the work of Agorakritos on stylistic desire by the the to the ascribe masterpiece easily explicable misattributions grounds,

40 Zenobios 5.82, s.v. 'Pagvoucria Nggeat; - i4 66 (pilcytv'AwtiYovog 6 Kap-6CTrtoq nruxtov 'Ut UGai)g(xcrc6'v 'Ay0pc'ncptroq, rI6'cptoq i7EtYPaqT'JV ob enoitTlcrev. j41jPTfiCF0(Xt XovF', T11V gtlCpO'V 5% 51 in't C/ eticoq 0& Ica,t ovoga. Xq(XCFtV E7rt7C7P(, E'TEPOV &? C'PYCOV oilce'tow 'CCOV YC(PnOXXOi
(X J%ot ICCCt
0c c'v

38 On the "conspicuous gap" in Attic building between 432 and 424, see Mark 1993,76-9. the 1969 the on vertical Tomlinson panels stippled Hodge on unusual See also and deliberate but finish, lack a perhaps of of a sign surfaces of the steps, usually regarded as feature; see Dinsmoor 1961 on the architrave. 39 Hodge and Tomlinson 1969,192 n.15.

^ (DetB'tccvTP

'P ' (OgEVOG, 1) FE Croy 1CCXC0P'nICEV(Xt- IJV Y(Xp C(i)W^ WyopaxpitICCP

1C(Xt ('WkO)

jnIC0jjIr0

ICEP,I 41

I The Suda tells 'ApyF-^toq, ft icakoqavcub. eipcogevo; wbw; At0\q C 'Pagvouaita Ncgeatq). (S-V. kalos Al)r(XpXlIG the as name the same story, though giving
I)v
7

EntypC(911 V' EX(XPt , rI(XVr('XP1CIjq yp(x-qF-. n, F,

oZ inoitijoev, 8' Nggecytq*uo' a'yakga (DetS'tccq Photios Lexicon s. v. 'Pagvoucrita IIOCP't(p 'Okugnitacrt BarrL)Xq) awro t 'AyopaxpilucP IV(P EiPCOgEVO),

T(Xn(Xt8tIC,

(X.

cT'lv

8G icalt

rCp

uo)

101

to the more famous master.42 In addition to the question of the identity of the sculptor, though, the statue itself is supposed to have undergone something of an identity crisis: The two pupils [of Pheidias,Alkamenes againsteach and Agorakritos] competed
other in making a Venus, and Alkamenes won, not becauseof his work but by the votes of the citizens who favoured one of their own against a foreigner. So, at this decree,Agorakritos is said to have sold his statue so that it might not remain in Athens, and called it Nemesis. It was set up at Rhamnous, a village in Attika, and 43 Marcus Varro preferred it to all other statues .

That the cult statue of Nemesis should have found its way to Rhamnous as an expression of the sculptor's resentment is perhaps too appropriate to be true, Karanastassisuggeststhat the story reflects a late antique view that the statue better accords with Aphrodite's iconographythan with that of Nemesisas it had developed by Pliny's time.44 The statue's previous incarnation is also mentioned rather confusedlyby Photios: Nemesis"in the form of Aphrodite" was set up by Erechtheus "as she was his mother" (a genealogynot otherwise attested), and "she was named 45 Further obfuscation is added by Solinus' Nemesis and reigned at Rhamnous". assertionthat Rhamnoushad "a Pheidian statue of Diana". but he may simply have 46 his Pliny, for his the source most of misread work. Stories of the statue having been designed as an Aphrodite are obviously relevant to an examinationof its iconography:how much does a Nemesislook like an Aphrodite? Our mythological sourceshave only describedNemesisas "fair of form" (Hes. Op. 198) and able to changeher shape not a great deal to go on. We haveno artistic representationspre-dating the Rhamnousstatue, which may well have had to Although fragments set a precedent. only of the actual statueand its basesurvive,we have enough information from written descriptionsand Roman copies of the statueto
42 Karanastassi et al. 1992,734; Despinis 1971 (see 1-3 on the literary sources, 111-210 on Agorakritos and his circle). 43 Pliny the Elder NH 36.4.17: certavere autem inter se ambo discipuli Venere facienda faventis. Alcamenes suffragfis contra peregrinum suo sed civitatis opere, non vicitque traditur, Athenis lege Agoracritus ne esset, et apellasse suum signum vendidisse ea quare Nemesin. id positum est Rhamnunte pago Atticae, quod M. Varro omnibus signis praetulit. 44 Karanastassi, etc, 1992,734. 45 'A(ppo8'trijq E-'v cyXlpam&(pit8pow Photios Lexicon s-v. Tagvovaita NF-'gFcrtqabvi npurov 'EpF-XOebS, gIjTF', 8to, i8pibaaw 8' albr'v gilk6aq, E'Ixe 1COC't icka8ov Pa F'-CC'UTO1O ObOaV, PactX060acyow 5c Negcatv icalt link A between Nemesis ovogaoge'vijv and I E', v up wiccpAphrodite might be seen in Pausanias' description of Patrai, Achaia: "Not far from the Aphrodite, in Nemesis cult statues of great size is of with another and theatre a shrine of involvement in Nemesis. the 22 for Aphrodite's See (7.20.9). " rape of n. above stone. white 46 Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium 7.26. Solinus also mentions the sanctuary of be to the to long time thought for a confused reference sanctuary a Amphiaraos, which was 1956,93. Pouilloux 1.34.1-2); Paus. (on Oropos which see at nearby

102

Zenobios From (FIGS. 12) IIwe reconstruct the original with some confidence . learn that the statue was ten cubits high, monolithic, and held an apple branch in her hand, which attribute Photios explains as a left-over from the statue's time as an Aphrodite 4' Further details are supplied by Pausanias:"... on her head is a crown with . deer and small images of Victory; in her left hand she has an apple branch, in the right deer branch "49 The Ethiopians are a phiale, on which and apple are represented... indications that the Rhamnousian Nemesis was originally some sort of often cited as "nature deity" but it is difficult to see how the Victories and Ethiopians would fit into " Athens' likely It that power over such a reading. seemsrather more a messageabout distant barbarians is being conveyed, but since even Pausaniaswas at a loss to explain the significance of the Ethiopians, despite a lengthy aside on the subject, arguments " interpretation likely to remain inconclusive. about are Pausanias' account continues

47

brought description figures depicted base: being "Helen the the of on statue's with a from Nemesis to Leda's breast", along with various members of the families of Tyndareos and Atreus (1.33.7). This second representation of Nemesis is identifiable her be fragments base, but little than that the the more can said of extant of amongst 52 (FIGS. dressed in himation, like 13-14). is the statue above chiton and she

Nemesislooks much like any other female Essentially, then, the Rhamnousian figure of the rnid-late fifth century, marked out as divine by herphiale as well as by her her This of other personifications comparablewith representations makes cult context. figures, female this not usually period, who, as already noted, are all standard at

47 Fragmentary head: London BM 460. Roman copies: Copenhagen Glyptothek 2086, Athens NM 3949. 48 &'yakpx Beicalcimu, Zenobios 5.82: iv Tagvobvu NegeopmS"18pL), oxoxtOov, ei'pyov cat 'V U "XF-t ea XF-tpt 45. Despinis' Photios T sov. n. above, as gilk, aq ick, (D o-o, 16e. et8' block from indeed it that has of single a carved the was shown statue reconstruction of Parian marble. See below n.63 on the meaning of gfikov. I 49 U Oeo) % Nbc% CT-TE', q0CV0q Tq E"nean xupcc, icalt ei'Xcov e'VVPO'U Paus. 1.33.3: rfi Be' 5F-4t4 8' ' ka, rT qt6CXIjV, 1CXa'80V g7jXe'0CG,Tfil T gV E"Xr-t XrEPC61V E (XtG oi) geyoc ccy6u%gccTa n67r0't71VTC(t50 Dietrich (1965,157-73) is the strongest advocate of Nemesis as "vegetation deity"; cf. his is in (1949,106) Laroche 82). (above Nemesis succinct p. Petrakos' characterisation of Wm6sis d'origine de le "tout est hypotheses: religieux complexe such of refutation divinit6. " On de la the 'naturiste' l'origine d6c6le indice Pas ne seule un sp6culative. 194-5. below Eirene, to pp. "fertility see the paradigm" of cation ai 47. 1992,503 Fisher 5ppl n. Ethiopians: Nikai and 52 See Shapiro Lapatin 1992 for identification of the figures and a discussion of their Nemesis figure, to the female fourth for the right of He case good a makes significance. but the Helen's most surely Klytaimnestra, sister, only not identified being as (no.9), tradition. Greek in infamous wreaker of vengeance
AiOitone 86' en't 'r (Ptc'CXII

103

distinguished by attributes or any peculiarity of dress.

53

Nemesis' one possibly

distinctive feature is the apple branch. Photios' associationof the apple branch with Aphrodite has a certain amount to recommendit, as the fruit at least is obviously 54 her by But the theory of course the Judgement of Paris story. connected with dependson acceptanceof the story of the statue's strange history; and if the apple branch had had significanceas part of the designfor an Aphrodite, surely the obvious " do have been it identity. thing to to to the would remove mark statue'schangeof Nemesis' statue brings us to the political context in which her cult flourished. Several epigrams in the Planudean Appendix purport to belong to the statue, associatingNemesiswith the Athenian victory at nearbyMarathon, Parmenion'sbeing "On Nemesis Athenians": the the entitled of
1,the stonewhich the Medeshopedwould be their trophy-bearer, was opportunely in into justly Nemesis, the the shores changed shape goddess established on of 56 Rhamnous, as a witnessto Attika's victory and skill . Pausaniastells the same story in more pedestrian style, characterising Nemesis as "the implacable hybristic the towards most of gods men":
It seemsthat the wrath of this goddessfell upon the barbarians' Marathon landing; thinking contemptuously that nothing could stop them from taking Athens, they brought a block of Parian marble for the making of a trophy for their achievements. 57 Pheidias made this block into a statue of Nemesis...

The story is of course far too neat to be true, but entirely consonantwith a general
" its inevitable Persian punishment. of arrogance and perception Aelius Aristides even

57

Above p. 102. 54 A fruit tree of some sort appears in connection with Aphrodite and her retinue of FIG. 34). See (below 175, Hygieia by being London p. picked pyxis, personifications on a LIMC 11,sm. Aphrodite 742* for a late Hellenistic bronze of Aphrodite holding an apple New York Met. Mus. 1972.18.96). 5 Alternatively, could a very tenuous connection be made between Nemesis and the Hesperides includes the Hesiod's Hesperides, among the genealogy since of golden apples 215-6)? (Theog. trees their Night, apple of the children of making specific mention 56 'tE)o; ), / BC): rponato(popoG M8otq (first 9v E^Ivcct, IjU&xE), AP 16.222 century EXictoop-Ticyoc Ctt (X CUT 'n' 'Pccjivobvcoq t i8p'UVO T Orm' / `V8tKoq Icat 'ptov e'S N' T E viml; iccci o'XE)cctq/ Eg cc eatv, IV Lop(p WcOti8t 16.221,263. Cf. gapulu'ptov(yogt"ns
Paus. 1.33.2-3: 8E BOKETI OECOV K(A (XIUXP(Xt'T1jTOq. I)PPtOT(XT;CCFTtV ('XVOP6nOIG g&'XtCTTa q" ...

53

8 Cf. the fate of the Spartans who set off on campaign against the Arcadians equipped 1.66). (Hdt. themselves be to them, enslaved to only fetters enslave with

OF-Ob TWO"Cils. pappapcov mapaecova gllvtg(x eic 61cop6tatV alcav'rilcrat -TI^j; rcov Eq ,roTq S'v %5 cc 6S E EIV t 11 'AO'voc; T, X'Gov (1) F-97tO rl'ptov CF(PtCytV V> <91156 'Y(XP FAVatrokg KaT(X(PPOVI'IOCCVTE 'Gov Xt (Det8tocq rov cobTov lCoblatv. 5 TPOTUX'Wl) E'-; "YOV 11 Fipyaaaro ('x', yaXgcc -t en' jkppya0gE'VOtG NFgP-'crFcoq... dvoct F-v

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comments on the coincidencethat the over-confident Persians should land near the territory of the very goddesswho specialises in punishingthe hybrisitic:
And the first force from Asia passed throughthe islandsand landedat Marathon, rightly drawn by the natureof the placeto pay the penaltyfor what they had plotted 59 Greeks. the against

This connection with the battle of Marathon has led many commentatorsto suggest that Nemesis' cult was founded in celebration of the "revenge" wreaked upon the overweening Persians in 490.60 Since the discovery of earlier material at the site, however, the theory has had to be modified, as in Petrakos' idea that Marathon caused in a change the aspect of Nemesis which was emphasised, or Miles' more practical suggestionthat Marathon merely elevatedthe cult's status The cult at Rhamnousis .6' one of the few instancesof an associationbetween nemesisand hybris which Fisher allows, though he does not give it as much weight as it perhaps deserves;he sees Nemesis' earlier incarnation there as the more personal mother-of-Helen figure, the Trojan War associationproviding a nice link with her fifth-century role as symbol of divine anger and punisher of Persian hybris.62 This last solution comes nearest to answeringthe problem of Nemesis' "abstractness",and may be supported by further considerationof the political context for the the creation of Nemesis' temple and cult statue. The Marathon connection might, incidentally, explain the cult statue's apple 63or, as the battle took place in late branch, sincethe apple is saidto come from Persia;
Panathenaikos 13: il c' &ico' v^jq 'Acitag en't wbq "EXJ%ijvcc 8taP6tcya8-6vapq 8t('x nponil b7c, UOV V11CYCOV (0 nPCFEOXF-V Et; M(xp(xE)^v(x, lc(xx-;0) 0 71 0 T^ 91bCYEC0G (, XX0E^tCT0C To)T'Icou ICP6G 'ro,
8m)vat 8ba1v dw 59

"EXXii0tv. %euce co% EnePolb, 60 The delay in erecting a temple and cult statue would fit with the Oath of Plataia, according to which the ruins of sanctuaries destroyed by the Persians should be left as memorials of the barbarians' asebeia: Diod. Sik. 11.29.2, Lyk. 1.81. On the authenticity of the oath and its effects, see Mark 1993,98-104. See Thomas (1989,223-6) on Marathon as the epitome of the Persian Wars and Athenian imperial power, from at least the last quarter of the fifth century. 61 Foundation of cult post-Marathon: Pouilloux (1954,57-8 and n.7); Vos (1956,78). Parker (1996,154) wants to retain Dinsmoor's Petrakos 1991,7; Miles 1989,138-9. the temples "programme" the Nemesis' temple also produced of which with of association Poseidon at Sounion, Ares at Acharnai and Hephaistos in the Athenian agora; the message bitter Persians inflicted the "had Athens that a nemesis", would on this programme, of Rhamnous. Cf. local John "a bestowed honour" "unusual goddess" at the on explain Wilkins' arguments on the Herakleidai (430 BC?) and cults of Makaria, Herakles and Eurystheus in the Tetrapolis (1993, xxvii). 62 Fisher 1993,503 and n.47; cf. 256-63 and 367-85 on the kind of hybris ascribed to the Persians in Aischylos' Persians and Herodotos. 63 Athenaios' diners discuss all kinds of fruit, including apples (3.80e-82e). The word designate damsons (2.49d-50a), to in is qualifications with various %Ov combination used Lfi, but its 3.82f-83a), ("Persian d-0, on own generally (3.81 seems apples", peaches a, quinces lemons, the diners One the of apples confusion and on comments of to mean apple.

105

summer when apple trees would be fruiting, the apple might perhaps have been 64 associated with the victory in the way that the poppy was with Flanders. AD The theme of Aelius' speech,probably deliveredat the Panathenaia 155, of is the Athenians' generosityand self-sacrifice,of which Marathon is the obvious classic example, and this may provide a clue to the question of why Rhamnous/Nemesis received so much interest in the late 430s-20s. There is nothing in the sanctuary's history to indicate that it was of more than local importance,but the amount of earlier 65 local deme money spent on the refurbishmentswould suggestmore than resources. Arguing for a date for the temple in the mid-420s,Miles adducesthe generalreligious fervour evident from the archaeologicalrecord of the period, which she suggestswas 66 Certainly inspired in part by outbreaksof the plaguein the early yearsof the decade. a general enthusiasmfor building and repairing shrinesprovides a propitious climate, 67 is Nemesis invoke if Even the although not an obvious goddessto against plague. we follow the more traditional dating of the temple to just before the War, there is some agreementthat the cult statue and its basewere not completeduntil sometime in the 420s, bringing into play the same political context.68 An important feature of Marathon is that the Spartanswere absent,too busy celebratingthe Karneia to cometo

which has given rise to the myth of the "golden" apples of the Hesperides (3.83.b-84d). Apples come from Euboia (2.270, are more specifically called "Delphic m6la" (3.80e), were discovered by Dionysos (3.82d), come from the Persian king (3.84a-b, quoting Antiphanes' Boidtian Women). Cf. the Persian Melophoroi, a thousand men selected from among the Immortals to serve as the king's bodyguard, whose spears had golden apples on their butts fl2.514b). Thanks to John Wilkins for this point. 4 Alan Griffiths' idea. 65 Though the evidence is not conclusive: see Miles (1989,234 and n.192) on the financial independence or otherwise of the Rhamnous cult from Athens. Whitehead (1986,160) comments on the 450-40 accounts (above n.35) that the total resources available are not demonstrably "grossly incommensurate" with a deme of its size; cf. Parker 1996,25-6 and n.56. 66 Miles 1989,221-35. Cf. restoration work on the Altar of the Twelve Gods in the 420s BC. On building in 420/19 Hygieia Asklepios the introduction the and cults of of and disease", On "divine 1970,82-96. Boersma and the vengeance war period, see projects of see Parker 1983,235-56. 67 Unless she is seen as the gods' representative, instrument of their punishment, in the form of the plague, for some unidentified offence. Cf. mythical instances of plagues below the to, see gods; against, or offences from neglect of proper attentions resulting Thanks Gideon Sikyon. to Peitho for the Pausanias' at of worship aition pp. 131-4 on 1983,235-56. Parker disease", "divine On see and vengeance Nisbet for this suggestion. 68 Despinis (1971) dates the statue to c.430, with work on the base continuing to c.420; the installing difficulties the technical the date, in of 10 resulting and discrepancy of years by Miles' is Despinis 1986. Petrakos by apparently convinced statue, are addressed both installation date the to temple, date the of statue the and willing of of reassessment 153). 1989,226-7, (Miles 430-20 the date n. to years base within single a and

106

the allies' assistance: a memorial to Athens' victory over the barbarians famously face in be the Spartans of achieved without the a suitable morale-booster would 69 level, Spartan At the invasions in 420S. Attika the repeated practical a more early of fortress of Rhamnous commands a strategically useful position, offering a safe harbour inland land largely inhospitable to on an otherwise route coast connecting up with a Attika 70 This was to be of crucial importance from 412/11 after the Spartan capture . for Dekeleia Oropos, Rhamnous the the of and offered only safe route when importation of corn supplies from Euboia. Although little can be said for certain of Rhamnous' role earlier in the War, it seemstoo much of a coincidence that the deme's ' have building 43 0.7 The major sanctuary should received so much attention c. of the honoured had I temple, new proved so would suggest, not only a goddess who but invaders in Athens' the efficacious against past, also provided an earnest of commitment to Rhamnous at a time when Attic solidarity was particularly needed.

P.HAmNous,

ATHENS AND THE NEMIESIA

for is If such strong links with Athens are to be supposed, there what evidence
the worship of Nemesis by the Athenians? The title "On the Nemesis of the Athenians" which heads two of the Hellenistic epigrams already mentioned on the Rhamnous statue suggests a firm link at least in the minds of the epigrammatists, while found in head have been its just Rhamnous Roman the of statue and one a copy of Athens.72 Other indications of Nemesis' cult in Athens are not necessarily formally linked to Rhamnous, as we shall see, though it would be difficult not to make some however, before Hellenistic For the the cult's observance period, sort of association. in identified just few literary have appearance one securely references and only a we vase-painting.

base Nemesis the than fifth-century Our only statueand other of representation Painter, Heimarmene the Berlin is of the Rhamnous name-vase amphoriskos, on at

69 On the Karneia and Marathon, see Burkert 1985a, 234; cf. Parker 1989,155-62 on Spartan religion and approach to warfare. '0 On Rhamnous' geographical advantages, see Pouilloux 1954,17-22. 71 See Pouilloux 1954,55-66. h). 2d "Nemesis" (LIMC 1055 S Agora and head, sm. 3949; NM 72 Whole statue, Athens

107

which depicts the "Persuasionof Helen" (FIG. 16). In the central scenea pensive Helen sits on Aphrodite's lap, attendedby Peitho, while I-Emerosseemsto be giving Paris advice. Inscriptions identify the figure on the far left as Nemesis, the second from the right as Heimarmene,another"fate" character. Nemesishas one arm around her companion,the other pointing to the main scene. Only two letters of inscription by _Y_E, Heimarmene's companion is unidentified. Nemesis' presencecould be explained by her companion are legible, but Tyche would be an obvious candidate;

73

her role as Helen's mother, but the composition,with the four personificationsframing the central mythological scene,invites an allegorical reading: Heimarmenerepresents the past, fate already ordained, Tyche would be the present,the fateful meeting now taking place, while Nemesis points to the future and the dire consequences of that Such figures is has the meeting. a use of personified quite unprecedented,and vase been much discussed. A clue can perhapsbe found in its date of around 430 BC: although Nemesis had not previously been included in representations of her daughter's abduction, contemporary interest in her cult at Rhamnous might have her introduction into her the the prompted scene, and appropriatenessof abstract 74 figures. By the inclusion of the other allegorical meaningcould then have suggested less it figures has been that two the this on more or suggested analogy with scene be in from Athens Nemesis Stathatos 6on the could and contemporary collection Tyche 7' The whole scenerepresentsa gamebeing played by two seatedfemales,the . her knee; has leaning being Aphrodite, Eros the the on as she one on right presumably look figures by Ghali-Kahil. Various is identified "morra" Beazley on, and as game including a youth wearing the cloak and petasos of a newly arrived traveller. The by Ghali-Kahil, iconography Paris fits Helen although the established and scene with lends is the credibility to the certainly the game unprecedented, unusualegg-shape and idea that Nemesis should be involved, but without inscriptionsthe identification hasto remain speculative.
2 73 Amphoriskos, Heimarmene Painter, c. 430, Berlin 30036; ARV 1173,1; Shapiro 1993 discussions the detailed for 1993,192-5) of vase; (1986,11-14 Shapiro See and 129. no. Thernis. be figure th-66-fourth that might he suggests 74 Heimarmene is not otherwise personified in extant art or literature, and this is our Helen. Persuasion 150-1 the below further See of on pp. the noun. earliest attestation of 75 ARV2 1257,2. Attributed to the Eretria Painter by Metzger 1944, though Beazley 6on, a carrying in the showing youth found as another grave Reputedly same disagrees. Ghali-Kahil Tyche: Nemesis Identification 1256,1). and (ARV of in a chariot off a woman 1955 67, n. 1.

108

Kratinos' Nemesis is the one piece of literature on Nemesis more or less contemporary with the temple; as it seemsto have parodied Perikles' attempts to have his son by Aspasia made a citizen, it seemslikely that it dates from before his death in 429, and Godolphin argues for production in 43 1.76 The play fits with the Rhamnous base in including Leda, Nemesis and Helen, and with the rape story in making statue 77 bird be The much of the element. egg could apparently seen on stage, and this may be reflected in a dozen or so Attic vases of the last third of the fifth century which show a large white egg on an altar, while Leda looks on, often accompanied by Tyndareos and the Dioskouroi (FIG. 7' 15); a similar scene appears on some

Campanian and Apulian vases of the fourth century, sometimes with Helen actually 79 from While it is not certain that the vase-paintings are the egg. emerging representations of Kratinos' play, and none feature Nemesis herself, they do at least interest in the version of Helen's birth which makes Leda only her suggest a strong foster-mother, so giving Attika a greater stake in the Trojan War. 'O It is very tempting to link the production of Kratinos' play, as well as the vases, with the re-furbishing of the sanctuary at Rhamnous, which would give topicality to the choice of this myth for the entertainment of the demos of Athens. Furthermore, if the play does belong to the first years of the Peloponnesian War, it is easy to see how a story which makes " its famous heroine Sparta's most audience. actually Attic might appeal to

Similarly, the practical importance of Rhamnousas a supply-routefrom c.412 deity for Antigone lie behind Nemesis Euripides' to as a suitable choice of might invoke in the Phoenician Women, which was produced in the early years of the
76 PCG IV, Cratinus 114-27; see fr. 125 and p. 179 on the date; Godolphin 1931. See Plut. Per. 24 on Perikles, Aspasia and the comic poets. Thanks to John Wilkins for information on Kratinos. 77 Zeus has been metamorphosed into a bird (fr. 1 14); someone tells Leda she must sit on the egg so that it will hatch (fr. 1 15). 78 Leda finds the egg on an altar: e. g. Attic bell-krater by Polion, 420 BC, Bonn, 1981, fig. 295; Schefold fig. 1991,198-9, Carpenter 78.247; Kunstmuseum Akademisches 342. 79 Taplin (1993,82-3) distinguishes between "serious" representations of scenes from "Serious" "paraiconography". he "comic" calls what versions, tragedy or comedy and 350 BC, by Python, Paestan from the c. neck-amphora egg: Helen emerging of version Apulian "Paraiconographic" 19.114. fig. phlyax1993, version: Taplin Paestum 21370; for Shapiro 1995 See 346. fig. 1981, Schefold criticism of 3899; krater, c. 350 BC, Bari Attic theatre, the Italian South On see and vase-painting "overly approach. Taplin's subtle" 102. 40 n. p. above Other comedies based around the egg story: Aristophanes' 80 Schefold 1981,242-8. 1983). Hunter (see Leda Lakones Euboulos' or Daidalos and probably in fourth Tyrtaios the Athenian century. of the 11 Cf. Fisher (1994,362-4) on adoption

109

Dekeleian war.

From the city walls the paidagogos identifies the Argive heroes

besieging Thebes, among whom is Kapaneus,"uttering hybristic threats on this city". light blazing Antigone's prayer Zeus, deep-booming "Nemesis thunders and of and be big-talk" thunderbolts, as a of seen could you put to sleep the overbearing harddefend Athenian the to their the to reflection of city against appeals goddess 82 is Spartans. in instance Attic In tragedy the pressing where nemesis only other in hybris, invokes Sophokles' Nemesis Elektra unambiguouslyassociated support with Orestes, dead because hybris: "Hear me, Nemesisof Klytaimnestra's of supposedly of the newly dead man.1)83Exactly what Nemesis' relationshipis to the dead is unclear, is having whether she envisagedas a specific role as avengerof the dead, or is being justice. Some such associationwith to appealed more generally as an upholder of justice for the dead is suggestedby a fragment of Aischylos, where Hermes (?) tells Achilles that the dead themselvesfeel neither good nor evil done to them, but "our 84 dead Nemesisis mightier, and Dike avenges the man's grudge". In the fourth century this associationbetween Nemesis and the dead may be by in Spoudias, delivered by Against Demosthenes' an unnamed attested a passage plaintiffit her drachmai hundred Finally,although of silverandspent on my wife advanced a his defendant father'sbehalfontheNernesia,, the of share even not contribute will 85 this... Plaintiff and defendantare married to two sisters,whosefather Polyeuktoshasrecently died, without a male heir, and the plaintiff is suing for various moniesowed him by the infamies, Amongst by Spoudias. being other minor withheld estate, apparently The Spoudiasand his wife have even failed to pay their sharetowards cok vF-gF'-(Yt(x.
82 Eur. Phoin. 182-4: Negeat icalt AtO'qPapibppOgOl / ICFP(XI)VO)V %OEV, PPOV'C(Xt, ai0a, 01) TE (P(I)G "The 1992,427-8: Fisher See of bnCP('XV0PCC appropriateness KMJtetq7(XXCC70P'tCCV 'Cot/ gF, her to to is threats Capaneus' capacity... react to related probably nemesis as a respondent be (not boastful all of need which dangerously utterances over-confident or angrily to this (S. Suda in the An Nc'geatG) " hybris). suggest would V. entry classified as constituting Ppovrcc't. Papuppogoit 'Apicno(pavilGNegecrt, Aristophanes: by Te iWo prayer was parodied 3 Soph. El. 792: "Alcaue, Negeat Toi) Oavovroq ('XpC'IC0G-

84

A'Xll cov. 8owov'ro; x', / npcraet cob lCoc, CP-PC(, ,L)nCP, the difficulties of both passages.
85

oi3v Ft', r' ^tv/ KalcoupyeTtv, rr. ei')F-pyr., eti E)eXetq Aisch. fr. 244 Mette: Kail robq E)av0vc(xg "M "XFt/ I / &J(Pt& Ne'gecri; PCtV g 11 X-OnETICYGal g"TF Ir^I C'aO' ye gevzot ligcov q6t-roIbG. X(X't Co 11E 4'(j)q te , Fisher (1992,300-01) comments on 0 (X Ct 71 , 1

ft 11: 41 Or. Demosth. r6 . kcYlIG, Xcocy (X crugPaXiEm-a8at a'4to^t arklIG tI &p-fj)pjoo oi)Bi j c6o giepoq... npoavo: noc'upt Kai gvav P IrC held Nemeseia the the that this on to was footnote Loeb passage On the assertion in the 1992,33. Petrakos 5th Boedromion, see
110

^toV VIG Cgl% 7I0V(Xt1C0G EtG VX VEgCCYt(X EtCTCVCYJCOlb(YlJG ro: rF-),ci),

funerary be perhaps cult, that context suggests of this should sort some as understood Suda, by interpretation the is offered an annual remembrance of the dead, and this the is festival: "The Nemesia Nemesis' in its a which cites this passage commentary on " dead". Parker is festival held for dead, Nemesis the to the certain assigned since Genesia, for be Demosthenes the that textual the various suggests corruption a may lexicographical notices "simply guesses based on this single passage", but given our dead for Athens Nemesis' the possibility of a the other evidence at association with 87 festival Roman-period be One three of minor should perhaps not entirely ruled Out. have been found in in bearing Kerameikos, Athens Nemesis' that the altars name was dedicated to "Nemesis the listening goddess" 18 Nemesis appears in at least one . Hellenistic epitaph, and is explicitly associated with Underworld "avengers" in a rather "In late first Timaios: Plato's BC the obscure passageat end of a century paraphraseof the second cycle Nemesis, together with the avenging and the chthonic daimones, is human has determined to the these things; them god who affairs, all of watchers over 89 ,, the the governmentof ruler of all entrusted universe...

The one piece of evidencewhich would seemto underminethe characterisation

from inscription is deity dead Theatre Athens Nemesis the the of a priest-seat of at as a 90 Not for Nemesis". Heavenly "the Dionysos only the priest of of reserving a place her but however, Ourania, the attendant would suggest that this gender of also epithet from distinct Rhamnous, Nemesis be the who, as of should understood as a cult quite 91 back in further indeed, And by theatre have the part a priestess. served seen, was we
86 71V

Suda SM.

NELtcna-

Garland tq Ent ccov veicpwv rurocivrat. Eicet 11 VF-gFC; icavljyupt, festival "was probably intended to placate the angry dead".

Cot icarotXogevot;

iopril icocO' Negecyecoq, 17couBitou. nq gijicorc icem6c E-'vcq^) Av h t VCKPOtq 'YtVOgeVII 71 i7ri 1 roT E Negiata eimn), ouv wk vogt60geva.
AilgocYGEvilq

(1994,59)

suggests

that the

87 Parker 1996,246-7
88 Kerameikos

n. 101.

4865: IG 112 OF-q^ Neggae[tY (from emlic[OY-on F-'Oxhv peribolos), west altar 2 2 IG 11 1 4790 in Agora Altar 4747. IG 11 + Dionysos: Theatre Altar near of [C'CV]E'OIj1C[CV]... 26). 87-8, 12,1943, Hesperia no. pp. 4817a (Raubitschek,

Os 6WOMIRWOv, q yego) IC Iq 'ro) ilcon'Uxtq 0' OT 0&vv&v TcOv 'ro^tg 'cc, x0ovitotq %tvatiotg ica?, Laws, is in himself the in Plato Nemesis' appearance only 810IMnatV i7CE, lcoagou... TPF_-qfF_ "messenger their towards behaviour of and parents "overseer" is children's of where she Suda NeganG, S. "watcher-over' cf. V. earth, on Nemesis affairs of For (717d). as Justice" (1896Farnell pilov icrop(oaa Ovqmv 61.2: Hymn noX-ogUcov Orphic the nav5epici1q, and he from Oupis as one of sees title which Artemis' derives 6'niteaeat, 487) cult 1909,11 began life Nemesis that hypothesis his hence Nemesis Artemis between and links many

87-8, Natura Mundi Anima De Locri>, et AP. 7.358: gil cre Ucoot M, guriq. <Timaios of Ba'IROM SEU'repq ObV ICPIVF, 6c 01-)VBtE', Ne'LeatS U "Aicavucc Tobin: icepto&p Tcc ev T(X'L),
89

as an epithet. 90 Priest-seat,

IG 1125070:

Netteaecoq. O-bp(xvtccq t'F_pF_coG

91 Wag

1972,134.

Rhamnousian

priestesses:

above pp. 79-80 and nn. 73-5.

III

be inscription is the in just Rham[nous]", be "... of an may well which can made out have for Nemesis in to Rhamnous", "the the place seems as priestess of goddess becomeknown in Hellenistic literature.92 Whether or not there was an AthenianNemesia,we certainly have evidencefor "Great Nemesia" at Rhamnousin the late fourth and third centuries,a period when a the strategic position of Rhamnousand the military links with Athens, already noted for the fifth century, come to the fore. Such links may have been growing in strength over the first half of the fourth century, but would have been confirmed with the formalisation of military training for 18-20 year olds in the mid-330s, whereby all for in barracks followed by in Piraeus, ephebes were stationed a year at a year one of 93 forts. Attic That the sanctuaryat Rhamnouswould have hosted a regular the other festival in honour of its main goddess seemslikely a priori, but it is with the late fourth-century garrison that we first have evidence for it. A dedication of 333/2 inscribed on the round baseof a ephebicherm, found below the east retaining wall of the sanctuary, celebratesa victory in a contest one would assumetook place in a festival context: Thesophronistes Perik[...of Anagyr]ous [of the andthegymnasiarchs of theephebes dedicated in this havingbeen tribe Ere]chtheis in the victorious thetorch-race Charikles Nikokrates, [.. ]andros Tim[ ] Euonymon archonship of of and son of ... 94 from Pergase... Aleximenes 46 Erechtheis, The dernotics confirm that the gymnasiarchs tribe the names and are of by for is follow. Further the torch-race the provided two evidence of ephebicvictors fragmentary votive reliefs from the sanctuary,also datable to the 330s, the betterthe towards the team the the two after race of procession showing clearly preservedof is be Victory, first (FIG. 17). The these as she winged; the three goddesses must of

93 Eleusis, Rhamnous, Phyle, and perhaps Sounion and Aphidna. Some form of this but it half first the from the in been century, was now given of place institution had probably 1996,253-4; Parker 1985,206-9; Humphreys public support and made compulsory: Habicht 1997,16-17. 94 112 XXXI 162: SEG bis) 1954,2 (Pouilloux [o 3105 + IG 313. NM Herm: Athens
/ crccv avE'OE.

2 92 Sixteen rows back, in the third kerkis from the centre on the right, IG 11 5143: EV ... 'Pag[vobv,n].

/ [--1(XV6pOG Tq4... (XpXOV'UOG 4tgE'Vo-x) 'AJ%F, nF-P'YCCCTfiOFV. TI 254 126 (1996,246 TI Parker and n. X(xptlcXfiq EbcOV'L)jLF-1bG, Cf. IG 11 Lykourgan this innovation be period. of the an might that games suggests Nikokrates' in Eirene to for archonship. the 29) 189 sacrifice (below n. p. 1496.93
[oi Tcil E'. NtKoicpaTOL)G X(X9=81
VtKI'ICT(XV'rF-q

rIcptlc[ Avecy'uplactOG )(P]POVtCT'Tq (; (, ......

[icoft ot' ci^IG

'Epelxft-TtBo

'tccpXot E'-qIjPo)v y[ug]vccc;

112

remaining pair are likely to be Nemesis and Themis, given the relief s provenance, 95 although there is nothing to confirm the identification. Quite explicit testimony of a festival for Nemesis,including games,is provided in the mid-third century by the inscription recently found in a well outside the eastgate king fortress. Macedonian is decree 255 BC This the that the of proposing of c. a following the example of Antigonos (Gonatas) be worshipped by the Rhamnousians, the people of Athens:
Elpinikos son of Mnesippos, of Rhamnous, proposed: since Antigonos (Gonatas), King and Saviour of the people, continues doing good servicesto the people of Athens,,and becauseof thesethe people have paid him godlike honours, for good fortune, the Rhamnousianshave decidedto sacrifice to him on the 19th Hekatombalon,,and to crown him at the athletic contestsof the Great Nemesia, and to for fellow-demesmen,, from the their their commercial profit; raise resources sacrifice the dernarch and the treasurer in office at the time should have responsibility for the beside decree be the this sacrifice; and should inscribed on a stone stele and set up 96 altar of king Antigonos...

Not only do we have notice here of the Great Nemesia's existence,but also of the festival's date in early July, the inclusion of athletic contests,and details of the financial is Elpinikos involved. The this the one motion sacrifice proposer of managementof honouring decree 236/5 BC, M-nesippos, one of son of who also proposes a Dikaiarchos of Thria: king from his Nemesia for He alsodonated the the the own and of sacrifice victims ... because had been that the the so matters of war, neglected after sacrifices resources, 97 Rhamnousians the the mightgo well... of concerning goddess The king is by now Demetrios 11,the war which hasbeeninterrupting the sacrificesthe ((war of Demetrios" of the early 230s; presumablyit is the financial exigenciesof war
95 London BM 1953.5-30.1+ Rhamnous 530 (cf. Rhamnous 531). See Palagia and Lewis to for 1962 Ashmole the attempt an earlier dedication reliefs, and 1989 on the ephebic and far left figure the the identification Lewis' Palagia on Contra of and identify the goddesses. figure's to the 24) (1997, as Karanastassi sceptre central points Thernis, no. the group as of better her candidate. a making ilcet8j, 96 j 0 6'17tev, Tagvoibatoq/ 12b: mvilcritnicou ['E]XTc'tvuco; Petrakos 1992,31-4, no.15, pl. 'AGilvaitcov 8figov %E^l F, 81(X'UE, 811901), TO'v '6E-P-/(7)F-'UCDv 'Volv TOL) PocatXeb;'Avr'tyo-/q icocit act)VIP I &WOET, 5tok BeBOXE)cct/ 0 CC'b'TO'V 8figo; 'rocbza vbXet ic[oc]-A Engilcrev/ Tig(x^tqticroGeot;, Uica nov gF--j('xX-/cov coo e'iccvrovPcctCOvoq, e'nt/ E'-v('xcrt ()lbCtV TET ['P]agVoj)CF'totq OC'U"CCOt 8'ngo'TO(tq F-iq U co^t; 6napX[r. nopov arapavil(pope-tv, 1cocit -/tv1 C'CYO)vt/ Nqtcaitcovuot YA)ttvt1CC^Ot
,CTIV

&,

1986,447 Whitehead 29; 1967, Moretti 15; 1954, no. 97 SEG XXV 155 (Pouilloux no. pacrtxecoq NFjirrzitcov Ek)-/ iepe^ux icalt cob 8e uov critav v)v ei; 11.27-30: ), Kcc't 322. 6'8coicev no. ... / 61cco; [T]k Bt('x c('x icp6o; (X; Guatcov e'Xet lcakco; Tcokcgov, i-jXFtICOU-/ [C7](J)V Co'v ut)v j1CCcOV t'&COV, &G Tocgvouaitots...

U 6cvayp&Vo: [, xpj(ptaga/ ro' uo8c t 1vxOqcvv('xge-/vovO'ce't t CO'1vC%dtav cO'v lc-/(X, 'AvcvyOvCOt1... P(a)cnkert 6olcfit 6Cv (0 1 r@t] ?,to]'tvF,t jc(xit cm[ficat ob/ 11

t00 Oucyiav rf' yc-/v']gevov

8'PICCPXOV ilUgEEMWOCU O'U-YO'taq 'CO'V T[I^JG Tt1COV aucolg C'('YOPCCC;

ev avIket

113

finance have in donation the suggested which public the private place of necessitated by the earlier decree. Both inscriptions are fascinating documentsfor the history of Attica under Macedonian rule, in particular for the combining of ruler cult with more traditional religious practices, but the later decree is also interesting for a formula body, decision-making suggesting a wide-based encompassing not only the Rhamnousians, but also "the other Athenians,all those living in Rhamnous" (11.30-2), deme, integration thorough as well as which would suggest a of garrison and " links Rhamnousians between Athens. That Rhamnous the the strong and underlining into have keen for in to their continued a eye political expediency religious observance the Roman period is attested by the odd fact that the temple architave bears a deified in AD 45/6: Livia to the rededication newly empress Thepeople Livia, whenDemostratos, to thegoddess of Pallene, sonof Dionysios was in command Caesar Augustus, hoplites Roma the the and of andpriestof goddess and 99 Antipater Aiolion, younger sonof of Phlya,wasarchon.
ME NEMEESEIS OF SMYRNA

In addition to Rhamnous,the cult of Nemesishad a major centre at Smyrnain Asia Minor, where the most immediately striking feature is that the goddesshas been inception in into Nemeseis. Pausanias the the tells cult's story of a pair of multiplied the course of relating the history of Smyrna. In the early seventhcentury the old town by driven Ionian inhabitants Aiolian the refugees out were original was sacked and 100 Severalcenturieslater: by Gygesof Lydia. from Kolophon, in turn madehomeless
Alexandersonof Philip foundedthe modemcity after a vision in a dream:he was hunting on mount Pagos,and as he returnedfrom the hunt they sayhe reached a in front he the Nemesels, the of sanctuaryanda a spring came upon and sanctuaryof he While they the tree the plane tree, sleeping under was water. growing over plane found him to him there to Nemesels to and a city and ordered appeared saythat the bring the peopleof Smyrnato it, turning themout of the earlier city... Sothey moved 101 instead Nemeseis in believe two of one willingly and now ...
98 See Whitehead 1986,405-6 for the variety of formulae used in Rhamnousian decrees. On third-century 1996. the Habicht political Gonatas, Antigonos see Attic On the cult of 1997. Habicht in see context 2 general, jepE', [mifl / 99 IG 11 WbG 0)q rob ICOC't o7CXE[i]TC(q / Aetpitq 0e6a 8figog 3242: o cYTpacqyob^vT0q nccXXjvE'(0G, Atovu]c0tou / Prob [Aijg1oCTcp('xVo'U KaitaapoG IEP(X0['rIob / &-j'Xg ['P(0g1j]G ic[ocl't vlearepou. 1961,186Dinsmoor 11 'Av <, > / (Woo4mG Be [AtiokitctwoGl nt'rrpou rt rob coG (xpXov, 94; Miles 1989,236-9. 100 Cf. Hdt 1.16 for the destruction of Smyrna c.600 BC. iyevvro Be obacm); icwc' ijL& n6kccoG E'_9' 101 Paus. 7.5.1: 'A?,C4ccv8poq 0 (Dtkitnnov rfiq 'PE E)llpa;,
&(pticiaGoct

'Aki4av8pov y6cp 6ve'tpcvroq11 O-qtv

npO'q Nel. Liaecov

E)1jPF-)0V'rC( EV UP 0

' ic X', mlyl InE Pov, 1coc 6 Yooc; tv

86' E', jFEPO), ICr.(P'L)ICL)'tQC 7t't rob ,rob bCt(P(XVE't(T(XG NEgF', CFFtG bu-p

b5wroq. ica't bno'

%tV ICO,

I 0 (XV(P JEP' 'CF, Tctn))c EIV (XI)ToV IC(Xt IEX()C'C iccc0FIb8ovTt cc iceXeibetvpacr'tv Ti^ nXaT'vcp

II&'Y(P, TCO bt I

COGEYeVE'V0 ('=6

Tfi;

oc,

wkq

CV'Z(XUOCC ObdtEtV

Ig'L)PVaI'o'L)G a-6, U1,1V EG C'Icyctv ICCC't

114

Alexander's dream is nicely illustrated on a seriesof Roman coins of the secondand third centuriesAD (FIG. 18).102The story is rather confused,with Alexander sleeping in front of the shrineof the twin Nemeseisat a stage when they are not yet supposedto exist, but it does state explicitly that before his intervention the people of Smyrnaonly had the one Nemesis. This point is overlooked by most commentators,who seemalmost unanimous in assigning a cult of the two Nemeseisto the archaic period, in either the seventh 'O' in Lydian destruction. the century or early In fact, however, the sixth, after the cult's pre-Hellenistic existenceis attested only by Pausanias'account of Alexander's dream, and by two brief remarks he makesconcerningthe cult statues. In the course discussion Charites Pausanias of a the of artistic representations of mentions that "in the temple of the Nemeseis at Smyrna, above the cult statues are set up golden 104 Charites,the work of Boupalos... " As Boupaloswas active in the mid sixth century BC) it is usually inferred from this passage that the agalmata of the Nemeseisand the temple which housed them must be of similar date. The exact relationship between Boupalos' Charites and the agalmata is, however, rather obscure: are we to imagine full-size statuesraised up on plinths at a higher level than the Nemesisstatues? It is that Boupalos was also responsiblefor the Nemeseis, not at all clear from Pausanias I and see no reason why a set of Charites should not pre-date the building in which Pausaniassaw them.10' An archaic date also seemsat first sight to be suggested by Pausanias' comment on Agorakritos' statue at Rhamnous: "Neither this statue of Nemesis nor any other made by the ancientshas wings, since not even the most holy

VIS EIC 6cvacrvjcYaVVX

OVTO) )ICT(PICUMVTO 7CPOTrE_PCC;...

NFge'aet; 81bo rr-Ockov'rait imit

vogitoucrtv

dependent upon an attribution to Theognis of a link between hybris and nemesis; see Fisher 1992,215-6. 104 6qjccXgccrcov EV up iF-pc^p giv Negrf'_aecov ^onp-'p w0w rcov Paus. 9.35.6: icait Xg-opailotq n2ov
N"C70b XCCpt'CFq('XVOC1CP-tVTOCt, ICE'Xvil Bowwkkov.

103 Schweitzer 1931,202 (seventh century); Vos 1956,70-1 (early sixth century); Hamdorf 1964,35 (archaic); Kershaw 1986, ch. 4 (early sixth century); Shapiro 1993,173 (mid-sixth Theognis Kershaw 1103: bppt his In cites argument, of support icalt M&yvllr(xq century). blig' ' This, T. however, is Kibpve, Y_91bPV1jV. 5' XecrE KoXOq-VOC/ ica' Tc'vuco;, (X ta noX Et 1COC' 1 00 icait (Xnco

Herakles". i kos' "Choice Cf. Prod &VIdt of jatax;... 102AE, issues under Marcus Aurelius, Gordian and Philip 1,Karanastassi, etc 1992, no.15*; Klose 1987, pis. 39-40,52,54.

Some have doubted the very existence of Boupalos' golden Charites: Karanastassi 1992,739.

115

106 idols " Pausanias generally uses (OMCOraroc 4occv(x)of Smyrna have wings. wooden he indication fully figured that xoanon of wooden statues of gods, often with some does Donohue be "ancient", the not considers points out, work to although this, as he designates in fact, them as xoana are necessarily make some works which archaic; 107 Although we explicitly associated with named sculptors of the Classical period. might expect Pausaniasto be better informed about Smyrna, the major city of his home it is issue he himself the that area, always possible of the cult statues' was confused on antiquity, especially if the temple did indeed contain sixth-century Charites by Boupalos. Neither passage, then, is conclusive in making the statues archaic; if they are

doing, they contradict Pausanias'own story in speaking of plural understood as so Nemeseisbefore Alexander. In any case,we have further evidencefor the cult statues date from ill in the with which an archaic accords, representations on coins and gems both holding Roman imperial period (FIGS. 19-20).'0' Theseshow a pair of Nemeseis, fold himatia distinctive in their a of a pose and carrying the attributes of measuringrod bridle. and That these are indeed supposed to represent the cult statues is

demonstratedby the Hadrianic coin (FIG. 21) which depicts a temple front with two be korai, inside. figures hardly Such archaic who scarcelymanageto statues could have If from the statues their their attributes. and certainly never arms sides, raise it is for have a pre-Alexandrian cult, and no evidence at all were not archaic, we founding fact innovation in the the that the of came with an which cult was. plausible is first for Smyrna becomes the time there the Nemesis at when relevant only new city. Alexander Greek for the city: mistreatmentof a real possibility of getting vengeance did. This for Lydians the Persians the parallel nicely would the what pay will make to the if the that Rhamnous, the response a cult was argument we accept situation at Greek victory over the easternbarbarians. Schweitzer Nemeseis Smyrna adduces The plurality of the remainspuzzling. back in Asia Minor divinities the dual to that go the influence of neighbouring cults of

NegeaecoG obce Paus. 1.33.6: vvep& S' e'xov obre Toblroro' C'Cycckga 40(XVCC E" TC*TEPOC* XEt k6lt XLL)PVCC't0tq T& 21)XCCiCOV, 018C' ocyto)rC('T(X CC

106

a'k, %o 7cejco'jjjT(xt

co)v

'T Donohue 1988,140-7. 3-29. On 1992, Karanastassi, nos. Nerneseis, etc. 108For representations of the two see 1987,28-30. Klose see the Smyrnaian coins,

116

109 Laroche sees the doubling as due to syncretism rather than second millenium; reduplication, a joining together of the Greek Nemesis and a Mysian or Phrygian Adrasteia. 110 Farnell and Ehrenberg emphasise the Alexander story, seeing the two Nemeseis as reflecting the two Smyrnas, old and new. "' Price puts the Nemeseis in her category of duplications which strengthen the quality a deity represents.112 Shapiro resurrects a theory rejected even by Farnell, that the duality might have its source in Hesiod's two versions of Nemesis, one apparently Bad ("an evil for mortal men"), the "' definitely be Good. The other multiplying of personifications can of course also in (11-26), in Hesiod's in Works Days Erises two the seen and and artistic be Eros Nike. It representations of and could argued that such multiplying suggestsan allegorical understanding of the characters concerned. certainly Hesiod's good and bad Strifes show a rationalising approach, and the plurality of Victories or Loves brings the 114 ideas deity. they represent more readily to mind than a single, personal abstract Given the Smyrna statues' attributes, which invite allegorical reading, Nemesis' duality idea having is A double the to might reflect story of pay when revenge extracted. has is in Smyrna Herodotean the the a number of points common with which case of (Gyges' in Alyattes Athene Assesos: the the temple account of grandson) and of at burnt down; Lydian Milesian territory the temple on course of raids on was accidently his return to Sardis, Alyattes fell ill, and did not recover until, on the advice of Delphi,

Schweitzer 1931,203. 110 Laroche 1949,105; he rejects the idea of an archaic cult as entirely conjectural. A in "the inescapable", Adrasteia, Nemesis title the late give usually cult sources number of Adrastos, beside by Argive the founded the temple supposedly connection with an altar or 1.13.1 Adrasteia": Strabo "Plain the in Kyzikos, and Aisepos of called an area near river The (both citing Antimachos); Steph. Byz. S.V. A8p('xCTTCt(X. Harpokr. sx. 'A8p('XCFreta independently first Adrasteia however, little of appears quite is and contrived, etymology a Nemesis in the fifth century, her Athenian cult apparently sharing accounts with that of Bendis: Parker 1996,195,197. A later syncretism may be suggested by our accounts of Hellenistic be found in Adrasteia independent and but still can foundation, Adrastos' an Quaest. Conv. 10.37.8, Plut. 47, Paus. Zeus to Hymn Kali. literature, Roman imperial e.g. be AD by the for two the function may second century goddesses 657e. A communality of Alkiphron's by by Adrasteia, Lucian's that swear detail all prostitutes suggested by the odd 499-500) for (1896-1909,11 Farnell See references; 1949,100-02. Nemesis: Laroche from the Adrasteia's plastic arts. absence (1992,736) on comments Karanastassi 111Farnell 1896-1909,11493-4; Ehrenberg 1921,35 n.8. 112 Price 1971 catalogues various types of dual and multiple deities; she notes the same (68). Theodores St. duplicate thought Greek with in modern phenomenon 113Hes. Theog. 223,197-201. Shapiro 1993,173-4; Farnell 1896-1909,11493-4. 114 Farnell (1896-1909,11 497): "the Nemeseis of Smyrna... appear not so much as in hands bearing their the forms but allegory, blood, moral of as divinities of real flesh and control". and the order bridle, of symbols staff and

109

117

he concluded peace with Miletos and built not one but two temples for Athene at 115 Assesos. That even the people of Smyrnawere less than unanimouson the issue in the Roman imperial period may be indicated by dedications which vary in honouring singular and plural Nemeseis. "Hermes (made) this vow to Nemesis""' but "Meliton dedicatedtheseNemeseisto Agathe Tyche and divine Dionysos Bresis".117Elsewhere in Asia Nfinor the samevariety can be seen:a statuebasefrom Halikarnassosdeclares 118 cc... Nikanoros set up theseNemeseis", in hear Mylasa, Karia, whilst at also of a we priestessand cult statueof Nemesissingular:
Artemisia daughter of Paraphilos, priestess of Nemesis, with her husband Menippos son of Melas, priest of Peitho, dedicated this plinth and the statue and its accesories 119 Nemesis to and to the people.

The link with Peitho is interesting, but may be incidental, and we have no other 120 for Nemesis Mylasa. building Two Smyrna to evidence at references work at decoration the mention of a stoa and some sort of addition to the sanctuary"of the 12' Nemeseis". former is The Claudius the supreme recorded as work gift of one Bassus,"agonothetes of the Nemeseis",which would suggestthat, as at Rhamnous, 122 Nemeseis Smyrna honoured the of were with games.

115 Hdt 1.22; Alan Griffiths' idea. Cf. also story of the death of the Spartan general Pausanias: having taken refuge in the temple of Athene Chalkioikos, he was besieged and starved to death by the Spartan ephors; this sacrilege brought a curse (unspecified) on the Spartans, until they obeyed Delphi's instructions to "give back two bodies instead of one" to Athene, by dedicating two bronze statues of Pausanias (Thuc. 1.134). 116 Smyrna 131 figure date, the CIG 113164): Negc'cra 'E[p1g&(q no against of a 66xTiv, woman. 117 &w""ice OcOO Mek' Neg'(YE t-Tcov E 1QCFEt vbXi q C(X I CIG 113161): ('X-faO^in Smyrna 121 Bp -tG .9 imperial. Atovibcycp, probably 118 &vE']O1J1cEv Nege/act[q Halikarnassos 77 (= CIG 11 2662): '16ccrowNucccxf6]poq wkq ffloman). 19 'Apngetcyita Inscribed on a fragment of architrave; Mylasa 146 (BCH 5,1881,39):
TOb v' 0 E Mc 10 ;/M aMPO' & Upil(x NEgEc; rIa[g(p]'0, o,u, icupilou co) Eo);, gvc 8' t CP 119T. ", NegEact rIF I p^gf(xy 11 &V/()JJJCE 'ro iccft r6 C'U'rap c' cc r cybv t ica' cc y(xX11cc t0 c' lcoc' TE tooi,);, -V 120 Mrr'lk(XVO;, iF-PF-'O);

NF-gFECTEcOv 122 Smyrna 54.4-6 (=CIG 11 &,ycovoOE'T11G/ 3148): KX(a1b8toq)B&cYcYoG C'UpwOrEtv O)v 78 (= CIG 112663), Halikarnassos Cf. 124/138. AD a pc((yt-/Xt1c11v- O&OcricoS Eil'pyov noulcyetv, 1, the two uE(pocvo<q> to devotion goddesses: personal dedication recording a gladiator's XO Neg'aF, e' X' Fi)XccptcT-v/ it' o/ vopiat c H E 1Eu ilv Co -/cytv

No indication of date given. A curse in an inscription found near the river Asopos at justice "The &neteli;: Nemesis describes avenging of Argolid as in the Phlious specifically BE (8bol fled" have though hangs you EnticpE'garait cyot/ inexorable Nemesis over you even 3 NcgeaE[cog, IG IV 444 = SIG 1176, no date given). TEEP/ ('XICEt"; &np-Movrt , ngcop6q 121 XC ic UP I a p' (XIC 67 113163): Mxnitvto; 0 (ptMcyo(pos aw I'mxg Q)'C'up, t5t/ Smyrna 59.2-5 (= CIG / TO'V nCCP(XTE9VT<C(> NEPLF-(YF-tOV, FE OtICOV 'r(Xtq TJ L) ag -0 E T6 0 C'ratq ocb4fimxt evo; T Negicrecytv, e646 Jr(XP 00 ^ E, ' Neg'CTECOV AD 211/12. 6CVt'P(JDCYr-V, kov, CO 6 ic-optcov row NqLECYECFtV S/ Elvat ev tepco Ir'

p,qTtpt/ v(tlc(Ov)

a-zepC"tvcov) npc-OT

(X

118

ICONOGRAPHY OF NEMESIS

If we can take the Roman coin representations as more or less faithful reflections of the Smyrnacult statues,Nemesishasundergonea considerablechangein iconography since her first appearance at Rhamnous. When and how this occurred is impossibleto establishfrom the artistic record alone: after Agorakritos' statue and the Berlin amphoriskoswe have no depictions of Nemesisuntil the first century AD. An early third century BC date for the Smyrna statues would accord with Pausanias' foundation myth, however, and Nemesismakesa number of appearances in Hellenistic literature.123It is the Smyrnatype, rather than the Rhamnousian Nemesis,which seems to have had most influenceon the images,both artistic and literary, which proliferate in 124 Roman the Nemesis appearsboth singly and as a pair, sometimeswith period. by sphinxesor griffons, always carrying at least one wings, occasionallyaccompanied of a selection of attributes: bridle, measuringrod, rudder, wheel and scales. The idea keeping limits of within which was implicit as early as the Hesiod Works and Days passageis made explicit with the Smyrna Nemeseis' symbolic accoutrements. An anonymousepigram "On a statue of Nemesis" explainsthe cubit-rule and bridle: we 12' do beyond be in must nothing measurenor unbridled our speech. The gesturemade by the Nemeseis,raising a fold of their cloaks, could be one of modesty,reminiscentof Nemesis' associationwith Aidos,126 but it is more interestinglyexplainedas apotropaic, spitting into the kolpos to avert envy, a gesture apparentlystill used againstthe Evil Eye in modern Greece: What a goodgoddess is Nemesis, Alexis,because of whomwe spit into our cloak, dreading her as shefollowsbehind You did her us. not see pursuing you,but thought
have beauty for it has Now you would your jealous ever. perished utterly; the thrice127 deity has angry come, and even we your servants now pass you by.

123Suggested by Schweitzer 1931,204. See e.g. Kallimachos' version of the Erysichthon 1986, 4, literary Kershaw 6.56. Demeter, to Hymn ch. provides a survey useful of story: references. 124 Karanastassi, etc., 1992 have 309 catalogue entries for Nemesis, of which all but 4 See 735-6 Nemesis' imperial Roman to on characteristics representations. period refer attributes. and 125
121 it is also reminiscent of the anakalypteria, unveiling of the bride, which seems to be 125 Peitho below Hygieia (p. 146). on to pp. and see of personifications: number a common 127 AP 12.229, by Strato. Cf. Theokritos 6.39 for the same gesture, again in an erotic '-n, 8E, PaoicavOO) 0 Tl)cr(x1cAlrov. ei E'go'v rpit; cti; context: cogq'

/61370g , / T/ T Oe 5i IOHAA V' t-/6t(x ica' X^ OV 'V E'Xaptcruiptov. 1M, E7CEV-/51)TO7E(XXX, trj)V 6 t Otp at; atg t6 CO icat rcp (DOINI/ [J(OVIjV laxit ftatiaq.

c O,

AP 16.223: 11 Nematg U'-fetv. Cf. 224. 6cxtvoc

/ AIJT' a'gF-TpOV Tt ICOtE^IV, gIlT IETIXET, Tq-) TE XOCAtVC^P, TcpoXeyet u-45

119

Further attributes are all borrowed from other personifications, again emphasisingassociationswhich have been present from the start. The rudder and for fortune, belong Tyche/Fortuna the the wheel properly to rudder of wheel 128 Justice, life those the steering us through the stormy seasof of are scales while Dike/lustitia. On a third century AD votive relief from ThessalonikiNemesis carries both a wheel and a pair of scalesas she tramples a youth, letting us know that a just fate has overcomehim by her agency(FIG. 22).129As for her wings, Pausanias hasthe rather unlikely- sounding explanation that they are borrowed from Eros: no ancient images of Nemesis have wings, but "later artists, who want the goddess to appear because someone is love, picture Nemesis with wings as they picture Love". "0 Nemesisdoesindeed appearin an erotic context in a few poemsof the Anthology, but 131 likely have influenced her iconography. to other considerationsare probably more The wings may just generally imply that shewill catch up with you however fast you be borrowed from Nike, since, as a sixth-century version of the they run, or may Persianhybris epigram points out, one side's Victory is another'sNemesis:"I am still 132 for for Victory Assyrians". Such Erechtheus, Nemesis the children of the a a an in Victory Nemesis the associationwith might explain apparentprevalenceof cults of in imperial theatres the connectionwith amphitheatres, and games period, althoughthe

'Aacyopitot; 132 Theaitetos Scholastikos, AP 16.221.10: etigit U imit v)v/ N'ticil 'EpFXOF_'t8(Xt;, Rhamnous description, Pausanias' the According to below. 1.17, Mesomedes Ne'geat; - Cf. Nemesis, A Nike. figures picture of magnificent of statue's stephanos was adorned with in his Dionysiaka (48.378-88; fifth Nonnos by is her given attributes, of explanation an and her Aura's and chastity, by physical charms superior of Infuriated vaunting AD). cent. driven (in be to the turned her that help, stone or mad rival Nernesis' asking Artemis seeks Nemesis' "she that Dionysos' to signifies wheel passion): to is succumb made she event justice"; is the the to high of she avenging wheel from with ground on the proud all rolls four "traverses the that indicates she quarters by which griffon, a winged and accompanied like haughty top. the "high-crested a she bridles whips men"; bit her she the with world"; of

128 Is it coincidental that Kailimachos' Agamemnon dedicated the rudder of his ship to Artemis at Aulis (Hymn 3,228-32, cf. n.22)? 129 Marble votive relief, 3rd century AD, Vienna, Kunsth. Mus. 1 808 (Depot); with Schweitzer's dedication to Zeus Hypsistos (Karanastassi, etc., 1992, no.163*). identification of the figures on a third-century AD relief from Brindisi, perpetuated by Loeb, by is Hybris the Nemesis epigraphic quite unsupported prostrate on standing victorious as Mus. Loeb 1990, 1 *. Brindisi, Prov.; iconographic no. argument: evidence or convincing 130 Paus. 1.33.6. Note Pausanias' concern to point out that no statue "made by the development. later is i. this had a e. wings, ancients" 131 Nemesis can bring down the arrogance of a stubborn beloved (AP 12.33), punish himself dose Er6s (12.140-1,229), beauty boy's even give a or denigration incautious of a (16.251). his own medicine of

120

"fate" aspect might also be appropriate to such competitions, or the idea that the "' successfulathlete should not get abovehimself
CONCLUSION

The Nemesis of our later artistic representations,hung about with attributes and none-too-subtlesymbolism,seemsa long way from the stately, restrainedfigure of Rharnnous,who in turn is not obviously relatedto the shape-changing bit-part player in the Trojan myth. But it would clearly be less than accurateto see a straightforward linear development from personal to abstract, since some of Nemesis' earliest invite appearances an allegorical reading, while the myth of her rape is being related long after she has acquired her armoury of attributes. Essentially, all the elements inform her later iconography which her associations fate, justice and modesty with in Hesiod and the Kypria. The idea that are present from her earliest appearances

Nemesiswas originally somesort of "nature deity" is quite unsupportedby the literary and material record; any such existencewould have to pre-date the earliest usageof the abstractnoun, which takes us back into the murky realmsof pre-Homeric religious thought. As for the relationship between nemesisand hybris, even if more has been link between the abstract conceptsthan is warranted by our ancienttexts, made of a the personified Nemesis of Rhamnous is certainly characterisedas punisher of the Persians' hybris, whether their crime be defined as arrogance or a more specific Smyrna Nemeseis Athens' The territory and their and pride. of aggressionagainst be bridle descendants, to their primarily guardiansof and measuringrod, seem with into hybris limits the category of might well come and relationships; proper 134 behaviour they keep in check. transgressive Rather than a "mythical" Nemesis having become a "logical" one, I would differences has the her apparent remainedremarkablyconstant, character submit that being largely a matter of presentation, according to the fashion of the times. The
133See Papostopolou 1989,368 and nn. 47-51 for references; see 371-8, figs. 16-17 on an has Nemesis in Patras, from AD only not wings which relief votive century early second Smyrna-type the A is statues of pair of but cuirass. most unusually wearing a and a wheel, AD, the in the Olympia side of either standing century second turn Nemeseis even up at in left have their Both into the rod a measuring the stadium. way covered of end east Gallery 8, Museum, Olympia hand no. on a wheel: a rudder resting hand, and in their right 85. OF-ob 134 vrr'-geat; gcyc'cXjj eic (1.34): Kroisos Herodotos' (1992,357-60) eikape on Cf. Fisher
Kpolcrov, ` Cog Eilc (X(ycct, 'V'kttcyFTt 0E0e0 'COI)T'v 6tir' i ' ' (XvTcov iccov FUVCU (XVOP CO 'It 0 ' COT(XTOV.

121

been have Nemeseis Smyrna explicitly allegorical attributes of the unthinkable would for a fifth-century representation, while no self-respecting personification of the Hellenistic period could do without. Having begun this chapter with one late hymn Nemesis' omniscienceand justice, I shall conclude with another, which emphasises form further in Hadrian, traditional the with written under combining which goes even include Hymn Nemesis Mesomedes' Nemesis. thoroughly to to a manages allegorised have I touched upon: the every single one of goddess'attributes and associations
Winged Nemesis, balance of life, dark-eyed goddess,daughter of Justice, you who hold in check the vain neighing 135 bit; of mortals with adamantine hating the deadly hybris of mortals, drive black out you envy; beneathyour wheel, ever-moving, leaving no track, turns the grim fortune of mortals; hand, stealthily you walk close at you make the proud neck to bend; ever you measurelife under your cubit-rule, frown beneath ever you your veil, holding fast the scalesin your hands; be gracious blessedjudge, balance life. Nemesis, of winged We sing of goddessNemesisthe immortal, long-winged Victory, a mighty her infallible Justice; and of coadjutor, indignant at the pride of mortals, 136 down bring Tartaros. to them you

135 Cf. Fisher (1992,119-21) on the application of the term hybris to horses and other animals. 136 0)YOCTFEP A'tK(X;, / E)EEC'C, MOA)
NE'gsat
nTF-POF-CTCF(X,

/ p'07cc'c, ICA)(XV(^j)7Et
E", xOoucT(x

('X' KOb(P(X

Xccktvc^i)-/ bceXct; E)v(x, O'C8O*CCv'ut c&jdv/

U / XIjOO'UCT(X 'ClbX(X, CF'CPE(PC'TCCt J REPOTCCOV XCCPOn(X O'CC'rtp'^rl/ ('X'CY'TCVrOV TPOXO'V -bl[O' OO'V (X't)VEt; F-?, Pi J / 6' 6C / V Ei vlEo' Mft '8CC PCC'VFtg, 1CX'tVEt; VF-lbF-tq gF-TPE^tq, alU'XCVCC I tOTOV FEVOV 'U 'YaUPO' V9 ICO t TCXP
NF'-gEOt / 8ticcccyic6XF,, / T'XaOt b7to, ICOXTCOV O'(PPI)v galcatpa gelak XeTtpalcp(xlroi^)cY(x. I 6gPp'tgav, / 6c(p0tcav, N'tio1v / Ne'gecytv OF-6'v rawainrepov q"c8ogev Pit X, 0n(, P, -0 0 MCF-PO'e0CM, PPOT^V/ " MCC' D'PCtq VELEO^CRX V LE7CCX(XVOP' TV cc 0) 6 0) / to( cc Oc A'icccq, t PE 7w icat recc VjWep, -8pov / 'L)70'v O'CF-'t,

Ppouw/ geXccv(x(pE)Ovov %o('xv 8' Z)Pptv6,

(PP-O('Xyg(XT(X irco;

1963,1.26). Heitsch, (ed. u rapo, ,c(xp,

122

Chapter 4 PEITHO:
OiA E'Mrt

SEX AND RHETORIC'

iFPO'V %O nVIV C'CX, X070q

HU00i)q

Peitho has no other temple but reason. Aristophanes Frogs 13912

The cults of Themis and Nemesis, it would seem then, have early histories localities, disseminated to they confined particular quite possibly via the are whence influence of epic. We come now to our first exampleof a personification who has a deity, Olympian consistent associationwith a particular allowing us to examine the fully in Peitho, Themis. theory than the epithet more proved possible case of Persuasion, again has some mythological role, though not as dramatic as that of Nemesis nor as well documentedas that of Themis. She is assistantto Aphrodite in Hesiod's account of the creation of Pandora (see below), and appearsin the same in in birth Aphrodite the capacity a number of visual narratives,notably at of and the is found independently Helen. Unlike Themis Nemesis, Peitho rarely seductionof and in cult, being almost always linked with Aphrodite, and the closeness of this by is demonstrated a number of occurrencesof Peitho as a cult title of association Aphrodite. Both Peitho the goddessand peitho the concept have, of course, been ' discussion is fuller be but is In to there needed particular, a more said. much studied, for Peitho's just Athenian the the the evidence cult, and of cult evidence,and not of Euripides, in Aristophanes' Like the examining modern commentators role marriage. its both Peitho the abstractpeitho and personificationwith often associate workings of logos, combining the two to give a definition ofpeitho as the principle of winning over

I Versions of this chapter have been delivered as papers at the Classical Association AGM in St. Andrews, April 1995, and the University of Wales Classics Colloquiurn at Gregynog, Richard Blundell Sue to both due to and Thanks 1995. especially audiences, December are involvement for Peitho's the I evidence Seaford, for their comments. present a synopsis of "tradition the Plutarch discussion in of persuasion" and of in the wedding elsewhere, a Stafford 1999a). iep6v rieteobq ('x'XXo 7cXilv Euripides is the speaker; cf. Eur. Antigone fr. 170 Nauck: obic c"crut
Xoyogj P(jogo'g ='Tfi; JC(X't iV Et. Dlb(; E'CF'C' ('XVGPCOnO'U

3 Peitho's iconography is covered most recently in Icard-Gianolio 1994. Richard Buxton's Peitho in treatment includes (1982) in tragedy of systematic a well known study of peitho in in Peitho some (1993) vase-painting of covers representations literature, and Shapiro 1964,63Hamdorf 1965 Simon length; but and see also not at detail. Both discuss her cult, Sikyon, Argos Athens, the fuller treatment and cults at (1991) of a gives Pirenne-Delforge 4. literary the epigraphic relegating evidence, on focusses exclusively but almost Megara, brief to appendix. a material

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' does Peitho do While by to others what you want means of rational argument. undeniablyhave a rhetorical side,however, sheis equally active in the erotic sphere,an in her is in her for in aspectwhich especiallyapparent evidence representations cult and the visual arts. A closer look at thesemay balancethe emphasison Peitho's rhetorical ' inevitably by literary aspectalmost peitho. given studiesof Peitho's very first appearancein literature establishesher association with ' In Hesiod's Aphrodite, and her special sphereof influence, with its inherent danger. Works and Days version of the Prometheusstory, Zeus instructs Hephaistosto make Pandoraas a punishmentfor man; Athene is to teach her weaving, Hermesto give her "lies and crafty words and a deceitful nature" (77-8), and Aphrodite to endow her with "grace and cruel longing" (65-6). assistants: And the divineGraces her andladyPersuasion put golden necklaces around 7 Seasons her flowers. neck,, andthe rich-haired garlanded with spring Persuasion's"gift" is not one of eloquence,but of sexual attractiveness,expressed in Extravagant is terms. visual adornment always regarded with suspicion in Greek literature, but golden necklaces may particularly convey the threatening aspect of woman's seductiveness, given the negative connotationsattachedto suchjewellery in like bribing the stories of Eriphyle. The seductiveproperties of these6pliot XpucyEt'ot by "because the the adornedwoman quickly persuades are made explicit scholiastthe man/her husbandto intercourse" - who refers to Peitho as one of the Charites, identification is Aglaia by Euphrosyne. This along with and also made the Hellenistic in discussion by Hermesianax, Pausanias the course of a of the elegiac poet quoted Graces prompted by his visit to Orchomenos,their major cult site; the Boiotians themselves,though do not seemto have been concernedto give their three Charites Aphrodite delegates her task to appropriate

4 See e.g. Worthington ed. 1994 for a collection of recent essays on rhetorical persuasion. 5 An interesting exception is Gross 1985, a study of the development of rhetorical traditions in amatory literature; see especially 32-68 on "the rhetoric of seduction". Pirenne-Delforge's duality Peitho's her leads to likewise erotic/political and emphasise the evidence cult of study her role in marriage (1991). 6 Peitho also appears at Theog. 349, but only as a name in a long list of daughters of Okeanos and Tethys. rIFtOCO/ 0"pgo-oq XPI)CYE'101)G F'-OF-CrCCV 7 Or-ccit 1CCC'Ilto'Wta Hes. Op. 73-5: &gqt Be oti XaptreS cc
xpof86' TI'JV YCI Xg(pit (, QP(Xt ICCCAX'IICOgOt CTTFI(P0V ('XVOF-CYIVEiaptVOTICTM

124

Hermes individual names. The association Charites also Peitho the and with of Plutarch in Lesbos, for Thasos an her Paros, offers appears evidence and and cult on 9 in Peitho's in below, I role marriage. explanation with connection which shallconsider be Peitho's association her a character,will rather ambiguous with Aphrodite, and recurrentthemethroughoutthis chapter.
CULTS OF PEITHO: ISLANDS AND ASIA MINOR

Rubensohnstatesthat the cult of Peitho on Paros is the oldest for which we 'o have evidence. The only evidence for Peitho's presence here is a Hellenistic inscription associatingher with the Charites, but inscriptions from the Parian colony Thasosmay indicate a cult there from the late fifth century. Rubensohn'sargumentis, 710have been Parian Thasos the the to that settlers, c. simply, cult must exported with by The Paros 680 BC, so must alreadyhave been established the century. seventh on principle that a cult commonto mother-city and colony shouldpredatethe colonisation between far from but Surely the two continues, contact conclusive. seemsreasonable, islands both for In this case, were allowing cultural as well as economic exchange. flourishing developed by its Thasos traders: export a gold mines, active was maderich Roman Macedonian the empire enjoyed an control, and under of wine under " international reputation for its marble and oil; Paros was famous for its fine marble 12 One would expect Agorakritos. throughout antiquity, and exported sculptorssuchas be development to characteristicof such outward-looking communities,and religious

OIL) K(X'C(X T1JV 'TCOV TCPO'CCPOV

ypavavvt 86, E"XE-fata 'Cap 'Cok Paus. 9.35.5 (= Hermesianax fr. 11 P): 'Epg11c; taVCC1CUt HEWCO X(XP'tT0)V 804CCV
CaTitV OtbNp 1EOt1J)1EVOV, Wq 11 1CF,

'COOOVBe

ET11 1COCtabT

10 Rubensohn 1949, col. 1845-6: Ts ist der 51testenachweisbare Kult der Wtin". 11 Thasian stamped amphoras found e.g. in the Athenian Agora attest the wine trade from both local by for trade On the amphoras, 1946). provided evidence the fifth century (Grace the from BC, first the port of fifth to at excavations the from centuries dating imported, and the late in the On at site of period 1992. archaic production Grandjean pottery Thasos, see 1992. Blondd Thasos, et al. see Phari on the south-west coast of 12 On Paros' external relations in the sixth century, see Berranger 1992,283-332, especially trades. boat-building and the marble, wine 294-306 on

Peitho fr. 288 Page. lbykos Charites, Peitho the and a literary cf. For with association of 61 Tenedos: 8' Theoxenos in in Pindar's of praise of pa1cail E', v poem singular Charis appear (1993,187) M). Shapiro (fr. 123.13-15 'Aplait4c Xccptq/ Teve'8cp/Ilet6co r' E`, uio'v vatev 1cocit but Tenedos", island divinities the Charis Peitho "that of on implying were and takes this as literary from be deduced the If can cult anything about a real surely this is optimistic. Tenedos in just interpretation even sense: as much would make compliment, the opposite found in be grace can and charm the (that island bereft of goddesses of attraction) seductive Theoxenos.

1986-94,1.140-44. Schachter Orchomenos, Charites On the see at ta.

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" Both be interaction founder its between special surprising. the colony and would not Rubensohn's argument and my own are from probability, admittedly, but against his from for lack is Peitho the anywhereelse, case of evidence an archaic cult of complete despiteher relative visibility from the fifth century on. It will perhapsbe helpful to look at the two islands separately. For the Parian inscription information first BC is the cult our only on a white marble table, century in island's Peitho "Thrasyxenos Thrason, the to now and the son of museum: Charites".14 Having once established this associationbetweenPeitho and the Charites, " Rubensohntreats them as a unit. So for the antiquity of the cult he adducesthe

Apollodoran Bibliotheke's aetiology for the Parians' style of sacrificeto the Charites: Mmoswassacrificing his he heard Paros to the Charites the on newsof son's when death; herippedthewreathfrom his headandstopped the less themusic,but none day Because the this theysacrifice to the this, to completed sacrifice. of on Paros 16 Charites withoutpipesandwreaths.
Certainly the attribution of the custom's inception to Minos would indicate that the

ritual was seen as "ancient". but from the Bibliotheke's perspective this may only mean fifth century. 17 Peitho. Rubensohn seems untroubled about the absence of any mention of

13 Pouilloux (1954,336-9) discusses the problem of the relationship between the cults of the two islands. He asks whether it is legitimate to imagine "une telle diversit6 de dieux" being imported all at once by the first settlers; he does cite the cult of the Charites and Peitho as a Berranger the but considers cults of caution. export, with such a primary possible example of Paros and Thasos in assessing relations between the two islands (1992,184-203); he Il West but Thasos, to Parian the Charites the that pas aussi colonists came with concludes sOr que Peith6 soit venue avec elles" (195-8). 14 IG XII suppl. 206: E)pa[c; Thrasyxenos The X&ptcrtv. E)p&c%ovoq/ rIetE)o^t same ]1b4Fvo; iaxit XII 5.135,5), (IG 811gq) and list in et; cTlvcrtuogeTptccv of people who F-im-8wicav rc^p appears a XII Tyche QG Agathe X11 5.222) (IG Timouche Aphrodite to dedications and also made 5.249): Peek 1934,60. 15 Rubensohn 1949,1845-6. Peek likewise fails to note any possible distinction between the two (1934,60). 16 iv Xaptat, Oibcov rI&p(9, 0=6vTou, Ge'vvo; gev wy BV 3.15.7: M'tvo)q8e',6c-jye), ra% rob ccin), 8E, O-Ocrit(xv ObSE'V Ifirrov axe, larre, TO%V CC'U'XO%V 'TTIV EEPPI11fe IMIt a, no, 'cl^lq ICE(Pakfiq CF, TFE'9CCVOV E'v
3 Tt Mit YEV* O"OEV E", F-7rE'CEXF-(:

8ebpo Xcopit icalt cyn(pa'vcov ccUO^)v

rIa"p(pOl')ovat ca^tqXd'ptcrt- Cf.

Kallimachos Aitia I frs. 3-6 Pf. 17The last piece of "evidence" Rubensohn adduces for the Parian Peitho is the inscription is The latter 78.2 hold ler-Reich a Fu as comparandurn. pl. rtwting Prott-Ziehen 11119, with her Aphrodite depicts Painter, Meidias retinue, and the which in the lekythos of manner squat has Peitho former The 147). as an epithet of (below only not kanoun filling n. Peitho a with (below Paros Lesbos, from but deity, not also comes Aphrodite, rather than as a separate law Lesbian Hellenistic to Athenian relating fifth late and a how vase century Quite a 128). p. Paros is Peitho" for "an on not cult of ancient Peitho evidence constitute Aphrodite immediately obvious.

126

For Thasoswe have three inscriptions to consider. A relief of c.470 BC, now in the Louvre, depictsHermes and the Charites,with the inscription: "For the Charites it is not the custom (to sacrifice) either a goat or a pig". " Exactly the same proscription is made for sacrificesto Peitho in a secondcentury BC inscription from 19 the prytaneion. Lastly, a late fifth century marble stele from Thasos bears the inscription "sanctuary of Peitho".20 The two sacrificeregulationsare interesting, since goats and pigs are common sacrificialvictims, at the more modest end of the economic 21 have scale, so their prohibition would serious practical consequences. Pigs are specifically prohibited for Aphrodite in Pausanias' account of her cult at Sikyon, although any other victims are allowed, and pigs, along with birds, are proscribed as 22 for Aphrodite Peitho (below). Hermes The prohibition of offerings and on Lesbos birds is especially puzzling, since Aphrodite's most commonly attested victims are 23 In the absence of further information, however, the doves. significance of the 24 The repetition betweenthe two Thasianregulations remainssomethingof a mystery. inscriptions certainly allows us to argue for strong links between the cults of the Charites and of Peitho at the time of the later inscription, but the assumptionof Peitho's presence before the second century BC is unfounded. If anything, the later inscription indicate the that Peitho's cult had only just been existenceof might Charites, by to that the the assimilated of application of the association marked formula for sacrificial established the older cult to the new arrival.

109; Louvre MA 696.9800617): Xc'(ptOtv IG XII 8.358 b (= SEG 11506, Prott-Ziehen 11 alya been identified Hermes has behind The female figure oelpq sometimes as oibU xo^tpov. o-6 Peitho (e.g. by Hamdorf 1964, no.479), but with little security (Icard-Gianolio 1994, no.55; Shapiro 1993,187, with nn.419-21). 19 IG X1I suppl. 394: neteo^taltya oib/Be' it likely (1954,333) Pouilloux thinks OFpliq]. ob xo^tpov that this civic cult of Peitho is earlier than the second century BC, but his argument is hardly " divergences? les "qui concilier pour qualit6 avait plus qu'elle compelling: 20 IG XI 18.360: rIetE)5; ir-pov. Published Reinach, BCH 6 (1882) 43. 21 See Burkert 1985a, 13,65, and 55, with nn.1-4 for references, on choice of sacrificial having Demeter, Pigs g. a deities. e. with for associated especially are particular victims in Goats Mysteries. Eleusinian in often mentioned the are most purifying "scapegoat role" before battle Agrotera Artemis to Spartan Apollo, Artemis sacrifice e.g. and connection with horns, Delos Artemis Altar Horn of goat made famous on was of (ibid. 60, n.37), and the 92). (ibid. from sacrifices ?2 resurnably collected Sikyon: Paus. 2.10.4-6. 23 see Pirenne-Delforge 1994 on offerings to Aphrodite: in general, 375-80; on animal Thasian She links the 388-93. the 384-8; of pigs, prohibition (including on goats), victims "suivantes Charites the the Peitho goddess' as Aphrodite, and seeing with regulations habituelles" (392). 24 Cf. Cole 1992 for the formula ou themis in sacred laws concerning women.

18

127

This leaves us with the succinct rIF_t0oq t'Ep6v inscription as our only real evidence for a pre-Hellenistic cult on Thasos. Such a stele could plausibly have been a boundary-marker for a "sanctuary of Peitho", although Themis and Nemesis are the only other personifications who we know to have acquired sufficient stature to warrant an entire sanctuary in the fifth century, and elsewhere, as we shall see, Peitho generally
shares a precinct with Aphrodite.
25

Our only other attestation of a rIF_t0obq tEpov is at

'i/.

Sikyon, and there Pausanias' description leaves room for doubt as to what exactly is (below). meant Without more information on this inscription's context, however, little

more can be established than that worship of Peitho was not unknown on Thasos in the late fifth century, and by the second century BC her cult was associated with that of 26 Charites. On Paros Peitho's cult cannot reliably be dated before the first century the 27 BC.

The Lesbos inscription is on a marble stele found at Mytilene, and is one of three attestationswe have of Peitho as an epithet of Aphrodite: Thegod. Agathe Tyche. Whoever Aphrodite to the sacrifice on altar of wishes 28 Peithoandof Hennes,, let him sacrifice... Here again we have the associationof Aphrodite/Peitho with Hermes, recalling the Hesiod passageand the Parian and Thasiancults. The inscription is interestingfor its instructions, insight into details the explicit giving a rare practical of a particular cult's Aphrodite Mytilene's The Thasian Peitho to practice. receive goats or pigs; was not Peitho may be given any animal except pigs and birds. Although Peitho here is an fragment famous is independent deity in Lesbos' Aphrodite, a of most she an epithet of 29 follows is daughter Aphrodite". Aischylos `Sappho Persuasion this that of says poet: bewitching "Desire Suppliants, in the the and chorus sing of where genealogy

25 On boundary-stones, see Ober 1995 and Oliver 1998. 26 If I am right in arguing for an Athenian cult of Peitho being established by the same period (below), this could have been influential. For Athenian presence on Thasos at about the right time we have Thucydides' account of the relief force he himself led from the island, which 4.104-6). BC (Thuc. in 424 Amphipolis Brasidas'siege break late to too of arrived 27 Pirenne-Delforge includes the Parian and Thasian inscriptions in her discussion of the harmony in (1994,405-6) Aphrodite's and civil with magistrates cult with association of Parian inscription in the third Pandemos Aphrodite Mention of a (446-50). of an general Peitho (448 Athenian link the cult of 5.221) XII (IG a with might again suggest century BC 253). n. 28 PC, 'AgpoBituc; 014CO/ T&G TC0 E'_nit &ya0cc-/ E), 0EXii 2.73,1-4: Grr'IoG. c&q XII uilV 0' ice IG clbxa 0, uurco... "Epjtcc, rjej/E)coG Kaitub Be'(plat cv rietocio'A(Ppo8'tc1jq 29 Sappho fr. 200 Campbell (Schol. Hes. Op. 73c): Youc(pcio 90.1a. fr. Cf. 0, re1pcc. uyoc,

128

Persuasion,to whom nothing is denied" in their mother's train, but elsewherea family 'O is relationship not specified. For a straightforward version of the epithet theory to here, is development: Persuasion work we would expect a sequential seenas an aspect Aphrodite's influence, so the latter is worshipped as Aphrodite Peitho; the of relationship between the goddess and the particular sphere of her influence being invoked receives poetic expression as that between mother and daughter, on the archaic genealogical principle; Persuasion comes to be seen as a separate, anthropomorphic deity in her own right. Unfortunately, we have no evidencefor the last step in the sequenceon Lesbos, Peitho appearingas a cult epithet of Aphrodite long after Sappho's "liberation" of her into poetic independence. The linear development model obviously cannot be applied here, the scant evidence pointing fluid to rather a more relationshipbetweengoddessand aspect.
We may have an actual representation of Aphrodite Peitho on a fourth or early third century stele from Knidos in Karia, well known for its cult of Aphrodite. The

stele, now in a school at Resadiye, has two female figures in high relief, and to the left of the left figure's head is the dedication: "... to Aphrodite Peitho"; the first line was 31 dedicator's figures damaged, Unfortunately but both are the probably the name. are dressed in Ionic chiton, the figure to the left raising her arm, the one to the right drawing her himation over her shoulder. They might be Aphrodite and Peitho, or Aphrodite Peitho and the dedicator, or simply two worshippers; whatever the interpretation, Peitho is here, as at Mytilene, being worshipped as an aspect of the Olympian goddess. Also in Karia we hear of a priest of Peitho at Mylasa, "Menippos 32 Nemesis. son of Melas", married to a priestess of

CULTS OF PEITHO: MAINLAND

GREECE

Our only epigraphicevidencefor an Aphrodite Peitho on mainlandGreeceis an " for Aphrodite Peitho". The use of inscription from Pharsalosin Thessaly:"a torch but indicate date, for (X Xccgn('xq, 8' torch Homeric than an archaic could the Fov, rather

30

Aisch. SuppL 1038-40: gew"womi

8i (pitkqc garplt n('xpFtcrtv/rioooq q-cT' ou'8iv c"umpov/

rIEtGO^t. OE'-XlC'COpt t 'V0, E'OF,

31 SEG 12.423: /'ADpo8itcm/rlctGo^t. See Bean and Cook 1952, esp. 185-201, pl. 40c, for ... description and photograph. 32 1994,398-400. Pirenne-Delforge See 18. 1 Above p. 33 t (XFOV'V&(PIPOV8"r(xt IG IX 2.236: 8" 'r nF-IE)Ortl-

129

the editor of IG IX 2.236 does not commit himself, having been unable to trace the actual inscription; Shapiro refers to this as "fifth century" without comment, as does Icard-Gianolio.
34

Referenceto a torch might suggesta wedding context, a context in

which Peitho seemsto have played a role in Classical Athens; we might imagine a private dedication of a torch used in a wedding to Aphrodite Peitho after the ceremony, in the same way as wedding vases were dedicated to Nymphe after the 3' in Athens Alternatively, the torch may have more local significance as an event . attribute of Enodia/Hekate, perhaps suggestingthat the dedication was made on the 36 death occasionof the of an unmarriedgirl. A votive statue of Peitho is attestedfor Olynthian territory in Chalkidike by a first secondor early century BC inscription on a statuebase:
Dionysios son of Kallistratos, Apollodoros son of Apollodoros, Herakleides son of Seranbylios, as agoranomoi, to Peitho.37

The letter forms date this to the second or even early first century BC, long after the destruction of Olynthos by Philip in 328 BC, but the area continued to be called Olynthia and several Hellenistic Olynthians are known 3' The inscription is of interest . in giving the number of agoranomoi as three, compared to Athens' five (plus five for 39 The Athenian agoranomoi supervised markets and settled disputes, the Peiraeus) . seeing that proper weights and measureswere used, and they sometimes fixed the price bread. of grain and To explain why the Olynthian agoranomoi should set up a

dedication to Peitho, Robinson reasonably suggests that they may also have fixed the Suda hetairai, is by in the this salaries of and supported an entry which records just 40 function for Similarly, Aristotle the assigns to the same name. such a officials of flute-girls harp"overseeing Athens Peiraeus task the the the and of and astynomoi of

34 Shapiro 1993,187; Icard-Gianolio 1994,243. 35 Oakley and Sinos 1993,42,43. See below on Peitho and the wedding, and on Aphrodite and Nymphe. 36 On the iconography of Thessalian Enodia/Hekate, see Chyrysostomou 1994; see above Jenkins 1983. imagery, death see On torch and the and conflation of wedding p, 72. 'Anox)'05(opoG 'A7Co)'Xo80)po'L)/ KcjX1Xtcr[, Robinson 1933 (photo fig. 2): Atovibcytoq r1p('xLfouV 'HpcciCXEt'81jG jIjP(XVP'UXt'010/ 0'C'Y0P(XV0g7jCT(XV'VF-G/ rIF-qE)]O^t. 38 See Demosthenes Phil. 3.117 on the thoroughness of the destruction. 39 Aristotle, Ath. PoL 51.1 40 Met XagP('XVEtV 8tepa(Pov ot ayopavogot, 000V 'r1jV 76cp Suda s.v. Ataypagga- Tok gita0coga. dedication Aphrodite. to for 400 (1880) 4 BCH a Cf. making agoranomoi F,rcctpccv cicacmilv. , 9-12. 1982,32 nn. Buxton with See

130

41 Perhaps drachmas". lyre-girls be two girls and paid more than so that they might not the Olynthian agoranomoi were in the habit of taking a cut of the prostitutes' earnings, as an official tax or otherwise, and so felt it appropriateto make a dedicationto one of the prostitutes' patron deities in recognition of their profits; that they should choose Peitho rather than the more obvious Aphrodite might reflect local circumstances of the 42 have insufficient do hazard information to cult, though we more than a guess. In the Peloponnese Peitho's rhetorical side is more apparentthan it has been far, be to so and she seemsgenerally associatedwith Artemis rather than Aphrodite. Pausanias explains the worship of Peitho at Sikyon by a rather obscure story of how Apollo and Artemis were "persuaded"to return to the city:
As you enter the market-place there is a sanctuary of Peitho, which has no statue either. They came to worship Peitho according to the following story. After killing the Python, Apollo and Artemis cameto Aigialeia for purification. Terror came upon the people in the place even now called Fear; the deities turned to Karmanor, who was in Crete, but a plague gripped the people in Aigialeia; the seerstold them to propitiate Apollo and Artemis. So they sent sevenboys and as many girls to the river Sythas as suppliants; they say that the gods were persuadedby theseto come into the akropolis of the time, and the place where they first arrived is the sanctuary of Peitho. Something similar is done evento this day: the children go to the Sythas on the feast Apollo, they say, bring the gods into the sanctuary of Peitho, then bring them back of 43 Apollo. is in The temple the modem market-place again to the temple of ...

Here again we apparently have a tip-povof Peitho, and Pausaniasdoes usually use the "sanctuary". to mean word The "either" refers to the previous stop on Pausanias'

itinerary, a sanctuary of Artemis Limnaia, which also lacked a statue, though his informants did not know "whether it was taken somewhere else or how it came to be destroyed" (2.7.6); for Peitho's lack of a statue Pausanias does not hazard an built is "modern" The town the on the ruins of new market-place part of explanation.

Aristotle Ath. PoL 50.2. 42 in Corinth, Aphrodite temple the Peitho at a of prostitutes Pindar's Cf. with association of vF-('Xvt8Fq, BC): (464 Xenophon o'cg(pititoXot/ Corinthian the fragmentary ode to nokib4evot 1-2). SM, Kopitvft (fr. 122 O'C(pvetCP rletOobq e'v 43 iauv &'-Iou%ga IIF-tE)oi^uq iepov %0obat 6vtop&V 8i 2.7.7-8: c'Xov. o-68i wbuo Paus. Ecre, E'S vv "Aprepq oucoicce'tv(xvceq 'Ano,%Xcov
rietecio 8s en't Xoycp votQ98c a-u', co^tq icocri'aril
irape-frEIvovvo

41

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131

the old akropolis, which was razed by Demetrios Poliorketes in 303 BC. Pausanias makes indirect reference to the destruction when he comments that the temple of Apollo he saw was not the original, which had been burnt down (2.7.7); although he does not specify, presumably the sanctuary of Peitho he saw was also a post-303 44 construction.

The story, however, is obviously supposed to explain a ritual more ancientthan the building, set in the heroic past when gods still walked the earth and Sikyon was still 45 Aigialeia. called The main elements of the story are familiar: a journey for

killing; failure by to carry out the purification; purification after a a plague caused from leading first But to the the arrival. advice seers propitiation; sanctity of place of details involved in is Artemis the the slaying of the many of are obscure. not usually Python. There is no obvious reason for Sikyon to be chosen as the place of the in literature Although Phobos and art, purification. as a personificationappears archaic is know from I there the of no analogies and mid-fifth century, someevidenceof a cult for "a place called Fear".46 Karmanor appears again in Pausaniasas father of Chrysothemisof Crete, the legendaryfirst winner of a prize for singing at Delphi; he is "said to have purified Apollo", but no further information is offered (10.7.2). Frazer is fact by Aigialeia be Cretan the name that the the connectioncan explained suggests for Sikyon, between island Crete Kythera, the old name as well as and of an midway from Crete be island Aigialeia to the the way could conceivably a stopping-off point on 47 Aigialeia is The the Peloponnese. people of the plague presumablyvisited upon becausethey were too afraid to carry out the required purification for Artemis and Apollo; the gods' return, and fulfilling of the postponedritual, will causethe plagueto be lifted. But by whom? Usually it is Apollo who inj7icts plagues,in responseto it is Nor lifts the them clear why propitiated. when somemortal wrongdoing, and who

44 See Pirenne-Delforge (1994,129-31) on the incoherence of Pausanias' account of the old being for the Sikyon; Aphrodite's cult argues she (129-52) at cult Sikyon, on the and new and being by held the (141-4), the statue cult the girls ov gfi), of young marriage with associated (411-2). the to wedding especially connected 45 The city appears as Xtrucov as early as Homer, in the Catalogue of Ships (//. 2.572). /I. Deimos, Ares' to 13.298-300, /L chariot with Ares, 46 Phobos in literature: son of yoked 154-5. 52 Cult: 5.19.4-5. nn. Paus. p. above see Kypselos, 15.119-20. Art: e.g. chest of Apollo. Hymn to Homeric the Cretans the 1994 of 47 Frazer 1898, ad loc. Cf. Chappell on

132

Sythas is involved- was the river the place for the gods' purification or was its help 48 sought as a local deity, acting as intercessorwith the OlympianS? The ritual itself sounds old, with elements familiar from other cults. The temporary abandonment of a sanctuary by its cult statues suggests a period of purification, as in the annual procession of the Athenian Plynteria, when ephebes carried the Palladion to the seafor purificatory cleansing,or the Argive processionto bathe the image of Athena 49 The visit to the river likewise suggestspurification, . though it is not clear whether the statuesare taken on this part of the procession's journey. The carrying of a cult statueto reenacta god's mythicaljourney is paralleled by the Great Dionysia procession, in which the old wooden image from Dionysos' Athenian temple was taken to a shrine in the Academy, outside the city walls on the " Eleutherai, back initial to road transfer. and again, symbolising the cult's The selection of seven boys and seven girls immediately recalls the legendary Athenian tribute to the Nfinotaur, and the number recurs in initiatory institutions like the Corinthian practice of sending seven boys and seven girls to live for a year in the 5' sanctuaryof Hera Akraia. Although the ritual soundsplausible, however, the link with Peitho is rather
tenuous. Etymological rationalisations that stretch the limits of credulity are, of feature believe Are Sikyonians the to that the course, a genre of aitia. of we actually because Apollo Artemis Persuasion "persuaded" time once upon a and worship were to come back to the city? It is remarkable that the story does not involve Peitho herself at all, and she is fairly incidental even to the ritual, in which Peitho's sanctuary images deities, for is the temporary cult of other and stop which merely provides a honour Apollo. in of observed Perhaps this explains why there is no cult statue of

Peitho in the sanctuary: it is actually a sanctuary of Apollo and Artemis "the Persuaded", rather than of Persuasion herself, and is empty to allow for its annual visit from the statues of the main temple of Apollo. The sanctuary's emptiness would be a

48 On the worship of rivers, see Weiss 1984. For an interpretation of the passage in the 97-8. 1992 Dowden "arrival see myths", context of P 49 Athenian procession: Plut. Alk. 34.1, IG 1011.11. Argive Palladion: Kallim. Hymn 5 and the for festival the Skira Athenian of sanctuary, the abandonment ritual Cf. also schol. in the 1988,128 Romano See statues procession. 230. of cult carrying on Burkert 1985a, 50 Paus. 1.29.2; on Athens' relationship with Eleutherai, see Parker 1996,93-5. 51 Eur. Medea 1378-82 with schol.; Zenobios 2.30.

133

festival Artemis, the by Apollo reminder of the possibility of being abandoned and and visit a celebration of the aversion of the threat. If Pausanias'sanctuary really was dedicatedto Peitho, though, the unusuallack of any connectionwith Aphrodite might suggestthat her cult was an innovation which arrived with Demetrios Poliorketes' new 52 influenced fourth Athens. by the rhetorical Peitho of city, century knows of Peitho as an Whatever the explanation of Sikyon's cult, Pausanias epithet of Artemis at Argos: The sanctuary dedicated Peitho: Hypermestra this too on of Artemissurnamed 5' defeating herfatherin the case in whichshewasput ontrial because Lynkeus. of This is our only known instanceof an Artemis Peitho, though Artemis and Peitho are by Plutarch in a wedding context (see below) as well as at Sikyon. associated Although the aition is explicitly rhetorical, an erotic element is not far to seek, as Hypermestrais defendingherself againstDanaosfor not having murderedher husband on their wedding night. Although spatialproximity may be coincidental,we might also 54 has just left Pausanias Aphrodite. Two the city's archaic sanctuary of note that scholia on Euripides support the idea that the Argive Peitho is associated with social if Artemis here is deity: Peitho order, appropriate enough a marriage accordingto one, Argos himself married Peitho, according to the other, shemarried the Argive culture" As at Sikyon we cannot establisha date with any certainty: the hero Phoroneus. having lawbut idea is in heroic Danaos to the the the recourse age., of story again set 56 date fact is like innovation; the that, also againstan early courts sounds a sophistic in from Aphrodite the sanctuary,most archaeologicalremains the area which apart is discussing,the theatre side of the market-place,are Hellenistic or Roman Pausanias period.

52 Pirenne-Delforge (1991,408-10) notes that the Sythas is c. 15 km from Sikyon, while Peitho's temple is in the city itself. She suggests that Peitho represents "Ies valeurs typiques in "place initiation the boys the ritual sort of some la to after de and girls return which citd", territory. the the Fear' city's of margins at called 53 GUpcc 'Ynepg iepo'v 'ApCggt80q rICt60bG, Be 2.21 11 imit Cobvo Paus. enitxknatv cq^q co' -1: C(P-0-je. '()IlcF, im Ee TI "w 06 t. "v Aoyic'o)G Sbal CCVC ro) vv nmr'pa rfi vtK'cyacy(x 54 On which see Pirenne-Delforge 1994,153-70, and fig. 9 for its location. 55 Schol. Eur. Phoen. 1116 (quoting Pherekydes); schol. Eur. Or. 1246. See Buxton 1982, discusses (1994,424-6) the Pirenne-Delforge Suppliants. Aischylos' 67-90 on 35-6, and harmony; Argive civil to and cf. marriage in with associated cults relation Danaid myth Phoroneus. Peitho and 1991,406-7 on eadem 56 Shapiro 1993,187-8.

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Moving towards Athens, we return to a Peitho firmly associated with Aphrodite and the erotic sphere, although not necessarily in receipt of a cult. Pausaniasrecords a statue of Peitho among other personifications in a temple of Aphrodite in the agora at Megara, where Aphrodite has an unusualepithet:
Aphrodite, Dionysos the temple there and a statue of Aner sanctuary of is a made of ivory of Aphrodite surnamed"Action". This is the oldest in the temple; Persuasion and another god called Coaxing are the work of Praxiteles; by Skopas are 57 Sex and Desire and Yearning, if the namesdiffer in the sameway as their functions .
A L5.

Aphrodite Praxis does not appear elsewhere, although npa4tq seems to be a for intercourse in literary is this euphemism sexual a number of passages; also our only " Paregoros. The fourth-century Megariansevidently sparedno expense attestationof in their choice of sculptors, and the impression of extravaganceis furthered by the '9 Pausanias' multiplicity of statues of such unambiguouslyerotic personifications. is but Skopas' the to comment about attribution of names statues slightly obscure, be indicative identifying he the could of usual problem of unlabelled statues,as was faced have been three presumably statues of winged youths, which could all with Erotes.
Even closer to Athens, at Daphne a possible mid-fourth-century statue of Peitho appears among a number of dedications from a sanctuary of Aphrodite (1.37.7). blue base by A Pausanias of the mid-fourth century mentioned marble statue bears the inscription- "Kallimachos of Soloi dedicated this to Peitho". The 'C'9v8F_ must is is in it female figure, but inscription the to the quite possible verse as refer statue of a

57 Paus. 1.43.6: 6cyaklicc U ike(pavuo 'A(ppo8'tvjq U Atoviboo-o vccoq, mctv co'tiepov E' colb ter& si netecio 'Aqpo8't,nj; nenotilge'vov np&4tg en'tiailaty. wuro eany apxoctocovzov t ey cap wap. ica, IgepoS "Epo)G Be Dconoc fi'v npcc4tTeXouqoeog, napilyopov C/ icalt icait pya 6'vog&oocrtv, E", e, TEpoc
Pirenne-Delforge noeoG, et, 8,n' 8tmpopa eart icarok vxx'no' co^tg 6'vogacrt icat vx epya o9tat. (1994,89) translates the last phrase: "si toutefois leurs champs d'action sont diff6rents comme sont leurs noms".

58 Praxis: e. g. Theok. 2.143, Achilles Tatius, LC 1.10.6; Buxton 1982,32 and n. 7. PirenneDelforge (1994,90) takes the epithet more neutrally - "la domaine d'intervention de la d6esse est laiss6 dans le flou par une telle 6picl6se" - not wishing to limit Aphrodite here to dreams lo describes the V. 645-7, P. Paregoros: which I'amour". de where cf. "choses Kypris (649-50). himeros delights her the and of her offering words, smooth with uv ny0po, nccp, 59 in nearby shrines Pausanias records a Tyche by Praxiteles and a Zeus and Muses by Megarians' the to 40) (1994,89 ability Pirenne-Delforge attributes and n. Lysippos (1.43.6). in the the they to the conflicts of maintained famous neutrality sculptors commission such 5.4.48) Agesilaos' (Hell. Xenophon's She of visit account fourth cites century. first half of the for the 378/7 in Aphrodite goddess' political as evidence Megarian of sanctuary the to (1991,404). significance

135

that Peitho is standing in for Aphrodite, metri gratia, especially since all the other (prose) dedicationsfrom the shrinenameAphrodite herself60
PEITHO AND APHRODITE PANDEMOS AT ATHENS

The evidencewe have consideredso far is too scattered,both geographically and chronologically, to give more than a general view of Peitho's cult, Turning to Athens, the situation improves dramatically,with information about the goddessPeitho from literature and the visual arts to fill out the framework established by more direct for evidence her cult. As already mentioned,Pausanias locates a temple to Aphrodite Pandemosand Peitho on the S.W. slope of the Akropolis, between the Asklepieion and the Beule Gate (FIG. 10):
When Theseus had unitedthe Atheniansinto onecity-statefrom the demes, he herselfand of Peitho. The ancient the worship of Aphrodite Pandemos established statuesno longerexistedin my time, but thosewhich did werenot by the most 61 obscureartists.
The attribution of a cult's founding to a hero such as Theseus or Herakles is of course a standard means of establishing the cult's validity. for the introduction Theseus' exploits provided aitia

festivals, Aphrodite Epitragia, that of many cults, such as of and

including the Panathenaia and Synoikia, and his status as Athenian hero par excellence his field by Kimon's Marathon, the affirmed, after appearance on at retrieval of was 62 Garland connects the hero's supposed "Theseus' bones" from Skyros, c.477 BC .

founding for Aphrodite Pandemos the the the of cult of synoecism and responsibility "aspects by Peitho the of the co-operative and goddesses as and understanding democratic ethic upon which the polis was . for Aphrodite's in the they the are not whole story, as although epithet, aitia apparent
63 ) founded'

These aspects are indeed

Pirenne-Delforge takes the %'qtcjxoq1 4583: rlet0o^t Kc0,, IG vjv8' dedicator's home town to be the Soloi in north-west Cyprus, and imagines the Cypriot honouring the patron goddess of his island on his way to be initiated at Eleusis (1994,73-4); Kilikia. in Soloi for this however, is, there another candidate 61 'Affilvaitou; ineit Gijaebq Be MwBijgov, 'Aqpo8'tvjV eq git(xv-Qy(xyev aTco 1.22.3: re Paus. viv 6cy' ea kgaw Bi'l 0) ' Et rletE) UIC (X a mxkat' o' c' giv 1c(xu'GT1jae* 8'Lcov Ical cy'Pecoat Te noxiv, wo"VI)v V -q 'r(JO i= BF', igo V 85-6. O'U Cf. 'n TEXVtTCO IT E'-TC' TVV CC above pp. F , 6) c'upaveaumcov. 67 8.2.1, Thuc. 2.15.2. See Paus. 24.3-4, Thes. Plut. Festivals: 18.2. Thes. Epitragia: Plut. in fifth introducing the new cults of discussion aspects political of Garland (1992) for a Athenian 152-70 the Theseus, 82-98 aition. on and on Athens, especially and century 63 Garland 1992,91.
112 IoXeibq.

60

6wiffilice

136

we shall see. The link with Theseus' synoecism may suggest a connection with Kleisthenes' reorganisation,which would give us a late sixth century date for the cult's 64 A late archaicdate can be reasonablyestablished for inception or rise to prominence. Aphrodite Pandemos' cult from sourcesother than Pausanias, but unfortunately none in Athenian Peitho of these mentions Peitho. Representations appear vase-painting of from the beginning of the fifth century, however, and she is mentioned in tragedy as early as Aischylos' Suppliants (467-56 BC), which would lend credibility to such a dating, which is also consonantwith Pausanias'assumptionof the cult's antiquity.65 Let us first consider the sourcesfor the cult of Aphrodite PandemoS. For in Aphrodite describes,though not always to the area Pausanias some sort of shrine 67 Beschi's more bearing the epithet Pandemos,we have plenty of other evidence. location specific of the sanctuaryon the terrace immediatelybelow the Athena Nike bastion is basedon epigraphicand architecturalfinds madewhen a late wall connecting the bastion with the south tower of the Beule Gate was demolishedin the 1890s,and finds from including 1960 the the terrace, ceramic excavationsof at east end of red68 Cuttings in the rock surfaceof the figure loutrophoroi and terracotta femalefigures. terrace suggestthe position of a small rectangularbuilding, oriented north-south (FIG. 10), to which Beschi assignsthree fragmentsof architravefrom the late antique wall, 69 (FIGS. bear decorated dove 23-4) These also a and garland relief which are with a . (temple) for from "We inscription dating BC: 350-20 this adorn c. you, o great metrical
66

64 Erika Simon argues that the cult already existed, on the basis of Athenian coins with two janus-headed goddesses, but was of special prominence in Kleisthenes' time (1970,12-13 Peitho being Aphrodite to Aischylos She 1983,48-51). 2,4; and as witness adduces -and pl. "mighty goddesses" in the first half of the fifth century, "where their might is a matter more of (1983,50). than power' erotic political 5 On the Suppliants, see Buxton 1982,67-90. 66 For a recent study of Aphrodite Pandemos at Athens, see Pirenne-Delforge 1994,26-40. 67 Shapiro's claim that "its location has not been found" (1993,186) is somewhat misleading, (48-51, 15.1) he Simon 1983 (187 417) in the cites pl. that n. paragraph same and odd given dove-decorated includes the Pandemos Aphrodite photograph of discussion a brief of whose He is (infra FIGS. 23-4). the presumably Beschi's naiskos of reconstruction and architrave he Commenting 1), (1931,285 Judeich cites. on n. whom influenced by the scepticism of "We do know (1978,131) Wycherley not what asserts unequivocally: Pausanias 1.22.3, Kourotrophos Demeter Ge Pandemos, Aphrodite of and and happened to the shrines of have been to these "inscriptions that (179) cults later relating he notes Chloe... ", although takes the to (1994,26-8) Delforge archaeological evidence Pirenne ". found in the region... least indicating a naiskos. at Pausanias, confirm 68 Beschi 1967-8,517-26, fig. 1. On the inscriptions, see Foucart 1889,156-166. 69 Beschi 1967-8, figs. 3-10.

137

being "we" images", holy Aphrodite the Pandemos,with the gifts of our own and named as Archinos of the Skambonidai,his maternal aunt Menekrateia, priestess of Aphrodite, and his mother.70 A slightly later inscription from the site (287/6 BC) may suggestthat the cult in decree This by third the early was need of reviving concerning records a century. the annual ritual "spring cleaning" of the sanctuary, and although Peitho is not from her be inferred the plurality of the mentioned explicitly presencecan perhaps in statuesand altars question: May the magistrates in office,at thetimeof theprocession in honourof successively AphroditePandemos, dove for havethealtars thepurificationof thetemple, supplya the smeared pitch, may with oil, the (rooftimbers)coated and statues and with washed, 71 theyalsosupplya weightof purple... Foucart points out that this is a decree revitalising an old practice rather than introducing a new one, since the ritual is to be performed icccra (Xnarpta (1.12),in 72 Lykourgos much the samespirit as the religious reforms of a generationor so earlier. The stipulation of a dove for the purification of the temple is appropriate for Aphrodite, as well as recalling the sacrificial regulationsof Thasosand Lesbos, sincea 73 for Romano that recF-8'q pig was the usual victim assumes refers to sucha ceremony. in bathing Athena Pandemos Peitho, to place, and, carried procession a statuesof and images, bathing is she suggests particularly associated with ancientwooden since such 74 in by Pausanias that perhapsthe nccX(xt(X were still existence. mentioned CCyaktara The context here, however, seems to suggestthat a practical washingrather than ritual 7' inscription The be is two the mutually exclusive neednot cleansing meant, although .

70

iG 11 4596 =

71 IG 112 659.20-7 (= Sokolowski 1969 no. 39): obvxv robq wbq ... iepoio 'Aqpo5'tvj fi/ -q ^ II(XV8'-/gcp, I Tcogn cob icEptcyrEp&v, irapccaiceu&ctv Ft'G1c('xE)ocpcrqvY TI TETI I'1 01
Icat PCOgOiL)G Kai t TCtT'T^0(Xt 0) TObG ICEPtC(XEErt-/XVCC1t ' 0 po(po'CGI lcoft 'C&[G/ x0bCYC(t Tok E'811' IEGCP(XCTICF, 'L)-

BO)potq ruilcOatv 'Napticoq ftydv1p

rl('xv8llgF'A(pp[o8'tTIj, icoa]go)gEv crepil 775: CEG 11, my('xkij no. aot, co rov8p'AkuldlIc[oli) AEE-4t1CPCC'U0j)G MEVEICPCCTFEta XIC(XgP0M8ijq, / 'Apx^tvoS hgecE'patq.

AIF-4ticpawuq0L)ycvnjp'Apx'tvoi) 8e gilv1p. ie'petccrfiq ['A(ppo5'tvjq . ......... 6celtkaxovraq, &crruv0-/gouq

than (1994,29-30) 010paG Pirenne-Delforge 'V... 6XIC rather reads 46ccrat 5e,ica]'I TC0Pq1bPG(V 0 '1 7? Foucart 1889,164; on Lykourgos,see above pp.83-4 n.89. 73 On Aphrodite and doves, see Pirenne-Delforge1994,31 with nn.80-4, and 415-7; she interdiction implies the here for dove of again purification the that a of stipulation suggests pigs (391-2). 4 Romano 1988,128-9; she adduces as a parallel the festival for Aphrodite at Paphos on flowers. decked bathed to the is with image and sea, carried Cyprus, where the cult 75 Beschi (1967-8,525-6) suggeststhat the entire structure above the architrave may have for the hence pitch. need been of wood, 138
in 1.26. 0 oqaG

also mentions a priestesscalled HegesipyleQ.1), who must be representedby a parent (1.17). For the sanctuary's early fifth-century history, we have another metrical dedication from the area,dating from c.480-70 BC, inscribedon a fragment of column which would probably have supporteda votive relief. ( )odoros dedicated first-fruit Aphrodite to me as a gift. ... Lady granthim abundance of all goodthing, lying him, andthose who say and against unjust words 76 onthem... The last clause presumablyoutlined the redressbeing sought against the dedicator's that the referenceto opponentswith their false accusations.Pirenne-Delforgesuggests "unjust and lying words" calls to mind a rhetorical Peitho, who might be expectedto 77 herself but is little basis for there the supposition. A concern with such matters, temple to Aphrodite on the south slope of the Akropolis is also attested by several literary sourceswhich mention Phaidra as its founder, for love of Hippolytos. In the Hippolytos, Euripides' Aphrodite relates:
Before she (Phaidra) came to this land of Troizen, beside the rock of Pallas, in sight of this land, founded Aphrodite, temple she a of love for her love; from that time on out of absent 78 the goddess' temple was named after Hippolytos .

Diodoros mentionsthe story, adding the detail that the temple is sited on a spot "from 79 is licence, look Troizen". This almost certainly poetic as across at where one can Troizen is in the Argolid on the far side of the Saronic Gulf, but the town is indeed location Athens, the the of our temple of story accords with so south-west of from Aphrodite in her Aphrodite Pandemos. That Phaidra was hoping for assistance "persuasive" aspect is suggestedby a scholiast'sversion of how the story continues:

76 IG 13832 (DAA no.296, CEG 1, no.268): [ ]05opOS I 'A(ppo8/'tcFt 88pov ('xiccc/pXE'. v g7 o'cveoF-ic' ... ' jjCf' %'-fO; BbCAO] I X'Y/OCYt 6' Gov/'CCV )B&; ICCC4, T]' 9CTrl, OT TE q, yccoav 'rah ob Tco,cvtcc C/av 0'c0 evo tIc0at aq I 1) 'Coqcoh;.... 7 Pirenne-Delforge 1994,29 and n.71. 78 Eur. Hipp. 29-33: icat np'tv tiv 0,06tv cl'JvBF, rT'lvrlccXXa8oq cci), yl^lvTpotijvlavj neupav icccp'
0 1) K'nptBoG vccv roWtov/ yfig roft ic(x, GECCV. XotnO'V COVOgCCFV i8pi)(TO(Xt 0) / 'p-cr' cc 'yiccCOF-toccro, FE "icsngov. "pon' c UITcp 8' C0 'Inno,%' "Tct/ 'r,

6cTce?, 79 Diod. 4.62.2: E)ovro; Tpotfijvc( 8tcc Ei wngiv 4)cc't8pcc ainou epcccrOe^iaa o; zo' K('xX?, ... 1%, Tpotfivcc. 'A(ppo8'tvjq ci'lv iepO'v i1v icaOop(-xv o"Oev o'cKponoXtv, i8pib(: nap('x ri'lv ro ycc,

139

"then she went on to Troizen, where she tried to peithein the young man to sleep with her. ,80 A link with Hippolytos is also apparent in Pausanias' description of the southwest slope of the Akropolis, as his account of Theseus' establishment of the cult of Aphrodite Pandemos and Peitho follows on from a brief version of the story of I-Eppolytos, prompted by description of the hero's memorial, just after the Asklepieion. If Pausanias is to be believed here, the proximity of the temple to the memorial might 81 for its account associationwith Phaidra.

For the epithet Pandemoswe have two aitia, recorded by Athenaios and Harpokration. Both attribute the founding of the cult to Solon and cite the Hellenistic versifier Nikander of Kolophon for the more colourful explanation. Athenaios also New Comedy the cites poet Philemon (fourth/early third century BC), but only it the mentions one story, since is relevantto his diners' discussionof prostitution:
Philemon, too, in the Brothers records incidentally that Solon, because of young 'prime', men's purchased girls and set them up in brothels. Likewise Nikander of Kolophon also records this in the third book of his History ofKolophon, saying that Solon was the first to found a temple of Aphrodite Pandemos from the money made 82 by the in the brothels

women

charge of

Harpokration gives both aitia for the epithet, citing Apollodoros of Athens (second century BC) for the alternative. It is not clear which version he found in the fourth century orator Hypereides:
Hypereides, in the Against Patrokleas, if it is genuine. Apollodoros in his On the Gods says that she was so called at Athens after being moved near the old agora, becauseof the fact that in ancient times all the people would gather here in assemblies, book his In History Nikander they six of ofKolophon called agoras. saysthat which Solon bought good-looking women and set them up in a house, for the sake of young Aphrodite is founded Pandemos. It temple the the of a revenue men,,and out of " demos. common property of all the
80

i7c, ca')ITCO Schol. Od. 11.321: Oed8pa U ipacticcog 8tanOeTtaccco) Innokibwu, O(Po8pCOG E'v 'AO'n'vatq i8plbamro TO, gFE'V np(^O'COV iepo'v 'A(ppo8'Ivjq TjjjCOgE-, Vjj ro' vI^Ov 'Ducokibretov BtEvoe^vzo ne'Wetv ro'v veavicicov oicwq U Tpotfiva ICaPaYFVOgeVIj i5cmepOV ivxko)gevov, F-t'q

See below n. 104 for a possible Nymphe-Troizen link. Pirenne-Delforge (1994,40-6) cites Aphrodite link between further the BC 430s the and inscriptions possible two which of Hippolytos on the south slope of the Akropolis (IG 13 383.234-5 and SEG X 227), and Aphrodite being the Hippolytos for the of one sanctuary and the of memorial case examines the same sanctuary. and 82

81

.9

JIVf EtIl.

83

iv 11CC'UPOICUO-0, F-i YVT, ICCC-T& lcrtoq. cq^) 'YicepF,, 'AppoUny Harp. sm. II6cv8,ngoq t6Ijq 6c(pt8pL)E)F-^tCFOCV TCF-P't 'TI'JV 'AGIjv7jcYt 6CPX(X'tav Occov v)v 10,110fivat 9TIatv 'ATCOXXOSCOPOq Wit Ev TC-P

(1990,100-101) See Halperin otiollt&, rcov. j8p1bacccTE)m cd npocyracyat c(^jDv i1pyUp'taccvco 67)v c'c(p' Philemon the passage. on

IOX(j)v Btc'c'C1,1V Athen. 13.569d: icocitOtkillicov Be E'-v'Aftx(po% TEPOCrtcyropow C(^J)v On IEPCOroq Niticav8poq KoXo(pd)vtoq 6 icalt icaG('x icpt('xgFvoq, yibvata EM OtIC7jgCVz(j)v C(1Cjtjjv ECF'CIJCYEV VECOV 'A(ppo8'tvjq tepov npcocov KoXO(PcovtCCIC(ov I icavBjtov icy, r6'v icalt cvb', Da'aiccov Tpitap v ropETI F'I:

140

The topographical reference to the "old agora" would accord with Pausanias' location of the temple if, as has often been held, early archaic Athens had its meeting place in the area immediately to the south-west of the Akropolis; 84the fragment of Apollodoros is the only text to mention this ancient agora, however, and more recent archaeological finds tend to support a location for archaic Athens' most important public buildings in

the areanorth-east of

81 the Akropolis. Whether

or not Apollodoros' explanationof the

is be to trusted, it is not incompatible with the more sensationalversion: epithet Aphrodite may be Pandemosbecauseof her temple's proximity to gatherings of "all the people", but democratic associationsare also to be seenin the story that it was built with the proceedsof the state prostitution which Solon had established, providing good clean sex for all. Indeed, Athenaios goes on to quote Philemon at length, who 86 Solon's deed democratic "a deliverance". explicitly calls a act of The linking of Aphrodite's epithet Pandemos is by with prostitution paralleled Plato's explanation of the title. In the Symposium,Pausanias differentiatesAphrodite from Aphrodite Ourania,the two representing Pandemos two different sorts of love:
Are there not two goddesses?One is the elder and motherlessdaughter of Heaven, by "Heavenly". The other is younger, daughter of Zeus and the title whom we call Dione, whom we call "Common". 87

The speechgoes on to expandon the opposition betweenthe physical,pandemossort love, felt indiscriminately fleetingly by baser for of and men unintelligent women or
boys, and the more spiritual, ourania variety, aimed at a lasting, intellectual partnership

816 (XYOP(XV

8figov ea ev cruvayuyGat n(, Xvc(x 'rov 'ro EV'rai), ro% naXato%v catq e1acXijcY'tatq, aq 515 ' 'yop'q. IoXcov' Ia KoXo9covicoccov cc cc Nbaxv6poG E, lax XO-OV 911crtcy' cogCUM ayopacTavra F_'UICPF_ICIj E-'v in't CTr6,, 816C i8p,6aaaoat YIjG avIcTat

fiv Sh Oipxvitav enovog('40gev (), imi rjjp, y6c, L), 8.9. Symp. Xen. Cf. jc(xXoj')gF_v.

84 Thompson and Wycherley 1972,1 and n.1. Thucydides (2.15.3) describes Athens before Theseus' synoecism: "what is now the Akropolis was the city, together with the region at the foot of the Akropolis toward the south". Wycherley (1978,178): the shrines of Aphrodite Pandemos and Peitho, and Ge and Demeter "may well be associated with the hypothetical it before that From Acropolis". the evidence seems archaeological primitive agora west of Akropolis the for familiar the to BC of 700 the north west was used are agora with which we c. burial, and habitation was largely confined to the Akropolis and immediately surrounding area (Camp 1993,25-6). The question is discussed at most length, if datedly, by Oikonomides for being in the the the (1994,225-8) Shear ancient agora case More puts 1964. recently, Aglauros. the in Akropolis, the sanctuary of connection with Plaka area, north-east of 85 Shear 1994,225-8 and fig. 1. (1990,105) Halperin to 86 Athen. 13.569e: 8-qgouticOv... this comes npayga icat cronilptov. between the and citizenship. discussion prostitution in relationship on a conclusion 87 ICOIL) nPEOPUT'pa 61 'YE' agil gE'-V 1nc 1) 1) ' ', O'p(xvo^ 81bo 8' Oc('x; ro)p ic(x' 180d: Plato Symp. W) n(^jDg oi) & A10)VIIS, fiv 81)
11 AIO'q icalt VECOrepa

61C VCOV neptyevogevcOv xPlIgarcov iccc, l wbq V60-0q, 8i 'A(ppo8't,c1jq naVBI'JLoutepov. ean 'ro' n6XV811gol) 7ro'c7icomV. it II

rI(XV811gov

141

" with a young man.

lust between distinction In modern terms we might call this the have brothels to Solon's love, former and romantic the are supposed very much what 89 for The application of such a distinction to two ancient cult titles of catered . Aphrodite is clearly a philosophical conceit, and the use of nccv8, qgoq to mean CC literal "belonging in to all the the than common" more a pejorative sense,rather 90 is innovation. That Plato's connectionof the epithetswith physical people", also an by love however, is did Pausanias' and spiritual attested respectively not go unnoticed, (the traveller's) account of Aphrodite's cult at Thebes. Three ancientwooden statues Aphrodite have been dedicatedthere by Harmonia: to of are supposed Theycall oneof these "Heavenly", "Common" "Turner third the another and Away". Harmonia Aphrodite her "Heavenly" for purelovereleased titles: gave from bodily desire; "Common" for copulation; thirdly "TurnerAway", sothatthe 91 human from lawless deeds. racemightturn away passion andunholy None of these explanationscan be taken literally as accountingfor the origins idea like Pandemos. The the title of of state-sponsored prostitution sounds wishful thinking, and the attribution of the cult's founding to Solon is much the sameas its idea have been by Solon Theseus: the to thought attribution of such a good could only in do indicate Aphrodite However Pandemos they that was associated someway wise.

Pausanias' ideal of the sustained homosexual relationship is presumably supposed to is Later in there 193b-c). the (Symp. Agathon his speech a own relationship with reflect (), O'YCP ICEtpcogEvot ICEWE-tv Tobq in to reference to "attempting speeches persuade young men" "wherever Sparta they Elis, Boiotia, in by lacked not skilled 182b), are and men a skill woug, in speaking". Clearly the "better', Athenian, sort of lover gets his way by means of rhetorical peitho. Solon set up his brothels "seeing the city full of young men, and that they were in the grip 9 (RECTVIV OP(OV'Ca TT'JV 7COXtV they towards should not" what erring of nature's compulsion and 8 6cgccpv'xvovcaq 6waylaxitav r etiq gn' npooilicov, Tlo'cytv/ cl'lv c' eiXowocS TolbToi)S pcov/ vecoTc, the brothels On the pursuit of respectable over 13.569e). of Athen. advantages Philemon ap. Sat 1.2.31-4. Horace, 1, fr. Pentathlos Xenarchos, and citizen women, cf. 90 See Burkert (1985,155) for Aphrodite Ourania as linked with the Phoenician Queen of Heaven; also Pirenne-Delforge 1994,217-26. 91 Paus. 9.16.3: iccckoxyt U 01bpavi(xv,cv U abm)v rMn8ilgov icait 'Anoaxpopitavv1v zptvjvepont O'L')p(xv'tccv i7ccovogita;
'A9po8', fi 8'Tt "E)ETO q v1j r'cc Ee
E0 XjjXXCC, YgIV(P C(,

88

(2.23.8); he is but Argos, Ourania more comment Aphrodite without at mentions a shrine of by he Agora, Athenian a statue in the equips with which forthcoming about the sanctuary On Athenian 1994,165-7. the Pirenne-Delforge Argive cult see Pheidias (1 .14-7). On the Pirenne-Delforge 1957,49-50, Wycherley and Thompson 1978,73, and Wycherley cult see 66. and 1994,15-25,34-5

ETCtftg't0CG TE

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142

Peitho fit democracy from fourth with the with a picture of century on, which may taking on a more rhetorical aspectat the sameperiod .
92

For Peitho herself as a real goddessof cult, Aristophanesmay be our earliest his witness, Lysistrata pouring a libation to Peitho (412/11 BQ:
0 mistress Peitho and Loving-Cup, 93 be accept our blood-sacrifices and gracious to us women.

It is difficult to know whether this can be taken as evidencefor an actual cult, as plenty deities "joke" of are invoked in Aristophanes,but we might note that the play is set at the entrance to the Akropolis, just around the corner from the temple of Aphrodite Pandernos;elsewherein the play Victory is called upon, perhaps an allusion to the 94 Athena Nike above. The Frogs quote with which I beganthis chapter(405 temple of BQ could be taken at face value as suggestingthat the idea of Peitho having a literal temple is ridiculous, but could equally well be basing its humour on the audience's knowledge of a real temple of Peitho and Aphrodite Pandemosnot far from the theatre. While the Lysistrata reference seemsto be invoking Peitho in her erotic from demonstrating her Frogs line be the the taken transition aspect, can perhaps as erotic to the rhetorical. The context is the "weighing of the lines" scene, and

Euripides' line "Peitho has no other temple but reason" is set againstAischylos' "For 95 does love ). Peitho's Thanatos connection with sex and gifts'. not alone of gods in life, her (see below), the puts opposition to continuation of marriage which ensure Thanatos. The sophistic Euripides naturally lauds Peitho in her rhetorical aspect,but

92 See Pirenne-Delforge 1988 for a discussion of both Aphrodite epithets. She argues that the Platonic opposition disappears when the actual cults are studied, and that the aitia for Pandemos suggest she is not so much "la jeune d6esse ddpravde 6voqude chez Platon" but (151). She du la d'un civique" "la corps protectrice et politique acte caution religieuse rather 448-9.1 1994,26-34 in Pandemos' am not entirely and Aphrodite side political stresses also Kallias (Paus. 1.23.2; by dedicated Aphrodite the identification her by of statue of convinced for this her is Pandemos, 136) pieces of evidence main of 152-3 one DAA which with no. lien Pand6mos "Aphrodite however, that does She conservait un conclude, characterisation. (449). intervention de travers politique" la son m6me avec sexualit6, au / 5e4at 93 Aristoph. Lys. 203-4: Uanotvcc rip-tOoT U(X^tq a4 (ptAovjat(x, 'C('x mp('ryta icait 16? 6gF-vIjGF-, 1 Z A)vat4itv 4 Lys. 317, on which the Loeb edition makes this point; both temples are included on a plan See Buxton 111,4). Aristophanes (1963, text the beginning the of Akropolis at the printed of in Menander's Peitho invocation Habrotonon's of 1982,44-5 on this passage and on her Peitho's he erotic and rhetorical both argues, combine of which, Epitrepontes (555-6), side. 95 rIEtE)OI-UG iepo'v E)('xvacoq ?, Gem Xo E"DUTt OI')1C y6p govoG ob oyoq-/ ('x'?, n%Tlv Frogs 1391-2: 04 8COPCOV

143

is Death her in her the traditionalist judge Dionysos dismisses a non-intellectualaspect: weighty matter, but "Persuasion is a light thing and has no sense" 96 frivolous "bimbo" of a goddess. Peitho is a

By the mid-fourth century we have less equivocal evidence for Peitho's Athenian cult, with Isokrates and Demosthenesboth mentioning state sacrifices to Peitho. Isokrates' referenceto Peitho comesin his Antidosis (354/3 BC), in which he is defendinghimself againstthe fictitious chargeof corrupting youth by teachingthem sophistry -a hypocritical he Athenians, The soundly rhetorical context. says, are

about eloquence: all covet the ability to think and speak well, but they decry the by is reflected in their attitude towards pursuit of such ability others; this ambivalence Peitho.
But this is a sign not only of their confusion,but also of their neglectof the gods:on Peithoas oneof the gods,andthey seethat the city makes the onehandthey recognise her but in to the they that to a sacrifice eachyear, on other say menwho wish share the has being desired the though they power goddess an evil which are corrupted, as 97 thing. Interestingly, Isokrates describes the Athenians who are jealous of others' proficiency in rhetoric as suffering "much in the same way as lovers", but this is not directly 9' is hint Peitho's Peitho. There of erotic side,,and no mention connected with no other 99 is but hardly Aphrodite, this the surprising. of given context Aphrodite is also absent from the Demosthenes passage. The reference to Peitho comes in one of his prooimia, exemplary opening paragraphs for speeches

Translation into "Xov. the C 86' icol^XpOv 1396: icstOCO vernacular Unt icalt voUv o1bic here: Peitho's the Buxton Nisbet. Gideon erotic side of appropriateness misses courtesy of "Dionysos' verdict evidently only makes sense if Peitho is being employed in the sense of here is Euripides Aristophanes' (1982,43-4). apt of characterisation persuasion" rhetorical does force Euripidean the at operate constantly work, 1982,153), a peitho, (Buxton as her is Peitho the absent, entirely goddess almost the medium of speech; primarily through Agamemnon, to Hekabe's in being as appeal rv 'Cibpawov appearance notable, one, (Buxton 1982,178-9). in thoroughly 816), context (Hek. rhetorical a 6cvepconotq govilv Frogs
97

96

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99 Parker sees Isokrates as highlighting "the opposite end of the broad spectrum of the Peitho's indicating that this takes Shapiro cult as passage (1996,234). goddess's powers" influence the it the Isokrates of "for of as a sign condemns fourth in the century, "strong" was (1993,187). sophists"

in Metaphors co 02crt. of seduction abound Isok. 15.245: nenovftvat napankilata (Shanks 1996,108). is "Rhetoric too: courtship" about g. e. discussions rhetoric, of modern

144

(c.349 BC), in a list of deities supposedto gain the audience'sgoodwill by assuring them of divine favour. Peitho is amongstunexpectedcompany: Nike, Athena Indeed,, Soter these have Zeus sacrifices to and and and we sacrificed Peitho have the havebeenauspicious We for to and sacrificed also andsalutary you. ' 00 from Motherof the godsandApollo andwe obtained too. these goodomens The referenceto Nike may be explainedby the informal usage of the cult title as an bastion for Athena Nike the the the of the south abbreviation sanctuary on of Akropolis, perhaps distinguishedhere from Athena in her more general role as city '01 deities list be Otherwise the to patron. an unexceptionalrandom selectionof seems from the Athenian pantheon. Although we can gather little new information about Peitho from this, it does suggestthat her cult was of sufficient statureby this period to be included without comment.

by Finally, the cults of both Peitho and Aphrodite Pandemos are attested priestin have Theatre Dionysos. I the seats of already raised some general problemswith the caseof "the theseinscriptions as evidencefor Athenian cult practice, and discussed if (and) Child-nurturing Peitho' Even Demeter the theory that of of singer-priestess . this is a priestess officiating in two neighbouring shrines, rather than indicating a from is Peitho's is the there separation problem of still conflation of cults, correct Aphrodite Pandemos. The latter appears on another seat, "for the priestess of '0' is "the As Bride", ". Nymphe (and) Nymphe Aphrodite Pandemos to whom of ... just her dedicated the the of sanctuary south at ceremony after wedding vases are Akropolis, her association with Aphrodite is obvious, although why she should be 104 Nymphe's is Pandemos Aphrodite sanctuary was not so clear. connected with
100 102 -1

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Mark 1993,94 and n.6. 102 Above pp.85-6. 103 2 M)gq% Ing [ 'A(pp]o[8'tr]ijq rl=8 5149: 11 IG [iep]i[ag ou .......... 104 6 1993,15,42,43,131 Sinos Oakley n. the and shrine, see For various vases found at for the for (1994,421-6) evidence of a summary Pirenne-Delforge See 63. 137 n. and in Pausanias' be discernible link tenuous A may very Aphrodite's association with marriage. Troizen, "which Rock" "Theseus' Nymphe outside Aphrodite near of cult a of mention 'A(ppo5'IVIj; (cfiq Be Helen" eanv tepov he nF,, Tpcc; nkljaitov married Theseus made when We have that 2.32.7). 'Ekevnv, seen 8110MG llvitlca Fiaxe yuvatica Nug(PitaG, no0cr(XVTOG from immediately his follows (1.22.3) Pandemos on Aphrodite and Pausanias' reference to Phaidra, Hippolytos the (1.22.1), and and of story Athenian Hippolytos' memorial mention of be there Could (1.22.2). connection some possibly trees Troizen's myrtle a digression about

145

probably destroyed in the First Mithridatic War, and Pirenne-Delforge suggests that the goddess may have taken refuge in the nearby sanctuary of Aphrodite Pandemos, although our theatre-seat inscription is the only evidence for this. 'O' As we have no other information on the Athenian cults of either Peitho or Aphrodite Pandemos in the Hellenistic period after 287/6 BC, the question will have to remain open to 106 conjecture.

PEITH09 APHRODITE AND SEDUCTION

A systematictreatment of Peitho's representationin the literature and visual arts of fifth century Athens has already been well supplied by Buxton and Shapiro. However, a few points raised by our discussionof Peitho's far be cult so can usefully amplified by such evidence,in particular the connectionbetweenPeitho, seductionand marriage. In our visual representations Peitho is almost invariably in Aphrodite's retinue.
On a white-ground pyxis by the Splanchnopt Painter, of c.450 BC, Peitho is among the welcoming party at the birth of Aphrodite, holding out a phiale ready to pour a libation 107 to the goddess. This scenewas most famously rendered, twenty years or later, so on the base of Pheidias' statue of Zeus at Olympia; accordin9 to Pausanias (5.11.8) the figures central of the composition were Eros receiving Aphrodite as she rose from the sea, and Peitho crowning her with a wreath. The only possible appearanceof Peitho in fifth-century extant sculpture, however, is on the East Frieze of the temple of Athena Nike, finished in the mid-420s (FIG. 25). This side of the frieze seemsto represent a council of the gods, twenty-two figures being just about distinguishable despite fairly bad erosion, with Eros standing, at the left hand end, between two female figures. One would expect one of these to be Aphrodite, but in the absenceof inscriptions Bhimel's identification of the figure to the left as Peitho has to remain speculative, although her

between Troizen and the Athenian cult of Aphrodite Pandemos? See Pirenne-Delforge 1994, 178-85 on Troizen and Aphrodite Nymphia, and 410-2 for possible identification of Nymphia's cult statue with the Aphrodite "de Fr6jus". 105 Pirenne-Delforge 1991,410 n.65 and 1994,23-4; she also argues for the association of Aphrodite Ourania with marriage (1994,19-25). 10 Cf. Apollodoros ap. Harpokration (above) for an implied change of location for Aphrodite Pandemos'cult. 107Ancona 3130; ARV2 899,144 and 1674; Shapiro 1993 no.125 fig. 160.

146

inclusion could perhaps be explained by the temple's proximity to the sanctuary of Aphrodite Pandemosand Peitho on the slopebelow.'O' Returning to vase-painting,at this period Peitho appearsin a number of scenes with no apparent mythological narrative, or at least none known to us. A whiteground squat lekythos in KansasCity has Peitho apparentlyholding out a stick or toy '09 It is not entirely clear for the baby toddling nearby. is (she the who seatedwoman be Aphrodite), but three other female figures on the vase are labelled Antheia, may Paidia and Eunomia, while Aphrodite and Eros occupy the upper frieze. Shapiro has gathered together a number of such scenes,especially from the Meidias Painter's circle, where female figures occupied in ordinary "womanly" tasks are identified by inscriptions as personifications, such as Eukleia, Eunornia, Eudaimonia and Paidia; Peitho featuresin severalof thesebut it is difficult to know what significanceshouldbe "O if have to the attached various names, any, when no story to explain the scene. A link between Peitho and pelike associated with the Meidias Painter suggests a possible "' the persuasivepower of music. Musaios is seatedplaying his lyre to an audienceof Peitho sits in the bottom right hand severalMuses and Aphrodite and her companions; from Aphrodite by Terpsichore,museof dance. comer, separated Apart from these non-narrative scenes,Peitho appears most frequently in
inscriptionally Helen. The the various stages of story of earliest secure appearanceof Peitho that we have is on a fragmentary oinochoe in New York, from the end of the 112 by depicting Euthymides, Judgement Peitho the sixth century, potted of Paris. brings up the rear of the procession of contestants, presumably there to help Aphrodite her This Peitho Paris Paris to the prize. early association of of right persuade with fifth in depicting his the throughout a number of vase-paintings century continues "persuasion Helen" Peitho's The Helen. the raises question of of modus seduction of her forceful how Just have do power? any choice when up against mortals operandi: Against become In does be, the Persuasion speech rape? seduction and when can

BlUmel 1950/51. 109Kansas City 31.80, c.420 BC; ARV 1248,8; Shapiro 1993 no. 30 fig. 164. 110Shapiro 1993,203-5. I" New York 37.11.23,420-10 BC; ARV2 1313,7; Shapiro 1993 no. 48 fig. 165. 112 New York 1981.11.9 + Private collection, c.510-500 BC; Add 404-5; Shapiro 1993 .2 no. 122.

108

147

Eratosthenes Lysias makes a good male-chauvinistcase for seduction being a more heinouscrime than rape: force Thus,gentlemen lawgiver) he (the those Jury, that the whouse considered of for latter he deserve lesser the those than condemned whousepersuasion; a penalty because heconsidered but for the formerhedoubled thatthose to death, thedamages, forced, hated by force by the their persons who achieve are whilethosewhouse ends persuasion aremade more socorrupttheirvictims' soulsthatthewivesof others 113 husbands... to themselves thanto their attached Peitho's relationshipto force is raisedby the Meidias Painter's namevasein the British Museum (FIG. 26).114The principal sceneis one of abduction,usually known Rape by Daughters Leukippos, the the the Dioskouroi. In the upper part, as of of Kastor is dragging a reluctant Eriphyle towards his waiting chariot, while Polydeukes, has in his Elera who already chariot, preparesto depart; below, Zeus and Aphrodite look on, apparently unconcerned,while a girl labelled Agave runs off to the left, leaving another picking flowers unperturbed;Peitho starting away to the right, looks back at the scene. Most commentatorstake this as an exampleof Peitho representing horrified forcible the non-violent methods of persuasion, abduction going on, and at her indignation Aphrodite, the to contrast righteous complacencyof who apparently has no qualms about rape as a means of getting your girl. "' Burn has a point, 116In a however, in suggestingthat Peitho's alarm "can scarcelybe taken seriously". literary be depictions to so squeamish,and several she seemsnot number of earlier little force. Pindar is talks to the that of a application she not averse referencessuggest decidedly is Agamemnon Aischylos' Peitho "Peitho's coercive: of of whip", and the 117 forces him In "Baneful Persuasion,irresistible child of forward-planningRuin, ...... Herodotos Themistoklesthreatensthe recalcitrantAndrianswith the two "great gods" Ananke; Plutarch's the Peitho have Athenians of story their version the and side, on
113

tio

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Helen in Paris have here the that and chorus (1982,105-6) Buxton argues "Maq. rOG 6pep, Peitho dolia, by Choephoroi in the is a Agamemnon the Peitho replaced The of violent mind. the (1982,63-6) Buxton relationship See ambiguous on (726-7). Hermes invoked alongside dolds. and betweenpeitho
5/

114Red-figure hydria, London E224, c.420 BC; ARV 1313,5; Shapiro 1993, no.63 fig. 168. 115Shapiro 1993,206; Buxton 1982,58; Simon 1965. 116 Burn 1987,17. 117 (see to Peitho for 9.39 rape P. opposed apparently a Pind. P. 4.219; though contrast rIEtOCO, / IEPOPOIAOU 7Ca^lq & 8' Pt6wroct 385-6: Ag. Aisch. 1969). vkkatva Winnington-Ingram

148

be "' fact, in Peitho Peitho Painter's herself Meidias Bia The pairs need not, with interpreted as abandoningthe scenealtogether: she balancesthe figure of Agave, the outward motion of both paralleling that of the chariots in the upper register, and her backward gaze links her with Eriphyle, as if to add her sanctionto Kastor's efforts to overcomethe last vestigesof resistance. Far from representingan opposition to force, Persuasion'sinclusion may rather be part of the scene's romanticisation of the rape into an elopement, introducing the same element of ambiguity as seen in Helen's "9 Paris. abduction/elopement with The question of Helen's innocenceor guilt was, of course, a popular topos in the late fifth century - Euripides absolvesher completelyin the Helen, but in the agon Trojan Womenhis Hekabe makes out a fairly damning caseagainsther. the sceneof Gorgias' Encomium of Helen neatly summarises the casefor her innocence,adducing four possibleexoneratingcircumstances in Helen's defence: Sohow shouldoneconsider just? Whether did did theblameof Helen she whatshe because by speech by force <by sight>or persuaded shewasenamoured or seized or 120 by divine thecharge. compelled necessity, in everyway sheescapes Although Gorgias does not explicitly personifyPeitho, he does earlier on speakof the (Enc. "a divine 8), persuasiveword as great ruler" and of necessitypersonified as Tyche and Ananke (Enc. 6). There are obvious technicaldifficulties with representing forces difficulties in by inclusion in terms, tackled the suchabstract visual vase-painting deities in Peitho I take the the think of and other presence we can of personifications. illustrating, in Helen's terms to the conventional mythological as abduction of scene forces Gorgias Helen, inescapable the at on suggests were work which art, various from both without and within.

118Hdt 8.111; Plutarch Them. 21. On peitho and bia as polarities, see Buxton 1982,58-63. 119Sutton (1992,30-1) follows Burn's interpretation, and sees the scene as part of an artistic home to "The trauma removal a new compulsory the of a woman's idealising trend wedding: by into transformed is agreeable abduction an artistically through arranged marriage 1997,174. On fourthStewart two fairyland"; idyllic in cf. heroes an handsome young set the Aphrodite Peitho on-lookers among watching Athenian accompanies vases century fragmentary Thetis: Peleus' aryballos now with struggle rape/marriage, another ambiguous 340-30 BC, London E424, Kamiros, from lost reviously Athens, private collection; pelike (1994,248) follows the Icard-Gianolio 1*). 10-1 1994, usual (Icard-Gianolio nos. ARV1475,4 from in horror but fleeing Peitho, violence, notes Painter's as Meidias the interpretation of in two the her rape-of-Thetis scenes. complacency is contrasting this that exceptional, If 11 tj 120 'Ekevij; Av 8bactov gcogov; iIns, EvrE <ovet> Gorg. Enc. 20: n(j)q ilyllacco0at co'v IC 0 E) FE C; bico X0YCq Tt E)e't 6cpmxcr0etc; P'tqc E)ETUM ICEWFOUCra aq avocylal; avay cc a Cit'TE a citn eitTe EpCCC; 5' 8tCC(PC1bYCt & C"TCP(X4CV, C(t'TtCCVTI)V TCC'CVTCt)G V'I EICPCC4F-V

149

An early fifth century skyphosin Boston by Makron depicts two stagesin the 121 is (FIG. Peitho Helen's 27). by Menelaos her story, abduction and recovery involved in the first stage, standing behind Aphrodite, holding a flower in her right hand; compositionally she balancesParis' companion Aineas, but thematically her looks Aphrodite. This Paris, Eros the presenceunderlinesand explains gesturesof and like a caseof fairly insistent"persuasion",with Helen standinglittle chanceof resisting forcible an almost abductionher Paris' note especially grip on wrist, and the general feeling of forward motion created by the outstretchedarms of Aphrodite and Peitho, and the men's striding posture. A similar scenewas probably the subject of a large by follower later; Douris, fragment in New thirty this, skyphos a of a years of now York, preservesthe inscribedfigures of Peitho, Aphrodite and Eros, but unfortunately the rest of the sceneis lost, so we cannot tell how forceful or otherwisethe abduction is, although the figures we do have look rather more still than on the Makron skyphos, 122 by forward. Helen their arms their sidesrather than propelling The Persuasionof Helen is depicted later on the Berlin amphoriskosalready discussedin connection with Nemesis (FIGS. 16 and 28).12' Although the framing figures is in the pairs of allegorical are exceptional, central scene a popular motif redfigure vase-painting of the last third of the fifth century. Over the fifty or so years has from divide Makron the this affected the skyphosa great changeof mood which it. but is bundled We is being Troy, here Helen to thinking sitting about off not scene: have at least the illusion that Helen has somechoice in the matter, though the odds are behind lap, Aphrodite's Peitho her. She waiting patiently with sits on stacked against holding a jewellery box, while to the right Paris is being urged on by Himeros. A in Iliad 3 Aphrodite the the to Helen goddess, where episode mind calls with seated for for her; Helen's draws bedroom, Paris' led Helen having contempt to up a chair for his life, by is by Menelaos, in beaten and Paris, quickly overcome concern combat 124 been have Persuasion the That in love-making. the subject may well the sceneends by is fifth the the existence of suggested century of relief or of a monumentalpainting

121Boston 13.186,490-80 BC; ARV 458,1; Shapiro 1993, no.123 fig. 148. 122New York 07.286.51; ARV2 806,1; Shapiro 1993, no. 124 fig. 149. 123 Above pp. 107-8. 124/L 3.421-47; this is a reminiscence of Paris' original seduction of Helen. On the elements "the details... the 1990,57: present Constantinidou, in the imagery see scene, wedding of wedding". actual an as union sexual couple's

150

three Neoattic reliefs of the first century BC depicting the central scene. The best preserved of these is in Naples, showing Paris and Eros standing to the right, Aphrodite and Helen seated,and a small Peitho perched on a column to the left. 125 Iconographically the Persuasionof Helen is related to the generic bridal adornment scene,and Ghali-Kahil commentson the conflation of the two types on a number of 126 last fifth fourth the third the vasesof of and the early century. A later stagein Helen's story, her recovery by Menelaos,is representedon an
in the Vatican related in style to the Heimarmene Painter, again from about oinochoe 430 BC (FIG. 29). 127 Menelaos is charging towards Helen, who is fleeing towards a statue of Athena for asylum, but even as he runs he is being overcome by the combined efforts of Aphrodite, Eros and Peitho, and has let go of his sword. Apparently

Peitho's work is already done, so she is looking away, again holding a flower in her hand. 128 We might compare this with the agon scene of the Trojan Women again; of course Euripides' version of this seduction of Menelaos is accompanied by plenty of rhetorical argument, but there are many references to Helen's visual appeal, and it is clear that he will in the end be "persuaded" by her, despite the superiority of Hekabe's logical arguments. 129 Hekabe's derision of Helen's excuses 130 is ironic. the wise" "You will not persuade

125 Naples inv. 6628; Vatican Cortile del Belvedere 58d; New York MM 10.210.27. IcardGianolio 1994, nos. 16-18; for detailed analysis see Froning 1981,63-71. For a number of other Roman-period works also related to the scene, see Ghali-Kahil 1955,225-33, nos. 1709, pis. 34-5. 126 Adornment scene: Oakley and Sinos 1993,16-21. Ghali-Kahil 1955,176. For an example of such a conflation, see my article (Stafford 1997b) on the acorn lekythos attributed 2 Beazley Addenda 339. On the general to Aison, Akropolis 6471, ARV2 1175,11 with tendency of vase-painting to Interfuse the ordinary and the mythical", see Buxton 1994,546. 127 Vatican H 525, ARV2 1173, Ghali-Kahil 1955 no. 72 pl. 66, c. 430-425 BC. Cf. a lekythos by the Painter of Leningrad 702 in the Hermitage (ex-Botkin) for a similar scene, where Er6s hovers with a phiale, instead of a necklace, from which he is pouring the contents on to Menelaos (ARV 1194,7, Kahil no. 70 pl. 62,3). 128Simon 1964 discusses this vase at length, arguing that its design is based on one of the Peitho's looking She the Parthenon. the explains away from the on of north side metopes both literary that is noting and her artistic that unnecessary, eloquence of gift grounds Helen it the that that it mere sight of changed the was clear make scene representations of better is stressed thus than by Peitho's argues, she Menelaus' mind. non-participation, here Peitho is, Understanding as representing erotic persuasion her altogether. omitting however, surely the simplicior lectid. 129 6w8pCOv a' gil (pei)'ye, 8 891-2: at'p6^Iy&p n0E)cPJ O'ggar', F-kcapET E'9,11 Especially 01v8c, opcov 8' 0"ggauc 0'rF', P-fC0 Eum. 970: Aisch. For the visual element of Persuasion, cf. nOXEtG... the eyes. of 1982,112-3 connotations erotic Buxton on rieteoi)'G; see being just have I 130 Eur. Tro. 982 g o1bneitcrqqampo, example of seduction possible one 6G. kylix tondo the the Meidias of a near the through of words: medium principally out carried

151

SEDUCTION

AND THE WEDDING

The Persuasion of Helen is the paradigmatic adulterous seduction for fifth century Athens, and Peitho's involvement in it underlines her potentially subversive nature. Paradoxically, Peitho also has a role in the eminently conservativeinstitution of the wedding. Buxton comments briefly on Peitho's role as marriage deity in connection with the Artemis cult at Argos, contrasting this with what he seesas "her 1" hetairai". In their articles on Peitho, Voigt managesto read role as patronessof nuptial significanceinto the inscription from Mylasa, and Weizsdckerhas a paragraph on Peitho as "Eheg6ttin", under the generalheadingof "Peitho's significancefor civic life". 132None of these, however, makesthe connectionbetweenthis institutional role and the seductivePeitho of the visual arts.
A number of late literary references present Peitho in this light. In Nonnos' Dionysiaka Peitho, "in the form of a hard-worked woman", leads Kadmos to his bride Harmonia; she is OccXagijnOXoq,"attendant in the bridal chamber", and "delighting in '" Loves". In a later episode she is y(x[toarOxo;, "weddingweddings, nurse of preparing", and arms Dionysos and Poseidon, who are preparing to fight for Bero6's hand in marriage. 134The general association of Peitho with Hermes we have seen from Hesiod on is articulated in Nonnos' mythology as a husband-wife relationship. 13' The epithet yccgoarOXoq is otherwise usually attached to Hera or Aphrodite, as in the Orphic Hymn to Aphrodite, where Aphrodite is "wedding-preparing mother of Loves,

Painter, c.41 0 BC, Getty Museum 82.AE. 38. This shows a seated woman, labelled Demonassa, apparently being lectured rather earnestly by the female figure standing in front of her, while an Er6s stands behind. Marion True (1985,79-88) identifies the speaker as Peitho because of her pose, overlooking the fact that Peitho does not usually look as though Demonassa Demonassa the in is and equates with who persuasion, rhetorical she engaged hydria in Florence (81947). 1 like Lesbos, to ferryman Phaon, the on a would of accompanies Er6s is his hand Peitho, the identification the standing with on since way of retain Demonassa's shoulder, in collaboration with the speaker, does seem to suggest that some kind of seduction is going on, but I would prefer to think of Demonassa as the daughter of Amphiaraos (Paus. 5.17.5,9.5.15), perhaps being persuaded against her better judgement to (who father's his Polyneikes trick Thersander, husband future repeated her of of son marry bribing Eriphyle to send first Amphiaraos, then her son Alkmaion, to war against Thebes). 131 Buxton 1982,35, based largely on the putative link between Peitho and hetairai at Olynthos (above pp. 130-1) and Pindar's Corinthian prostitues, "servants of Persuasion" be to "joli" the rIF-Woug takes Pirenne-Delforge merely S-M). qualification okg(piticokot (fr. 122 the Aphrodite Akrokorinth's question of sacred prostitution. 10-27 and 1994,113); see on 32 Mylasa: above p. 129. Voigt 1937, col. 195; Weizscicker 1909, col. 1810. 133 'Epcouov. 8e 3.84-6,112: Dion. Nonn. rcpicoge'vilv y6gotcrt rt"wilretpav 134 rk-WcoNonn. Dion. 42.530. See Peek 1968-75, s.v. 135 Nonn. Dion. 5.574-5,48.231-2.

152

enjoying the marriage bed (with/of) Peitho", as well as "bridal fellow-diner of the 136 had "and Persuasion Kollouthos has Peitho attendinga wedding: gods". came,who

137 in decorated involvement bridal Peitho's direct More to actual a reference wreath".
by is by wedding ritual supplied a sixth-century epigram JoannesBarbokallos, which purports to record a rustic bridegroom's offerings:
Hermophilas the herdsman,bridegroom of budding-wreathed Eurynome, dedicated curds and honey-combsfrom the hive to Peitho,and the Paphian. Receive the curds for her sake, the honey for mine."'

That Peitho's presencehere is not just a literary conceit is suggested by two passages Plutarch. his Questions The Roman five lit torches in secondof askswhy are as part of the marriageceremony,the last of severalpossibleanswersbeingOr is it becausethey think those getting married needfive gods, Zeus Teleios, Hera Telela, Aphrodite and Peitho, and besidesall theseArten-is, whom women mi childbirth and labour-pains invoke?"9

Although the context is supposedly Roman, the details are all concordant with Classical Greek practice. Hera the Fulfiller is regularly the presiding goddess of legitimacy legal Zeus Aphrodite's the marriage, with consecrating and status; union's in (5.429), Iliad the tigF-poEvra... the role F-pycc yagoto is establishedas early as 1 140

Artemis must be placated by young women leaving her spherefor marriage, or they 141 function have death in For Peitho's the an risk childbirth. after wedding we in explanationelsewhere Plutarch:

136 Hera gamostolos: Pisand. ap. schol. Eur. Phoen. 1748 (vol. III p. 407 Dindorf). Orphic / 'Epcou(0V, Xeivvpoxapq... rIFtOO^t Hymn to Aphrodite 55.8-9 and 11: yagocnOXe vog(PI&CC Ifilcep atw8avrt Oecov. 137Koll. 30: laxitacegoq (kcriciloacya `Xuft. 11 yag'Xtov 11 138 Kai icarr&v 6.55: A. P. net0o^l icalt r1a(pipc (p&vo-o vog(pitoq r(^xq icaX-oicoarr. lalp'ta aitgPXcov/ PCOICOXOq* O'CXX('XSEXEGOE/ C(VT' CCU'T6CqICaICT('XV, CCVT' igE'66V &ve01j1cF-V 'Epgo(pU%ccq Elu'puVogaq/ 0 'CO gext. At6q 86tcy0at OFECOV
8' 'A(ppo8't1Mq rletOobg, icat "Hpccq C'n't n6icyt icait mit rckcitaq imit 1994,77-88 Boulogne Questions, Roman 6UMV On the 0bVvxt. see F'-nt1C(X?, (Xt''Y'UVCC^t1CEq ,CCCtq Roman deities). Greek Plutarch's (on and 118-24 of conflation on marriage) and She glosses Peitho's 1994,421-6. 40 On Aphrodite and marriage see Pirenne-Delforge de de la la jeune de le facilite maison son "Peitho mari6e Plutarch: passage in the presence but (421), 6poux" why. explaining de without A son celle Fere (Artemis). The 24-5 151 411 (Hera), garments of 135 nn. 133 with and and Burkert 1985a, Eur. 1A 1464-7; temple Brauron: dedicated cf. in at died childbirth were those who had into Roman her found the have to does Peitho way not seem inventories, IG 1121514-16. Suadela her Suada to few the or are Axtell, as by listed references is and She not pantheon. Hor. Ep. 1.6.38. 15.58-9, Brut. Cic. (Skutsch), 308 Ann. decidedly literary: Ennius

139 Plut. Quaest Rom. 264b: fi om ice'vue

Wbq

7CCg0bVTCCq OZOVEM, 'Apn'-j1t8oq, i'jv ccc^tq

TFE%C't0'U k XoXeitcct;

153

The ancients worshipped Hermes alongside Aphrodite, since communication is very Graces, that Persuasion the for happiness in couples so and necessary marriage, and 142 be fight do they contentiousor might persuadeeach other to want, and not what

While this is obviously a rationalisation,it brings us back to the combination of Peitho

CUItS. Lesbian Parian Charites Thasian, in Hesiod, and the and and the seen 143

For

Peitho's involvement in the wedding itself we must return to fifth century Athens and the evidenceof vase-painting. There have been hints of wedding ritual in several of the vases already
bear interesting illustrations Oakley Sinos' mentioned, which comparison with of and 144 Athenian Wedding. Without the inscriptions marking it as a Persuasion of the Helen, the central scene of the Berlin amphoriskos would be a generic bridal On Makron's skyphos Paris leads Helen by the wrist with the adornment scene. gesture of a groom leading his bride to her new home, while Aphrodite adjusts Helen's 145 like bridesmaids (nympheutriai) in many wedding scenes. On the the veil, fragmentary New York skyphos which probably depicted the same scene, Peitho is her himation in pulling at a gesture often associated with the anakalypteria, the 146 kanoun for bride. lekythos in On Peitho London the prepares a unveiling of a Aphrodite, which could again be a wedding reference, as such baskets appear in a in have been they to though other rituals as seem used number of wedding scenes, 147 well.

'EpLfiv 'Aqpo8'tv1 138d: Coniug. avyic(At8pucyav, c'oq cfiq Plut. Praec. co'v v^1 oi nakatot 6 It i 'v OOV'CF-q X6 8F Ilet0d) U Cq icalt cTl re cpvraq tva icet Xoyou '8ov^q '' 11 11 y(xgov rov impt t&ktcvccc _%teviiq, XbT 8, 'a' P016%ov'roct,
8tCCnPCvvC(0V, Cat nap, Xxkl, lxo)v (, g, 71 gaxogrvol g 11 Eq t OVEUCO V Eq.

142

143 Cf. Plut. Erotikos 6 for the pairing of peitho and charis in the context of marriage. by influenced least is contemporary romanticisation of partially Plutarch's view of marriage at the institution: see Swain 1996,118-31. 144 Oakley and Sinos 1993. Oakley (1995,66) comments that wedding iconography is fig. 8 for Helen in bride "the see is excellence"; par Helen for mythological as she appropriate 430 F 2436, BC). Berlin Painter the c. (kylix, of of name-vase bridal scene adornment a 145Oakley 1995,65. On the gesture cheVepi karpo and abduction in wedding imagery, see Sinos 1993 figs. 82,85, Oakley in by the bride and the leads wrist Jenkins 1983. The groom her by in adjusting a nympheuteria 118, attended cases most and 87,94,97,102,106,10 Makron's Peitho's take skyphos as Sinos on an presence Oakley forward. her and veil/urging is here the bride the that negating going willingly, indication of divine intercession, suggesting idea of violent abduction (33). 17-18. 1993,25 Sinos nn. Oakley with 146On the anakalypteria, see and Shapiro 1324,45; 1993, ARV E697; London BC, 410-400 147Manner of the Meidias Painter, 163. fig. 21 no.

154

The Eretria Painter's epinetron in Athens, of 425-20 BC, may go some way 148 Three towards explaining Peitho's involvementwith institutional unions (FIG. 30). is Alkestis Thetis, depicted: Peleus and on one side scenesare pursues on the end, 149 in is bridal by On friends her the other, a adornment visited after wedding night. friend by bride is in three the the or progress: women, while a centre, attended seated her mother is seatedto left; there are two winged youths who provide ampleindication her identify bride Harmonia, Inscriptions the the of mother as erotic context. as Aphrodite, and the three standing femalesas Peitho, Kore and Hebe; the youths are
Eros and Himeros. Of course, these are all familiar mythological names, and

Aphrodite really is Harmonia's mother, but this is a unique combination of the "O Shapiro for characters. makes a good case an allegorical reading of the scene-"' the good bride-to-be (Harmonia) is being encouraged by the experienced Aphrodite, with the help of Persuasion, to leave behind her maidenhood (Kore) and enter properly into her prime (Hebe); in other words we have here the traditional pre-marriage instruction knowledge bride being decked the session, out with sexual as well as with such 152 jewellery trappings as and perfume.

in extant vase-paintingon Oakley and Sinos commenton the striking emphasis two parts of the wedding ceremony,the processionand the bride among her friends, "' While for the the night. wedding wedding or receiving gifts after either preparing

148 Athens NM 1629; ARV 1250,34 and 1688; Shapiro 1993, no. 47 fig. 58. 149 See Oakley and Sinos 1993,41-2 figs. 128-30. Their identification of the Alkestis frieze bedroom) doorway to the is leaning (the bride makes sense of a against as an epaulia scene the whole vase as depicting three stages in the wedding process, each associated with a different mythical heroine. 150 Cf. Aisch. SuppL 1038-42 for the combination of Aphrodite, Pothos, Harmonia and Peitho in the context of marriage properly conducted, as contrasted to the forced union of the happy V. Prometheus' to P. in the Similarly, Aigyptos. marriage the Danaids with sons of Zeus (Buxton by lo, the to in (560), of raped plight unhappy Hesione involves peitho contrast 1982,86-7 and 99). 151 Shapiro 1986,14-20; more briefly, Shapiro 1993,105-6, no. 47 fig. 58. 152 Peitho is not often involved in the seduction of a man (the only other example I know of in does the but Vatican persuasion assist the she heart oinochoe), Menelaos' on is change of Shapiro 1993, 400 BC; 108K, Petersburg St. c. of Adonis, on a rather unusual relief oinochoe, 1994, 20*). Icard-Gianolio inscriptions, no. the see (for of 167 fig. 131 reproduction good no. the is of a mortal this seduction case, Aphrodite, to exceptional an Hymn Homeric Like the in is the the Adonis that. love position of placed at the of goddess by and goddess, a man his him to Peitho Er6s receive up bride, softening and inexperienced Helen or hesitating her Er6s Orphic and makes which genealogy in Peitho an unexpected lover. appears ardent be this taken to Diehl); 2.63.29,64.2, 158e should Tim. in (Proklos, = p. Hygieia parents of healthy to leads in offspring? sex mean that willing participation difficult to the are often scenes epaulia The 153 Oakley and Sinos 1993,44. preparation and distinguish.

155

the public processiondominatesearlier wedding imagery, a shift in favour of the more private parts of the ceremony can be seenin the last third of the fifth and the early fourth century, perhapsto be explainedby the generaltrend towards escapismin vasepainting of this period, or by an increasinglyromantic view of the wedding. The motifs of adornment, emphasising the bride's entry into the sphereof Aphrodite, can be read as elements of seduction, an interpretation emphasised by Peitho's occasional inclusion: "we must think of the bride not only as being the target of persuasionbut also as acquiring the power representedby this divine figure.))154Oakley and Sinos' conclusion that the "seductive" element of Athenian wedding imagery reflects a less passive view of women than traditionally held may be a little optimistic, but the essentialpoint, that seductionand the wedding are not mutually exclusivecategories,is important an one.
CONCLUSION

To summarise:our earliestevidencefor the cult of Peitho outside Athens is the

fifth-century inscription from Thasos; at Sikyon the cult may be a late fourth-century innovation; in the Hellenistic period we have reasonableattestations for Paros, Mylasa, and Olynthos. At Pharsalos an elusive inscription indicates an Aphrodite Peitho,

possibly associated with marriage, and Peitho appears again as a cult title of Aphrodite in Knidos Lesbos the Hellenistic period; that she is not a separate deity in the at and on last two places could be explained by the importance of Aphrodite's cult there, the old incorporating her Persuasion goddess among many aspects. At Argos we hear of a date. Attika be Artemis For for Peitho a reasonable of uncertain case can cult of made

from in Aphrodite least Pandemos, Athens, Peitho the association at at with a cult of late fifth century. The "epithet theory" is at first sight tempting, given Peitho's independent but in Aphrodite both title goddess, and as an no of as a appearances from have do location the to the sequence one of a chronological evidence we single linear-development impose Rather to trying model, a more sensible than such a other. but Aphrodite, Peitho is associated to with as generally closely approach perhaps see

154 Oakley and Sinos 1993,46. In literature women who "persuade" men may be regarded 14-214 ff. ), Hesiod's Pandora (//. Zeus deceiving Hera Homer's with some suspicion Pandora both do Hera but (above) Corinthian and so within prostitutes (above), Pindar's herself for Peitho Argos See as a wife. on above the context of marriage.

156

the exact nature of the relationship being subject to local variations, and expressed "' differently accordingto medium. This associationwith Aphrodite is Peitho's most consistent characteristic in in in literature In the visual arts. cult and she very occasionally appears a more political context Themistokles and the Andrians Alkman's sister of Eunomia and Tyche, Herodotos' story of but these referencesare heavily outweighed by her

156 in brief "secular in Buxton's the peitho" appearances account of erotic sphere. literature from Homer to Plato suggests from "bewitching" a shift an archaicerotic and 157 later Classical That to the abstract persuasion a on peitho's rhetorical side. emphasis develop in in direction is hardly this concept should surprising the context of the by for the the growth of sophistic movement and opportunities rhetoric provided Athens' political and legal institutions. The goddesscan indeedoccasionallybe seento in but in literary Pausanias this on the cults at share rhetorical aspect, accountsonly Sikyon and Argos, Aristophanes"sophistic Euripides, Isokrates on Athenian attitudes towards eloquenceword. favour the persuasivepower of the to which are predisposed

For Peitho's much commented-uponassociationwith Artemis, rather than

dependent Pausanias. The Aphrodite, in the Peloponnese antiquity on we are entirely be latter least but is Argos Sikyon the to the may at open question, or of cults at both Artemis Peitho by the and with marriage, as common connection of explained for bulk by that The Plutarch. suggests practice actual cult of our evidence suggested Peitho was primarily worshipped as an associateof Aphrodite, and even Aphrodite's "democratic" is Athens to to Pandemos explanations. as susceptible erotic as at epithet As late as the theatre-seat inscriptions Aphrodite Pandemosseemsto have some in fifth-century Attic Peitho's Bride, Nymphe, the appearances and connection with from imagery in Helen, in taken her involve the of seduction vase-painting logos" for but "no have temple Peitho other the may wedding. of representations her for her the but majority of significance Aristophanes' Euripides, clearly love "logical" from far in lay and marriage. of sphere the worshippers

155Cf. Pirenne-Delforge's conclusion (1994,456). Peitho The for 1982,36-45 Buxton of the See survey. f. a 156Alkman fr. 64 Page, Hdt 8.111 is just her but side as in magical/erotic character, political is Oresteia much cited as 1985,16-19. Gross 1982,105-13; Buxton see a lWparent; Buxton 1982,48-57.

157

Chapter 5 HYGIEIA: "NON DEA SED DONUM DEI".

live I Health, greatestof the blessed with you gods,may for the rest of my life, and may you be a willing inmateof my house. For if thereis anyjoy in wealth or children, in king's or a godlike power over men, Aphrodite's hidden in desires hunt the nets, or with which we if or any other delight or rest from labours has beenrevealed by the godsto mortals, it is with your help, blessed Health, that all things flourish and shineto the Graces'murmuring. Without you no oneis happy. Ariphron, Hymn to Hygieia'

Ariphron wrote his hymn to Hygieia around 400 BC, and its long-lasting

is by fact its inscription from Athens Epidauros, the appeal attested of as on stelai and by in late Ages. On Athens Middle the the as well citations writers as stele, of as cAD 200, now in Kassel, it is inscribed between hymns to Asklepios and
2

Telesphoros,while on the Epidauran stele Hygieia's hymn is followed by hymns to Asklepios and Athena.' The latter is one of a pair of stoneson which six hymnsare have inscribed, and since one is headed 60'pq cpt", Bremer these may rin suggests formed a "breviary-on-stone" for daily worship. Certainly the hymn, with all its literary refinement, must have been in official cult use, while in Athenaiosit appears 4 in a more domestic context, sung as the equivalentof a prayer at the end of a meal. Less well preservedis the Chian Likymnios' hymn, more or less contemporarywith

' Ariphron, ap. Athen. 15.702: 'YY'IP-t(X,

CTE

11r(xq Ehipp-lbogev, 'A(ppo5ivaq (xprucytv ICPwtOtq ObG 6CXX(X T OCOOFEV \ OCAPONCOUTt 'TF'-PVtG il nowov &jt7wocc IVtq Et 71 ice(pavroct, 'Yyiteta, T gevx acto, g6cicay' Mcgnet Xapitcow occpotqicat navvx ,ce&Ae " 86 'OE
V xCOP\t G ObTts E,-08 00tg OW E(PI).

ICPF-(YP'tCFT(XJIMC&POW, gFUM %06b V(Xt'Otgt TO' I 56' XEt7COgEVOV Ptolr&q, gOt 7CPO(PPO)V (T1bVOtKOq STilq016 ICXO1bTOI) X(XptG 7"1TEEKEOW Et 'YCCP 'Ttq IN & 0 11 (X , Pacrtkil't8os 6CVOP6ICOtq icro8aitgovoq ^ Px q" Ic'ecov,

is insertion PporO^WYt the text this of after on the For my purposes, only significant variant 813). (PMG for "greatest 1.1, in mortals" 'Y-jiteta 3092. Citations: see Campbell Greek Lyric V 2 Ariphron's date: choregic inscription, IG 112 hymn). the (most of recent edition Loeb, 1993,134-7 Sobel 1990, 1915 80; Bieber Wilhelmshbhe, Schlog no. Mus. 3 Athens: /G 112 Kassel, 4533; 132. IVA IG Epidauros: 1. pl. 4 Bremer 1981,210-11. 158

Ariphron's, which addresses Hygieia as "Bright-eyed mother, longed-for queen of Apollo's holy throne on high, softly-smiling Health."' From such invocations it would seemthat the goddessHygieia was held in high regard. Shewas presentin the form of statuesor votive reliefs, and invoked in inscriptions, in sanctuariesof Asklepios all over the Greek world. Hygieia came to Rome as part of the cult of Aesculapiusin 293 BC, where she continued to flourish long after she was officially identified with and absorbedby Salus in 180 BC, and her in imperial has been found in far the evidenceof period placesas apart as worship 6 Rouen and Ptolemais. But while the cult of Hygieia is amply documentedfrom the fourth century BC on, its origins are obscure, and her consistentdependence on the is Asklepios feature. does Unlike Themis, Nemesis Peitho, male a striking and she in literature has before her in not appear extant or art earliestattestation cult, and she little her to mythological role provide personalcharacterisation, statusas very making immediately the a personification more apparent. Recent studies of Hygieia's iconography and cult make an exhaustiveaccount of the evidenceunnecessary here, but this combination of impersonality and widespread worship makes her an 71 for interesting case our investigation. shall look in particular at the question of the ' her goddess' origins and relationshipwith the conceptsheembodies.

5 Likymnios, ap. Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. 49 (PLG4 111 599; PMG 769): At7rapoggaceg6vcep, 'Y-litetoc (Page reads Opmov/ c;Egv(j)v 'AnokkamS pactiXetoc o)G noft-w6c) 1Cp(XbyF',?, C' bViaTcov bVitcy'rec). 6 Arrival of Asklepios in Rome: Livy 10.47.6-7 (with summary of book 11), Ovid Met. 15.626-744. Identification of Hygieia with Salus: Livy 40.37.1-3. Continued existence of (CiL VI 153 BC Rome in Hygiae Aesculapi lex BC: 180 at et Hygieia post collegi e.g. a Aesculapius the temple Interestingly, 1b). 1990, Sobel of 1172; Vatican Rome, pl. 10234; Salus. See than Hygieia, to the rather and Lambeasis god in contained altars and Salus (1987,13-15) Axtell in Italy; Asklepios' 839-61) (1975, cult on Edelstein and Edelstein nos. Valetudd. Salus, Hygieia, Roman and on 7 Sobel 1990 (see end pages, for maps showing the distribution of Hygieia's cult, as 238 LIMC 1990; Croissant with and attested by written sources/archaeological evidence) in Nemesis to popularity. personifications amongst only Hygieia second comes entries, the his 105-6) material. of synopsis usual gives Hamdorf (1960,47-8 and 8 An early version of this chapter was delivered as a paper at the conference Hygieia: Amongst there, the 1994. September in Exeter audience held Antiquity, in at Good Health in helpful their Grimm Veronika comments especially King Helen were Stears, and Karen Flemming. Rebecca to to I writers medical references my owe suggestions. and 159

"WITHOUT

You

No ONE IS HAPPY"

A thorough investigation of the word hygieia and its usage is beyond the be in from definitions few but a variety of writers may useful scope of this chapter, a later hygieia is In it is Hygieia that medical writers establishingwhat represents. a technical term, opposedto nosos,"disease,sickness",and closely defined as a matter of the correct balancebetweenthe elements:
For health and diseasecome about concerning the powers of the primary bodies from which living creatures are composed,that is the elements,the powers of which heat, dryness. it is in due For the are cold, moisture and proportion of these powers with each other that health consists, and diseaseconsists in the disproportion of these 9 samethMgs.

Galen gives a similar definition at the beginning of the Hygiene, but elsewhere commentson the more popular usageof the terms:
I seeall men using the nouns hygieia and nosos thus... For they consider the person in whom no activity of any part is impaired "to be healthy", but someonein whom 'O is impaired "to be one of them sick".

Plutarch provides an example of such non-technical usage in the course of his likewise hygieia "ox-hunger", the account of meaningof contrasting with nosos and implying former is that the the natural state. perhaps
Since any kind of starvation, and particularly boulimos, resemblesa disease, inasmuch as it occurs when the body has been affected unnaturally, people quite do it (with they the normal state), as want with wealth and reasonably contrast diseasewith health."

health is body ", In a medical context, hygieia is clearly "soundness and suchgood of like further, Ariphron, Non-medical implied in texts go more general usage. also life's but hygieia thing, other one without which none of not only a good making late in is familiar idea twentieth be The the century general enjoyed. can advantages 12 to havebecomea commonplace "He that wants healthwants all" - and it seems

9 Alexander of Aphrodisias Quaestiones 1.9; tr. Sharples 1992,46. 10 Hygiene: Green 1951,5. On the Therapeutic Method 1.5.4; translation Hankinson 1991, 22. 8' 8e n&; gev eioucev [6] ktg6; v600),g(lxxtarcc 11 Plut. Quaest. Conv. 6.8 (Moralia 694b): eicelt (1); LCV EtICOIECD; (XVTtT(XTCOI)CyIV CT(jDg(XT0q, TOb WbCtV PoUtgOG, IC(Xp('X WBOVTOG 0"TI -f'tVFTCCt 0 Plutarch's in TI Also this byitetav. of accounts are chapter Be %O), IQC eV8E, 0q Vomp rV V n, CovC, r0, Ox-hunger' (see "driving Chaironeian the Smyrna out of and the holocaust to Boubrostis at below p. 193 on Ploutos). 12 Penguin Dictionary of Proverbs (1983, no.87.8). 160

in Greek literature. Simonidesis supposed is "there have that to voiced the sentiment 13 health", no pleasure in beautiful wisdom if a man does not have holy and the primacy of health is similarly assertedin a much-quoted drinking song attributed to Simonidesor Epicharmos: To behealthyis bestfor mortalman, is to be of beautifulappearance, second third is to bewealthywithouttrickery, 14 fourth be friends. to youngwith one's and The primacy or otherwise of health as "a good" is explicitly discussedby SextusEmpiricus in Against the Ethicists, in the courseof an argumentas to whether good and evil really exist. In demonstratingthat opinions about what is good and is what evil conflict, he usesthe exampleof hygieia, a subjectparticularly familiar to him, since he himself was a physician. He quotes Ariphron, Likymnios and Simonides,in support of the statement "Now, that hygieia is a good, and the prime has been by by few the good, asserted not a of poets and writers and generally all folk. "15 For an expert opinion he cites Herophilos, the Kean physician, ordinary his display itself is 300 BC, "in Dietetics that c. who affirms and art wisdom cannot in non-evident and strength unexerted and wealth uselessand speechpowerless the health. -), 316 Others, Academics the absenceof and Peripatetics,recognise particularly health as a good, but not the prime good. A "pleasing illustration" of this point of We is disciple 300 BC. Xenokrates, Krantor, to c. are to picture of a view attributed for first by the the theatre, prize, each goods entering one one and competing a with (0 last. Wealth First than the nkoblroq), comes presenting a more convincing case there is no profit then Pleasure(il 718ovil). Third, Health explainsthat in her absence in pleasure or wealth, quoting Euripides: "What does wealth profit me when I am

11.49): Adv. Math. Emp. Sext. (ap. PMG fr. 604 Simonides gilft' imX&S cmpitaqeariv V lb'Y'F-Mv. CFFgV' (ei t Pind. P. 3.73 E'XF-t 'CtS (X (1964,47) this Hamdorf Ei X(Xptq/ cites and 60 g, &EOXCOV T' MtLOV instances XPA)CFECCV t^I rlAtcov 6 'xYCOV as of byitctav crre(p('xvotS) (x't'-tkccv larcepow Hygieia's appearance in poetry before 420, but both are rather equivocal cases of
/ 6evrepov Be 6cvsp, 6eptcy'rov Ovilcc^p, 651): (PMG 146 fr. IC(X), O, v qu&v t Simon. i)yta'tvetv giv gF-, rc, c rcov (P'I), CDV. / I Be,Icko-O'CeTtv / 'co,'CP't'TOV lipav Icalt 'ro,Te'COCP'COV o'cBoxo)g, T eveaOat, 5f5
51

13

1%

ersonification. I 4
Adv. Math.

11.49: 6cyccOo'v jv -07F-, tccv Ovic O'X'Iyot etpilicact Tl, gc'v oU, iccc't'Cou'ro np(JDTov, 6cn6o Pitolu. robu oit n6ccvceS iccc@60koL) icccit (T-0-typa(piecov Ucov IC(Xit TE 7tOlll'rCcoOV TCOV 6CVF,
16

Adv.

EXVTIV

C'*CB11,1C(Xt

8tcctTn'CllCq) (PlICF'tV 1C(X't CTO(P't(XV Q) Be %oq 'Hp6(pt, 11.50: Math. ev c^ X'Yov v 6CVCCYCOVt(Y'VOV iCYX't')V Ica, t0 axpelo 7ZXO'^L)'COV %OV ICCC't

7Z'8FtlC'COV t Kcct

6cs-bvcccov )Ye, 1, t(xq 161

sick? I would rather live a painlesslife, having a little day by day, than be rich and 17 her " But last of all enters Courage (ij ocv8p6icc), that suffer sickness. claiming health presenceis essentialfor the maintenance the endsup with only others, so of all secondplace. For a more populist considerationof hygieia's ranking as a good thing, we
might turn to Lucian's De Lapsu. This is ostensibly an apology to a patron for "a slip in the tongue of greeting": Lucian accidentally said "Health to you" when protocol "Joy to you". But he takes the opportunity for a disquisition on the three required forms of greeting w' X(xitpF-tv,w' 1)yt(xtvp-tvand To' 6' ) npavmtv, giving examples of the usage of each from various philosophers and other writers, as well as adducing supposedly historical instances, to show that wishing someone health in fact both "joy" and "doing well". Apparently, Plato rejected "Joy to you" as encompasses bad and pointless, substituting "Do well", while Pythagoras advised his pupils to use "Health to you". They always began serious letters to one another with it, as "the

18 for both body human greeting most suitable and soul, encompassing all goods". Epicurus, too, started letters to his dearest friends "Health to you", and the greeting first in often comes epic, tragedy and Old Comedy. Philemon says, "First I beg good health, and second doing well, thirdly to have joy, and last to owe no debts". 19 The Simonides drinking song is cited, then the first line of Ariphron's hymn: I need

hardly mention that most familiar piece of all which is on everyone's lips... Then if health is greatest of the gods, her work, the enjoyment of health, is likewise to be put before the other goods. ,20 One of Lucian's "historical" examples is Pyrrhos of Epiros: in all his prayers to the gods, he never asked for victory or glory or excessive

17

Tit 714 Nauck): fr. Telephos (Eur. 11.56 Math. Adv. %Otgt OE-', C5CV ICa't fjIE'P(XV ICCCO'

gitjCp,

Asklepios deities", fellow her and other "in mean could perhaps which company with enters members of her family. 18 De lapsu 5: O)q imit cww' VL)xT^IcF, &navroc rcvrov icocit cruvokcoq iaxit acogan ('xpgo8td), Pythagoreans that these to Lucian even assert goes on Okyaecc. r('XVE)PCOn'tVO'L) neptetxlypk their they intersecting triangle triple symbol the as a of used Pentagram, which the called first four (i. Quaternion the the Philolaos, sum of e. called "Health", g. and some, e. sect, integers, 1+2+3+4=10) "the Beginning of Health".
19 De lapsu 6: atiu-) 8' byltetav
U / npuCOV, ET"T' F-1bnP(X'IOCV,TP'tTOV 6qrE'tXEtV XOC'tpF-tV, CIT'

Y&P ltC TCXOU'rOq WPEEWt VOOOUVT& P'tOTOV C"X(OV/ a'X'L)ICOV OiICETV Icko-OCOW Health vocrETV.

/ -IF-;

'CTT'V CDCFICE F-I 7CPF-CFP'tCT'T1j 6t 5 a7CCOCOV.

0 De lapsu 6: i'va cyot p) ro' ywoptgoncurov ex6vo laxit n&crt 8ta cnogaw; bytCC'
t0 T' 'L)yt F-t(X$ 1C(X' 1) 71 P'YOV (X"r^; FT'0 tVFtV

Xvyco, 'Yy'tct(x...

TCPO'TC(ICTEOV TOW (X

162

wealth, but only to be healthy (bytccivp-tv);he was sure that if he had this he would easily get all the rest. Lucian comments,"I think he was right when he considered that all the good things in the world are worth nothing when health is the one thing "21 He endshis caseby suggestingthat his slip of the tongue was inspired by missing. Hygieia herself or by Asklepios, in order that his patron might be promised health 22 him, Asklepios through and prays that might acceptthis composition. The concept Hygieia embodies, then, is good health, physical soundness
is which a necessary prerequisite for a good life. This puts her in a rather different from "order", "righteous anger"' and "persuasion" though conceptual category "health" is grammatically an abstract, it is manifested in extremely tangible forms, of immediate personal interest to everyone. For anyone with a Christian background the deification of such a physical, earth-bound state is particularly difficult to

comprehend, and St Augustine's rationalisation appealing: "she is not a goddess, but 23 a gift of God" .
HYGIEIA'S ORIGINS

Hygieia first appears as an autonomous deity in 420 BC when she arrives in Athens with Asklepios; before this her history seemsto be divided into two strands, in Athens and in the Peloponnese. A cult of Athena Hygieia seems to have been 24 least first half fifth from Akropolis Athenian the the of the century. at observed on A dedication of c.475 BC by the potter Euphronios, found on the Akropolis, is often is fragmentary, inscription Athena honouring Hygieia, the and although very cited as in it dedicatee Apollo Paian; the either case an alternative restoration would make hygieia just than the to as an epithet of rather concept as read as plausible seems 2' is however, by health Less for in Athena, a evidence provided, equivocal a prayer .

21
22

i)'Yt(X'tVFtV 6CV I TOb CFr' CCY(XOO-)V,r'r/,

De lapsu 11: iccet &'ptcrra olqtat

i(ppOVEI, )LOYtOg6VOq

0"Tt OI')UV

O'(PFkOq rcov 6mav'row

LOVOV&TC-

is Roman to the that he equivalent 13 greeting salve At 19. 15 points out De lapsu and A)YtatvEtv. 'CO 23 City of God 4.20; this is actually applied to Virtus, but Health would certainly fall within 58-9. 4; book throughout lambasted pp. see above deities the category of minor 24 See above pp.60-1 on the noun-noun combination. 25 IG 13824, B 4: ccv [h]Witeta[v ]v.. DAA 255-8, no.225. The supposition that this is .... ... 1989,12 1; Aleshire Hygieia Athena and n. g. e. persists: for of cult early an sound evidence Maxmin ingeniously 1996,47. Robertson 1993,125; Shapiro 62; Ridgway 1992,137 and n. 163

fragment vase also from the first half of the fifth century bearing the graffitto "Kallis 26 dedicated Although not much of the vase Athena Hygieia". made and this to survives, the image over which the dedication is inscribed could well be an armed Athena: most of the shield can be seen, decorated with a snake, held against flowing drapery. The shield device might call to mind Hygieia's usual attribute, but snakes are also associated with Athena in her own right. We do not hear of Athena Hygieia again until the 430s, but here we have both a complete inscription and a story to go it, Plutarch's with account of an accident which happened in the course of Perikles' building programme on the Akropolis. A workman engaged on the Propylaia fell

from a great height, and was so badly injured that doctors despaired of him, but Athena appeared to Perikles in a dream and prescribed a course of treatment, which healed the man: "It was in commemoration of this that he set up the bronze rapidly statue of Athena Hygieia on the Akropolis near her altar, which was there before, as they say.1)27The details of the story, with its combination of divine intervention and practical treatment, probably owe much to the authors' knowledge of later healing procedures at Epidauros and other Asklepieia, but such a statue was indeed dedicated at around this time. A base found just inside the Propylaia attests a public dedication, rather than a private one by Perikles: "The Athenians to Athena Hygieia. Pyrrhos the

Athenian made (this) 5528 The baseis still in situ, next to an altar of the sameperiod, . which perhaps replaced an older altar destroyed in the course of the new building in the 430s. Athena Hygieia appearsonly rarely after 420 and the arrival of work Asklepios with his associate. In the 330s sacrificesto her at the Lesser Panathenaia are recorded as having beenfunded by taxes levied on the recentlyrecoveredterritory

links this with Euphronios' change of career from painter to potter and suggests that the "health" desired might have been a cure for long-sightedness. 26 6CvFO[IjICFv]; %, Xtg/ [E', 13 Kcc, ]ICotFCY[E] 'Aftqatcal bytegoct] xccit IG 506 (Athens Akropolis 1367): ARV2 1556; Wolters 1891,154-7; Graef and Langlotz 1933, no.1367 and pl.91. 27 Plut. Perikles 13.7-8. Cf. Pausanias (1.23.4), who takes care to distinguish between a daughter Asklepios" Athena is "who "who Hygieia of and one of say also people statue of bears the surname Hygieia". Pliny probably conflates the two: Pyrrhus (fecit) Hygiam et Minervam (NH 34.80). Wolters (1891,159-60) suggests that the statue was perhaps dedicated in thanks at the end of the plague in the early 420s. 28 rIUPPO 13 506: 'AOev(x^tot 'AOF_va^ioq. 'Y'YtF-'IQC. 'ABevaitpc E'_7CO'ITjCYF_V DAA 185-88 lr 'Cfi IG See Travlos (1971,124 fig. 170) inscription). for the (two 166 523, of a close-ups no. and discrepancy dedicator dismisses the Ridgway to base. the as as an of photograph good (1996,137-8). the truth" "distorted of version a example of ancient sources preserving 164

in 29 Oropos is Elsewhere in Attika Athena Hygieia of only mentioned once, and .

" Acharnai. having passing,by Pausanias, an altar at as It would be interesting to know what this Athena Hygieia looked like. Attempts have beenmadeto identify replicasof Pyrrhos' statuein the type of Athena best known from that in the Hope collection. The main reason for making a found Athena between be Hope together that the the two to connection was seems in her iconography is Asklepios Hygieia, there as nothing obvious with statuesof and to suggest the identification: her helmet is decorated with pairs of sphinxes and her features horses, has dense trimming all and aegis a particularly of snakes, winged in terms of Athena's own mythology. explicable The identification has been

discreditedon technical grounds, as the marks on the basedo not fit with the feet of " indicate Athena Hope The that the statuewhich any of the copies. cuttings rather the base supported had its right foot forward, the left drawn back and turned has held in left hand base. Robertson to the the outwards, with a spear anchored be identified Athena Hygieia that the recently suggested cult statueof should with the Athena Promachos, which in turn should be associatedwith the striding Athena been have depicted on Panathenaic Pyrrhos's a smaller-scale statuewould amphoras; 32 be based His to this, argument seems not striding quite so actively. version of largely on an anecdote by Cassius Dio which records that, during the battle of Actium, a statue of Athena on the Athenian Akropolis turned from east to west and 33 Antony; favoured Octavian indicating blood, than that the such a rather gods spat

'AOIjv6Xt M)o/ [Ouaitoc; GlibetvU 'ro-bgtieponotobq rfit] viv ce gev 'Tfit vkq ... 't(Xt i)'YIF, Humphreys 1985,208. IC(Xt TT'JV EV T(Ot C'Cp-/[XOC't(Ot VCO)t 01)0]g6'V'qV... 30 Paus. 1.31.6. Athena Hygieia appears once outside Attika, though not until the second 'Aoljvc AsklepioS: by dedication in Epidauros, Hieron of a priest AD, made a near at century Epidaure (Cavvadias, 'Ioovtoq 6o1bXoq Ao: 'Amcki-intoi) Mapico; 'Y-fte't9c 0 tiepeb; cob lonfipo Hygieia inscribed the than 265) name with (1993,126 an altar 49). Shapiro suggests n. Athena instance be Delphi Pronoia of Athena another might temenos at in found the of Hygieia's cult; its location may be indicated by the conspicuous inscription 'YrIEIAI on the inside of the temenos wall. 31 1am indebted to Birte Lundgren for information extracted from her notes for an entry on identification Studniczka's For Archive. of of Ashmole refutation in the a the Hope Athena Mathiopoulos 1968,105-6. Mathiopoulos argues Pyrros' statue, see the Hope Athena with Hope/Famese type, the the which important of original a work as that Pyrros' statue was as replicas. the many of production inspired 32 Robertson 1996,47-8; he perhaps dismisses the difference in stance too lightly. Athena 13. Androtion Against Demosth. 1.28.2; Paus. schol. Promachos: 33 Cassius Dio 54.7.3. 165 IG
112

29

334.8-10:

statue, he maintains, ought to be out of doors (to make the most of the orientation point) and spitting blood suggestsan associationwith Hygieia. Plutarchis account, however, seemsto imply that the statue of the 330s was erected next to an altar which had previously stood by itself, and while it may be possible to associatethe Athena of Panathenaicamphoraswith an outdoor sanctuaryand statue, it is difficult 34 her be to seewhat connectionwould with Hygieia. For the Peloponnese, have before Hygieia's two testimonies to we existence 420, a fact which has led some to postulate that she originated in this area as an autonomousdeity who becameassociatedwith Asklepios becauseof their similarity " function. But we have very little to go on, and what we do have already of Hygieia with Asklepios. Pausanias lists statuesof Hygieia and Asklepios associates among the seriesof statuesby Dionysios of Argos which stood along the south side of the temple of Zeus at Olympia. Thesewere dedicatedby Mikythos (treasurerof Anaxilas tyrant of Rhegion, later regent for his children) around 460 BC, apparently 36 At Titane, in in thanks for a miraculous cure brought about by prayer at Olympia. the northern Peloponnese, there was an Asklepieion supposed to have been establishedby Alexanor, son of Machaon and grandson of Asklepios. Pausanias describesthe statue of Asklepios as very ancient, dressedin a white woollen tunic being hidden by "Babylonian Hygieia that the and cloak, and of as almost swathesof 37 hair her. Such to clothing" and massesof women's clothed statuesand offered fourth indicate the than century, and the offerings might a cult of greater antiquity 3' it Hygieia implies That the that cult of was well account was popularly observed . is by fact fifth by in locality the that the the this century suggested end of established Ariphron, author of our hymn, camefrom Sikyon,just a few miles away from Titane. He calls her npp-aptara Q.1) another possible indication of her antiquity, though "oldest" important" "most the than this of gods. the rather mean may context given

34 See Neils (1992,36-7) for the attribution of such a sanctuary to a Tanathenaic Athena". 35 See Croissant 1990,554. 36 Paus. 5.26.2; cf. Hdt. 7.170 on Mikythos. 37 Xc^lpcg K(X't 7EO86q. govov laxit ('X'lcp(Xt TCPOCFO)7TOV ft Paus. 2.11.6: Dailvewct rob 0'Vy6cxgovr0q YyetccG 8' intpe, pX11'rat. ipeobG Xe-ox0'G Eiart lcazck lc(x, t tig6vutov icait oi Xt, r('Ovy6cp Te yi)v(xtic(jDv at aiko' icogat iceptexuumv it, 60ts 6(v obuo %g(x. pqc8'tcL)G, 'rono 0i)86 0161C (xy(x, OF-Tekag@VEG. 11 t &YOkog Cp %oDv'taG B(xP'L), im' c(xt cfi 1CEtpov, 38 On dressing statues, see Romano 1988. 166

The two strands come together with Hygieia's arrival in Athens in the wake Telemachos Epidaurian the in BC, Asklepios the 420 of an event recorded on Monument, which gives an exceptionally detailed account of the founding of the cult. From fragments found on the site of Asklepios' sanctuary on the south slope of the Akropolis, the monument can be reconstructed as consisting of a tablet carved with both four by inscriptions reliefs on sides, supported a pilaster with and reliefs on all sides (FIG. 31a). On the main relief Asklepios is shown standing, to the right, with a female companion seated on a table, beneath which crouches a dog; a smaller-scale figure to the left, his hand raised in a gesture of prayer, must be a human, quite 39 himself Telemachos (FIGS. 31b) The presence of the dog may be plausibly . by the animal's association with the hero in his sanctuaries at Epidauros paralleled 40 Peiraeus. the and

The larger male figure is recognisable as Asklepios on

iconographic grounds, being bearded and semi-draped,but the female is without distinguishing attributes. The identity of both, however, can be inferred from the account of Telemachos' contribution to the cult's foundation inscribed on the one (FIG. 31c): the reasonably well-preservedside of pilaster
Telemachos founded the sanctuary and altar to Asklepios first, and Hygieia, the sons of Asklepios and his daughters and... Coming up from Zea.during the Great Mysteries he (Asklepios) was conveyedto the Eleusinion; and having sent for his brought him (Asklepios) here Telemachos servants at own expense, on a wagon, Hygieia; the time in accordancewith an oracle; at same came and so the whole 41 Astyphilos in Kydantidai of sanctuary was established the archonship of ....

39 Fragments of relief, side A: i) Hygieia (?): Athens NM 2477 and London BM 1920.6-161; ii) Asklepios: Padua Mus. Civ.; iii) Telemachos (?): Verona, Mus. Maffeiano. See Beschi 1982 for a full discussion of the fragments and reconstruction of the monument. He shows Mitropolou's 1975 reconstruction and identification of the two divine figures as Amynos and Asklepios' B Beschi interprets The be to as recording on side relief unsound. a companion journey from Epidauros via the Piraieus to Athens in symbolic terms, depicting a ship and Asklepieion. the left the the new the of propylon right, on waves on 40 Thrasymedes' chryselephantine cult statue of Asklepios at Epidauros had a dog lying at its side (Paus. 2.27.2). Dogs and Kynagetai are among the recipients of bloodless sacrifice 2 Asklepieion (IG 11 4962 8-10; Peiraeus from the lex fourth-century a. in sacra a specified below n.91). see i8[P1bCTCC'TO 41 [T1'nXF, gCCXOq TO' t'/e]pO'V 112 4960 fr. EM 8821): Athens 226; XXV (SEG 1-20 IG a.
/ fty/(XTP(XcFtvl 100t... 'ACTCY[10,111no ......
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21-5). (1994b, the his stone own examination of Clinton, based on

167

It hasbeen generally held that Asklepios travelled in the form of a snake,but Clinton has recently made a good case for the alternative restoration of the inscription adopted here, and suggeststhat both Asklepios and Hygieia took the more orthodox 42 This journey from the form of statues,eventuallyto be put up in the new sanctuary. Piraeus was commemoratedannually thereafter by the Epidauria, held on the 17th Boedrornion, a conveniently empty day in the midst of the older festival of the EleusinianMysteries.43 Clinton demonstrates that the connectionwith Epidauroswas by the festival's name, but also by the regular participation of not only emphasised from Epidauros; this he connects with the important role of Eleusinian officials in bringing Asklepios to the Eleusinion, and possibly previously to Zea, officials Telemachos' which account carefully down-plays, stressingrather that his own part in the proceedingshad the approval of Delphi.44 A secondfestival, the Asklepieia, held was on the 8th Elaphebolion,the day of the "Preliminary to the Contest" at the beginning of the City Dionysia, although we have little information on this.
45

Asklepios must have been known in Athens long before 420,46 but it is only with Telemachos' formal introduction that the cult begins to be observed, and the sanctuary with which it is associated probably remained essentially private for the first fifty to seventy-five years of its existence, not receiving state funding until the 47 fourth mid century.

The TelemachosMonument is also the first time Hygieia is seenin Athens as a goddess separatefrom Athena. As we have seen,Hygieia was probably already in Asklepios is least Peloponnese, Epidauros the associated and attestedat with at as fifth fourth idea Clinton turn the to the the the early as of century. arguesagainst of

42Clinton 1994b, 23-4. Such "ancient images (aphidrymata)" of Asklepios and Hygieia are 1046.13-14). referred to in a decree from the Athenian Aklepieion of 52/1 BC (IG 112 43 Philostratos Vita Apollonii 4.17; Paus. 2.26.8. Parke 1977,63-5. 44 Clinton 1994b. On the introduction of Asklepios' cult to Athens, see also Garland 1992, 116-35; Parker 1996,175-85. 45 Aischines 3.67; IG 112 (restored). 1496.109-10,133-5,150; SEG XVI 11.26.11 46 In the Iliad Asklepios is of course father of the physician heroes Machaon and Podaleirios, leaders of the contingent from Trikka, Ithome and Oichalia. Hesiod's Catalogue of Women (frs. 50-2 M.W. ) apparently told the story of Asklepios' life, and a On Homeric Asklepios Walton the 3.25-60. Pythian in Pindar see fuller version appears 1894,1-7; Ker6nyi 1956,70-86; Edelstein and Edelstein 1975,111-22. 47 On the history of the Athenian Asklepieion, see Aleshire 1989, esp. 7-20. On the dedicants, the Aleshire the there of see also dedication status economic and practice of 1992. 168

Telemachos Epidaurian the that for Hygieia Athenian the an the grounds on origin 48 inscription implies that her statueonly joined Asklepios' after he left the Eleusinion. Even if such a literal interpretation is accepted,however, it would not necessarily inscription both Hygieia local Athenian from have the that mean source; a must come imported it Hygieia the the and explicitly relief above rather associate closely with in Asklepios. being Athena 330s Hygieia That the to cult of made sacrificeswere still in hypothesis Monument Hygieia Telemachos the that the the also undermines was of 49 development from Athenian Athena Hygieia The closestwe have the someway a . come to seeingthe "epithet theory" at work is the caseof Aphrodite and Peitho, and Athena them unlike and Hygieia do not seem to remain closely associated,the independentHygieia's primary relationshipbeing with Asklepios. It can also not be coincidental that Hygieia appearsfor the first time in Athenian vase painting in the " last two decades (see below). of the century That Athens' patron goddessshould have included healing among her many
" is lie but if independent Hygieia's the attributes not particularly surprising, origins outside Attika, how did she come into being? Most problematic is her complete lack be foundation of early mythological pedigree providing a upon which a cult could dependence Asklepios Her on suggest established. consistent association with and that she derived from him in some way, but exactly how is difficult to establish in the 52 is impossible for her It that not absence of more evidence pre-420 existence. Hygieia originated purely in iconographical invention, as a useful means of

Clinton 1994b, 24 n.22. 49 As e.g. Farnell 1896-1909,1317-8. 50 The Epidauros link is also reflected on an Attic red-figure plate of 420-10, where a by Asklepios, baby holding the is Epidauros another accompanied shown personified female figure Eu(kleia?), and approaching a seated Eudaimonia; a tripod on top of an Ionic dithyrambic in to background contest, a a victory in the alludes probably column Universiteit; Leuven, Katholieke birth. Asklepios' presumably with a poem recounting Shapiro 1993,65-6 no.20; Schefold 1981,57-8 fig. 70. 51 Farnell 1896-1909,1 317: "the Athenians in this as in other matters attribut[ed] to their life". the to of tended amelioration that physical goddess all 2 Hygieia never possessed a temple of her own anywhere, and she rarely had even so for Egyptian Hygieia, built temple Epidauros At herself. was a to much as an altar did have ), but (Pius? Antoninus" even "the she not a by senator Asklepios and Apollo 2.27.6). (Paus. this before there shared temple 169

48

far deity that Asklepios' her but "product", of any exceeds representing a as success 53 born deliberate device. other of such a
HYGIEIA's

ASSOCIATES

deities from If Hygieia's early history is obscure,her associations with other 420 on provide a more promising line of enquiry. In the first half of the fourth has have been Demeter Metapontum: to century sheseems at a stater associated with head identical in issues but Demeter, to the a contemporary representing on neck, 54 letters, is inscription It is tempting to make much of the HYIFIEIA. tiny the implications allegorical -a good crop/plentiful food ensuresgood health but a

be here Hygieia to simpler explanation would see as a property of Metapontum's deity, hygieia Athena Hygieia. The to principle or a parallel with closest we get being divinity is Hygiates, "Dispenser Health", Dionysos cognate of used of a male a in Athenaios, fourth-century the attested quoting medical writer Mnesitheos. The fragment is a passage beneficial if in the taken on properties of wine, moderation,as for body, being in to giving strength mixing with mind and and useful medicine, drugs. It ends with the comment, "Because of this Dionysos is everywherecalled (tiarp0j', physician Dionysos 1)Yt(Xr,
9q.,, 5'

to which Athenaios adds, "The Pythia has told some to call ICIor bytccTij; were But it is not at all clear that either twrpo;

it have been is the titles; adduced once medical properties of wine ever official cult 56 be described "doctor". In inevitable the that the as giver of wine should almost
fourth-century healer, Athenaios Dionysos the comic poet also quotes as context of

Euboulos, who puts a speechon how much wine should be provided at a party into Dionysos' mouth. The fragment standsin a long tradition of sympotic poetry on the intake: drinking dangers the of a moderate pleasures and of excessive subject of the

53 Edelstein and Edelstein (1975,89-90, n.51) summarise the arguments for and against Asklepios". "an Athenian of "an emanation being or Hygieia creation" 54 Croissant 1990,219*; Sobel 1990, X. 1; Noe 1984, no.411 (cf. no.420 for a Homonoiia). 55Mnesitheos fr. 41 Bertier (ap. Athen. 2.36a-b). Cf. Mnesitheos fr. 42 (ap. Athen. 1.22e) (rises) Dog-star before the days "For twenty and Chamaileon: by for the oracle recorded Athens, Mnesitheos house. in also, Dionysos of a shady days thereafter, use t', nrp0q twenty " See Bertier icvcp6;. Dionysos honour to Athenians as the directed Pythia the that says L103) the (1978,392, Fontenrose fragments, on Mnesitheos and (1972,57-86) on the oracle. 56 Bertier 1972,61. On Dionysos as healer, see Detienne 1989,38. 170

For sensible people I prepare only three kraters: one for health (hygieia), which they drink first; another for love and pleasure; and a third for sleep. After draining the third, those said to be wise go to lie down. The fourth I know not. It belongs to jests. brims (hybris). The full fifth is The msolence sixth with insults and of cries. The seventhhas black eyes. The eighth is the bailiff, the ninth, bile. The tenth is madness(mania). It is this one that causesstumbling. For poured into a narrow 57 it drinks it. receptacle easily trips up the one who

Dionysos the giver of health, pleasureand sleep,standsasideafter the beneficialfirst three kraters, leaving the intemperateto bring trouble upon themselves. That the first krater is "for Health" would suggest the common toast to Hygieia, attested by ("cup in literature Health") numerousreferencesto the 'YytF-t'aqgF-, cavtxcpt'q of of the fourth century and later: "one shook the great cup, full half with wine, half with water, calling on the nameof Health."" Hygieia is occasionally associated with the healing hero Amphiaraos, Oropos, his especially at major cult centre, where she appearsseveraltimes either in fourth the alone or company with the hero. According to Pausanias,, she shared division of the great altar of the Amphiareionwith Panakeiaand laso, Aphrodite and '9 This may well have influencedthe Athenian cult of Amphiaraos Athena Paionia. handed have Oropos Athens Hygieia to to seems after over post-Chaironeia, and was had a place in the Athenian Amphiaraion in the 330s: one of the charges against Euxenippos defended in Hypereides' speech is that he allowed Olympias, the 60 dedication Hygieia Macedonianqueen-mother,to make a there. to the statueof

57

Hunter 1983 fr. 94 (= PCG V, Eubulus fr. 93): Tpe^tgy('xpgovouq 1cpalclipaqvylcepavvibco/ 6E)TF-POV/ 8V / d) C"p(J)TOG TO% VU CKIOM'UM, 7EPCOTOV rr. V(X, giv lj^ftct(XG (PPOVOI)CYt, Tov %CIV ,rotq
h8ovfiG TEVXPTO TE, *TO'V Tpit'Tov OVC Vrt/ 0 8' 8' b7cvoloj eCFT', 1111ETEPOG

8'

Unom, tcov-/

dxvue Be BeicawG 8' pxvita, icat 6 eivwcog XoXfiq-/ Y80og 1CX1JrfiPOq0,

'Y(\Xp Et'G EV

6(XX'bppeo;- 0U negwcoqp0%./ E
liticp 6\v ('xyyc^tov XA)E)E'tG/
or Dionysos; tr. Detienne Hybris and Ate.

P(X&OXXF'. 08v 61CIROVUES Oi CYO(PO't 1CE1CX1JgeVOt/ Oit'1MBE Be iccogow. E lcToq bIEOCTICEX'tEt

p8ogo
T016);

0('X, %, %EtV

7EOtE^t*/

TCOXbq

04CFC(X P

Taq. 7ce7rucO, 37b for further

58

From

the play Semele on wine,

1989,50.

See Athen.

2.36c-

passages

Philetairos

fr. 1 Austin

(ap. Athen.

bV bEEM 6 XJJV, (0 Tfiq -Q E geycc

'YytF-t'(Xq

11.487a): EVEECTUCTEJIFECIT11VMOV tcYO)t geT(Xvt1vCP, t8(X Cf. Kallias TOi5VOJ1Cc; from fourth-century comedy Asklepios.

19 K. (ap. Athen. frs. 3 Nikostratos Cyclops); from 11.486f; Athen. and (ap. IV PCG fr. 9 Melanion); from 10.423d; (ap. Athen. 11 147 PCG fr. Antiphanes Anterosa); 11.487b; from kylix, "the Pollux Pfeiffer. actually a was 203.20-22 fr. explains: gerowtimpitS Kallimachos from the the The hands. their of cup rather use comes name took they after washing which Soter" Zeus to krater just the Hygieia, to sacred was It as than its shape. was sacred 00). 6.11 9 Paus. 1.34.3; see Schachter 1986,60-1. 'OX141 60 CC ('XVCCGc^tvctt Ei; TO' BFtv('X UX0 n t'B (X (x; inoitncrev 7cept v)v (Pt('XX'lv, y('Xp Hyp. Eux. 12: Euxenippos that for the 99 11y(xXg(x rfiq 'Y-ItEitceg. 1970,24 an Mitchell was argument See n. (x, 171

Hygieia's main relationship, though, is with Asklepios and his family. Given the lack of any mythological stories connected with Hygieia, the idea that she is part of a "family" seems somewhat anomalous, and things are not made any easier by the ambiguous status of Asklepios himself In Homer he is a hero; most versions of his story make him son of Apollo by a mortal woman, and have him eventually struck down by Zeus Heroic status may be alluded to in the iconography of the .6' Telemachos Monument, and Athenian Heroa are attested in the second century BC. 62 Like Heraklesl however, he is "un-heroic" in the geographical extent of his cult, and divine status is suggested by his other festivals, even explicitly attributed to him by 6' some sources. Ambiguity of status can also be seen in his "family", which regularly consists of two hero sons, Machaon and Podaleirios, and four or five goddess daughters, Hygieia, laso, Panakeia, Akeso and sometimes Aigle. A Epione, wife, "the Mild" is occasionally mentioned, but is impossible to distinguish from the daughters in visual representations without the aid of an inscription; her is name explained by one commentator as having been conferred 8to'c ri-1; T'littiou 64 "because her It would seem that the (p(xpg(xKE1(x;, of soothing medicines". daughters are a late addition, corresponding to Asklepios' acquisition of divine status; the only pre-fourth-century testimonia to mention them are a fragment of the 6' Hermippos, in Aristophanes' ploUtos comic poet quoted a scholion on and the Hippocratic Oath, where Hygieia and Panakeia are coupled, without any of their 66 in invocation. Also, while the sons have "proper" names, the opening sisters, unconnected with their role as physicians, the daughters are named after aspects of Asklepios' work: Hygieia and Panakeia are personifications of abstract nouns meaning "health" and "cure-all"; Iaso and Akeso are slight variations on the nouns

66 Hippocratic Oath: o'livogt 'AnoUcova ecoi)G ncev'raG cc IC(A IC&CYaG... icat,

official of Hygieia's cult at the Amphiaraion, having set up cult statue himself. Cf. Humphreys (1985,219) on the influence of the Oropos cult. 61 See above n.46 for references. 62 Beschi draws attention to the chthonic associations of the dog, featured on both sides of 974.12 (SEG XVI 1126.12),137/6 BC. the relief (1982,42). Heroa: IG 112 63 For belief in Asklepios' divinity, see Paus. 2.26.8; Edelstein and Edelstein 1975, nos.232-65 and 1176-91. 64Cornutus, TheoL Gr. Comp. 33. 65 "Epgtnnoq iv np [npcoup] Hermippos fr-73 Kock (schol. Aristoph. Plout. 701): rvmit icocit 'AaxXiintou 'HX'toL) kc'yet Max(*xov(x xat rpcov rptgF',, lc(x't Aagiceritaq Tfiq jagpcp uov Hygieia is %, 'I(xc; A't'y, rlavaicetav notably absent. nv vecow"milv. imit co icalt ica't no8(xXe'tptov
bjrp6'v 'Acri6%ijnt6'v 'Y-fetiav ic(x't icalt icalt II(xvalcet(xv

172

"the Light Aigle Even ixb-matq, "cure". both "healing" means tccatq and or meaning 67 light. healing Sun", between the of and suggestingan association One of the earliest fourth-century sourcesto mention any of these goddesses
is Aristophanes' Ploutos itself, of 388 BC. Wealth is taken to a sanctuary of Asklepios for his blindness to be cured, and when during the night the god does the is his he is by Panakeia; laso there rounds of no mention of patients, and attended 6' Hygieia The anonymous Erythraean hymn to Asklepios of c. 370 BC, however, . lists his by Aigle Epione: Machaon, Podaleirios, laso, explicitly children and Panakeia, "along with bright Hygieia the glorious". 69 Bremer comments, "This whole double happy family in his that the catalogue serves a purpose, of situating god and thus honouring him, and also that of enumerating the effects of the god's medical 70 less A powers" . more or contemporary votive relief from Thyreatis in the northern Peloponnese shows Asklepios with two male and four female deities, who could be identified family, figures (FIG. this though the reasonably as are not given names 32) 71 One of the goddesses, in very low relief, appears immediately behind . Asklepios, while the remaining three are separated from him by their two brothers: her in "second-in-command" Hygieia, most people see as a position of Certainly to Asklepios.

his five first behind before has Asklepios, other children, a place she fourth Mimiamb, which

hundred years later in the opening prayer of Herodas' dramatises a sacrifice to Asklepios on KoS. 72

Bremer 1989,209. 71 Athens NM 1402, c.370-60 BC. Hausmann 1948, no.7; Sobel 1990,11.44;Ker6nyi 1956, fig. 47; Krug 1993, fig. 50. 72 Herodas Mimiamb 4.5. 173

70

69 Paean Erythraeus 14-5 and 23-4: obv 6(yalckurc-p/Eiibaye^t 'Y-jtF_'1M.On the hymn, see Asklepios by AD hymn to A first 200. 592,11 1975,1 century Edelstein no. Edelstein and daughters Asklepios' list the Akeso to lines, and of follows adding Makedonios similar 4473.17,20). 112 (IG Hygieia andcF-pnvoravi ('xpticpe'nroq calling

67 See Ker6nyi 1956 passim for the light/dark opposition in connection with Asklepios. He from "Aigle" (Kerenyi derives "Asklepios" Wilarnowitz' defends etymology, which even 1956,28-9 and n.15). See Edelstein and Edelstein (1975,1185-89) on Asklepios' daughters as props for the hero's newfound divine status. 68 Aristoph. Ploutos 701-3,730-2; schol. ad 639 includes Hygieia amongst "the many "coming is Hygieia that Griffiths Alan Asklepios". seen as perhaps suggests children of later', once the healers' work is done, on the analogy of the Litai following Ate in Iliad 9. There is some debate as to which Asklepieion is meant, that on the Akropolis or the one in for Clinton 1989,13. See the Aleshire likely: latter the though Peiraeus, the seems more Kerykes, Eumolpidai by the Zea and the that was established sanctuary at suggestion in 388 BC Athens, into Asklepios' before and was progression perhaps as much as a year 34). (1994,24,30 Akropolis and the than sanctuary privately-founded still more popular

The other daughters do not seemto have acquired anything like Hygieia's Aristeides documents; far less in frequently stature, appearing reliefs and cult-related even commentsthat Hygieia is the "counterpoise of all the others". the third century: it is the ancestral in to the the the of state physicians are service custom of who ... behalf bodies Hygieia to Asklepios their to twice sacrifice and each of own yearon 74 have healed they andof those ...
MHE PICTURE OF HEALTH
73

At Athens, in

by it is Asklepios Hygieia the together particular, middle of sacrifies receive and who

From his study of Hygieia's appearancesin vase-painting, Shapiro concludes: "All of the sources that connect Hygieia to Asklepios as his daughter and make her a his subsidiary aspect of cult are considerably later than the fifth century. In the earlier have been footing... the two to period, seem on much more of an equal
,, 75

But this

totally ignores the many reliefs of the late fifth and fourth centuries which almost depict in just this subsidiary role, and as nearly all the vases he Hygieia certainly by hardly be Meidias Painter, the they taken considers are or closely associated, can however, These as widely representative. are, some of the earliest representations of Hygieia we have, and are the only context in which she appears independently of Asklepios, so are worth considering. The Meidias Painter's name-vasehas already been mentioned for its depiction 76 in fleeing from the main scene. Below this the Rape of the Leukippidai of Peitho

73 Arist. Or. 38.22: h "simples Hygieia's Croissant dismisses sisters as n6vucov ('Xvr'tpponoq. far, This is (1990,554). too d'Ascldpios" la fonction as going m6dicale all6gories exprimant there is some evidence for their cult, albeit scanty. E.g. a votive relief of around 340 BC, has an enthroned Asklepios surrounded by four female figures, three standing and one NM 1352, Epione: Athens Panakeia laso, Akeso, inscription by identified and as an seated, 2 IG 11 4388; Hausmann 1948, no. 147; Ker6nyi 1956, fig. 23. See Hausmann 1948, nos. 79-89,123 and 147-158 for reliefs representing Asklepios with sons/daughters other than Hygieia. Pausanias describes the sanctuary of Asklepios in Athens as worth seeing for the See for does but (1.21.4), his above "the not specify which. children" god and statues of the altar at Oropos. 74 IG 112 910Ftvuot 'Acric-/XiIntcot 772.9-13: narpt0v Conv witq ti(rupo-rtq 0"CotBijgoatr-)O-Ocrtv bnkp 8'tq 'YyMitat COV F'--/1C(X0T0t t'(-XCFCCVT0. 00)MUOV Mit TOW TE C(i)TOW E', Vt(X10-/'V0b TOb 1coftr6t 2 "at Hygieia the Asklepios for BC) and sacrifices (138/7 and 974 of a priest Cf. IG 11 Asklepios, in the the On the see cult of physicians public the of role beginning of year'. Aleshire 1989,94-5. 75 Shapiro 1993,128. 76 Hydria, London BM E224, c. 410 BC. Croissant 1990, no. 1*; AR V2 1313,5; Para 477, 63 fig. 79. 1993, Shapiro 1990,1.2; Sobel 2b-3; 1a, M5 no. 1987, pls. Add2 361; Burn

174

front frieze figures, the the main group on runs a of eighteen standing and seated depicting Herakles in the Garden of the Hesperides,while the others are an eclectic assortment,including four of the Attic eponymousheroes, Medea and Philoktetes. Hygieia sits on a rock, holding a long sceptre, looking over her shoulder at three Hesperides(named Asterope, Chrysothemisand Lipara) picking apples from a tree it is quite appropriate up which a snaketwines (FIG. 33). Though unprecedented, that Hygieia should be depicted in this mythological setting, since the apples of the Hesperideswere meant to confer youth and immortality upon their possessors, and Herakles' own apotheosisand marriage to Youth associateshim with immortality. The snakein the tree seemsa harmlessversion of the traditional guardiandragon, but in Hygieia also calls to mind the attribute associated with other media, and of course Asklepios' snake-entwinedstaff. The juxtaposition of Hygieia with the local heroes is perhapsa deliberatereferenceto Athens' recent adoption of her cult, showing her 77 integration into the city's pantheon. Two more hydriai by the Meidias Painter,both in Florence,representa pair of
lovers surrounded by onlooking personifications, including Hygieia. Aphrodite and Adonis are watched by Paidia, who sits on Hygieia's lap, with Eutychia, Eudaimonia 78 I-Emeros. Phaon and Demonassa are accompanied by various members of and Aphrodite's including retinue, FEmeros and Pothos pulling a chariot, and

Eudaimonia, who leans on Hygieia's shoulder 79 Two pyxides in the manner of the . Meidias Painter include Hygieia among other personifications in "women's-quarters" holds jewellery box, in has One New York Peitho, Hygieia, a pot and a who scenes. 80 Aponia. One in London has Paidia, Eukleia Eudaimonia,

and

along with

and

Aphrodite and her chariot, to which Pothos and Hedylogos are yoked, Hygieia Harmonia Himeros, Kale Paidia, Eudaimonia, fruit, Eunomia, and and picking
77 See Burn 1987,15-25. She explains the presence of Medea by her association with A "Attic frieze the interprets similarly peaceful paradise". as an whole rejuvenation, and be the three-figure Hesperides the in the on one of Herakles can seen of garden version of Meidian the vase contemporaneous with roughly the original of which was probably reliefs, FIG. 60. iii. below 229, for the have p. relief, see adorned a public monument; and may well 78 Florence 81948, from Populonia, c. 410 BC. Croissant 1990, no.2*; ARV 1312,1; Para 477, Add2 361; Burn 1987, M1 pis.22-5a; Sobel 1990,1.7 (she erroneously catalogues this 81. 16 fig. 1993, Shapiro 81947); no. Florence as 79 Florence 81947, from Populonia, c. 410 BC. Croissant 1990, no.3*; AR V2 1312,2; Para 17 fig. 80. 1993, Shapiro 27-9; M2 1987, no. Burn pis. Add2361; 477, 80 New York 09.221.40, c.41 0 BC. Sobel 1990,1.6; Shapiro 1993, no.1 fig. 83. 175

(FIG. 34)." A squat lekythos in London, again in the mannerof the Meidias Painter, has a much smaller cast: Eudaimonia sits in the central position, where we would "Wedding Feast", while to the expect Aphrodite herself, sheis attendedby Pandaisia, left Hygieia, Polykles, to the the right stands a youth called groom, and presumably in her himation, fold bride is (FIG. She 35). presumablyas a gesture of raising a is is likely in taken to this to refer to the which often context signify modesty, or 82 bride. anakalypteria, the unveiling of the What are we to make of this Hygieia? The Meidias Painter offers a feast for the allegorist. Children's "Play" is good for their "Health", or at least dependent it. is Hygieia's upon most constant association with Eudaimonia,"Good Fortune", by Eutychia, which points to the uncertainty of the blessings of once reinforced Health. The appearance for Hygieia of on pyxides, containers jewellery or cosmetics, her jewellery box, in her both Aphrodite ties and carrying of a association with with herself and the goddessof love's various assistants.The fruits of love, acquiredwith the help of "Persuasion","Desire", "Yearning" and "Sweet-Talk", cannot be enjoyed is depicted hydriai, from Health. More Hygieia good without prosaically, on which fresh water is poured, while Health characterises herself in one instanceby picking fruit. But can we take this at all seriously? Without the inscriptions,we would never be able to distinguish one Meidian personification from another, and their sheer figure. her it difficult In to to abundancemakes attach major significance any one function Burn Meidias Painter, Lucilla their the as promoting explains monographon a general atmosphereof well-being, their multiplicity consolidating the amount of " happinesson offer in an escapist paradise. I am inclined to agree that Hygieia but impression, "feel-good" be the this general should understood as merely part of important point remainsthat Health is representedas one of life's major desiderata. It seems odd that Hygieia should be divorced from her usual association with dating from the years immediatelyafter her Asklepios on a group of representations introduction to Athens in his wake.

81 London E775, c.40OBC. Sobel 1990,1.4; Shapiro 1993, no.19 fig. 82. 82 London E698, from Ruvo, c.400 BC. Croissant 1990, no.52; ARV 1316; Adc 362; Burn fig. 84. 18 1993, Shapiro 1990,1.3; Sobel no. 20c-d; 1987, P1 pl. 83 Burn 1987,36. See 32-40 on Meidian personifications in general. For a political 1984. Shapiro NY 09.221.40, Aponia figure see the of interpretation of 176

The only vase outside this Meidian circle which shows Hygieia is a Boiotian krater, of about 400 BC (FIG. 36).
81 84

Here she is straightforwardly associatedwith

Asklepios, and represented as receiving a worshipper, which would accord with evidenceof her cult in Boiotia. On one side, Hygieia is seatedto the right, and in front of her a woman brings offerings. On the other, Asklepios reclines on a couch, figure kantharos is drink Hygieia to offering a a snake. a particularly appropriate of to decorate a vessel for mixing wine, given the associationwe have already seen 86 betweenhealth and wine, and the universaltoast "your health", (YTilvA)ytFt('x cr(x. A considerablenumber of votive reliefs of the late fifth and fourth centuries depict Asklepios with a single female deity in attendance. This figure could be his daughters, but sheis usually identifed as Hygieia, sinceother the wife or one of other in family. Hygieia Asklepios' sources give preeminence The god himself is

by being bearded identification is the recognisable and semi-draped,and obviously is if A is known from Asklepios. the to snake more secure relief come a sanctuaryof the attribute of both father and daughter. One of the earliest of these reliefs, dating is in from Asklepieion, Athenian the and now probably comes 87 (FIG. 37). Worshippers approach Asklepios, who Brocklesby Park, Lincolnshire from c.415 BC, holds out a phiale in his right hand, and behind him standsHygieia carrying a small Asklepieion Peiraeus From the to comes a vase, perhaps meant contain medicine.
18 is being lying (FIG. A healing 3 8). homely on a couch woman scene of more doctor, he just by Asklepios, though while three adults and were a mortal as attended holding Hygieia, Asklepios look Behind a stands a rather casual-looking on. a child fold of her cloak in a gesture similar to the one we noted on two of the Meidian vases

87 Brocklesby Park 10; Croissant 1990, no.137 = Asklepios 102*; Hausmann 1948, no.3 1990,11.60. Sobel 13; pl. f8 Peiraeus Museum 405, end 5th cent. BC. Croissant 1990, no.138; Hausmann 1948, laso Panakeia Croissant fig. 18. 1956, Ker6nyi and suggests 1990,11.80; Sobel 1; 1 pl. no. for justification the but for the no gives goddess, Hygieia candidates as as as well first their two the in the relative given be of case required would identification, which (Beschi 1982,41Monument Telemachos B the depicted of side on Cf. the relief obscurity. 2 fig. 9). 177

85 For references to Boiotian cults of Hygieia, see Schachter 1986,1160-1. 86 Above pp. 170-1.

84 Athens NM 1393, c.400 BC. Croissant 1990, no.7*, cf. LIMC 11 sm. Asklepios 41*; Lullies 1940,21-2, pl.26,1-2; Sobel 1990,1.1. Not mentioned in Shapiro 1993.

(London hydria and squat lekythos). If this reflects a real doctor's visit, perhaps Hygieia here is in the role of tiecuptivil, female doctor or midwife, standing aside for the more authoritative male doctor. Moving into the fourth century, three fragmentary reliefs from the Athenian Asklepieion have the combinationof a seatedAsklepios and Hygieia leaningagainsta column, stele or tree. On one, Asklepios was seatedto the left, though only his feet 89 leans Hygieia are still extant, while againsta column, up which a snakeclimbs. The indicates that the scene is set inside Asklepios' temple. The column presumably 90 has boy Asklepios (FIG. 39). second a man and a offering a pig to the enthroned There is a snakecoiled under the god's seatand Hygieia standsleaningwith her right arm against a tall stele topped with a disc. The third depicts a family bringing offerings of fruit and cakes,which they place on an altar before the seatedAsklepios
(FIG. 40). 91 Hygieia leans against a tree up which a snake climbs, rather reminiscent of the snake in the Hesperides frieze on the Meidias' Painter's London hydria. In this connection we might call to mind one of the cures recorded at Epidauros: a mute girl in the abaton when she saw a snake creeping down from one of the was sleeping trees which grew nearby; on waking up she immediately cried out for her mother and father, and went away cured.92 These offer us a fairly consistent image of Hygieia as Asklepios' chief

assistant. Her subordinatestatusis indicatedby her positon, standingbehindthe god, by fact he is is But the that seated. she or she remains standingwhile present on in be brought, half have, to the the offerings sharing nearly of reliefs we and seems 9' is in her Asklepios' that cult a substantial one. role which would suggest

Athens NM 2557, first half 4th cent. BC. Croissant 1990, no. 29*; Hausmann 1948, 4a. 1990, Sobel 143; pl. no. 90 Athens NM 1330, c. 350 BC. Croissant 1990, no. 31; Hausmann 1948, no. 144; Sobel 1990,11.36 pl. 4b; Kerenyi 1956,38 fig. 21. 91 Athens NM 1335, c. 330 BC. Croissant 1990, no. 34 (= LIMC 11s. v. "Asklepios" 96*); Hausmann 1948, no. 145; Sobel 1990,11.40; Kerenyi 1956,33 fig. 16. A fourth-century inscription from the Peiraeus Asklepieion lists a number of healing deities to whom three 112 4862; IG blood to "preliminary", be see a sacrifice presumably a as given must TcOnava Kearns 1994,68. 2 92 IG IV 1.123 xliv. 72 him Asklepios 93 52 showing 1948 alone, showing reliefs Hausmann catalogues 14 deities family, his 21 other Hygieia, and or of with by members other with accompanied heroes. 178

89

is By far the largest body of representations however, Hygieia, made up of of statues associatedwith the cult of Asklepios. For the most part these are Roman copies of fourth century originals, and fall into half a dozen or so main iconographic categories,though there is little to choosebetweenmost of them. As a rule, Hygieia is representedas a young woman, of more or less demure aspect, standing with a draped her snake around shoulders,which shefeedsfrom a phiale. Variations occur in matters such as which leg her weight is on, which hand holds the phiale, details of drapery and hairstyle, and just what the snakeis doing, but the essentialremainsthe same. Probably the most familiar image of Hygieia is the statue from the Hope 94 in Getty Museum, (FIG. Malibu 4 1). This Antonine-period collection, currently the copy was found at Ostia, together with the Hope Athena and Asklepios. The statue has been comparedto Kephisodotos' "Eirene and Ploutos", which it resembles both in formal aspectsand in its conception, as a figure which appearsat once allegorical 9' human. The Attic origin suggested by this similarity, combinedwith a date in and the first half of the fourth century and the wide dissemination of the type, has led to the suggestionthat the original was the cult statue of the Athenian Asklepieion, but have we no written sourcesto confirm this or identify a sculptor; Aleshire rejectsthe 96 For once, the idea, arguing that the statue of Asklepios stood alone in his temple. has head, though various elementshave been restored. the nose, the right statue a forearm andphiale, the left hand and nearbydrapery,and parts of snake. From the second half of the century, Pausanias records the existenceof a by in in Skopas Asklepios Gortys Arcadia, the temple statuegroup of at representing Hygieia and a young, beardlessAsklepios 97 A small-formatgroup in the Vatican is . thought to be a Roman adaptation of this, the bearded head of Asklepios being a

96 Aleshire 1991,43-4; see pl. 1 1 for a reconstruction of the interior of the temple's cella. 97 Paus. 8.28.1.

94 John Paul Getty Museum, Malibu (on loan since 1973 from LA County Mus. of Art, 5a; Waywell 1986,68-9, fig. 1990,111.1 10 Sobel 160; 1990, Croissant 50.33.23). pl. no. no. fig. 9) Asklepios (69-71, 46 48,1 (67-8, Athena Hope Waywell and See pl. pl. 47. on also pl. fig. 10). For a photograph of the Hope Hygieia taken when the restorations were removed during conservation work in 1974, see Vermeule 1981, no.48. 95 See Croissant (1990,570) for a resum6 of literature on the original of Hope type. See below pp. 190-4 on Kephisodotos. 179

" modern addition.

Also by Skopas, again according to Pausanias, were the statues

in her Alea Athena Asklepios temple Hygieia that of of and which stood either side of 99 belonging been labelled has long Tegea. to head found Tegea, A in Athens, as at at this Hygieia, but in fact is more in the style of Praxiteles and likelier to belong to an Aphrodite than a Hygieia. "0 A type well attested by reproductions in all categories of document is the

Broadlands,part of a group and regularly associated Asklepios Eleusis the an of with type (cf. the Thyrea relief), the latter being securely dated by a dedication of Epikrates to c.320 BC. The statuette from Rhodes was found with a young, but bearded,Asklepios (FIG. 42).'0' The Broadlandsis in fact only a variant of a statuetype known from an examplein New York, datableto c.330, which has nothing to identify it as representing Hygieia. The sculptor of the Broadlands Hygieia has by lightly in this the adapted simply modifying arm movement order to add the snake. It is probable that the original was part of the group sculpted by Timarchos and 102 for Kephisodotosthe Younger The style of the the sanctuaryof Asklepios on Kos. best replicas and the date of c.320 (imposed by the Epikrates dedication and the identification, fit New York this the which relationship with statue) perfectly with explainsthe considerable popularity of the type. Any deity is only recognisableby his or her attributes, or sometimesspecial
identification figures Hygieia but than clothing, with more mythologically established is often aided by a narrative setting. Hygieia has no stories attached to her, standard female drapery, and just the one attribute. This paucity of clues to her identity is brought out by the case of a statue in Kassel (FIG. 43 i-ii). The type was originally by favoured but by Agorakritos, the for BC, 420 Hera much was possibly c. created Romans and used, with minor adaptations, both to represent various goddesses and

98 Vatican Mus. 571, imperial period. Croissant 1990, no. 22*; Sobel 1990, pl.3b; Amelung has beardless Copenhagen, in is type a Of the which 399. fig. group 51 a 1908,11 pl. same Asklepios (Croissant 1990, no.21).
99 Paus. 8.47.1. 100 Athens NM 3602; Sobel 1990, Ill. g. 12. For firm refutation of the head's identity as Hygieia, see Croissant 1990,571. 72; Sobel 1990, Croissant 170; fig. 1977, 10 no. Konstantinopoulos Rhodes Mus. Arch., 1990, Ill. d. 5 pl-1 1 b. for (1990,571) Croissant See 96. 1 26 102 New York statue: Richter, MetrMusSculpt, pl. no. bibliography. the and arguments a summary of

180

for portraits; the mere addition of a snakehas given us a Hygieia. Until very recently it sported a head, with which it appears in most of the literature on the statue, including the 1990 volume of LIMC which covers Hygieia.103 The head is in fact has been better but body, this than the made of generally excused on the marble body; as the head grounds that it was probably a portrait addedto a mass-produced hasbeen heavily restored, though, it is impossibleto be sure whether an individual is intended. Discussing the whole statue, Bieber suggeststhat it could be meant to show a Roman empress in the guise of Health, since Livia and Domitia both Salus; from has Tiberius' themselves the bust of associated with e.g. a coin principate Livia with the inscription SalusAugusta.104In Sobel's 1990 monographon Hygieia, however, the statue is illustrated without the head, which is no longer thought to belong to the body.'O'

CONCLUSION

The image of Health as a young woman with a snakeenduresin the Classical tradition. A fine example can be seenin St. Bernard's Well, a tholos shelteringa statue of Hygieia beside the Water of Leith in Edinburgh, erected over a spring "for benefit the provided of the citizens of Edinburgh" by a nineteenth-century philanthropist (FIG. 44). In her right hand she holds a goblet, her left resting on a hand from beneath her left towards the spa-waterpouring vase; a snakecurls around from antiquity, Hygieia is only recognisable the vase. As with all our representations hereby the context and by her attribute. Sinceno storiesare attachedto her, and she has virtually no existenceapart from her place in Asklepios' cult, there is nothing to distract the viewer from her meaning, despite her human form. For a nonbe due figure Hygieia to can only success,, which astonishing achieved mythological health is, idea deifying The importance of the attachedto the concept sheembodies. development independent in be Greek the one, as can seen after all, not an exclusively

Croissant 1990, no.40*. 104Bieber 1977,47-9 fig. 173; cf. Bieber 1915,29-31 no.48. 105Sobel 1990, Ill. c.7 pl. 10b.

103

181

Pisaurum from Horta, inscriptions Italic Salus, by is the and of who attested archaic
Praeneste.
106

The importance of maintaining good health is demonstratedby the fact that he hour in Asklepios by their the of need, was also regularly while sick was called on in honour Asklepios festivals by healthy. Athens' the two were of worshipped annual days held by Asklepieia, Epidauros' the celebrated nine quadrennial whole city, and 107 included dramatic Asklepios Games, Isthmian If after the athletic and contests. himself embracesthe preservation of health as well as the curing of sickness,his daughters may be understood as representing these aspects: laso, Akeso and Panakeiaare the processesof healing, while Hygieia is a continuing state of good health. The "double-think" involved in recognising such an abstract character as Health as a goddess is mirrored by the remarkable nature of Asklepios' cult in its general, with combination of religious observanceand practical medicine. That Hygieia only appearstowards the end of the fifth century, and her image becomes be less in fourth, is Asklepios, Hygieia, than the could no not surprising; widespread 108 "harbinger called a of the Hellenistic age".

106

107 On Asklepios as preserver of health, see Edelstein and Edelstein 1975,11 182-4. 108 Parker 1996,185.

See Axtell 1907/87,13.

182

Chapter 6 EIRENE: PROPAGANDA AND ALLEGORY'

had The decisivebreak-through into takenplace the realm of cult of personifications earlier, in the fourth century:increasingly,statues, altars, and eventempleswere Concord; Demokratia Homonola, erectedfor figures suchas Eirene,Peace, even and than religion. The could not be forgotten. All this of course,is morepropaganda the profusion of robed arbitrarinessof the cult foundationscould not be concealed; femalestatuesof an allegoricalcharacterarouses dusty, than no more aesthetic interest. antiquarian
Burkert 1985a, 186

If Hygieia developed as an aspect of Asklepios' divinity, as Peitho did from Aphrodite, her close associationwith the god goes someway to compensatefor her lack of mythology, providing her with some sort of personality at least as a generic daughter. With the fourth century, however, we come to a class of cults frequently lacking in religious seriousness: regarded as altogether cults of personified political ideas, such as Burkert dismisseswith his "more propagandathan religion". In this figure introduction I Eirene, to the the chapter want consider of of whose cult to fourth-century Athens is relatively well documented in ancient rhetoric and historiography. The inception of the cult is indeed given a political flavour by its by known the treaty, statue group association with a particular peace while well Kephisodotos of Peaceholding the child Wealth, often assumed to be the cult image, have We already seen, presents an apparently straightforward allegorical message. however, that there are important precedentsfor cults of abstract ideas before the fourth century, and I should like now to counter Burkert's sweeping relegation of 2 interest". Eirene and her like to a statusof "no more than dusty, aestheticantiquarian

1 An early version of this chapter was given as a paper at the Classical Association AGM at Nottingham, April 1996; of the audience there, Peter Rhodes and Ismene Lada-Richards helpful suggestions. particularly made some 2 On the cult of Homonoia, see now Th6riault 1996, who is equally concerned to argue The Homonoia (184-8). figures favour the as in of such religious character of against Burkert draws Parker (Paus. 5.14.9). BC in 363 Olympia is established earliest attestation an altar at to Mytilene, from Concord" offerings public "Decree records which the to on attention 39). At 1996,228 Parker 750.5-12; XXXVI (SEG 330s in the n. Homonoia and Dike probably 2 IG 11 fourth the before the in century. of does end very cult not appear Athens Homonoia 2 (302/1 BC); IG 11 Homonoia ) Demeter (statue dedication the of? of a 1261.19-20 mentions (third BC); IG 'Ogovoitaq/, begins Ot('xaou... century roc) 4985, inscribed on a round marble altar, iconography, On Homonoia's AD). (second Homonoia 2 century 11 4795 records a priest of Smith in Athenian art, see now fourth-century On personifications political 1990. Shapiro see (140-59). length discussed is Eirene at some 1997, ch.4, wherein

183

THE ATHENIAN

CULT OF PEACE

Our earliest evidencefor the founding of the cult of Peace in Athens is from Isokrates' Antidosis of 354/3 BC, in the context of an apologia for his friend Timotheos. This paragon of an Athenian general,accordingto Isokrates, has not only financial but done has the captured many cites, outlay; city much so without causing after capturing Kerkyra againstthe odds,
he won a naval battle over the Lakedaimonians forced the themto conclude and to eachof the cities that from that day we peace,which has madesucha great change have sacrificedto her everyyear, because to no otherpeacehasbeenso advantageous 3 our city ... Timotheos' campaign was conducted in 375 BC, his victory at Alyzia won on 12th Skirophorion (late May/early June), and peace concluded with the Spartans at some
between it is known its but 374 Nothing then terms, point and autumn of was . hostilities in certainly shortlived, as resumed autumn 373. Isokrates goes on to claim that Timotheos' victory reduced the Spartans to staying firmly within the Peloponnese, "and anyone can see in this fact the cause of their disaster at Leuktra". overstatement, unless Isokrates is conflating Timotheos' This is a slight the more
4

peace with

important "Peace of Kallias" of 371, which really did give Athens decisive command of ' licence. but be excused as rhetorical sea, can Isokrates' comment that "no other

being has been that the to quality celebrated our city" suggests so advantageous peace is Athenian strength rather than any idea of "goodwill sacrifice commemorating to all men", and a yearly state

the achievement certainly does sound like "a kind of war-

6 involved diminish the the this goddess status of need not memorial". though .A

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4 On the dating of the peace, see Cawkwell 1963, who argues for a date in 375, soon after Alyzia. 5 Nilsson 1952 cites the date 371 for Eirene's altar and instigation of sacrifices without broker the Kallias, the (1.8.2), of peace Pausanias elder of to statue According a comment. in Ploutos the Eirene Kephisodotos' in and the Persians, of the vicinity 449 stood with c. of that influence the Kallias' out pointing the group, on like to see younger Agora. Simon would in had have to Ploutos cult a role seems Eleusis, the where place one he was a priest at 371 the Kephisodotos' after that commissioned statue was (1988,63-4). Sparkes suggests 33). V1, (CAW no. v-vi, pls. eace he function (1996,230), Parker's also sees a is which a description "war-memorial" The 152-87). (on fulfilling fifth see the which "new century of cults" of number

184

fragment of the late fourth-century Philochoros puts a less glamorous, but entirely credible, gloss on the situation:
In the presentcontext,too, Demosthenes could mentionthe next peaceafter the has Philochoros the King's Peace, Athenians the argued gladly; accepted which did it they that of they that this accepted much as oppositecaseabout peace, Antalkidas the Lakonian,because troops and they weretired of maintainingmercenary the altar of worn down by war after sucha long time, whenthey also established 7 Peace. That Philochoros is indeed referring to the peace of 374 depends partly on his mention &iro' "altar but PcxYtXEcoq Peace" the the time, of of established at same EcF-'p(xq know is "the taken F-tpTlvilq most easily as of no next peace" chronologically, and we ' before 386 375/4. That the Athenians wanted peace in other suitable candidates after 375 because they were short of money is also made explicit in Xenophon's account; Isokrates is making a virtue out of a necessity when he praises Timotheos' thrift. 9

Isokrates' positive version of events is elaboratedupon by Cornelius Nepos, includes his biographies Life Timotheos "illustrious men". who a of among of Timotheos sailed around the Peloponneseand pillaged Lakonia, brought Kerkyra defeated Athenian Spartans, "of their own the control, gained allies, who under and in in Athenians" the subsequent to the accord concededpre-eminence maritime power peacetreaty: for first Attika Thatvictory wassucha delightfor thepeople that then the time of for Peace at publicexpense andapulvinar established this altarsof weremade 10 goddess.
7 Philochoros, FGrH 328 F151 (ap. Didymos in Demosth. 10,34 col. 7,62): SibmwCo 8' &v icod 'AG-nva^iot, i, uepaq ('xico' PaatkicoG eipvijG, fiv (kalievcoq npoaIxavco t c& vuv o gvijgove)etv ot'
i8p1ba(wCo. Po)to'v EtipilvilS rov vjq ,vvvpi)gevot, oTe 1coct

crtov CT )v A&icwvo 8teitkerroa, 6 %oXopoq A1jgOCFOF'_V1jG, cc X) 11 rfit T1 cob T] (1)1, on napocnX tV IMP't Ifig nC'C), i) XF'-gO)t 4evocpo(pitat; n ICOXX oIo TO) Tcxt 'AvrocXidtBou npocrflicavTo, ancipilicoceq icait E'IC 7Ea'vk)

8 Wycherley (1957, no.154) translates "yet another peace originating with a king". This interpretation would certainly make sense in the light of Cawkwell's argument for the King of Persia's possible role in the peace of 375/4 (1963,90); this is, however, speculative, Persian fragment. If Wycherley's Philochoros by 54) the (n. "rendered being only certain" participation interpretation is correct, however, Philochoros' reference can only be dated by association with the altar of Peace, giving us a rather circular argument. 9 Hell. 6.2.1, cf. 5.4.64-6. Peter Rhodes points out that the Athenians "were conspicuously (private 375/4 break-down the the followed fighting peace of in the which short of money" 19/4/96). communication 10 Nepos Timotheus 2: quo facto Lacedaemonfi de diutina contentione destiterunt et sua fis legibus pacemque imperii concesserunt, principatum Atheniensibus maritimi sponte fuit Atticis laetitiae, tantae duces ut Athenienses quae uictoria essent. mari constituerunt, ut laudis institutum. deae factae cuius ut sit puivinar eique tum primum arae Paci publice sint Pausanias in foro statues records of posuerunt. Timotheo statuam pubfice memoria maneret, (1.24.3), Akropolis the (1.3.1) Agora in the where on Konon and father his Timotheos and 112 3774). (IG found been have for such a pair of statues fragments of a base

185

Again, the cult of Peaceseemsto be a kind of victory trophy, set up in the samespirit Nepos to "statue the in Timotheos on goes as the which of agora, at public expense" be is Peace, He the only source to give us plural altars of record. which may not " day. his own significant, or might indicate that he was familiar with more than one in Simon takes the pulvinar to indicate that Peace was honoured with theoxenia (the Roman lectisternium), a ritual banquet at which the deity was believed to be present, 12 for for human (xklivq, the and whom a couch participants. pulvinar) was madeup as for heroes dead, but Suchbanquetsare more often associated family the rites, and with in are attested more public contexts at Athens for Zeus Philios and for the Dioskouroi " Athens, Sparta Akragas. Theoxenia at Delphi were a major festival, after at and 14 involved delegations from Greece. If which a month was named, and all over theoxenia generally had any connotationsof gatheringtogether potentially or actually hostile parties, human and divine, for a conciliatory communalfeast they would seem for have Peace. We the theory that the appropriate no other evidenceto substantiate Athenians worshipped Eirene in this way, however, and Nepos' pulvinar could be in indicate to that the Peacewas given the trappings of a meant a more general sense, " real goddessof cult. The only source to cast any doubt on this account of the cult's inception is Plutarch, who associates the altar of Peacewith Kimon's victory over the Persiansat 16 in the Eurymedon the mid-460s. Plutarch's account, however, is obfuscatedby his

11 See below pp.221-2 for a similar problem with "altars of Pity". 12 Simon cites the Attic Deipnophoria for Kekrops' daughters as a parallel (1986,701). 13 Zeus Philios: CAF 11420 (= Athen. 239b). Dioskouroi: CAF 1 5; hydria by the Kadmos Painter (ARV 1187,36); Pindar 0.3 with schol. (preface). Theoxenia are described in the Selinous (SEG XLIII Meilichios Zeus from to the lex at sacred area sacra mid-fifth-century 630A. 14-16); see Jameson et al. 1993,67-70. 14 Pindar Paian 6.60-5. Might Delphi have had a role in approving peace treaties? The first known instance of sending a treaty to a god for approval, however, is 356 BC, between Philip for Philip's innovation Parker propagandistic Chalcidians, of the an suggests was which and inter-state Delphi 41; 309-10 relations generally). (1985,309 and on n. and purposes importance, draws to their 1994, Jameson in attention theoxenia On the who general, see Herakles. banqueting the iconography to the the of practice and relates 15 On theoxenia in general, see Jameson 1994, who draws attention to their importance, and (1979,14-18) Pritchett Herakles. banqueting the iconography the to of relates the practice banquets" to the in "divine form the similar at present gods were the of what question relates Lokrians the Note to of accounts especially heroes war. armies accompanying with problem Sagra, battle the before the Spartans river from the of which Dioskouroi borrowing the by transport heroes' a ship equipped with a couch/cushions: ciaupcocavcots the involves (Justin 20.3). in fis 8.32), (Diod. conponunt navi 'n' pulvinaria 'vjjv 0 vil'S 11 T^q &tocyjc, jc?, 0tCt potq , Do)go'v ft icocit 16Plutarch Kimon 13.5: q)(xcy't EtipilvilS8t& rocbcawi)G 'AffilvatouG t8pbaaa6at, 8t(x(pF-p60VCC0q. 11 KocWtav npurpebacwTaugficrat c6ov lCocit

186

in Persia by Kallias apparent conflation of this event with the peacenegotiated with is little but 449/8; Kallias have c. could conceivably mastermindedtwo peacetreaties, known of a post-Eurymedonpeace,and no other sourceslink it with Kallias.17 It may be least by is Kimon's that not one entirely coincidental also associated at victory Athens dedication because Pheme, the very the to sourcewith news reached of an altar " day. date is The Ploutos Kephisodotos' Eirene same also of some relevance of and '9 discussion, it is be to the the cult statue. Its traditional assignment as often taken to to 375/4 is to someextent dependenton our sourcesfor the cult's inception, which are in usually adduced argumentsagainst the possible down-dating to 360 suggestedby (see below). However, the sculpture is something of a red some material evidence herring. While I would not questionthat it was generallyassociated with Eirene's cult, it cannot have been the cult statuein a strictly formal senseas there was no temple of Peaceto house it. The exact relationshipbetweenthe many statuesand altars of the Agora is hard for us to reconstruct, and touches on the difficult question of the 20 between image deity. basic however, is My that sincean altar relationship and point, is the only essentialconstituentfor any cult, it would not be a problem if no statuehad beenpresentat the inaugurationof the cult of Eirene. Practical considerations, suchas finance and commissioninga sculptor of repute, might well delay the appearance of bonafide image; even a cult we might comparethe caseof Rhamnous,where the new 2' by Agorakritos' None temple of Nemesisof c.430 may pre-date statue severalyears . indication location Eirene's the of altar, though the any of of our sources gives us kind is Pausanias the the of puts statue group, where one might expect agora, where be. by Nepos indicated Isokrates to and cult Apart from Nepos' pulvinar we have a little evidencefor the way in which Eirene was worshipped. A scholiurnon Aristophanes'Peacetells us: her is Peace, that to Theysaythat onthe festivalof the Synoikia and a sacrifice made Some Hekatombaion. that they 16th is the the say month of on altar unbloodied, 22 from blood. freeing for themselves her in the this to of reason obvious way sacrifice
17 For an exhaustive discussion of Kallias' peace, see Badian (1987). 18 Schol. Aischin. 1.128-30. On Pheme, see Parker 1996,233-4 and n.57. 19 E.g. "con l'inizio di un culto dell' Eirene nell'Agora di Atene, sembra difficile non postulare 1974,122). Rocca (La di di 1'erezione una statua votiva o culto" 20 See above p.3721 See above p. 106 and n.68 on Nemesis at Rhamnous. 'OP'rfi OUC' 22 V nk CFL)vOtK'COV TV T 00(t Etipi'lVIII 1019-20: Peace EICY tCM Arist. Schol. 9acrit yap cfi 6)
&naXXcc4('xcFr q. 01br-tv avrob; ca"Rcvroq ainfi cou"cob; obuo; riag at', . napolbail;
Pco4v 8j 00 T'v 4'11 ai t4 (rrObaOat, 'It' " 'Eic(XTo4P(Xt^V0q 06Ct ICICIJ 411V'q 0) Uica. FE ctv'S C 8'FEpacav i1c v^ IN

187

The month of the sacrifice is confirmed by Eirene's appearancein the Dermatikon Accounts for Hekatombaion (below), although the date at which such a festival was first celebratedis debatable. It may be the subjectof a fragmentarydecreeconcerning the management of a major festival, with athletic, equestrianand musical competitions, " letter from 'tP4 ); " be by X11v the to which was v%(? c; 11 E 71 set up 11 cyc r"v 7mpt' '9 'n rl'v ..., forms the inscription has been dated to the early Lykourgan period, and it is quite festival have been Peace that to conceivable a new might establishedto celebratethe 23 lenient imposed by likely Chaironeia. Philip It terms surprisingly after would seem but that a festival of some sort was introduced earlier, when the altar was established, this would not preclude an expansionin the 330s. It has been suggestedthat the Synoikia might have beenchosenfor Eirene because it was the actual day on which the peacewas made, or becausethe ancient festival was in need of revitalisation, and a celebration of the political union of Attika would be appropriate to the kind of commemoration of Athenian power suggestedby Isokrates' account of the cult's inception.24 It could also be significant that the date of 16th Hekatombaion makes Eirene's the first major festival of the Attic year, in early July, taking place a fortnight before the Panathenaia, just after the cerealharvest,making it a celebrationof the safe 2' That the to the the goddess' gathering-in of crops most vulnerable ravagesof war . is is "unbloodied" altar almost certainly conjecture on the scholiast'spart, to account for the lines he is commenting on - obviously Peace is going to be opposed to bloodshed of any variety.26 While bloodless sacrifice must have been common for hardly do dedications, offering as a plate of cakeswould such an unspectacular private 27 for the public rites of a goddesswith suchpolitical potential.
23 Schweigert 1938,294-6 no.20, fig. 22; SEG XVI (1959) 55. See Robert (1977) for a discussion of the inscription, although his argument for an earlier date is rejected, with good (1996,230). Parker 16) (1985,224 Humphreys by and n. reason, 24 A Hekatombaion date for Timotheos' peace would accord with Cawkwell's arguments for its following closely after the victory at Alyzia. Cawkwell 1963,89-90 and n.56; Parke 1977, 30-33; Parker 1996,230. Synoikia: Thuc. 2.15.2, Plut. Thes. 24.4; Parker 1996,14 and nn. 16-17. 25 On the distribution of festivals throughout the year, see Rosivach 1994,54. On the Foxhall 1995; Attika, in cf. the see between religious year and interrelation agricultural Foxhall 1993 on the effects of warfare on agriculture. 26 See below pp. 198-201 on Aristophanes' Peace. 27 see e.g. votive relief (Athens NM 1335) depicting worshippers loading an altar with bread in fruit On first 40). fig. (infra Asklepios general, see offerings Hygieia for fruit and and Black Bowie the 1994. Kearns rites of cites 66-8; on sacrificial cakes, see Burkert 1985a, "withdrawing" to for bloodless 8.42.11) a goddess: (Paus. sacrifice Demeter at Phigaleia better before eras morally of earlier, "Such 'bloodless' sacrifices were seen as characteristic

188

That in fact Peace was annually in receipt of a very impressive, and indeed bloody, sacrifice of oxen is attestedby the skin-salerecords instituted by Lykourgos in 2' the 33OS. These detail the income from the hides of victims sacrificedat a number of festivals, Peace Agathe Tyche honouring deities including Democracy, as major and "from The familiar Soter Dionysos. Athena, Zeus the the skins well as more and drachmas in drachmas 713 Peace by fetched 333/2 874 to the sacrifices and generals"
29 following but implies is fraught just Calculating the that year. with variables, what taking Rosivach's maximum estimate of 10 drachmas per hide would mean that at least 70-87 oxen were sacrificed to Peace. By the same estimate, the smallest sacrifice in is the recorded accounts 10 oxen to Agathe Tyche in 333/2, the largest 118 at the Theseia of 332/1, while Demokratia received 41 oxen in the same year. The sacrifice nearest to Eirene's in scale is that of the City Dionysia, salesfrom the victims of 334/3 fetching 808 drachmas 30 These figures may be approximate, but it is clear that the . celebration of Peace was on a par with Athens' most major festivals in the late 330s. However politically inspired the instigation and continued observance of the cult of Peace, the skin-sale records indicate that she was taken extremely seriously as a in late fourth the goddess century. Eirene does not entirely "disappear from our view" 31 inscription later found 330s, BC the the after as an of mid-second century or near the being honoured "has Lysikrates that the monument of mentions official performed 32 Eirene". sacrifices to

In Aristophanes' Peace (1993,144). the to gods" placate slaughter of animals was needed the idea of an offering of "cooked vegetables" is rejected as only suitable for "a piffling little Hermes" (923-4). 28 Discussed in detail by Rosivach 1994,48-64, who argues that the festivals listed are the fascinating introducing for first to this Parker Robert I to heortoi. me am grateful epithetoi document, which he takes as his point of departure for a discussion of new cults in fourth in kind he to draft (1996,227-37), Athens show me enought well of was which a century 210 212 Lykourgos, this 1985 Humphreys See and on especially on advance of publication. inscription. 29IG 112 'tccG 6cpXovroq-/ Guc; 1496.93-5: en't NticoicparouG c;, rpcvrqycov, rfit Eipvilt/ icapok eic rfiG Ivilt [TC(xp6cy [CTrp(x]'r1J'YC0v Eip ftaitaG [eic 126-8: [E'Init Nticqlrau (6xcpxovroG t 11 vfit 71 cT^IG] -/ 30 Price of hides: Rosivach 1994,62-4,69 and 155-7. The figures for the Panathenaia are ff. On 1960,91 the Oliver Democracy, On cults of see preserved. not unfortunately late On 231-2. the third-century 1996,228-9 Parker Tyche, Agathe and see Demokratia and Maaa 1972,108-13. Dionysos, in theatre the Demokratia see of for the BC seat priest of 31 Parker 1996,230. 32 c... icafl/ 112 1000.6-8: ip-pa COv riElRooev [, 0-oat(J^Dv icaX('x rETtEipilvilt yrryovevoctc('x IG 'UnEprC^))v date. "Roman to an earlier A precludes allies" reference c11pt(x. Icccta(i)]-/,

189

KEPIUSODOTOS'

EIRENE AND PLOUTOS

Kephisodotos' representationof Peacemust be amongthe "profusion of robed female statues of an allegorical character" which seemto arouse Burkert's antipathy (FIG. 45). The group's identity is establishedby Pausanias' description of the Athenian agora, where he mentions "Peace holding the child Wealth" near the " Eponymous Heroes. Pausanias monument of the gives us the name of the sculptor in an asidewhen talking about a similar group at Thebes,which apparentlyrepresented Fortune, rather than Peace,as the mother-figure, with the characteristiccommentthat both ideas were "clever". 34 Pliny puts Kephisodotos'floruit in the 102nd Olympiad
(372-68 BC), 35almost coinciding with the most widely accepted date for the founding of the Athenian cult of Peace and so supporting a date for the statue of 375/4, but as I have already argued, this need not have been erected immediately.36 A later date has been argued from what appear to be representations of the group on six Panathenaic found in Eretria in the late 1960s, which are inscribed with the archon-name amphorai, Kallimedes, dating them to 360/59 BC (FIG. 46). 37 That the tiny mother and child depicted groups on either side of Athena's head represent a sculpture is clear from the pedestal on which they stand, and it is a reasonable assumption that they are a reference to a well known public monument.
33

This does not necessarily date

Pausanias 1.8.2: gvr& Be vaq etilcovocS &-yccXgara 'Ag(pto: Oecov, nov ciccov-6gcov ecrrltv po: oG t 11 E 'Kat i Eiplvil 10 For discussion Moi), of the group, see Simon 1988,62-6, (pipwoao: cov not-t8a. Jung 1976, and La Rocca 1974; cf. Barber 1990 on its position in the agora. Pausanias also tells us of "statues of the goddesses Peace and Hestia" in (or near) the Prytaneion (1.18.3) somewhere between the precinct of Aglauros, on the north slope of the Akropolis, and the temple of Olympian Zeus. Peace would be a suitable companion for the public hearth, but we have no further information, and even the whereabouts of this Prytaneion are uncertain; Stewart 1997,152 for the appropriateness of the association. cf. 34 Tetpeoitou U terck cob "Aggcovoq ro' t'epo'voticovooiconeTtov Paus. 9.16.1-2: 011paitotS n IN 81) F-CYTItV t'EPOV* (PEPEEt 11EV 6G U Mobcov GilpaTtot TbXilq =68aicalt nXilcritov icccXo1bgcvov XFEYOUCTt, XEIPCCq ]IFEV TOU (X'YCCXj1CCToq 'A"Vcc^loq, Eevo(pow icccit irpocromov etipyacrcuro PoUeuga, 81,1 C7090V giv KCC't 'U0-&VotG 'ro, KaUtcrrovtico; Be' rck kowcoc 6,100ETtvat e'luXcoptos. CTCYOV ft an, PbXij, M010'rov i rc, CYO(PO'V 016X 'ro'Klyptao8o'uov Icccit Tpo(pQq CP ufi CG Xe^lp(x; gijcpit 11' Xenophon 'A"vatiotG the rlkobrov EipliviiG F', Xol-)Occv iceiconlicev. ro' a'ycu%ga yap abrog viG Athenian sculptor is known to have worked in first half of the fourth century, which would Athenian thematically. the Theban the chronologically as as well near group place Hadzisteliou Price describes the Theban group as "due to late Classical and Hellenistic taste for personifications", citing an extant fourth-century Ionian statuette as comparison (1978,623 fig. 38). 3 Pliny N.H. 34.50; Plutarch tells us that Kephisodotos' sister was first wife of the Athenian & Be Icept T71S yL)vatK(j)v e'yjgc N^t BC: 402 born Phokion, c. 7CpoTEp(xS oluleev uov who was general %1'jv Kijq)tG68OToS (Phokion 19). OeX(po'G 6, ct ir, coct, ropet, tcy, abrfiq CU c'ccrunS TIv6 70, 36 Even earlier dates (403 or 393 13C)have been proposed for the group, but these are 1974,122). (La Rocca unlikely on stylistic grounds 37 For Kallimedes'archonship, see La Rocca 1974,125 n.40.

190

Kephisodotos' group to 360/59, of course, but that it was a recent addition to Athenian public spaceis the most obvious explanationfor its depiction on such vases; in this caseit could have been connectedwith the Common Peaceof 362/1, although 38 have Arguments to over the group's we no sources establishsuch an association. exact date are likely to remaininconclusive,but our cult sourcesand the amphoraigive 39 indicate Eirene's The termini that right arm us post and ante quem. vase-paintings held a staff and the child held a cornucopia in his left arm, both of which items are missingin the Munich copy (FIG. 45), the most completeof severalRoman copies still 40 extant. In addition to these, and Pausanias'testimony, the group's appearance on a Hadrianic coin suggeststhat it was still a familiar feature in Athens in the second (FIG. AD 47). century None of our sourcesfor the cult of Peacemakesany mention of the child held by Kephisodotos' Eirene, and were it not for Pausanias, know whom we would not figure Like to either meant represent. was most of the personificationsconsideredso far, the female figure is quite without attributes, apart from the staff, a symbol of for (recalling fact is holding Themis). The that authority suitable any goddess she a her kourotrophoi known from literature, Gaia child could make any one of a numberof being perhapsthe most likely candidatefor Athens4' The child's cornucopia is more . helpful, with its connotationsof plenty, though other extant representations of Wealth holding a cornucopia are all mid-fourth century or later, so possibly derivative of 42 Even once the child is identified, however, mythological Kephisodotos' group.

38 The cock columns flanking Athena on Panathenaic vases of the sixth and fifth centuries give way in the fourth to statue groups, which seem to be associated with the eponymous be indications from the to they of an actual may columns year; year change archon, as (cf. 1992,33-4,36-7 Neils Athena": "Panathenaic above outdoor sanctuary and statue of Fisher Sparta this towards On Athenian period, see 165-6). at attitudes and relations with pp. 1994. 39 La Rocca (1974,128-30) defends the 375/4 date with a stylistic analysis, adducing the NM 1467) (Athens 375/4 decree-relief and as a parallel Kerkyra of on a personified NM 1481). Simon (Athens 362/1 Peloponnesos figure of a the on relief of contrasting 8). (1986,703 374-360 the to no. herself range only somewhere within commits 40 On the other copies, see La Rocca 1974, with figs. 1-3 and 7-17; apart from the Munich 2 Ploutoi. Eirene, heads 4 6 torsos and of he and catalogues one, 41 On earlier identifications of the group, primarily as Leukothea and Bakchos, or Ge On Gaia Athens, 1986,8. Shapiro 1978,62 Price at see Hadzisteliou and Kourotrophos, see above p.86 n-98. 42 See below, n.48. For an extensive study of the Classical and Hellenistic cornucopia, see does (inscription: Ploutos rIAOTOM) identifiable appear A young 1994. securely Bemann 1321,3; Clinton 1994a ARV 2661, F Berlin BC: c-400 of chous a on cornucopia a without 12. 1998, Stafford pl. 17*;

191

tradition makes Ploutos the son of Demeter, not Eirene, and referencesto him as a deity are almost exclusively connectedwith the EleusinianMysteries. In Hesiod he is he him". Demeter the lasion, "makes at plays a role son of and rich whoever meets and from is Homeric he to their Hymn Demeter, the the to end of goddesses a gift where initiates, "giving riches to mortal men".4' He is amongstthe otherwise unexceptional list of Demeter's associates in the call to prayer in Aristophanes' Thesmophoriazousai in be be 411 BC, idea Wealth to though the that ridiculed a god seems of should 44 Cyclops just Aristophanes' 388 few later. Euripides' Wealth The of play of a years BC seemsunconvincing as a deity, despitethe attemptsof Chremylosto flatter him as "greatest of all daimones"; unlike the Ploutos of myth he is portrayed as an old man, 45 More usually Ploutos is depict his blindnessstemmingfrom Hipponax's description. as a child, and a number of vasesshow him in the company of Demeter/Persephone. This association with the Mysteries can perhaps be explained by an interesting in for king Kratylos Plato's the etymology of the Underworld's names:
he giveswealth (ploutos), sincewealth He was also called Plouton,this beingbecause from "Hades", in beneath; for I the think comesup earth as people generalsuppose they fear the name that the invisible (a-eides)is indicatedby this word, andbecause 46 call him "Plouton".

by is idea That Pluto was often associated the of wealth shown a number of vasewith is holding king Underworld in the the a shown of enthroned paintings which 47 in is however, himself, Ploutos as a child, varying age only represented cornucopia.
The place of birth in Hesiod is "the thrice-ploughed field, in rich Crete", suggestive of his Demeter 486-9; Attic Hymn to Homeric (Theog. 969-74). cf. character as agricultural wealth &F_t'8(0/ AIJl. LIJTP(X CYTr. EV COP(Xtq... (P(XVTJq0P0tq See 'OX-ogni(XV PMG 885: %o1bzou rI, skolion qmp' Clinton (1992b, 53-5) on "the Ploutos of Demeter' as the object of initiands desires, and (914) on Ploutos as the "divine" child whose birth was proclaimed during the initiation ritual (Hippolytos, Refutatio omnium haeresium, 5.8.40). On the hymn and Eleusis, see Parker 1991. 44 Aristoph. Thes. 295-300; Clinton suggests the name should be emended to Plouton J1992a, 54 n.131). On Eur. Cyclops 316-7, see above pp.30-1. 5 Aristoph. Plout. 230. MacDowell (1996,329-31) describes Wealth as "one of the most his the Aristophanes' of status ambiguity in out points and plays", of any allegories complex 234-44. his in at speech as god/man/abstract, especially noticeable 80mv, 46Plato Kraty1o BE 403a: o"'rte1cci^lq rIkolYromg, co giv icavk vIv cob nXo1bcoL) roi), s rO' 801cobatV " Be
okviteroct T6 o n, %obroq, encDvoIx&crGi1Tcp 6 ""AI811q, oi lcokkoit 9ev flot cktBeq nPocretPificrOM 43

,yfilq icaccoftv C b7roXagP&vetv

6vogovrt Voibup, icocit gopolbg6vot To, O'Voga

"rIX01b, obcytvov&rov. icoc), rcovoc" 47 See Schauenburg 1953, fig. 1 for the king of Underworld enthroned, attended by Hermes Schauenburg BC). 370-60 E49; inv. (Heidelberg skyphos, holding cornucopia a and satyrs, ARV (Paris 438,22 ARV and amphora) Pluto for g. e. cornucopia, 23 with parallels adduces Pluto the Lykourgos' On 5. 4 of cult of at figs. refurbishing and (Athens pelike), 398,57 183-6. 1970,45 Mitchell and nn. see "giver of agricultural wealth", Eleusis, and Pluto as

192

48 from infancy to early adolescence, but always naked, often holding a cornucopia. The only other appearance of Wealth in a ritual context is less obviously anthropomorphic, in Plutarch's description of "the driving out of ox-hunger" at Chaironeia,a ceremonywhich he relatesasbeing practisedin his own time: Thereis a traditionalsacrifice, but hearth the the performs at public which archon it is called"the drivingout of ox-hunger".Strikingoneof the everyone elseat home; drive him doors, "Out they servants with wands of agnuscastus out of chanting with 49 Ox-hunger, in with WealthandHealth". Though rather removed from any of our other references,this does show Ploutos as the antithesisof famine, maintainingthe association with Demeter and agrarianplenty. For a fourth-century viewer the problem of identifying Kephisodotos' figures was presumably obviated by the group's fame, and there may well have been an identifying inscription on its base. But given the lack of mythological precedent,the question remains, why should Kephisodotos have thought of representing Peace holding the child Wealth? Parke commentsthat the group "by rather obvious allegory indicated that the wars of Athens had led to her impoverishment",but Parke, even has Pausanias, than the benefit of a long tradition of allegorical representation to more inform his viewing." Kephisodotos' Peaceand Wealth is not quite without precedent in generalterms, it is true. Shapiro has convincingly explodedthe myth that allegory by Apelles, to refute Reinhardt's assertionthat was invented collecting ampleexamples Archaic and Classical art "kennt Allegorisches noch nicht".51 In particular, he can

Plouto is a more likely candidate for the column figure on two early fourth-century Panathenaic amphorai which Neils identifies as Wealth -a mature bearded man, draped from the waist down, holding a sceptre in his right hand, a large cornucopia in his left: Neils 1992,33-4, fig. 25, cat. no. 25 (attributed to the Asteios Group) and Berlin 3980 (with archonname Philokles, 392/1 BC); see Clinton 1992,105-6. 48 For discussion of the Eleusinian Ploutos' iconography and significance, see Clinton 1992, 49-55, where he proposes identifying the youth in the great Eleusinian relief as Ploutos, handing a bunch of wheat stalks to Demeter (Athens NM 126, c.430 BC); see 91-4 on Ploutos' possible role in the ritual drama of the Mysteries. See also Clinton 1994a for Pluto; in Ploutos and modern confusion on ancient with and vase-painting, representations of he concludes that T. was a mere personification and never given formal worship as a god; Ploutos in light (1964,49) Hamdorf (416). a more generous sees no sacrifices are attested" Eleusinian to the Kind" "g6ttliche goddesses. the entrusted excellence, par as 49 e% I/ IN^ Plut. Quaest Conv. 6.8 (Moralia 693e-0: Oucy'ta u; c"ou n6ruptoq,i1v 6 JlEvapxcovEnt cTlq
t9 itrrlxccat'U T %' Eet 'Ic' 'Pou, (X "Iccco'cog cov "UCOV 8, SPO 0-0 1cait 0"ico-0. IC(XX at VIC0tVIjq rcrrt(XG r,6nr0Vrr. 6cyvtv(XtG G '(XP80tG 6t(X ftpO)V i4E, %CC1bV01U0tV, EE_nt?, 'E'40) EE_Y0VTFEG

(ad 593) Poverty 1966,331 West Cf. on and F-mv., in 17-8; "scapegoat 1995,270-1 MacDowell on rituals" general, nn. Plenty. On the ritual, see 82-4. 1985a, Burkert see 50 Parke 1977,33. 51 Shapiro 1986; Reinhardt 1960,34.
'Yyl j-j,%oj), Tov jccc'

V(x GP 0t, XVrC^0V F, ,ZQDV -, Ecrco 8'ett Bol)ktgov

193

Archaic form the adduce a number of two-figure allegories,the simplest possible, of period in literature, Homer's Ate and the Litai; in the visual arts, the struggle of Dike and Adikia on the Chest of Kypselos and on two late sixth-century Attic vases. This "combining (of) two personificationsinto a meaningful relationship" is perhaps. familiar lyric by from Hesiod linkings the the most archaic and made genealogical poets, where the messagelies not in any narrative content, as in the case of Justice 52 but between figures. Injustice, in Kephisodotos' the the relationship overcoming however, in the group, remains earliestexampleof suchan allegory extant monumental art, and its directnessmust have been quite striking to an audienceas yet unjaundiced by sucha "profusion" of figures as Burkert somewhatanachronistically hasin mind.
THE TRADITION

OF PEACE AND PROSPERITY

Though

iconographically

innovative, Kephisodotos'

is group an overt

formulation of a proposition with some pedigree. The concepts which Eirene and Ploutos personify are linked as early as Homer, "wealth and peace in plenty" being " Hesiod makes decreedby Zeus in his settling of the feud at the end of the Odyssey. the link between political and agricultural well-being in his genealogyof the Seasons, daughters implications Lawfulness, Justice Peace, Themis; the and of of who are called in the adjective rF_0(xXIA(Xv, "luxuriant", attachedto her, Peaceare neatly encapsulated 54 for family "guardians Pindar's this of wealth men". explicitly makes version while The sameassociationwith both Justiceand prosperity seemsto be made in the Hymn Kouretes: the of
by Justice fruitful prosperitymankind... and possessed which year year, were ... 55 loving Peace ...

Following the Harrison-Nilsson line that the hymn is "Uralt" in origin and its is Eirene Simon Cretan "Vegetationsgott", is that Zeus Diktaios, the argues addressee, Kephisodotos' from Minoan deity fertility the representation and period, popular as a

52 On two-figure allegory see Shapiro 1986,6-8. 53Homer Od. 24.485-6. 54Hes. Theog. 901-3; Pind. 0.13.6-8 (464 BC); see above pp.68-8 on Thernis. / / PPO'Co's [ ]tn' A, 55 K(XCfixe, tlc(x Icait KaCfiC0q, ..... ..... .... Hymn of the Kouretes 37-40: [..... .... P]PIUOV Simon's 1.37, for been has "12pat Se presumably whence suggested Etipilva. 46/ e, a (pitkokpo; See West 1965 (1986,705). Seasons the Eirene hymn of one as the that names assertion text. the on

194

" her kourotrophos Tradition". draws "jahrtausendalte of as religi6se upon a

Quite

Simon's however, from its fertility dependence apart paradigm, on the unfashionable form is in Nilsson's by fact the of that, even extant argument undermined the opinion, in question should not be the hymn is Hellenistic, so there is no reasonwhy the passage 57 For Eirene's "early popularity" and association derived from the Hesiodic genealogy. fertility folksong: Simon fragment Samian with also cites a of a Openyourselves is in, luxuriant doors! Great Wealth Wealth coming andwith up, 58 Euphrosyne andgoodPeace. This is preserved in a life of Homer, who is supposedto have gone around the householdsof Samos singing songs called EtpF-atcovcct to bring prosperity. Simon between Samian Athenian the the the makes a connection songs and eiresionai of festivals. Theseeiresionai were apparentlybranchesof olive Thargelia and Pyanepsia laurel bound by like bough, the or a with wool, much suppliant's which were carried boys from for house house in to group of who went singing and collecting gifts return bringing this symbol of fruitfulness; the brancheswere later fastenedabove the door for continued prosperity.59 The ritual itself may be early, but as with the Cretan hymn, the antiquity of the Samiansong is open to question, and the link between a Samian Eirene and Athens is not strong; the words of the Athenian Eiresione reported by 'O deity. Plutarch make no mention of Eirene, Ploutos or any other A passagecommonly cited as the earliestliterary referenceto Peaceas mother for Asine: Apollo Pythaeus Paian fragment is Bakchylides, Wealth at part of a of of a flowers honey-tongued haughty W/wealth, for birth Peace the to of and mortals gives flame fleecy burning the thighs the on carved sheep in yellow of oxenand of songs, with pipesand with thegymnasium, gods,andyoungmen'sconcern altarsfor61 revelry ...
56 Simon 1986,705, and 1988,57-8. 57 Nilsson 1968,546. Bremer opts for compositon in the fourth century BC, though the hymn "might well be the product of a religious mentality which is much older and belongs to the its fertility the development On the (1981,295). and BC" paradigm of second millennium Lowe 1998 the 1-119; 1983, Lowe on case of also Greek see esp. to see religion, application Dialogoi, Hetairikoi the Lucian's one the on the Thesmophoria and ninth-century scholion "ancient" text that seems to support the Frazerian fertility model explicitly. NV 58 6waickivecy0c, 01bparrikonoG yap ecretcrt/ icokkoq, Carmina Popularia fr. 1 Diehl 3-5: ccumcit 33). Vita Homer (ap. Herod. 6cyaoil Etipfivil SE Elb(ppocribVil c' n0cckiAtcc/ rikoibuot imit abv 59 Simon 1988,57-9. On the Athenian Eiresione see Simon 1983,76-7 (s.v. Thargelia and 218-19. below bough On the 1977,76. pp. see Parke 3.1); suppliant's Pyanepsia), (pl. 60 Plut. Thes. 22.7. 5E 61 cc citiorct OvacoTtatv 61-8: Maehler 4 fr. ic?, onov/ imit c14pliva gcy(xX6cvop(x Bakchylides 'OF-CFE)CU PO(J)V 4=0&
avoca/ 8at8cw%ccov T' en't Pwgoov/ 0coTtatv ccit (PX0yI/

Cf. Campbell %(, ge'ketv. ic6gow cc icalt )v (xL'), veotq/ rc Y-Ogwat(ov (J)V/ glipt, euLcalk(ovrc gll?,

6& %()Dcy(ycov xty, ccot6ccv j_LF

195

This could almost be a parody of a Hesiodic genealogy:the list of Eirene's "children" begins straightforwardly enough with a noun (nko), by "personifying" roq) qualified a but in appositionto this are the elaboratelydesignatedSongs, adjective (gF_y(xXavcop), and whole clauses to describe Sacrifices and the pleasant Pastimes of youth. An English translation is hampered by the initial-capital convention, which makes too sharp a distinction between the first and subsequent offspring of Peace. The from Eirene's autoschediastic nature of this genealogyis demonstratedby its absence environs for the rest of the fifth century: while the conceptscontinue to be associated, Peaceis not mother of Wealth againuntil Kephisodotosunites the two in bronze. 62
EURWEDES9 AND ARISTOPHANES' PEACE

Independentlyof Ploutos, Eirene makesa number of appearances as a goddess

in the plays of Euripides and Aristophanes and in contemporary visual arts. Although did she not receive public worship until 375/4, there is every reason to suppose that in the last quarter of the fifth century she was increasingly seen as a real power, a power 63 desirability into focus by Peloponnesian War. the whose was thrown A fragment of Euripides' Kresphontes, preserved in Stobaios' section "On Peace", is a choral ode addressedto Eirene:
Peace,with your depths of wealth and fairest of the blessedgods, I am eager for you as you delay; I fear old age may overwhelm me with hardships before I look upon your graceful prime, your fine-dancing songs,your garland-loving revels. Come, lady, to my city; shut out from our homeshateful Sedition and the raging Strife who delights in sharpenediron. 64 The context of most of the play's fragments is uncertain, but this is the beginning of

one of the main stasima, and presumably precedesthe appearanceof the young

/ n,%ovro86, (Bergk Greek Lyric V (Anon. frs. ), 1021: (5 ykA)Ke^t' Ppouo% Eip('xvcc, suggested Tetpa Pindaric authorship). 62 An alternative genealogy for Peace is preserved in a fragment of Aristotle, quoted by Plutarch: "in ancient times they used to call Kalauria Eirene after a woman Eirene, who, the Melantheia, daughter Poseidon born and of Alpheios" (Aristotle fr. 597 of story goes, was Rose = Plut. Quaest. Graec. 19). Hopwood (1986,199) suggests that this claim was meant to promote the peace-keeping role of the Kalaurian Amphictyony. 63 For an overview of war and peace in Euripides and Aristophanes, see Spiegel 1990,99125. 64 PaGibnXavceiaxi/ icaUitcrrcc pxicapcov Oe(ov, / Euripides fr. 453 Nauck (= 71 Austin): Et'pTlvcc / Wotiax 8e OFV fijXoG gi) novotq/ / icpitv C7(xv (OG XPOV'tEtq. 110t C;F', bicepPaXilt ge yfip(xG, 6COt8('XG/ (Pt,%OCF'VE(P('XVO1Oq / 'I'Eh TE ICCOgO)S. IC(X't %Xtx6poA)G ("t)PCCV/ (XV X(Xp'tF-CYC; gOt, -Xpo(Yt8C^tV ica, 67t' "Eptv/ iXOp'v 011 8' / Dr'atv Oit'-hccov rC'Cv gcctvogcv(xv T' l, cipy' 1 cuOt cc cc r'v cc n'Xtv. rvta, n00 M50cpOn. TEPICOge'v=

196

Kresphontes. The chorus are voicing resentmentat the internal discord which has facilitated Polyphontes' murder of the elder Kresphontes, which his son will avengeon his return from exile, thereby regaining the throne. The Peace being invoked is " Stasis is Eris. Eris by her two to and characterised other personifications, opposition in known from of coursewell epic and vase painting, and appearsagain the context of 66 (411-09 is in Stasis figure, Women Phoenician BQ. the civil strife a more shadowy lightly is in "angry Sedition, here, Pindar's only personified as she giver of poverty, a 67 hostile nurse of young men") The Kresphontes' date is probably in the mid-420s,and . Georgoi before (425-1 in Aristophanes' invocation is Peace BC) the certainly of which first lines hymn Timaios' Hermokrates that the the parodied; report quoted eight of at 68 Sicilian is Collard 424 BC the peace conferenceof summer probably not reliable. fragment Aeolic form that the the the points out metre uses and of words standardto invocatory hymn, it fits invocation (including Bremer's an and categorisationof with 69 nameand epithets/attributes),argumentand petition. It is in fact a formulaic element is butt PaO1bRXoUro; Aristophanes' the the compound adjective of parody, which 70 hymn form depths little "Peace,with your Use the team of of wealth, and of oxen...... does not of course necessarilyimply cult, but, at least in the tragic context, it does 71 indicate that Peacecan be taken seriouslyas a goddess. Peaceis again opposedto civil strife in Euripides' Supplices,which may also Theseusfrom embarkingon date from 424 BC 72 Kreon's herald is trying to dissuade .

68 Timaios FGrH 566 F22. This is cited by Polybios (12.25k.1-26.9) as an example of into the improbable he that in historian, speeches puts particular Timaios' shortcomings as a is Hermokrates the Polybios' most in statesman great his opinion characters; mouths of Euripides in Homer have to and adduced or have argument, a poor to such made unlikely Collard, Kresphontes On the is better than see that war. peace the commonplace of support Cropp and Lee (1995,121-47). 69 On hymn structure, see Bremer 1989,193-7. POF-11COV... E_Uyccptov 70 lcoft Pa9)ICA-01-AF, 111: Etipi'lvil Ar. Georgoi fr. 71 On hymns in drama, see Bremer 1989,212-13, and Furley 1995,37-9. 72 Zuntz (1955,88-93) argues that the play fits Athens' situation in 424, the same year as the (90). buoyancy" "atmosphere of public Knights, with its

66 Phoin. 798: ftivoc nq "Eptq Geo;. On Eris see Shapiro 1993,51-61. 67 %3k / nCV'tCCG 80TEtPaV, EXE)P(XV Pindar fr. 109.3-4 SM: aukatv ano irpan'tBOGEn'UCOTOV (XVCXCOV, he Eirene, but to Hesychia than is to Stasis Pindar's seems use rather opposed TpWov. ico-opo, hesychia in much the same sense, e. g. 0.4.16 (Psaumis "turns his steps with pure purpose 8.1-7. for P. 31 drinking loves the ("Quiet 9.48 N. p. see above party"); to city-loving Quiet"), 'Avogita -YPptG '0govjS Tyrannis: Chrysostom's Dio of For Stasis see also imit attendants icai (1.82). Euripides' Stasis is not capitalised by Austin (ed. 1968). (X Icat i Ducyt

65 That Stasis and Eris should be "shut out of our homes" calls to mind the "driving out of Ox-hunger' ritual (above).

197

be think the to Thebes, of consequences that a war against wise would people arguing before they vote for war:
Yet of the two propositionswe know, all of us, the goodandthe bad, and which is friend better, by how much betterfor mortals is peacethan war; sheis best and dearest delights in fair joys Vengeance, Muses, but the to she children, of and in enemy 73 wealth.
The praise of Peace in opposition to rIotv(xt' is rather ironic in the circumstances, since Thebes is herself exacting retribution by refusing to allow Adrastos and the Argive

bury dead, breaking first to their thereby the widows and one of rules of any post74 is Eirene device here treaty. than the Peace victory peace much more of a rhetorical Kresphontes, being in first half X0yoq her the the the though of explicitly a of sentence, fertility is later Orestes (408 BC) Eirene is In the association with and wealth clear. unequivocally a OF-6, albeit briefly. When Apollo intervenes to sort out the chaos in

Argos, he ends with an injunction to everyone to "Go on your way now, honouring the fairest of goddesses, Peace". 7' The scholiast comments: "He says this because at that time the Peloponnesian War was going on in Greece; the Athenians had not been by The reference is to the the Lakedaimonian embassies to make peace.-)-)76 persuaded rejection by Spartan Kleophon, two of a peace offer earlier years to whom the

in leaders" 1.772. "villainous Whether such a specific the scholiast sees an allusion of allusion was meant or would have been understood by Euripides' 77 is audience

debatable, but the general point could hardly have been missed .

If Euripides' hymn suggests that Eirene is recognised as a deity in the mid-

420s, Aristophanes' Peace confronts the question of her status head-on a few years her later, the action centring on Trygaios' recovery of Peaceand establishment cult of in an ideal Athens. The play must have been written during the negotiations which 421 from Elaphebolion 25th Nikias, lead Peace the took to the effect which of would fact City The Dionysia. fortnight the BC, about a very after the play's production at
73

"n PPOTOTIG-/ / JCp(j)TOC geV FEtP7jVIj KpEtCFCFOV 7WXF'-WIL) TEE O"CF(P 1CCCICOC, Kat XPIJ(Y'TCE 8i icXo, 6, rcp. 5' ei')icat5'tqc, / xcdpet / flOtVCC^ICFt 6' exE)p('x, Te'pnvuxt ICf0CYqtXF-CYT&ITIj, 7, 75 76

XOYOtV/ 5i)o^tv TO'VICPE'ICTCFOV' 486-91: C"CVOP(OnOt ye n6-*CVTEG Eur. Supp. Kcdcot

YaliEV,

N C(X't Tcc

Moib(yatat

0-11. below 21 Adrastos, On nown'. pp. the see 1.43.7 of Paus. See personification on ' Ouov Ei VqtC0VCP-; IPI1VI1V 11 Ym BC): (408 Eur. Or. 1682-3 vuv ic(A' o8ov, T'V ImUitaviv/ ilCF-^tVOV 8t('X T0'V TO' IC(Xr' (P'nOt WbTO upWrEG: icatpov 1682-3: Or. OF-6v Et'pllvnv Eur. Schol.
ca r1eXonowilcytaic' (Xtt npccYPe'L)og'votq y'(Xp Aalce8cagoviotS 11 icepi eip'v%

I evecruilicevat

oj)1c

77 Wycherley (1957, no. 155): "This emphasis on the importance of the goddess may, for longing " the but Athens her peace. reflect to merely at cult however, have no reference

772. Cf. 'A611vocTtot. ad 5 tcYEhjaccv F-jrF-,

198

that Trygaios has to found a cult for Peaceindicates that a public cult was not yet
Trygaios When but does the play observed, goddess. real a very with us -present into "deep in has Peace heaven, he learns War thrown that cave", FI'q ToUTt' arrives a in following Bowie (223-4), is hauled from the ro , xacco scene. up where she in Peace the to the compares myth and ritual, anodoi of various gods raising of draws festival Athenian Anthesteria, Persephone, the especially parallels with a and (Dionysos) "the in the celebrating return of god at springtime after an absence an 79 Once Peace has been raised, Trygaios "performs the installation of enclosed place". the goddess" (923) in a scene which clearly reflects the standard procedure for such a ceremony. After some discussion of what constitutes a suitable sacrificial offering for Peace, a sheep is decided upon (923-37) and Trygaios goes to fetch an altar, though a few lines later he seemsto spot the altar to Dionysos already to hand in the middle of 80 The the orchestra, a reminder of the religious context of the original performance . for it is (1018), OE-'gtq to the the that slave's refusal slaughter sheep on grounds olb "surely Peace does not delight in slaughter, nor is her altar bloodied", is almost do joke by Trygaios the actual the to the slave certainly a solves problem sending .81 killing indoors while he himself prepares the fire for roasting. This is the only serious irregularity in an otherwise familiar ritual of sacrifice, preceded by the purification of "0 barley, in to the the goddess: most revered and a prayer all attendance, scattering of divine queen, lady Peace, mistress of dances, mistress of weddings, accept our 82 ,, sacrifice...
78

78 MacDowell 1995,193: "Of course the performance of such a ritual in comedy was not be implying that but Aristophanes life, in inauguration the may to cult real a new of equivalent " On later. forty-seven its foreshadowing is desirable, years establishment actual such a cult be that (ibid. 197): "the Nikias Peace the point must between the of the relation play and Bowie the life". in been has adduces real Trygaios accomplishes what accomplished not "Aristophanes' in Attic few in literature cult: and a precedent of various personifications but it did therefore, been have Peace not novel, somewhat would of cult of a representation 51). (1993,142, fashion" n. start a 79 Bowie 1993,142-50. On the deaths of Kleon and Brasidas he comments "The descent to (137, from Peace the balance the ground" of return Hades of these two warmongers will Underworld. from the Persephone's iconography for the ascent 1974 of B6rard n. 17). See to the this for drawing my attention. play of Lada-Richards aspect Thanks to Ismene 0-0paoticalt8,1'. 80 Aristoph. Peace 942: 12q vxbvxBfik& y' e'aW-6 y('xpPcogo'q 81 Aristoph. Peace 1019-20: olux 'n8evat811nouftvEiplivil cy(paya%J olu'8'aigwrobvxt Pcogoq. find is Peace the that is goddess "he sort of who will conjecturing Sommerstein 1985,181: 187-8. See pp. kind above abhorrent". bloodshed of any 82 Scowtva Eipilvilj PacyiXeta Oeckj Xopow, 974-7: icowt' Aristoph. Peace co aegvou'vcii
8EC; TC0tVa IfC*(J)V, / 864cct ftcytim 'ri'IV llgmpav.

199

Peaceherself is a statue, draggedinto view at 1.519,and apparently remaining is her have the indication The chorusappearance on stage thereafter. of we only leader's comment that she is Ei')Tcpo(Yo)noq becauseof her connection with Pheidias (615-18). This is occasionedby Hermes' explanationof how Peacecameto be driven from divert in first Perikles the scandal to the attention out provoked war place: for his friend Pheidias, the surrounding accusedof misappropriatingmaterialsprovided including himself Perikles Athena Parthenos among and chryselephantine and statue of 83 figures Aristophanes' statue of Peace was the on Athena's shield (603-14). by indicated by that the apparently on a grand scale, as reports play was parodied Eupolis, in his Autolykos, and Plato, in his Victories: "It is even made a matter for 81 know he , We Peace. that the of no visual comedy raised up colossal statue of have been Aristophanes' Eirene 421, than stage-propmay representations of earlier so the first; presumablyshelooked like any other personificationof the period, a beautiful " age. young woman of marriageable The dramatis Personaeinclude a numberof other personifications, who all take
his (Polemos) in War than the the attendant and statue. proceedings a more active part Uproar (Kydoimos) have speaking parts, and Theoria and Opora, though silent, are herself is Peace human interest, treated as objects of very attentions which sexual 86 Opora Eirene's fact Theoria befits her divine The that are and status. spared, as by kind is to the of allegory represented attendants very much equivalent Kephisodotos' group. The characters' names are variously rendered, reflecting the 87 difficulty of finding an exact equivalent for the terms, but MacDowell's "Festival88 Opora is properly "late summer", the time of the "Vintage"

going" and

are apt.

by Seasons, literally her the harvest, a position usurped one of which makes grape

83 On the truth or otherwise of the accusation see MacDowell 1995,186-9. 84 Eupolis fr. 62 (PCG V) = Plato fr-86 (PCG Vll): laquot5dzat U ICCE't rt> vo' rl^lq EipilvjIg <6', Wilkins John Thanks to NiticatG. MUmcov AinoM)iccot, EtnAtS gfitpev (5yakta. 1cokocratic6v for drawing this to my attention. For a possible 85 Cf. Agorakritos' Nemesis and the Meidias Painter's personifications. 46). 18, GB (CVA 1903.70 Kelvingrove pl. in Eirene see scene, phlyax a of representation 86 Cf. above p. 55. See MacDowell 1995,183 on "the character of War'. 1978) to (Penguin, "Festival" "Harvest" from his and 87 E. g. Sommerstein changes mind (1985). "Showtime" "Fullfruit" and fruit is late the (opora) summer when of season 88 MacDowell 1995,193: "This word means " itself. fruit the ripe also and gathered,

200

89 "political" Eirene herself, with Dike and Eunomia, in Hesiod's alternative genealogy. Between them, Opora and Theoria represent "peace in the country and peace in the 90 "Grape-harvester", Trygaios, Vintage is the to at end city". off appropriately married body from back be Boule, is the Festival-going to the the to whom given of play, while 91 festivals. delegates were chosen to attend Panhellenic Eirene's connection with wine is emphasisedby the chorus-leader's reference to her as "greatest and most vine-loving lady how "0 in I Trygaios' grape-giver, shall address of all goddesses", and welcome: have Where '792 As I I to to am get a million-gallon greet noted, you? word you with? Eirene had already been invoked in Aristophanes' Farmers, and her close association in in have been later Peace; the theme general may well of a a with agriculture fragment attributed to this, Peace's self-styled attendant Georgia seems to be lack for her the complaining about current of scope activities:
Georgia: Trusty nurse, housekeeper,fellow-worker, guardian, daughter and friend ? in Peace, these things to sister of of all mankind - all she used enjoy me?. B: What's your name then? 93 Georgia: Agriculture .

This connection with agriculture, and especially viticulture, explains why Eirene's only three appearances in extant visual art of the fifth century are in the 94 in follows Dionysos Eirene Brauron On Dionysos. a a round altar at company of

91 MacDowell 1995,194: "Vintage and Festival-going represent the pleasures of life in being those is herself the Peace pleasures makes who supernatural peace-time, whereas " honour. deserves She and respect P20 SSible. Po, rp'L)68o)pe, 93
Aristoph.
0) olcvt(X 6) 519-21: Aristoph. Peace 308: r)v n6 o)v'XrTjv. laxit (ptXagnF_?, geytavjv ofi naaWv 11 Orn)v &V X('X'pOtgt /
Tit nPOIGEtn(O G' F'-IEOG; 7100EV

89 See Bowie 144, n.60 for references. Cf. Trendall (1989, fig. 430) for Opora and Ampelis (Lipari kalyx-krater Sicilian Odysseus to handing the Maron on a over wineskin supervising 2297). 90 Whitman, cited in Bowie 1993,146.

PT19CC g1)Pt('xg(P0P0V/

0"TQ) 1tP00EE't7C(0

0%

94 As recently as 1986 Erika Simon includes in her catalogue of representations of Eirene "a BC in 422/1 known" "already BC, 398/7 probably of ivory preserved" not statuette, gilded 2) (1993,45 Shapiro This, points out, rests on a misreading of n. 2). as (LIMC s. v. Eirene no. 150b. 25: (CIG for 398/7 inventory Eipf treasury's Akropolis Tivil the the inscription recording %upavrim, 112 E', 11 (aup'vn 1388.75 IG in is ), corrected tV1j which E'XE_(P0CV'T, ocro; ,c(xvxxp, Misreading 421). the b, Suppl., III (FGH Jacoby of by p. but perpetuated uaoq), xaT6cXp, (Shapiro is cites a EIPHNH understandable (aulos-case) quite as YYBHNH word unusual

&ApONCotatv Et'pljvnq I'MPrIk (P, txllq/ ntac n&cytv cfiq 8' &&. B X(pij, / <ixp1^juo' ftyovullp, croit gotX/ n6mca Iron-UT' Er'_n'tTponoq, 01bVEPYOG, TOCIACC, TPO(POG, is Aristophanes lines to the Stobaios' 6 of / attribution IFxopytia. 8'n rE. Tt; Fi_anv rit ovogoc date during 421. A the Peace that later between of and is the a relationship problematic, as had if the the be 1985, same play appropriate (Sommerstein War would xix-xx) Dekeleian in the the fragment general see On this play of problems theme. and "impossible peace" Lowe (forthcoming). fr. 294 Kassel/Austin:

201

procession of deities, all inscribed and moving towards a female figure seated on a (FIG. 48). The editors of JG13 date the altar to c.420-10 BC, though Fuchs puts rock it between 410 and 400; in either case it would post-date Aristophanes' incarnation of Peace.9' Eirene is holding a flower in her left hand, between index finger and thumb, in 96 an archaising gesture. Also in the procession are Hermes and Leto, and four figures inscriptions illegible; Fuchs' suggested reconstructions [E)F-copItia, whose are mostly X6c[ptql and ['On1CO[p(x1 but fragmentary the are appealing, given state of the altar they 97 must remain speculative. Eirene is just one of several maenads in Dionysos' retinue on a kalyx-krater in Vienna, of 410-400 BC (FIG. 49). While others wait on the god, she reclines on a rock, a torch leaning against her shoulder, contemplating a drinkinghorn in her right hand. Eirene is more active on a contemporary pelike, formerly in Paris, where she seems to be about to embrace Dionysos as a lover (FIG. 50). In connection with this, few commentators have managed to resist the temptation of adducing a couplet from Euripides' Bakchai (406 BC), in which the chorus say of Dionysos, "He loves Peace, giver of prosperity, child-nursing goddess. "9' What is

interesting line, however, is its mis-match with the pelike Eirene, who the most about is iconographically indistinguishable from any other maenad. The Bakchai Eirene is for the first time explicitly kourotrophos; the vaguely maternal Peace of Bakchylides fi-.4 (,ct'xcF_t U... 61) and of Euripides' Supplices (,cE_'pitF_, has 8' 490) r(xt F_1J7t(xt6t'q,, ) become the "mother-figure" to be given definite form by Kephisodotos a generation later.99

recent re-examination of the stone), but certainly does not support Simon's fanciful claim that the inscription refers to an aulos-case carved to represent Eirene. 95 Vikelas and Fuchs 1985. A second Aristophanic Peace could conceivably have played further on Eirene's vinous associations by bringing Dionysos into the plot; it is tempting to attribute this and her two other appearances in his retinue to such a precedent. 96 Cf. e. g. Artemis on ARV2 3,1 (Andokides Painter, c. 525 BC); the female half of an 3 bis (Amasis Painter, 520 BC); 445, Aphrodite ABV698, no. c. on p. on under couple amorous ARV2 806 (follower of Douris, c. 470 BC). 97 Inscription: IG 131407 bis. On the altar see Vikelas and Fuchs 1985, fig. 1 (reconstruction (Eirene). 4.1 3.1 and of altar) and pis. 98 Eur. Bacchae 419-20: ptXET 8' o'kPo8oretpav EtWplivccv, icoupocp6(povGum Eg. Shapiro (1993,46-7): "On an even more literal level the pairing nicely illustrates a beautiful couplet of Euripides... ". 99 Shapiro not only misses the implications of the adjective kourotrophos, but begs a number Eirene have been "closer Aristophanes' to that "safe" his must assumption of questions with Paris in than to the the beauty motherly version of once pelike on the youthful, seductive Kephisodotos" (1993,50).

202

OUTSUDE ATHENS

Such a universal desideratumas peacemight be expected,like health, to have been recognisedas a goddessbeyond the confinesof Athens, but we have only a little from issue for her in Greek The evidence of coinage earliest cities. worship other Western Lokroi, dating from c.380 BC, has the head of Zeus on the obverse and on the reversea female figure with the inscription EIPHNA AOKPQN, "Peaceof Lokroi" (FIG. 51). She is quite unlike Kephisodotos' Eirene, seatedon an altar rather than holding herald's is The than standing, and a caduceusrather a child. staff a suitable for symbol a political peace,carried by both the divine go-betweenHermes and human ambassadors. IFErmercomments "the goddess on the reverse may reflect some particular peace,or shemay be a deity particularly worshippedat Locri, as was Nike at Terina ( ); the immediatejuxtaposition of the ethnic suggeststhat the latter is more ... '00 " The presenceof the altar would also support Peace'sclaim to divinity, probable. does although she not appearagain on the city's coinage. Hirmer's alternativesneed be in have been Lokroi Peace Western not exclusive; may accordeda public cult at At in Athens, the to treaty. the response a particular peace much same way as at is included in Greek Eirene the Erythraian priestthe opposite end of world, a priest of 'O' for her in list of c.250 BC, but we haveno further information cult Ionia. The Roman Peaceis of course best known in connectionwith the Ara Pacis, dedicatedon the 30th January9 BC in the CampusMartius, in honour of Augustus' 102 been Rome have in Gaul. Spain Pax earlier, as a at worshipped may and victories is Augustan Peace head, but her BC 44 the a radical cult of shows coin of 103 Although the development, linking the idea so closely with the emperor. in the cult clearly propagandistic circumstancesof the altar's establishmentmake

100 Kraay and Hirmer 1966, no.291,313 pl. 101. Cf. no.293, stater of c.274 BC, Pistis Rome loyalty Lokrians' the when Hirmer of glosses as an affirmation crowning Roma, which Pyrrhos. defeat the independence her of after confirmed list in the deities Other 101Dittenberger SY// 1014.140: Eipilvilq are note of c'nd')(vtov). ... .3 (68), "Freedom-from-harms" Ablabiai, (27-8) which Phemia Athena and Zeus Phemios and Athenian the the Erinyes, for the be of parallel on a name Dittenberger suggests may Eumenides. 102Hopwood draws a parallel with the fact that the Athenian Eirene's statue stood at the foot Pacis' Ara the than deliberate less on positioning this though probably was Areopagos, of the Pax War: "Eirene the and were of He preeminence on Martius. comments also the Campus Mars, the Ares other lacking on and personalities. divinities, abstractions, always minor (1986,207). them" with associated hand, both had cult and a rich mythic cycle 103 Axtell 1907,37-8.

203

its to long the that dissemination power origin, widespread continuancesuggest and it which was addressedwas felt to be effective. Elsner points out that two of the Ovid's Gestae Res 12 founding, Augustus' and earliest accounts of the cults' own Fasti 1.709-20, put emphasis on the rite of sacrifice,which accordswith the sacrificial theme of the reliefs which adorn the actual altar. He also commentson the absence of Ara final "Clearly, the temple the at a and cult statue: recipient of any sacrifice who Pacis was to be, was deliberatelyleft ambiguous. Among the candidatesmust have beenPax herself, Mars the patron deity of the CampusMartius, and not least the god Augustus whose remains were housed in the Mausoleum after AD 14..." 104 Such but less figure independent Pax Eirene, than the ambiguity must make was a substantial benefits brought by in The the not unprecedented,as we shall see next chapter. Augustus' Peace are much the same as those of the Athenian Eirene: whatever the identity of the central femalefigure on the Ara Pacis' "Tellus relief', sheis surrounded betweenpeaceand plenty by children, animalsand crops (FIG. 52).'0' The association is of course a recurrent theme in Augustan poetry, Pax and Copia themselves Honos Saeculare: Fides Pax in Carmen Horace's iam together et et appearing Pudorquel priscus et neglecta redire Virtus/ audet, apparetque beata plenol Copia back Ploutos, brings Kephisodotos' horn (57-60). "full Plenty" The to us of cornu in figures Roman female by is art, notably whose cornucopia appropriated a numberof Abundantia and Africa. 106 On a cameo dating from Tiberius' reign the cornucopiain her holding female must be Pax herself, as shehas the Lokroiian Eirene's caduceus (FIG. hand 53). other

CONCLUSION

deal "more is Ploutos Eirene Kephisodotos' representationof of a great and is in Greek deity interest". Peace the pantheon as a than dusty, aestheticantiquarian largely is is in that terms, a woman she and anthropomorphic of naturally conceived

Elsner 1991,54. 105 Zanker 1990, frequently see the candidates; cited herself most Pax are Italia Tellus, and 172-9. 106See articles s.v. in VMC 1.

104

204

due to the feminine gender holding the child Wealth.

Of E, Pt V11.107

71 -1 Stylistically the group is fairly

What is striking, however, is that she is but conservative,

iconographically it stands in the vanguard of the fourth-century concern with the did know if "human" the representation of not even we emotion and relationships; interest be figures, the two the names of of as an early example of the group would "mother and child" Motif 108 The explicit linking of Eirene with Ploutos is likewise innovative, going against the mythological tradition that Wealth is child of Demeter, though a logical extension of the association between the ideas of peace and prosperity. While Kephisodotos' group fulfils the basic requirements for an allegory, I its that would argue simplicity and rootedness in tradition put it in quite a different 109 from fully developed later Athenian The Eirene the more class allegory of periods. bear little Augusta bronze Pax to to the seems relation attribute-laden on a sesterceof Vespasian (FIG. 54): behind her is a statue of Mars, in front an altar, before which lies light in her hand, holding to the torch a pile of armour, which she sets right an with branch in it is last image It the that this olive other. comes as no surprise which caught the Renaissance imagination, as the "Pace" illustrated in Cesare Ripa's konologia 110 (FIG. 55). shows

The messageof Kephisodotos' group certainly does emphasise the potential her do invalidate but intellectual Peace, these not aspectsof a cult of political and is "more Peace Burkert's that propaganda a cult of charge appeal as a real goddess. than religion" implies that the two categories are mutually exclusive, that a cult have been founded in responseto particular political circumstances taken could not interdependence is This the to of religion and politics surely underestimate seriously.

107 But see Pausanias 5.16.5-6 for the sixteen married women who acted as arbitrators family life that "perhaps Eleia, and peace message a encoding a story among the cities of 45-55 the See 1986,200). gender question. on (Hopwood pp. above prosper" should 108 La Rocca 1974,130: "Secundo alcuni studiosi la novitA dell' Eirene sembra riconnettersi La Rocca formali". fattori can only adduce fattori a non che contenutistici in principal modo a Eileithyia Kephisodotos, than and child an "mother earlier group child" and one sculptural fig. 26). (132-3, fifth the the century Knossos, from end of of 109Shapiro outlines three main criteria for defining an allegory: the characters concerned are between them, interaction be some sort of and there some must usually personifications, (1986,6). be conveyed message should 110 "Donna, che nella sinistra mano tiene un Cornucopia, pieno di frutti, fiori, frondi, con un d'Arme" (Ripa la facella, montone abbrucci un destra quale con una d'olivo, nella e ramo 1603, s.v- Pace).

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in classicalAthens, however."' As in instituted Eirene have the seen, public cult of we 375/4 was founded in honour of a goddessalready familiar to the people of Athens, not only from literature but from visual representations and especially from Aristophanes' play(s). The large-scaleannual public sacrifice being observed in the 330s suggeststhat Peacewas regardedas a very real power, her worship essentialto the city's welfare; if we dismiss this as mere propagandistic display, we call into questionthe religious credibility of all Athenian festivals.

"Political motives" can be adduced for the introduction of most of the "new cults" of the bones Theseus Athens back the to Orestes bringing the fifth of of and of centuries; sixth and "reality" the heroes these to one questions of and no Sparta examples, to are conspicuous Parker 1992, 1996,152-98. See Garland them. and the people who worshipped

206

Chapter 7 ELEOS: THE ATHENIAN "ALTAR OF PITY" AND ITS GOD'

To Mercy, Pity, Peaceand Love, All pray in their distress... William Blake

Of all the figures I have considered so far, only Hygieia is quite without mythological roots in archaic literature; Eirene does have such a pedigree, but her fourth-century incarnation has intellectual overtones, which come to the fore in the more abstract power associated with the Roman Ara Pacis. For an extreme example insubstantial figure in a Greek context I turn finally to Eleos, Pity or of such an Mercy personified, who is one of the best attested of Greek deified abstractions due 3 large body Athenian from "Altar A to the pityii. of references to the of passage Philostratos' Lives of the Sophists goes so far as to suggest that the altar's fame was on a par with that of the Olympic Games and the Delphic oracle: a Greek slave boy from Babylon telling his father how he entertains the Persian king's harem writes "telling stories about the fine things of Greece, how the Eleans hold their festivals, how the Delphians give oracles, what the altar of Pity at Athens is". 4

Identification of the altar amongthe physicalremainsof the Athenian Agora, however, presentssomeproblems. The only viable candidateso far discoveredis an built in late Agora, the the the altar and enclosurenear northern edgeof sixth century BC, rebuilt in the last quarter of the fifth, and further altered in the fourth century. The major problem with accepting this as the altar of Pity seenby Pausanias, our identified it is fairly for its location, is that as an altar of the securely main witness Twelve Gods. There are basically three hypotheseswhich have been advancedto dedicated in Agora Classical i) to the the the this originally was altar explain anomaly: Twelve Gods, but their cult was later usurpedby that of Eleos; (ii) the altar of Pity (iii) Agora Roman in the the the market area of was elsewherealtogether, perhaps

'HXF, ^tot 'EXXilwov 2.12.3: Soph. Vit. iE(j)q navijyupitouat, iccckck, guGokolycov Philostr. wk uov 'E%iou Pcog6 'A"vaiot; 6 Ouyicioucrt, ttt0tC 0G. 7cap' AFX(poi riq 0) Ire0q

1A preliminary version of what follows was given as a paper at the Classical Association AGM at Exeter, April 1994. 2 "The Divine Image", from Songs of Innocence. 3 See below for Thompson's theory that the Ara Pacis was modelled on the Altar of Pity 1952,79-82).

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known but dedicated Gods Twelve throughout, altar remained to the was popularly ' "altar the as of mercy". A fresh look at the literary and epigraphic sources in

Eleos help to the the to relation question: was archaeologicalremains may answer ever really worshipped as a god, and if so where, or was F'-XF-oq rather merely the deities? by to responsesought suppliantsat an altar sacred more conventional

LITERARY

SOURCES

An "altar of Pity" at Athens is attested by many writers from the mid-first

century BC on, usually as a place of asylum for suppliants and as symbolic of Athens' widely acknowledged philanthropy; I shall consider these before turning to the Almost invariably the deification

from literature. Eleos' question of absence earlier

"EXF-oq is in Athenian the of connected with altar, very rarely appearing any other context; once or twice "'EXFoq seems to be referred to as Otkowopcont"CC in Greek,

6 in deity is Clementia Latin Misericordia. Traditionally the altar has the and called or been referred to as that of "Pity". but this translation can be misleading. In modern and "mercy": "pity" is a feeling, the

English there is a distinction between "pity"

but bystander, "mercy" reaction of a sympathetic suggests a more powerless whereas implying between the seeker and active response, usually a certain power relationship

brief in survey of the usage of giver of mercy, and often used a religious context .A however, its in literature, Greek the word F'-XF-oq suggests that this and cognates is both the practical "mercy" sought distinction was not felt in ancient Greece. F'-'XF-oq ' in from fellow by a suppliant, either from a god or a position of power, and a mortal

8 In the Iliad and, to a lesser extent, the Odyssey, comrades "have pity" for one another by 17.346,352); (11.5.561,610; deaths their cf. victors their avenging or corpses retrieving Od. (/1.20.465,21.74,22.123-4,24.44-5,24.207; "have suppliants on" pity not may or may "have to be mortals, mercy on" suffering the asked may gods 14.279,22.312,22.344); (11.6.94,275,309,9.172,8.350,15.12, their do they accord own of so often more although 208

7 My own understanding Of F'-'%F-Oq is almost certainly coloured by Christian usage of the implored in "mercy", God's Septuagint in the regularly as %Eoq as word. E'-', appears passim 7; (Ps. 84: Lord, thy 0 thy "Shew salvation" grant liturgical and us the mercy, us response forms Testament the New In the Mercy). and cognate lightly noun for 10 personified a cf. v. 6: 2-4, (Matthew to the "mercy" the indicating poor giving of very practical are common, Luke 11: 41,12: 33; the English "alms" is a corruption of i4ilgoo-bvil), or appearing in the faithful to in injunctions to the 10: 47-8), (Mark for Christ begging or mercy context of people liturgy is the the "Kyrie The 7). 33,5: 18: of only part eleison" (Matthew prayer "have mercy" Church. Western in the Latinisation to have escaped

5 For bibliography, see below nn.64 and 81. 6 See above pp.45-55, on the gender question.

9 Given by jury in "pity" the a skilful orator. arousedin an audienceby a tragedy, or a for "mercy" both "pity" lack I the and of an exact English equivalent, shall use in borne be but the mind. should variety, range of meaningsof F'-'XF-oq The earliest reference is in a speechin Diodoros (fl. 60-30 BC), put in the fate Athenian debate in Nikephoros the the the prisoners of on mouth of speaking taken at Syracusein 413 BC. In a passageon showing generosity to others amid in has fortune, he boasts Syracuse Athens that outdone not only one)s own good first but in "those to who were even philanthropy, concluding: military strength find is in Syracuse. "'O This Mercy the mercy city of a good establishan altar of will is frequent Athens' to the rhetorical use which supposedgenerosity put. exampleof Diodoros could, of course, have inventedthe altar which allows him such an elegant turn of phrase for his argument, but the lack of elaboration with which it is

See Crotty 1994 Od. 4.364,5.336,13.182,9.349). 44; cf. 16.431,17.441,19.340,24.332; on eleos and supplication in Homer. In Sophokles' Philoktetes (307-8,501,967) excilco occurs always appears in the mouth of the suffering hero begging to be rescued. e"J%EoG once in Thucydides, in a speech, as the "mercy" that should be shown to the vanquished Mytilenians (3.40.2-3). In Aristophanes the audience are upbraided for showing no pity to the aging, drunken Kratinos now that he has lost his comic talent (Knights 531), but iXF-6'C0 cf. generally appears in the context of supplication (Lys. 880-2; Wasps 393,572,880,967); towards gold plate". Likewise in Peace 425 for a Hermes "always merciful (E'-Xvigcov) Menander Pamphile calls on the gods to "have mercy" on her (Epitr. 855), though elsewhere the verb is used of characters feeling less active "pity" for one another (Aspis 285, Perik. 518, Misourn. 316-7). Cf. AP 12.42.5-6 and 232.6 for erotic epigrams burlesquing the heroic values of at'Mq and CiXF-og.
9 In Euripides' /A (491-2) to for Agamemnon Menelaos' not urging reason as E'Xcog appears kill lphigeneia, but most use of the noun is made in the Orestes, where it seems to mean the "tragedy" (i. e. object of pity), as well as "mercy" or "pity" (333-4,567-8,831-3,968-70); helpless "pity" of the Chorus in Phoinissai (1284-7), when Jokasta tries to intervene %F-a with ro' -fp-Xo'tov as the subjects Plato contrasts vk e", between her warring sons. the 606c5) (Rep. by on use of tragedy and comments respectively and comedy represented 4); (Apol. 34c. jury's in to forward men bringing pity a arouse order children such means as harshly failings too the treating than of others towards "show one another rather pity" can Rep. 415cl, 518b2), and gods can show pity for men's shortcomings (Laws (Prot. 3230, in its the contexts of 5). Aristotle 191 b. cognates Symp. and 4, 4,877a. 665a. employs pi-'Xeo is feeling faculty The a virtue literary theory. a pity of vuxfig, 'Efi; naOos and rhetoric ethics, 19; 23-5,1106b. Eth. 1105b. (Nik. cf. for the for reasons if felt the right people and right *XF, is the 324). 1250b. Vices Virtues On 27 also G 1,1114a. and o 32,1111a. E', 1109b. and

to the jury, in good for the a essential skill a term pity arousing technical of art regular he 18-21; 1-20,1390a. 21,1385b. 17,1378a. cites 25,1354a. Rhet1419b. (Ars orator the two literary In 15). 1404a. are and 'EXeot, context, a F'-'XF-oG (Popoq Thrasymachos' treatise 1 1453. 38-bl, 3 27,1452a. 1449b. (Poetics a. and by and tragedy main emotions aroused b. 1, etc. ). % TOT Xcc 10 Diod. 13.22.6-7: wbq 'A011vatauSE'VitiC1100(v 0'IL) L'VOV Icat v IG 076%ots,(X), 0 ICOA. F-t T&OV 11UP(X1C0CF'1(0V PCqL0'V T7 EV 'Colnov .1 icaetsplxy%levot CUO-0 irp(owt 0i qtkavepconiq...

elupllaolocytv.

209

introduced surely suggests that the idea of the altar was already current, whether or " it later the that From time. seems the not such an altar actually existed at writers Athenian 'EXF'-O-U pcogoqbecame quite a rhetorical topos, explicitly recommended by 'XEoq, in his Ars Apsines (third century AD) in a chapter on how to arouse a jury's E', Rhetorica. If speaking to Athenians, we can say: "You have an altar of Pity, and

for have be for You is to thought a good reputation a god. universal philanthropy all 12 do disposition " If speaking to this among all other men; so now. not change your instances hold Athenians the of others, we can as a praiseworthy example; up " be successful suppliants can also adduced, such as the Herakleidai. Quintilian had

for Athenian Roman the the orators, though not already noted example usefulness of judge, it be if "Or I the to of mentioning altar as such: am recommending mercy a will just Athenians, that the the as a no assistance wisest people, understand mercy not but state of mind as a god?1114

by Various mythological suppliantshad becomeassociated the the altar with

Adrastos. Our AD, frequently Herakles, then the second century most children of have been Bibliotheke Apollodoros, the to main sources are attributed which may first between AD, BC the the time and second and mid century written at any Zenobios' Proverbs, of the early second century AD. Both works are compilations for from but the passages the taken sources of stories earlier writers, unfortunately be in interested the the established material cannot age of are not cited, so we are with any certainty. The Bibliotheke tells how, after the death of Herakles, his

"Being father's Eurystheus: by their pursued they old enemy children were pursued The Pity Athens, they the to claimed assistance. altar of and sitting at came Athenians did not surrender them but supported a war against Eurystheus."15 The

appears as a rhetorical effect Diodoros is a prolific and its cognates: (1.76.2,12.18.4,12.24.5), as an emotion like anger (3.18.5), a feeling towards kin or friends (11.32.5,13.23.1-5). towards "mercy" enemies 8.8.3,11.56.5), as conquered 8oice^t 2 Apsines Ars Rhet (Spengel I ii 307): 'Ekeau Po)g6q iavt nccp'bCtv, Oeo'q jvxp5 elvat AV " g, )801CtgC^IITE IURCTV OIG CA, TOT ICCCP('X TO)T(q E', IC'l x 914CAPO)IC'UX, 0% logtV 11 tG cc ^C 11 JCOtV I IC(XV'C(L)V
6(XX0tC00fi'CE VbV.

11

f F'-'Xroq userO

%COq E".,

13 On the use of the Heraklid/Adrastos topos, see Thomas 1989,211-2. 14 Quint. Inst. Or. 5.11.38: Aut si misericordiam commendabo iudici, nihil proderit, quod accepit? numine sed pro adfectu Atheniensium pro eam non civitas prudentissima 'EXF'-ou b0t 15 "'A0I1vcc;, AIXGov r6v icaOF-crE)F'-vrFq U imit ei; 2.8.1: Btcoic%mvot Bibliotheke nOkrr-40V PoijOETUY0ca. 8C 'A0ijvC(^t0t pC,)46v EL)pucY0F', albcoUq npk rO'v obic F-'Iic8t80vuCG ij4'touv (X
X)nF-CYTnCTaV--C,

210

story appears almost verbatim in Zenobios, and the association of the Heraklids with the altar is recorded by Statius and his scholiast Lactantius, and in scholia on Demosthenes and Aristophanes. 16 Philostratos claims that the Athenians received the Heraklids "at the time when they establishedthe altar of Mercy as of a thirteenth god, not pouring libations of wine and milk but of tears and of respect towards 17

suppliants'. The Bibliotheke also has Adrastos, leader and only survivor of the ill-fated
Seven against Thebes, making supplication at the altar in the course of seeking

Athenian help in retrieving the bodies of his fallen comrades: "When he arrived at Athens, Adrastos took refuge at the altar of Pity and, placing a suppliant's branch, asked that the dead be buried. "" Zenobios again records the same story, though at

length; interestingly, he puts it under the heading 'A8p(xGrEt(x NE', greater gEcrtq, deriving this cult title of Nemesis from the "fate of Adrastos". 19 Adrastos is the in the latest source to mention the altar, the twelfth-century Nikephoros speaker Basilake: "I shall go to the city of Athena, I shall make my way to the altar of Pity, I libation shall make a of tears and persuade that philanthropic people.5)20He goes on to call the Athenians oti OEo'vF-t'8orF-q XF-ov, "those who know Pity as a god". rO'v F'-, The women of Argos, without Adrastos, are the suppliants at Statius' altar of Clementia in a passageof the Thebaid which gives a history of the altar's foundation long list and a of previous suppliants, as well as the lengthiest description of the sanctuary (see below). Statius dismissesthe story that the Heraklids set up the altar falling as short of the truth, as it was the gods themselves who established the

16 Zenobios 2.61, Schol. Demosth. Olynth. 2.6, Lactantius on Statius Theb. 12.487. Cf. Lysias for an early reference to the Heraklids' supplication at Athenian altars, although ticerat unfortunately no particular altar is specified: &(pticogevot eti vjvft cT%lv icoktv vc, Tow 6cccOCCovro (2.11). PcogCov 17 Philostratos Epist. 39/70: okav imit u6v 'Ekeou kncravuo PO)gov, (Oq TptCT1cat8F, 1caToU 5(XICPI)ct)V Geob,
oiic otvou crncvBovTe comp ICCC't Y(,XJ%CC1CTOq('XXX('X Icat xTIG IEPOG 'COI)q

is have Demades The to two "the bcF-, bov, said proposed candidates orator as at'Sobq. TF,, rocG thirteenth god": Philip in 338 BC after Chaironeia (Apsines Ars Rhet., Spengel 1853,3334/1894,221) and Alexander in 324 BC (Aelian VH 5.12). Elsewhere Philostratos has the (Vit. Soph. 2.1.8). Ocogou Heraklids being dragged away &7ro'uo) 18 Bibliotheke 3.7.1: 'ABpacrrogU Fiq 'Affilvaq apticogevoScidt ro'v 'E, %E'-O'L)P(OgO'V ICCVVF-'PI)-fE below 218-19 h4io-o 'ocv G' p. on Ii see E)F-\q thcevqp'tat. veicpoibq; retvrobG (XIC tt icat ticevnpt '9 See above p. 117 n. 110 on Nemesis Adrasteia. 20 Nikeph. Progymn. 7.12 (Walz Rhet Gr. 1 499): init v\jv "'A"v&q Tcoxtv7copelboogat, kit
jX601) ,rO\V pcogov, ktly7ceitcrcl) lccc\t 8C0CPI)(X X(X't n6tlcycl) (POL&VOPCOF-Ov.

211

in def Countless the found have those exiled, there: war, shrine eated . refuge people Oedipus including kingswho hadlost their realms, and thoseguilty of terriblecrimes, 22 It is noteworthythat the famoussuppliants for Orestes the altar are nearly cited . the only historicalpeoplerepresented of ahvaysmythological, as availingthemselves it appearing in late sources, for whom their subjectsseemto havetaken on quasiAristeides, Xenophon, has Athenians Philostratos the mythical status. receiving but in the samebreath mentionsDemeter,Dionysos Alkibiadesand Demosthenes, 2' bases Herakles Libanios the children of rhetorical exercise as suppliants a and . had been from his Demosthenes the that torn around proposition positionas suppliant later Eleos Demosthenes Philip; the to at altar of and surrendered proposes released, 24 be done Athenians to the that the altar awaywith.
But are these rhetorical flourishes and myths basedon any real altar of Pity? its Our best source is the indefatigablePausanias, the tells altar and who us all about (1.17.1)-. god
Among other things not well known to everyonein the Athenian Agora is the altar of Pity; the Athenians alone of Greeks pay him honour, although he is an especially for institutions in human life its Not and vicissitudes. only are useful god but Athenians, the they worship gods more than philanthropy establishedamong Quite do; have Rumour Impulse. Respect, they and and of others even an altar of is for have than there those a others, a greater share of piety obviously, who 25 fortune. proportionate measureof good

21

This passageseemsclear enough, but it does raise a number of problems. Firstly, the interpreted "not been has 2 as well most often E7tt'(Y, %tcc phrase ou'x Eq ('xTc(xvT(xq

21 Stat. Theb. 12.499-505: caeficolas / sic sacrasse /oco commune animantibus aegris/ ... confugium, unde procul starent iraeque minaequel regnaque... 22 11.506-18. The other name Statius associates with the altar is Olynthus (Theb. 12.510), is (none the far convincing). has emendations identity proposed of eluded editors so whose he has Olynthos, "but hero the the city Vessey of Melville and eponymous can only suggest I 320). (1992,365, Athens n. wonder as a place of sanctuary" no recorded connection with Controversiae Seneca's Elder the "Olynthian" the be of made with whether a link might 10.5.34, on which see below), though this seems fairly tenuous. 3 Philostr. Epistolai 39/70. 24 Lib. Declam. 22; see further below. &n(XV'COCG 25 6C'YOP4K(X'I F-S 0161C E', CY'dtV C"CXX(X iv i'mitailga icat Paus. 1.17.1: 'Affilvai0tq U Tfi %'tgcp Pitov 6cvE)p6ntvov Oecov geTaPoViSnpaygarcov ovc dxpr. icocit 'Ekeou pwg6q, ( g6cXta-Toc eG 'AO1jv(x^tot. 8E 6; ,t r('x o1b 'EXXvcoy wibTotq govov (ptXavOpcontccv Ve'90-Daty 6 gOvot riliOCS Pcogoq
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212

known to all", but Wycherley raises the valid objection that the mass of literary indeed, known the even evidence suggests, on the contrary, that altar was very well beyond Greece. He prefers to translate "not easily distinguishable for everyone", Eleos he is identifying As the the of altar emphasising root meaning of F'-ni'ailgo;. Pausanias' links he Twelve Gods, the the the of problem altar of phrase with with had failed idea in Agora, Pausanias to notice the that the route and comes up with this "difficult to distinguish" altar earlier because it was surrounded by trees, and he 26 look before leaving it Agora. final the' taking caught a round only sight of when Neither interpretation is entirely satisfactory, but the meaning of the phrase can be perhaps elucidated by linguistic parallels. Pausaniasuses three similar expressions, how is known: &Tcavux; thing all of which concern well a oiux F'-; KEXcop7J'KEv 71 (pilgq ("the report has not spread to everyone" of all the Gauls' campaigns, 1.4.6); ; ("I do 'EU71wicov TOUT01);OVK (')M(XV vogtico yEvE(YOcct not TO E_7Et(pccvF_-tq 'art gF'-vobic E; believe that these men were famous to all the Greeks", 5.23.7); Ei, ("there ccnocv, rccq ywoptgoc are other things not well-known to everyone", e.g. the ritual of the Arrhephoria, 1.27.3). Given such parallels we should accept the

translation "not well known to everyone". It is perhaps not necessary to read too formulaic linking device, kind be into the the of a phrase, which could simply much 27 thing one says when telling a story.

That the Athenians alone worship Eleos is not strictly true.

A small

found Asklepios Epidauros, the temple at along with several of near cylindrical altar is inscribed: "Hierokles in inscribed the same schema, others, all marble and 2' dream". This is, however, (dedicated) this altar of Mercy in obedience to a is AD, late trace the later Pausanias, third only than and century or second probably have Most to Athens. this Eleos altar relegated commentators outside of any cult of

26 Wycherley 1959,42-3. See further below. (Paus. 27 Papachatze (1974,256) likewise adduces the parallel of u6ic rr', &nccvrccq ywoptga q first to is the Pausanias, the speak of one who dismiss phrase. 1.27.3) to argument about "has Demeter few times: the mercy on" a Eleos abstract C'XF-oq god, uses a as explicitly of Romans "were to (2.5.8); the for him changed by Plemnaios a son rearing the childless Korinth Mummius' imposed harsh terms the sack of after Greece for relaxed and mercy" for Koresos herself, kills finally and pity out of Kallirho6 and heartless relents the (7.16.10); "men devoid Gauls the (7.21.5); him as characterised are has treated shame at the way she (10.22.4). in their love natures" and pity of 'Iepoickl'q/ 28 O'V(XPXCC'r' PCO96V/ 'Ekrro'u/ 1149): SIG (= 3 IV251 IG 213

footnote, dismissing it as dependent upon the Athenian cult, or as a poetic a 29 Epidauros, Another for "mercy" which at altar expressionof thanks received some . idiosyncratic have dedicated been is by the Hierokles, to rather may erected the same deity "Pantheios" 30 Little can be established firmly from the Epidaurian altar, but it . does suggestthat someoneoutside Athens found Eleos sufficiently effective a power to merit a personalaltar. It is important here to distinguish between what Pausaniassays he actually it the saw and comments prompts
31 XE'01)

What he saw in the Agora was a/the 'E., I

is an enlargementon the theme taken from his own PcogO;, the rest of the passage knowledge. have his We to stock of general other evidence substantiate claim that for Horme), the Atheniansworshipped Aidos and Pheme(though no other references 32 for for Athens' But that the and general reputation philanthropy and piety. Atheniansworship a "very useful" god calledEleos is not clearly established. Out of Eleos Eleos ten the thirty-seven passages to speakexplicitly of at all, only which refer later just 'EA. Pcogo;, than these than the and of six are as a god, rather of F'-ou Pausanias. Quintilian's commentthat Athens "regarded (Misericordia) not just as a hyperbole kind be but the turn of of phrase, stateof mind as a god" could well a mere independent Eleos, by licence, to the are and other references an allowed rhetorical 33 Only once in extant literature is mention of Eleos madeentirely just as problematic. 34 outsidethe context of the altar. For a more evocativedescriptionof the precinct we might go back to Statius, first AD. the the century end of writing at

29 Thompson 1952,49 n.6; Zuntz 1953,75 n.18. Wycherley 1954,147 gives the altar a doubt dedicator "The the no text, comment: lines rather unnecessary making of whole four it " As his dreams. haunted it indeed was in apparently had the Athenian altar mind instructions healing to for about Epidauros expect seeking anyone at procedure standard dedication that is hardly it in the a surprising abaton, his cure via a dream while asleep 6vap. the phrase ivrc' contain should 30 IV2 549. IG 31 On Pausanias and autopsy, see above pp.42-3. 32 Aidos: above p.95 n. 14. Pheme: Aischines 1.128 (see above p.24 n.27), with scholium, 551. 52 Evv. Procop. p. 2.145, and 33 see below on Karneades, Statius, Philostratos, Apsines, Sopatros and Libanios. 34 See below on Timokles. For a complete list of ancient sources for the altar of Eleos, English translations, see and with in author of order alphabetical conveniently presented Wycherley 1957. 214

In the middle of the city therewas an altar sacrednot to oneof the mighty gods,but it holy; Clemency had her the shewas never gentle seatthere,and wretchedmade is Whoever did asks without a new suppliant,no prayers sheturn away or condemn. heard;day and night it is possibleto comeand win over the goddess with complaints blood deep-welling flame incense Her are accepted; nor alone. rites are modest;no left hair her altar is wet with tears,, it hang clothes and sadofferingsof cut and above therewhen luck changed.Around the altar is a gentlegrove, and the mark of image, There laurels tree. the is no suppliantolive and venerable worship, garlanded the goddess'form is entrusted to no metal; shelikes to live in heartsand minds. She is has frightened her, the place always swarmingwith needy always peopleabout " is her crowds; only to the prosperous altar unknown.

Although this takes the form of an evocation of a locus amoenus,it is likely to be just literary father Statius' than travelled in Greece, by his son's more a exercise. in account, winning prizes poetic contests at Delphi, Nemea and the Isthmos, and Statius himself is likely to have visited Athens; the lapse into the present tense at 1.485certainly suggests that the descriptionis basedon observationof a real location, 36 The most immediatelyobvious point the passage however rhetorically elaborated. happily is fact Statius "Pity". The the the that effect raises question of genderof can deity, doubts this the as should reality of such a sex-changeshould raise our about Vessey David to the points to the references absence of sacrificesand a cult statue. Stoic understanding of clementia as a personal quality (outlined in Seneca'sDe

Urbe fuit media nuffi concessa potentum ara deum; mitis posuit Clementia sedem, et miseri fecere sacram; sine supplice numquam illa novo, nulla damnavit vota repulsa. auditi quicumque rogant noctesque diesque ire datum et solis numen placare querelis. parca superstitio: non turea flamma, nec altus accipitur sanguis: lacrimis altaria sudant, maestarumque super fibamina secta comarum pendent et vestes mutata sorte refictae. insigne verendo cultuque circa, mite nemus vittatae laurus et supplicis arbor olivae. nulla autem effigies, nulli commissa metallo forma dei, mentes habitare et pectora gaudet. horret locus trepidos, habet egenis semper semper felicibus tantum ignotae arae. coetibus, 36 Statius Silvae 5.3.141-5. AN 1986 argues that the passage is Statius' "thank you" to Areopagos Council the by the father his him of to or Athens for the honour accorded first the the Eleusis of dedicated middle inscription around at honorary by an attested the the instituting Athena's of court to He speech 3919). 112 (IG points AD century Mercy, Altar Statius' for "the of (681-705) prototype as Areopagos in Aischylos' Eumenides despotism from anarchy" from or dissociated and power, day and night: clemency open (2891). 215

35 Theb. 12.481-496:

Clementia) underlying the passage, Stoicism facets Statius' the which made of one of Dante and others think he must have been a Christian: "Clementia is not a goddess, but a symbol of the highest virtue that can inspire humanity in a harsh and troubled " Clementia's dwelling "in hearts and souls" strikes a particularly suspicious world. faith note, suggesting"a spirit akin to that of Christianity", with its emphasis on over 37 is than Greek the works, rather extemalisingwhich characteristicof religion. After Statius and Pausanias, for late evidence a sighting of the altar, by no less a personthan the emperor Julian, is apparentlysuppliedby Libanios. In the Embassy to Julian (AD 363), asking the emperor to show mercy on Antioch by continuing to his the use city as seat of government, he invokes the usual example of Athenian philanthropy towards the unfortunate: "It was not for people who in their city consideredEleos a god - whose altar you have seen in Athens, emperor - to rememberthe wrongs of those who called upon them and beggedtheir help; they had )-)38 Julian had a brief period of study in either to overturn the altar or be reconciled. Athens in AD 355 when he might be supposed to have seenthe altar, but this raisesa problem which is relevant to all our post-third century sources:much of the Agora destroyed in the Herulian sack of Athens in AD 267, and afterwards Athens was 39 behind defences This obviously throws doubt on retreated which excludedthe area . for the altar, which is not explicitly mentioned. In the the location we are to assume "Demosthenes"speechcited above,however,Libanios does specificallygive the altar

Lib. Or. 15.39: uiov y(xp oiticot T6v 'E,%eov hyo-%tev0)v Ocov, ot V6'v Pcogo'v eo)pccK(xq hgC(P'VJJgE'V00V 8E-0gC'V0tG 01')IC J'JV, O'CXX' ICOC't TO^tg 1C(XXObCYt PaatXelo, 'A"vilatv, gegvficTG0(t'rcov co "i'l
Tov PO)go, v CCV(xVPE7CCtV EXPTIV 6t1Jxx&xGCCt. 31

37 Vessey 1973,310. He also makes a distinction between mercy and pity: "Mercy must, however, be distinguished from pity, which is a fallible emotion. For mercy is inseparable from justice " (311). On Statius and clementia, see Burgess 1972, who argues the case ... for Statius having deliberately redefined the concept in response to the contemporary political situation, reinstating clementia as an admirable quality for a Roman emperor, applicable to a benevolent dictatorship rather than an arbitrary tyranny (348). Susanna Moreton-Braund kindly drew my attention to this aspect of Statius' description. Evidence for the deification of clementia at Rome is confined to the Caesarian and imperial periods, Clementia always being closely associated with the ruler in question. In 44 BC the Senate decreed an altar to Clementia Caesaris (Appian B. C. 2.106, Plut. Caes. 57), set up statues in hand, instated Antonius flamen hand Clementia Caesar and as standing and representing dialis over the priesthood of the temple (Cassius Dio 44.6.4); again in AD 28 an ara Clementiae, was erected in honour of Tiberius (Tacitus Ann. 4.74); a yearly sacrifice to Caligula's 90, avopconitcc was voted by the Senate (Dio Cassius 59.16.10). See Axtell 1987, 35 on the cult at Rome; on Clementia on coins of Tiberius and Vitellius, see Levick 1975. 38

Wycherley 1972,208Thompson Agora, the and history see brief post-Herulian For a of 19.

216

from led being the Eleos location in Demosthenes Agora: altar away the of was a as he covered his face, "for I could not bear to look upon the statuesof Harmodios and Aristogeiton, nor the Bouleuterion or the Metroon, the places where my speeches 4' Metroon The Bouleuterion and are of were made and my propositions voted on". course on the west side of the Agora, and the Tyrannicidesgroup stood somewhere between the temple of Ares and the Odeion, all being fairly obvious landmarksby democratic designate but Agora the to the also and religious values not only which feels being by his forcible "Demosthenes" the character removal which were violated from sanctuary(FIG. 58) 4' The level of destruction causedby the Herulian invasion . is a matter for some discussion. Frdntz summarises the literary evidence,basedon had, in her damage done; the againstthis, which earlier scholars view, underestimated 42 had impact Agora "catastrophic". Recent the the that excavation of shown was however, downgrade degree is the to the tending of period, once more work on devastation caused by the Herulii in a number of regions, and even on a more half buildings Athenian the the the of the of north pessimisticreading of situation, 43 is impossible, damage. Agora It then, that an the not escapedserious west side of intact, in have this nor that a tourist remainedreasonably altar situated area might 44 it been have interest in "pagan" Julian's shown . religion might as with such an Libanios may be using much rhetorical licence in his speechto Julian in general,but if little latter's the to the sense make own experience would sucha parentheticappeal incident were entirely imaginary. The one piece of apparently hard evidencefor the physical existenceof an AD votive relief dedicatedby a Thracianfamily: "altar of Mercy" is a second-century "Supreme ruler on high, father of fruitful Peace) we are suppliantsat your altar of Mercy 7"' Only part of the relief survives, showing the lower half of a man ...
40

P-iX0V(Xq

'Aptcnoyeivrovo; 'Apgo&oi) Pkenp-tv 9(pepov icalt Lib. Declam. 22.11: o1b y6cp et'S wkq XO'YO)V
0,65' CiS PWOXEIYUPtOV TO' 0'US" Eig TO' g1j'TPQP0V, TC( XCOP'M TCOV EgCOV

IC(X't

41 Tyrranicides: Paus. 1.8.5; see Wycherley 1957,93-98 for testimonia. 42 Frantz 1988,1-3. Literary view: e. g. Judeich 1931,104. 43 Frantz 1988,4 and 53-6, where she highlights the danger of attributing any signs of Late damage for the much associating Herulii, evidence and presents Antique destruction to the 396. in Visgoths the Alaric and in the Agora with the arrival of 44 On Julian and Athens, see Frantz 1988,20-4. / cov 'Ekaitou P(%to'v 45 IG 112 4786: bNfqte8(j)v bnarE, 7t('xTFpEtipilvils PaGuicapic[oul, 11geTts... I t1ce'rElbogev

xVil(ptagWrcov. Cf. FIG. 58.

217

standingat an altar and the feet of a boy. This was found in the Odeion of Herodes, is and the only text suggestingan associationbetweenEleos and another god, in this caseZeus. Unfortunately, it is not clear to what altar the inscription refers, as the had been from identified its find-spot An by someas to relief moved elsewhere. altar that of Zeus Agoraios is situated between the Odeion and the monument of the EponymousHeroes, and another in front of the Stoa of Zeus is likely to be the altar of Zeus Eleutherios, but too little is known about them to establisha link with the inscription or our altar.46 Papachatze interprets the inscription as simply describing Zeus' altar as "merciful", rather than making it a candidatefor the altar of Mercy. Wycherley usesthe inscription as evidencefor his suggestion, to which I shall return, pcog0q,'EXPE'ou is "a kind of descriptive genitive" rather that in the phrase 'EXE'_oi) 47 than the possessive. The strange spelling of 'EX(Aou has been dismissedas a Thracian aberration, or explainedby parallel evidencewhich indicatesthat at andE 4' if in Greek. the Modern No were pronounced as sameat this period, as they are has one made the obvious suggestionthat 0 E'Xatoq(the wild olive) or co F'-Xatov (olive oil) is actually intended: "Zeus, we are suppliantsat your olive-altar". This interpretation is not as far-fetchedas it might at first appear,sinceZeus, with Athene, is protector of olive trees, olive oil was used for libations, and the holding of an olive branch is specifically associated with supplication49 The link between such a . is by Mercy the supplicatory olive-branch and altar of explicitly made a scholium on Aischines explaining the word bcF_, branch like "The this: a rqpt'a: suppliant's was holding it Mercy the suppliantwreathed a stick with olive shoots and sat on altar of

46 Pausanias sites Kephisodotos' Eirene and Ploutos as being "behind the figures of the Eponymous Heroes" (1.8.2), which would put it near the putative altar of Zeus Agoraios, dedication. Thracian to the that claim altar's and perhaps support 47 Papachatze 1974,257; Wycherley 1954,145-6. 48 Wycherley 1954,146: "These people could neither write hexameters nor yet spell Greek ibid. 1957,74 no. 190: "The misspelling of Eleos indicates a time when the inscription line the dismisses the Zuntz I had of as second changed'. pronunciation of ai "hopelessly corrupt" (1953,76 n.19). For the equivalence in pronunciation of at and e from 103. 1947,18 Raubitschek Creaghan 150, n. AD with and see about 49 Blech (1982) comments on various cases of the placing of wreaths and boughs in Greek (288-92). A "suppliant's in their supplication (278-94), on use tradition and specifically 21 1), (above in Bibliotheke in Mercy the the p. Adrastos and by is of altar branch" carried at for "branches Argive chaplets" and suppliant the of olive Statius Juno equips women with (Theb. 12.468). See tradit precantesl ipsa their mission: manu ramosque oleae vittasque in tragedy. branch the to for olive suppliant's below (n.52) references 218

" he his until obtained rights".

is specified, Here the domestic olive (h Eil'kaixc)

k(xto; ), but it is easyto see how confusion admittedly, rather than the oleaster (0 F'-', between an altar of supplication, indicated by il E"k(xt(x/O E'k(xtoq,and an altar of " Mercy might have arisen.
So far all our sources have postdated Athens' fall to the Romans. The altar's association with the children of Herakles and Adrastos, though, suggests that it was regarded as of some antiquity, and provides an indication of where earlier references to an altar of Pity might be expected. The theme of Athenian 964cvOpcontioc towards suppliants appears in several fifth-century dramas, and scholiasts commenting on them sometimes mention the altar of Pity. Nowhere, however, does the altar appear 52 in the play itself, despiteits obvious dramatic

potential.

50

51 According to Plutarch, on the 6th Mounychion a procession of girls would walk to the Delphinion carrying hiketeria (Thes. 18.1); Simon (1983,79-81) suggests that this festival was possibly called Hiketeria, corresponding to the Roman supplicatio. 52 Parallels from various tragedies based around a scene of supplication, with a group of people seeking asylum from persecutors or help against their enemies, may throw some light on what would have happened at the altar of the Twelve Gods/Eleos. Zeus seems to be the god most frequently associated with supplication, but he by no means has a monopoly. Olive branches usually play a part in the ritual, which takes place at various altars. Aischylos' Suppliant Women: daughters of Danaos, at Argos, seeking protection against the sons of Aigyptos, with "wool-bound shoots of suppliants" (21-2), at an altar of Twelve Gods (? "the common altar of these lords" 222-3, plural wooden images 428-30 and 465; references to Zeus Aphiktor 1, Zeus Hikesios 347, Zeus Hiktaios 385, Apollo, Athena, Poseidon, Hermes, Thernis Hikesia 360). Euripides' Suppliant Women: Argive widows of the Seven against Thebes, seeking Athens' help in retrieving the bodies for burial, at an altar of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis, "suppliant bough" (10); see Collard's commentary on this line for an account of supplication procedure, with references (1975, 258-62). Madness of Herakles: Amphitryon, Megara and the sons of Herakles, Thebes, seeking refuge from Lykos, altar of Zeus Soter (48). The Children of Herakies: lolaos and the children of Herakles, Marathon, altar of Zeus; see Wilkins 1993 for literary sources for the Heraklids' flight to Attika (xiv-xv), Marathon's associations with Herakles (xXvii), and visual representations of the suppliant Heraklids (twice at anonymous altars, once at an does OC 466-99: the Sophokles' Apollo, although play not have a altar of xxxi-xxxiii). falls into the Oidipous category of asylumclearly as such, an altar at supplication scene for Clementia. When he Statius by the is the altar of cited suppliants one of seekers, and has accidentally incurred the wrath of the Furies by trespassing in their grove, the chorus (466-99). them he to the instructions detailed Oidipous perform placate must ritual on give He must pour a libation of water and honey on the ground, then strew the damp earth with both hands, [the thrice "Lay and offer up branches: olive sprays with nine earth] upon olive this prayer. " (483-4). Burkert (1985b) deals with the passage among other examples from The holding of Sophokles which he thinks reflect contemporary religious practice. have branches in their in Indoiranian be priests art, where branches, apparently, can seen hands or spread them on the ground (12). Blech (1982) comments on various cases of the in their (278-94), in Greek tradition boughs on and specifically use placing of wreaths and 219

C/ 2.15: tilcevip'ta 8e' obuo e', y'tvP_, uo- paP6ov OaUq) 'EXE', ',, IC(X'CF-XO)V eiq ro'v o-o Po)go'v, geXpt obnvoG r': uuXc uov Bticaitom

Schol.

Aisch.

ekaitccq cYuE'_xvaq ica0ficno

A scholium on Sophokles' Oidipous at Kolonos explains why Oidipous " sought asylumthere: "Becausean altar of Mercy is established at Athens". All that in famous "they Athens' Sophokles, is to though, appears philanthropy: a reference Athens has is that the power to save the wronged say most god-fearing, and alone 54 help Knights him. Aristophanes' , Similarly, to tells the strangerand a scholium on by familiar, by Heraklids, the story, now of suppliant prompted the word galcccpticc. According to some, Makaria was the daughter of Herakles. When Eurystheus Athens, marchedagainst and the Atheniansrefusedto hand over the Herakleidaiwho had taken refuge at the altar of Pity, shekilled herself,because had an oracle saidthat the Athenians would win if one of the Herakleidai gave himself up to a voluntary death - "as Euripides says in the Herakleidai". '5 But in fact Euripides makesno is Pity, the the mention of altar of and play actually set at Marathon, not Athens, the 56 being Agoraios, A possible Zeus Mercy. place of asylum a shrineof not an altar of link betweenthe Heraklids and Athens is provided by a line in Aristophanes'Ploutos: Blepsiadesjokingly conjures up a vision of Chremylos and Wealth surroundedby suppliants"like the Heraklids of Pamphilos" (on 1.385). The scholium explainsthe being but "in Athenian Heraklids to the the referenceas a painting of stoa", suppliant the site of their actual supplicationis not mentioned. in literature before The only appearance Diodoros, Eleos and the only one of totally independentof a referenceto the Athenian altar, is a two line fragment of the fourth-century Timokles' comedy Evv-EprtICff. "Mercy is a suitablegod for the dead, but to the living Envy [ ]a most unholy other"(?). 57 Stobaios quotes the lines in ...

Sinn 1995; figs. in On (288-92). of refuge, see as places general sanctuaries supplication 5.1-3 show vase representations of suppliants sitting on altars, holding olive branches. 53 'AE)llvcctq pcogo'q 18pvrat. FEv Schol. Soph. OC 260: eneiticalt E-'Xco'L) 54 ft E)FCFCFPCCF'U('X'CCCG/ 1CCC1C016)1EV0V T0'V E'IV(Xt j10VCCq 'A"vaq Soph. OC 260-62: (pacit c&q ... 4Evov/ Xetv. F', govaq Kat re otccq In support of Athens' reputation for being acgetv "She Aitia: Kai Ii line the alone of iicEvocUicoG, of machos' a quotes scholiast and rtpgoq (ptXotic, Pfeiffer: fr. 51 Kall. OC 258 (Schol. how to knows o18F. j. Lov, 9 = obvexcv obcceitpetv pity" cities have "ended tribute to Aitia Two the Book a that with may Hollis of suggests noXitcov). by indicated the altar of to suppliants, receive Athens for its compassion and willingness Mercy" (1992,6). 55 Schol. Aristoph. Equ. 1151: coqE-'v 'Hpai6%F-t8(xtq Ei)ptn't8i1G. 56This is the only evidence apart from the Thracian dedication for a possible association Agora. Athenian in the Agoraios Zeus that Eleos of and between the altar of " / 8' ^ intetic'S OeOq, 57 co^ t 71 CikeoG reOwmatv VII: t; Coo E'repov Timocles fr. 33 PCG ro^tqgc'v 6wocrtanwcov q)Oovo;.

220

has dead' Theophilos the support of the statement"that one should not maltreat . 59 dead". The just the first line, to illustrate "that (the) god cares even about the have line have is it second as we obviously corrupt, and a number of emendations been suggested, the most straightforward being simply to make 6voutcorwrov is difficult is hand, It Envy "for living, to the the most unholy". masculineother on
but Eleos Phthonos the and at any rate, make anything of couplet out of context, feel for living be being the to should eleos seem set up as a contrasting pair: perhaps be the dead, while the dead feel phthonos for the living? That F'-'XF-o; called a can but imply in OF, the the existence of a cult, context of comedy certainly need not Oq Timokles may be parodying fourth-century innovations with cults of abstractions 60 Eirene. as such

58 1

A final reference to Eleos, originating with the second century BC is is by Sextus It interesting Empiricus. Karneades, passagequoted philosopher an part of a sorites, a type of "chain-argument"which Karneadeswas apparentlywont to employ in criticising Stoic theology, using relentlesslogic to prove belief in the Karneades' be This to method reads: particular exampleof gods self-contradictory. "If we declarethat Aphrodite is a goddess,Eros, being the son of Aphrodite, will be for both be is but if Eleos the Eros too; soul, of are states a god a god, will a god; Athenians Eros; in been has the Eleos the at any rate, sameway as and worshipped have somealtars of Eleos. And if Eleos is a god, so also is Phobos... And if Phobos, is But then, these then all the rest of the soul's states. are not gods; neither, Aphrodite a goddess,though if they had beengods, Aphrodite too would havebeena ' ))6 There do Therefore could we of objections sorts are all not exist! gods goddess. important for the but aside: abstract can we this purposes to present argument, raise

58 59

Ft'q 6 Stob. 4.57.8: 6", ut o, xpi'l 7cccpotve^tv

couq

ren-kc-onlicocaq.

(Dopoq... E)F-6q 'A(ppo8'tmj c"cpcc Be ii oi)Bi vxbraye l 11. olbx, VUXII IcC'ce C E) c Ot' i)nTfilpXev' Fit Cti OFO'q ('X'P(x 'ADpo8it, Oi)lc ril
pcogoit 'ZIVF-G Eicilv. ei E', CFTt, IC(Xt'

Theoph. in AutoL 2.38: O", 0 rt (ppovdtct 60 See above ch.6. -tvcct, 6 F, Xc', 'Epco; 'A(ppo8'tTijv Oe('xv etye yogrrv utio'; 0 iccc't F-cruca gliv cliv Adv. Math. 9.186-8: iC'Tt aggo"CEPCE 'accct OF-O'q* icrut, Yc'cp %Foq F', lc(x't 0' "E, OF-O'q- a'k, %' F-i 6 "Epcoq OF,6q 'A(PpOS'tcliq cov "EXF-oG'E, %coo -t)v 'AOilvcc'totG 'Epurt yo, nccpa 6 W-oXtKCC 7rCCOil, ic(x't up 69(ocrticocat icat ogotcog xot7rcc bi 'Cl^lq lc(x, t 'cc'c 0' (POPOG, OFOq 6 Et'
Be 0

OF-O';... iccc't ccov reOvecoccov.

"E,%eo

E', cyrtv.

ct'

Be

yE

cya 11

01

co',

icccv

221

t n(xp A"vatotS

(187). pcoto, EXF-o tEtclv'q F-'atv yol')v 1)

The plural altars are

Mercy. Wachsmuth to the of one altar puzzling, as nearly all our other references are been in having implausible the one there the several altars suggested solution of Athenian "known Wycherley that enclosure; altars were several more sensibly posits
as EEI kou
62

Pcogoi" in the second century BC We might note that Statius also has . just be licence; two this plural altars on occasions, although could poetic also, one has 'EkEoi) Apsines (s) but Pcogoq the passagequoted above manuscript of goes on to give examples of suppliants who had taken refuge Ent' r&)v Pcogcov(pl. ). The

is is "state like Quintilian's, and suggestive of that the statement E'-'XF-o; a of soul"
11; Aristotle's categorisation of pity as one of the n&Oil r^^ NfI)XII; -

63

ARCHAEOLOGICAL

EVIDENCE AND IDENTIFICATION

OF THE ALTAR

The enclosurewhich has most often been associated Athenian the altar with is in beside Agora, Pity the the the Panathenaic of situated north-west quarter of Way.64 It was first discovered in 1891, short lengths of two walls being exposed during the digging of a deep trench for the southern retaining wall of the Athensin the Agora in 1934 Piraeuselectric railway. In the courseof American excavations the areaimmediately south of the retaining wall was dug, uncoveringthe south west by dedication Leagros base inscribed to the corner of enclosureand a statue with a the Twelve Gods (FIG. 56); several pits were dug within the railway course, be but train the the the service could not as peribolos, establishing outline of 6' Further investigation of the interrupted extensive excavation was not possible . in Margaret in 1949 1946, immediate its and vicinity was carried out enclosureand Crosby published a full report of the installation, identifying it as the altar of the Twelve Gods. . Three years later, Homer Thompson took Crosby's work further, Pity Gods Altar Twelve between the identification the the altar of and of positing an four decorated threethe of group a with parapet of and suggestinga reconstruction

62 Wachsmuth 1890,436 n.3; Wycherley 1954,145. 63 Stat. Theb. 12.505-6; Aristot. Nik. Eth. 1105b.23-5. 64 Wilarnowitz was the first to suggest an identification between the two altars, if only in 1953 Zuntz 1952, Thompson fundamental The are 4). articles (1880,201 n. passing 1971,458. Travlos 1954; Wycherley cf. contra), 5 Crosby 1949. 222

figure reliefs (FIG. 57).66 Zuntz was quick to reply to Thompson's article, pointing out severalmajor problemswith both the identification of the altar and the suggested 67 reconstruction. At the sametime Wycherley provided a more literary assessment of the identification, but was happy to follow Thompsonin all but his early date for the altar's change of name. In their jointly written history of the Agora (1972) his position was restated with slightly more emphasison the artificial nature of Eleos. No alternative identification of the altar of Pity has been suggested since then, doubts have been aired, and attempts have been made to locate the although more altar elsewhere,following Vanderpool's argument about Pausanias'route in Athens (below). This has found wide acceptance, the identification of the and consequently 68 largely have been dropped, by two altars seems Thompson; two recent to even be Agora American School to the the the works publishedon auspices under of make 69 in Eleos indeed Gods, Twelve the context of the altar of the no mention of or at all. Sinceno entirely satisfactoryalternativehasyet beensuggested, however,the
for identifying Agora installation the case as the altar of Pity deserves reassessment. The identification of the altar as that of the Twelve Gods is firmly establishedby the Leagros dedication: "Leagros son of Glaukon dedicated this to the Twelve Gods5)70 . Thucydides tells us that "Peisistratos son of Hippias the tyrant... set up an altar of the Twelve Gods in the Agora during his archonship" and this archonship can be dated 71 probably to 522/1 BC from a fragmentary archon-list found elsewhere in the Agora.

Thompson 1952. 67 Zuntz 1953. 68 The 1976 edition of the tourist guide to the Agora excavations, edited by Thompson, shows the influence of Vanderpool's argument, though the wording carefully avoids exactly "Sanctuary the The Agora. Roman Agora the Pausanias' of entry under with equating Twelve Gods" briefly explains the sanctuary's alternative identity as the altar of Pity, but Altar Pausanias the however, that "It of came upon probable, now seems more concludes Pity after he had left the area with which we are concerned... and that by 'Agora' he meant the commercial district including the Market of Caesar and Augustus to the east of our area." (98). 69 Camp 1990 (ed.) and 1992,40-2, although the artist's impression of the altar which he Thompson's 57) follows FIG. (infra in both reconstruction. reproduces 70 6xovoq r1%(x, dedication Leagros The C'(VF'_O1j1CEV 808eiccc Oco^tOtv. [A]e'aypoG 1 1597: Agora date, for Vickers Francis but Crosby, by a post-Persian BC argue 490-80 and was dated to Gadbery to the (1981,113-8), life Leagros' for give and wants in their revised chronology discuss in to a promises she date base a later on stylistic grounds, a proposition forthcoming study (1992,474). 8COUICa BMW 71 Thuc. 6.54.6-7: iietaitarpawq 6 'Innito'UT010 TCOV 'Ut'Oq... TUPaVVF_1bCTaVTOq Thucydides The 14120. Agora Archon-list: passage 6CVE'Oq1cc. 6CPXCOV &-IOP4 pcogo, V rO'vEv 'Tfi. later Athens Agora the in the covered of up the people "on the that altar to goes on mention 223

66

Other literary and epigraphicsourcescharacterise the altar of the Twelve Gods as the central point in Athens from which all distanceswere measuredand as a place of 72 for fourth-century decrees (see below) Two asylum suppliants order worship of . the Twelve and two inscriptions record dedicationsto the Twelve, one by the Boule, 73 by individual. Crosby notes as "striking" the lack of dedicationslater one a private than the mid fourth century BC, but that the cult continued thereafter is firnfly by established the presenceof a seat "for the priest of the Twelve Gods" in the 74 by Crosby from the archaeological theatre of DionysoS. The chronology established is evidence consistentwith this picture: in its first form the peribolos datesfrom the archaicperiod, and the moulding on fragmentsof the actual altar suggeststhe latter part of the sixth century; it was destroyedby the Persiansin 479 and not rebuilt until it 430-20, intact c. after which remained until the Herulian sack of AD 267; the parapet's posts and orthostats were carefully removed at some point after the sack, be in to perhaps used the construction of the Valerian Wall or transferredto a place 7' defences Recently Laura Gadbery has challengedthe of safety within the new . traditional chronology, on the grounds that it is not supported by the ceramic evidence, a problem previously explained away with the plea of disturbed 76 stratification. She suggeststhat the Peisistratid parapet was only renovated, not in last fifth blocks from lower being the third the the replaced, of century, with sill interior laid base its location. Leagros the the to shifted, pavement and moved present This solution allows for a later date for the building of the secondparapet, agreeing be fourth-century the thought to the stratification around upper sill, previously with intrusive, and Gadbery argues for the mid fourth century, on the analogy of the date This Heroes Eponymous the would also and other parallels. monument of
the inscription by adding to the structure's length" (6.54.6-7), presumably a reference to the 420s. the of restoration work 72 Central point: Hdt. 2.7.1-2, IG 112 2640 (fifth century); cf. Pindar fr. 75 SM. Shear (1994, 231) comments on the altar's place on the early development of the Agora. 73 112 112 112.6-9 (362/1 BC). Dedications: by the 30a.2-3 (386/5 BC); IG Decrees: IG 112 112 Boule, IG 2790, (357/6 BC); by Philippos of Kolone, IG 4564 (first half 4th cBC). 74 IG 112 5065; see Maall 1972,132. Cf. topographic mention of the altar of Twelve Gods See Nonlist X Orat. 847a. Vit. [Plutarch] Demosthenes in connection with a statue of Schwur ist in "Der in 868Fica Oeoib; apparently comedy; (1993,250) on swearing g& rob; " Gagos). T. (Hinweis heute Griechenland noch gebrduchlich 75 Crosby 1949.

224

accord with some evidence which suggests that the Twelve Gods were especially 77 in Athens in have following battle Mantinea 362 BC. 1 popular the of already suggested that the altar may have survived the Herulian sack, perhaps falling to Alaric at the end of the fourth century AD; any vestiges of the altar remaining would have been subsumed at the beginning of the fifth century with the erection on the site large of a square building with a colonnaded central court, possibly to be associated large the with gymnasium complex built at the same time in the southern part of the 78 Agora.

The desire to identify this altar and precinct as that of Eleos stems largely from the Pausanias taking in combinationthe fact that Pausanias passage, omits the famous altar of the Twelve Gods and that the altar we have roughly fits the topographic requirements of his description. The fact that Pausaniasdoes not mention the altar of the Twelve Gods ought to be significant. Of course, he omits buildings such major as the Stoa of Attalos, but that is consistentwith his general 79 The altar and enclosure dislike of the new and preferencefor older monuments we . have are late sixth century, so within the class of things likely to attract Pausanias' interest, although he does not set out to be comprehensive, and may simply not have thought this altar worthy of note. The omission would be more satisfactorily explained,though, by the hypothesisthat Pausanias'altar of Eleos is in fact one and the sameas the altar of the Twelve Gods. The altar of Eleos is the last monument Pausanias mentions in the Agora, after the statuesof Solon and Seleukosin front of the Stoa Poikile and before going on to the gymnasiumof Ptolemy and the Theseion.

76 Gadbery 1992. Gadbery dismisses the identification of the altar of the Twelve Gods with the altar of Eleos, following Vanderpool's argument (1992,478, n.114). 77 See Long 1987,174. Euphranor's painting in the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios dates from Demokratia (Paus. 1.3.3Theseus Demos his 360 BC, and of with painting opposite around 4, Pliny NH 35.40.128-9; Valerius Maximus 8.11.5). The Twelve are mentioned in several decrees of the 380s and 360s, and various inscriptions record dedications to them between the late fifth and the mid fourth centuries. Both the juxtaposition of the Euphranor paintings Twelve Gods, link between the indicate inscriptions the military victory and a perceived and the flourishing of Athenian democracy. In the Laws (c.347 BC) Plato suggests a to by tribe Twelve, the each and proposing monthly sacrifices a assigning of rationalisation (745d-e, 828b-d). Oaths "by the Twelve Gods!" are sworn in mid-fourth century comedy by (see Long 62-83 for in Menander in Aristophanes, been had are again and they Amphis, as a full collection of references). 78 Above pp.216-17; Thompson and Wycherley 1972,212. 79 On Pausanias' opinion of modernity, see Arafat 1996,36-42. 225

By analogy with his usual practice, it is fair to assume that he recorded these monumentsin the order in which he saw them, so we would expect to find the altar just south of the Stoa Poikile (Dinsmoor's FIG. 58 Agora in the 2nd cAD), see and compare FIG. 59 (Wycherley's Route of Pausanias). The altar of the Twelve Gods is indeed south of the Stoa, though a little way away and the other side of the Panathenaic Way; there are more obvious points where Pausanias have might introduced the altar, especially at 1.8.5, his description the temple Ares of of and various statuesnearby. As previously mentioned,Wycherley accountsfor this by his interpretation of oi)ic F-q ixinccvrccS ntcrr'jgccas "not easily distinguishable by " everyone". That this altar was difficult to make out is inherently fairly implausible
because of its position right next to the Panathenaic Way, at Athens' Hyde Park Corner. As for its being obscured by trees, the whole Agora was planted with trees, it as is today, which do not seem to have prevented Pausaniasfrom seeing the rest of the Agora's monuments; Statius' mite nemus (Theb. 12.491) need not indicate an impenetrable forest. There is no real problem, as the distance between the Stoa Poikile and the altar of the Twelve Gods is not great, and the ground in between would have been open in Pausanias' time, being mostly taken up by the Panathenaic Way. Even today, all that prevents a clear view of the peribolos from the site of the Stoa just north of Adrianou is the railway wall. The most serious objection raised to this location for Pausanias' altar of Eleos

is based on the fact that 1.17 is the only passagewhere Pausanias uses the word (xyop(Xas a point of reference. Vanderpool points out that Pausanias consistently usesthe name "Kerameikos" to designatewhat we know as the ClassicalAthenian Agora, as do some other late writers, and arguesthat therefore by "Agora" he must meansomethingelse: "I have no doubt that the commercialmarket is meant,whether this be the Market of Caesarand Augustus, the old 'Eretria' market, or some other 81 be located in Eleos Roman Agora, 7 If to the the of actually altar were area . we The Roman have 150m to the eastof problem of chronology. market, a slight would the old Agora, was begunwith moneyprovided by Julius Caesarsometime in the late

80 Wycherley 1959,42-3. 81 Vanderpool 1974,308. See Wycherley 1957,221-4 on uses of the name "Kerameikos". 226

82 50s BC, and completed under Augustus around 11-9 BC ; as we have seen, the it is (fl. is 60-30 BC), literary Diodoros Pity for the altar of earliest where source referred to as though already a familiar rhetorical trope. We might supposethat the but it Agora, Roman in the the must altar was situated open area which preceded have pre-dated the construction of the peristyle colonnade. The assumptionthat the is based areawas previously an open market primarily on the placementof the Tower (c. designed be by large Winds 150-25 BC), the to of which was presumably seen a be for of people, such number and a situation would not our altar of unsuitable 83 Mercy. The arealspre-secondcentury history is unclear,however, whereasliterary and archaeological evidence give a picture of trading activies carried out rather in defined Classical in Agora the than chaotically and around any clearly rather 84 have described The Mercy market area. altar of seen as refuge of the we Herakleidai and of Adrastos ought to be located somewheremore immediately accessible and of more obvious political centrality than such a vague generaltrading for location besides In Pausanias the space. any case, sources strongly suggestsa it in heart Statius Agora, the the the places urbe media, andthe of city. altar political Argive women step from the altar of Clementiato watch Theseus' triumph, which Gate in Dipylon have been the through and envisagedas processing surely would 8' Demosthenes AkropoliS. Libanios' Way Panathenaic the towards clearly the along Tyrannicides, Bouleuterion in Agora, the the the the and within view of altar places depicts Demosthenes fourth-century have Sopatros, also orator, another seen. as we Athena Eleos Athenians how "You Philip: the along with worship see as saying to
Polias, you see how they build an altar of Philanthropy on the Agora. )iM Vanderpool does not look into the dramatic context of the Statius passage,merely commenting 'in described the fairly be the "could city"', and of middle as that the market area 87 interpretation his While later may make does not consider the two sources at all. Ptolemy and sanctuary of the of Pausanias' route easier, placing elusive gymnasium

82 On the early history of the Roman Agora, see Hoff 1989. 83 Hoff 1989,1 and nn.2-3. 84 For references and discussion, see Thompson and Wycherley 1972,170-3. 85 Theb. 12.481 and 519-544. 86 %tc'c80G rjo, 'AGllv(x^tot 377: Rp00jc-0v0^0t Tl^lq ger(x zi7vjuer, c'bq Op4q Ataioeci57 Sopatr. rwv C(TIMIXTtv. (X kvccn, %6 Po)go'v bq (pt%ccv6pcon'I(xq 6p4q okyopaq ci^lq en't "EXcov, 6 otwt Co 0 QC 'rov 87 Vanderpool 1974,309. 227

Theseus (1.17.2) in the area of the Roman market, the altar of Eleos is more of a Neither does Vanderpool's solution do justice to stumbling block than he allows '88 Pausanias' phraseology, which suggests that he is merely resuming his description he left where off, i. e. in front of the Stoa Poikile, rather than moving on to a new 'AOTlv(xt'ot; 8E area: Ev q

&AAa , Icai EUTI V.. n(xYoPq

Apart from Pausanias, link between the two altars is their common a strong function as places of refuge for suppliants. We have already seenmuch supplication at the altar of Eleos, but there are also a numberof eventsassociated with the altar of the Twelve Gods characterisingit too as a place of asylum. Herodotos tells us that the Plataians made supplication there in 520/19 BC when asking for Athens' help '9 Thebes. Diodoros relatesthat "Someof Pheidias' fellow-workers, harassed against by the enemiesof Perikles, sat on the altar of the gods";90Plutarch records that Menon, one of the said "fellow-workers", was persuadedto sit as a suppliant E'v 91 67opq. Incidentally, Plutarch also tells us how the Atheniansfailed to take note of the "manifest and obvious signs" which should havewarned them againstthe Sicilian expeditionthesebad omensbeing the notorious mutilation of the Herms, and "the incident at the altar of the Twelve Gods. a man suddenly leapt up onto it, then, it, )92Lykourgos, writing in 330 BC, cites a astride castratedhimself with a stone. "justified" violation of the altar supposedto have taken place a couple of decades "Who earlier: of the older men does not remember,and of the younger men has not heard, how Kallistratos, whom the city condemned to death,fled; but when he heard from the god at Delphi that if he cameto Athens he would be treated accordingto the laws, he returned and took refuge at the altar of the Twelve Gods, but was

Given X'tft the 6cne'icowev roN cct'8o^tov. abkoi) iceptP&q its function Peisistratid by God's as a central and Twelve a the establishment altar of Herms, between it the been have and association a perceived milestone, there may well if Hipparchos); the (Pseudo-Platonic Hipparchos by so, been set up said to have See Osborne be time time appropriate. the rhetorically both would same desecration of at Herms. the on 1985 for a full discussion of our meagre evidence 228
itMiDVIlG 6CV(XTC'nftTCCq in' (X1bT0'V

91 Plut. Perikles 31. 92 Plut. Nikias 13.2: w' npaxo6v

90 Diod. 12.39.1: StevEXOcvreq Oet&qc 5c Uno TOW CX8pC0v To-0 nveq rq^) cc^ov auvepyacragevow IIeptickeouG eldk0tcrowin't covuov Gem Pwgov.
neplt cO'V PCOgO'V 'C(^J)V &JOUica GECOV. 6XVGP(0n0G 'YC'Cp Ttq

88 See Shear 1994,228 and fig. 1 on the location of the Theseion. 89 See Fehling (1989,231) on the significance of the figure 12 in Herodotos.

elvra

93 nevertheless put to death by the City.,, Lykourgos tells this story as an illustration how the gods make sure wrongdoers are punished in the end: the oracle acted of rightly in telling Kallistratos that he would rF_u4F_, rcct ccovvogcov, "for fair treatment 94 laws, in is The oracle's the case of wrongdoers, according to the punishment". have been little but it be fitting for advice may a misleading, would not malefactors to receive the same revelations as good men. This similarity of function of the two Twelve Gods the altars, of and of Eleos, adds weight to the idea that they were in fact one and the same thing. I do not think our evidence can be taken as conclusive either way, but the case for the identity of two altars is certainly strong, stronger, I would suggest, than Vanderpool's case for relocating Pausanias' ayopa and hence pushing the altar of Eleos into some other marketplace.

Thompson's article remainsthe fullest attempt to identify the two altars with it briefly. His identification of the altar with that of one another, so I shall summarise Eleos is basedon a positive evaluationof the literary sourcesalreadydiscussed. He takes the Heraklid story as suggesting that the altar of Eleos was generally be to that an original ancient altar was considered of great antiquity, and supposes for the Twelve Gods; as a date transplantedfrom elsewhere to the peribolos designed for the introduction of Eleos' cult he suggeststhe last quarter of the fifth century, identification, Having Thompson the the enclosure was rebuilt. established when goes on to propose an ingenious reconstruction of the parapet. Combining the late fifth date), dimension, (concordant century and requirements of style with a he builds up a casefor associating the monumentwith the thematic appropriateness, four three-figure reliefs identified as a group by Gbtze (FIG. 60). He finds the Sicilian disaster of 413 BC a suitable occasion for the erection of the parapet, he fortune" in "reversal Finally in date both theme. of and agreeingwith the reliefs

Lyk. Leok. 93: zit; yckp o-65 T(ov gepilrat iV OEOU ACX00^lq Tol^) Kait TOU qI)^fOVTa TOAOV O(xvCC'COv YVO), IC(X'CF', Kakkitcy, noktq il o) rov, upa, It 0'vP cog O'v rO)V ^ Ica it i nC
CCICO'OCT(XVIUCCOU aV FE "kOi 11 'AO'vac

93

%151 0-01C (X1CIjICOE TCOV VECOTCPCOV 11 npEcypvrepcov

U614CIUCCt IrCOV VOgo)v,

6C(PlICOIXF-VOV
6knoeavowa;

SCOSEEIM OEECOV 1CCCTCC"'YOV'C(X, IC(X't 0168EV 71TTOV -OnO'

cfij; nokmq

This seems to be

94 Lyk. Leok. 93: TO' y('Xp rCOv vOgo)v co% i'l8tialicOut voxetv rtg(opt(X ECYVtv.

favour from fell Aphidna, Kallistratos death and was who the of of the only account of from Attika the to He 361. in reorganising in death returned to absentia condemned his is BC, 356/5 11 in sentence Perdikkas presumably when for which finances of Macedonia was carried out. 229

Ara Roman Pity between the the altar of and points out a number of correspondences Pacis, suggestingthat the latter may havebeenmodelledon the former. This is quite compelling at first reading, but there are problems with
Thompson's argument. Among other ideas, he suggests that the Twelve Gods, in Euphranor's from "compensation" the their mural shape of usurped altar, received depicting them in the Stoa of Zeus; but surely a wall-painting would hardly make up 95 He defines the Athenian conception of pity as for the loss of a full-scale CUlt. "comparatively simple and close to our own: compassion inspired by the misfortunes in distress. human life, 306 towards to and philanthropy, especially strangers common The literary sources, he claims, stress pity aroused at situations caused by a reversal (this be based fortune to seems on Pausanias' tF,, uxPok&q np(xyIIccrcov and of Statius' mutata sorte, 1.490); and the themes of the reliefs can all be fitted in to the is fortune (though ingenuity Hesperides the needed with reversal of pattern some is But Zuntz theme the essentially tragic, and panel). as objects, reversal-of-fortune has little to do with suppliants obtaining mercy; the victims on the reliefs may deserve if had be lost four but they the the actually got any. stories would whole point of pity, My earlier point about mercy and pity not being synonymous is valid here: Zuntz language", his "is Thompson the that and should try native suggests victim of for "pitiful" "merciful" the substituting word 97 difference. demonstrate the in describing the reliefs' themes to

At the beginning of her article on the Orpheus relief, Lori-Ann Touchette

9' far three-figure the reliefs. theories about so advanced of a synopsis usefully gives That they form a group is generally agreed, but what edifice the originals adomed disputed. been has interpreted be how much the should represented scenes and has been Gods/Pity Twelve the Thompson's attribution of the reliefs to the altar of Langlotz the that iconographic argues grounds. criticised on technical as well as

95 Thompson 1952,47 and 50. Cf. Thompson 1937,69. 96 Thompson 1952,67. Twelve the that the of identification as altar 97 Zuntz 1953,82. He objects even to the of the in edge on "hidden be precinct small to a important away too Gods, which he thinks was inside just is the that situated has altar he This noticed not (71-2). suggests of the Agora" for ideal Way, Panathenaic position the a beside Agora, the to right the main entrance drawing attention. 98 Touchette 1990. 230

foundations of the second parapet would not have been strong enough to support belonged that the to a four-sided relief slabsand suggests,more convincingly, panels funerary monument to an Attic tragedian. Touchette agreesthat the altar of Pity is that more work needsto be an unlikely candidatefor their provenance,but suggests done on the individual reliefs before the significanceof the group can be understood 99 identified home. In this connection a passagefrom the and a monument as their Controversiae Seneca's is interesting. In an imaginary case, the Athenian elder has Parrhasios painter acquired as slave an old man captured when Philip sacked Olynthos (348 BC), and tortured him to death, as a model for a painting of Prometheus. Having put the painting up in the temple of Athena, Parrhasiosis being "If you prosecutedfor harming the state. One of the prosecutorsironically suggests think it right, decorate the altar of Pity with such gifts!"'00 Thompsonfails to note the irony and cites this as support for the idea that reversal-of-fortunepictures are 'O' decoration for "Pity". suitable an altar of Putting asidethe matter of the reliefs - which is interesting,but incidentalto the main issueof identifying the altar - there are a numberof problemswith the very idea of an altar sacredto the god Eleos. That there should be an altar to a deified abstractionin the Athenian Agora is not inherentlyunlikely, as we have alreadyseen. Demos and Demokratia featured in paintings and sculpture of the fifth and fourth fourth is from in Agora, the the centuries and actual worship of abstractions attested Lykourgan Agathe Tyche Eirene, Demokratia the the skin-sale of and century with 102 have figures from different however, is Eleos, the we case a rather records. is he "EXF-oq is known far: title the of any other god, nor cult as not consideredso he has Olympian, no mythologicalrole, and evenas with any one generallyassociated
99 Apparently Thompson himself no longer believes the three-figure reliefs to belong to the the the of modification (1989,133-141) with Shapiro reconstruction, accepts altar. for the "the by the theme linked quest the of Harrison's (1964) explanation of reliefs as all 1992,29-73 Jesnick in "Orpheus For see art", a survey of eternal good". 100 Seneca Contr. 10.5.34: Si videtur tibi, istis muneribus aram Misericordiae oma. On 1992. Myerowitz history in the art, see Parrhasios' place of erotic 101 Thompson 1953,57-8. 102 Thompson cites Nemesis at Rhamnous as a parallel for a fifth century sanctuary Nemesis' 96-100 mythological (1952,67); on pp. above cf. "pure to devoted abstraction" a On the 1993. 1986 skin-sale Alexandri-Tzahou and Demokratia: Demos and role. inscription, see above p. 189. 231

"' literary figure he has vitually no precedent. a

No dedicationsto Eleos have been

found at Athens, and literary sourcesmake no mention of any trappings of cult apart from the altar; indeed, Statius,Philostratos and Nikephoros make a virtue of the fact that Eleos has no priest, no cult statue, and receivesno sacrifice but the "libation of tears". Should we take it that all our literary sources are indulging in

licence, Zuntz that that speakingof an altar never existed? suggests poetic/rhetorical the stories of supplication at the altar of Pity might have been canonisedby some 104 like Aitia by OC (above). Kallimachos II, cited the authoritative version, scholiast But if Kallimachos had specifically mentioned the altar, surely the scholiast would have quoted those actual words rather than the generalstatement that Athens "knows how to pity'. The sheerweight of evidenceand the variety of contexts in which the its depends it that existence solely on a single altar appearsmakes seem unlikely literary source. If nothing else, Pausanias'account certainly suggeststhat all the literary based tradition. tangible than other referencesare on somethingmore
If we are to believe in Eleos as a real god actually worshipped in the Agora, have two options. we We might postulate the existence of another altar as yet

Stoa Agora, in likely the the the around north-eastern part of undiscovered, most Poikile and immediately to the south, much of which lies under Adrianou and the in function for impossible, is to This two so similar cults although railway area. not does in by not exist side side such a small area seemssomething of a coincidence, and Alternatively, Gods. that Twelve Pausanias' argue the might we on-fissionof explain find have in to Gods, from Twelve a new Eleos took over the which case we would home for their cult and find a date and occasion for the change. Thompson's his the fits disaster Sicilian of nature of conception the with well very suggestion of if but that his hypothesis three-figure by agree the we reliefs, about the altar, shaped inappropriate: the is the singularly occasion seems not the same as pity, mercy Diodoros Syracuse, in find the city of whatever Athenians certainly did not mercy

Athenian instance for instead of look outstanding We some might says. individual or towards an unfortunate or enemy, towards conquered a (xvOpcont'(x 9tX,

is "altar Zeus' mercy" of 217-18) (above mentioning dedication pp. Thracian The exceptional. 104 Zuntz 1953,79.
103

232

dedicated Eleos have to The help. had an altar city might group who sought Athens' to congratulateitself, or the recipientsmight have financedthe altar by way of thanks for the help received.
<IX 106 105

But in such a casewhy conjure up a completely new god

Athens, Zeus Athena dedication to to than or as embodiment of rather make a

ato?

Wycherley's view of the problem, based on a more critical considerationof the literary sourcesthan Thompson's, provides an alternative solution, though his for hypothesis leads him Thompson's to obfuscation. sometimes evident admiration He begins by accepting Thompson's identification of the altar and attribution of the lower "both to though attractive and convincing", and reliefs as wanting set a much date for the name "altar of Pity", he compromiseswith the idea that "the altar may 'EXCEol) in long before it have been in pcogoq spirit an E'Uou was name o cob well Pcojt0q. " Inspired by the Sextus Empiricus quote (above), he suggeststhat several known Pcogoti, in Athens BC as a generalterm as F-'XE-'ou were altars secondcentury for altars much frequented by suppliants, and that the altar of the Twelve Gods So by became PcogO; XE`, time the the of our earliestsources. simply preeminentF'- ou "of mercy" should be thought of with a small m, and is "a kind of descriptive inevitably beginning from But the the suggest possessivesensewould genitive. 107 divinity". While itself'; perhapsthis is how Eleos "gained his somewhatnebulous is however, Wycherley to is "altar rid unable that name, a of mercy" only postulating himself of the idea that Eleos has a cult and someclaim to divinity: "undoubtedlythe

105 Alan Griffiths suggests that, given the Plataians' early association with the altar of the between dealings later there, take to refuge Twelve Gods as the first recorded suppliants Suitable for the name. of altar's change the two cities might have provided the occasion Twelve the the involving of altar to Plataians for the make some sort of gesture occasions the Athens, by haven especially and provided Gods might be: i) Gratitude for the safe "thank 386, in Plataia to you On their ii) BC. 428 return Athenian c. citizenship, granting of keep "We 373 in and coming refugees On as iii) for having us". coming once more be it taken should time on us: third pity the is you've this this now and altar, at supplicating the BC), (362 Mantineia presumably baffle when the After iv) " of Pity! the altar of called their with Boiotians coinciding allies, the and Athens' against allies Plataians were among See this Gods' period. Twelve at the popularity idea Long's of Gadbery's chronology and 520/19 to from Athens "special with Plataia's relationship" for 1992 of outline Hammond an 338 BC. for the a references only 106 See Farnell (1896-1909,1 67) for Zeus as god of suppliants; 8.142. Pollux 385,413,479 Suppl. and Aisch. Athens are Zeus 1icecytoq at 107 Wycherley 1954,143-5. 233

in a later article Wycherley is more later Athenians consideredEleos a god . is "a Eleos" title to "altar artificial given somewhat that the of explicit, stating name "failed Gods; Pausanias Twelve to observethe true i. that another cult", e. that of the be by his history the the the altar" can paralleled of apparent nature of cult and 109 By the time of ignoranceof the remarkablehistory of the nearbytemple of Ares. his joint publication on the Agora with Thompson,Wycherley feels able to make the has is bold been "It 'Altar Eleos' that generally recognised statement: of relatively in Eleos to an earlier shrine. appears our numerous merely a name attached authorities as 4 poetical and sentimentalabstraction, a rhetorical metaphor, rather than a genuineold deity."110
CONCLUSION

108 ),

Literary sources from the fifth century on, then, establish an Athenian
in helping for the of suppliants (ptXccvOpcorct'cc, expressed particularly reputation fragments, Karneades Timokles "mercy". But, the the and exception of seeking with Eleos is only personified from the mid first century BC, and always in the context of be far discovered that "altar Eleos". The of possibly could which so of only altar an Eleos dates from the late sixth century, and is reasonably identified as belonging to for the Gods. Further Twelve the candidate alternative an reveal excavation may yet by is but a the contradictory material already quite plausibly explained altar of Mercy, "real" Eleos hypothesis. I Wycherley's that god at all, a never was suggest version of historical from dedications a god actually worshipped, receiving sacrifices and The deity is the enclosure rhetoric. of confines within only as a people, and regarded Twelve Agora to the in Way beside Panathenaic the sacred remained the and altar in destruction its BC in 522/1 probably Gods from its dedication by Peisistratos until because "altar of the AD. This mercy" of fourth late name acquired altar the century being the a useful shorthand its function as a place of supplication, and name stuck,

Pity" "altar idea, that the of same 108 Wycherley 1954,147. Zuntz 1953,78 touches on does he but elaborate. not "where sought", for was pity altar an name alternative an was 109Wycherley 1959,41. ist "Es 1964,65: Hamdorf Cf. ungewilI, ob 110 Thompson and Wycherley 1972,135. den Begriff der bezeichnete nur 'Mitleid' als Personifikation verehrt wurde: vielleicht Gtter". hier der verehrten Hauptaspekt

234

for the rather longwinded row 8i)MEmx Mov Pcol16q,and providing a focus for "' is It Athens' expositions of even possible that the change philanthropic reputation. XF', of name was facilitated by the morphological proximity of F'-. o-o and E-'X(xtol): what started out as the altar "of supplicatioW', symbolised by the olive branch, became the "of altar mercy", the object of supplication. It would be impossible to put an exact date on what may anyway have been a gradual process, but the striking lack of "altar to the reference name of mercy" in Lykourgos' description of a merciless violation of the altar of the Twelve Gods could certainly be taken to indicate that the

by 330 BC, and the silenceof our sourcesbefore the mid namewas not yet current first century BC would generally suggesta relatively late date for the development. By the time we have unequivocalreferences to Eleos as a god, rather than the phrase "altar of eleos", allegory had become highly sophisticated both as a mode of 112 for interpretation. Orators and other writers seizedon the expressionand as a tool idea of the altar of Mercy and exploited its emotive potential in seekingto arouse their audience's sympathy or gain a judge's mercy; if they sometimescall Eleos a do is "divine" they than that god, not necessarily meanany more mercy a quality. TheAthenians And Whenever I When? towards aremerciful, maintain. a whom? believe be Mercy they to city seeks a an alliance, or a stranger comes asa suppliant, "' these godtowards people.

ekegoveq 'A011vaTtot, zivaq; np6q icait 16.47: icore; gilp. Declamatio ic&yco Lib. "Ekeov i1CctV0, OrrO'v 4E'VO, i1CETEIbIl vojiitox)at. ro'v Uq 86'71, TCPO; T(Xt 7COXtg, (XV )gg(XXiM (51,

112 Cf. Philostratos Epist. 13/59 for a very metaphorical altar of Eleos: "Do not burn me dw, &Ucc ii'j heart" in Pity icalt cycoc, your icaTte then, but save me, and keep the altar of 1987. Whitman On rE_ "XF-). 11 Ev 0 ' r^ 4,uxfi. allegory, see especially FE pcog'v 'rov ' 'EX'ou
113

111As a parallel for this kind of suppression of a deity's original name in favour of what was Greek riavayitcc appropriately and, the of usage modern first note might an epithet, we at Mary. Virgin for the here, EXeoxya as names

&v icoce 235

CONCLUSION Let me now, finally, return to the general questions about Greek cults of has deified abstractionsas a classwith which I began. Each of my six case-studies development in the the of cult question,and attemptedto examined origins and early in local her for "reality" the the pantheonand assess particular personification's place the worshipper. In every caseexceptthat of Eleos this enquiry hasbeenfacilitated by in literature and the visual arts, appearances for which, in the figure's appearances turn, the demonstrable existence of a cult has implications. Underlying the

investigation has been the constant question of how the balanceis struck in each between in "mythological" inherent "rational" the the very character and elements be deified first Perhaps the the thing existenceof cult of a abstraction. which should is be that said no single model can universally applied to explain the workings of all Greek personification cults, and even a single figure may follow different patternsof be developmentin different places and at different times. Somegeneralisations can however, although these conclusionsmust remainprovisional until more cults made, havebeenstudiedin detail. The most vexing questionremainsthat of the origins of personificationcults. to work for any of In its simplestform the "epithet theory" cannot be demonstrated including location. figures in Even titles a personificationare where cult our a single Athens Themis is development direction seldomstraightforward- at of attested,the be Hygieia Athena to before Ge long Themis, worshipped continues and a appears be looser A the theory Hygieia. independent might of version the an arrival of after has in affiliation close however, consistently a a personification where cases applied, Peitho be deity. This and seen most clearly with can to a particular Olympian latter, literature the in without Aphrodite, the former rarely appearing cult, art or Aphrodite's life began Peitho as an aspect of lending credibility to the theory that for her importance in increased influence, gaining independenceas that aspect worshippers. literally title Peitho of cult a that was ever This does not mean,though, that first is once or attested, securely Athens, in relatively Aphrodite where she Greek the the independent as fully world, over role all "liberated" she took on a The demonstrates. Knidos Lesbos Peithos Aphrodite and on Hellenistic existenceof
236

in Asklepios between Hygieia similarly close associationmaintained and cult suggests that Health was seenas an aspectof the hero-deity's influence, but the relationship in father-daughter than terms of a cult title. Mark's one rather was expressedas a hypothesis'that Athena Nike represents the annexationby Athena of an earlier cult of Nike cannot, unfortunately, be supported by any parallel from the current study, which rather tends towards the more traditional view that Victory, like Health, was Athena's seen as one of many areas of competence- although the ubiquitous in from Nikai the archaicperiod on suggests that this particular aspect presence of art had the of goddess' power extraordinary prominence. Nemesis,Eirene and Eleos have no particular Olympian associatefrom whom they might plausibly be derived, hypothesis the that Themis somehow emanated from Gaia is not only while but by her Zeus unsubstantiated, also undermined alternative associations and with Nemesis. Another way in which a personificationmight be "easedinto" cult is offered by Burkert's proposed progressionfrom the literary appearance figure of a via visual 2 locality. in Certainly the mythological roles to representation worship a particular in by literature in Themis Nemesis their appearances cult make played and archaic but her Aphrodite's is in Peitho's role as more readily explicable; place myth slighter, fifth beginning from in is by her the the of appearances art assistant given substance her into before literary has Eirene entry and visual existence some century, and even the that However, Burkert's the personificationsof assumption on case relies cult. from known figures imagination, to the than poet rather epic are creations of poetic in Thessaly for Thernis' be have As I cult argued, some sort of casecan made cult. for Nemesis' in Homer, literary her at worship and appearance earliest pre-dating difficult These Kypria. to in her the are cases Rhamnousgiving rise to appearance better-documented in but, period, because a their antiquity, potential of substantiate in is Burkert's rule: she only portrayed Hygieia is certainly a significant exceptionto Athens. her introduction to cult of Attic literature and art after the by be the personal into more direct explained This perhaps may cult entry "great back bringing the to power Hygieia us impact of the concept personifies,
1 Above pp.60-1. Above p.62.

237

theory" put forward by Cicero's Balbus: such things as Health are so strong they ' Nemesis have Themis inherent If and were not simply products of a must godhead. imagination, their cults require some such explanation too, although since poet's is desideratum health, so obviously a universal as neither represents a concept which they need to be understood in the context of particular historical circumstances. Quite why Themis should be deemed so important in archaic Thessaly is difficult to but flourishing in Nemesis Attic Rhamnous, the the sixth-century of reconstruct, or last fifth be in the the third of century can clearly associated with Persiansanctuary War-related propaganda, to which the concept Nemesis embodies is so apposite. Nemesis is one of a number of personifications who seem to have been particularly during Athens Peloponnesian War. the at popular This apparent proliferation of

figures must in part be due to the amount of drama we have preserved from the latter but his Meidias Painter the the the can school, and predilections of period and in turn be explained as part of a general escapist trend in vase-painting. The

in be in the seen the context of a search period can also popularity of personifications for "new" deities to compensate for the poor performance of the traditional gods. Clinton cites Thucydides' description of the Athenians' despair in the face of the in incurable 430 plague apparently "All the supplications at the sanctuariesand all

inquiries at the oracles and such things were of no help, and finally the people gave them up, overcome by the evil" for Eleusinian the this might account and suggests

Goddesses' Two the Asklepios' to importing in interest revive cult, officials' to the Hygieia response as a sense certainly makes reputation; the adoption of 4 drama in the Eirene's Similarly, and portrayal doctors' inadequacyin finding

a cure.

facilitating the to is demonstrably circumstances, political response the a period art of badly her further step into cult in the early fourth century when peace was still in Demokratia's declares, place on Alexandri-Tzachou As commenting needed. the of "Each concepts personified iconography generation fourth-century and cult: "5 its to age. greatestsignificance
3 4

IMMUCC CCV(09CXfi

Above p.57. T gavrcitotq expilcy(XVTO, oibcotq Tot oIq ic(x%t -T tixeceL)cFav Thuc. 2.47.4: ocra rF, npo'q t'F-po^tq i)nO% TO) 1COCICOIL) 6CICF-CF'T1jCFaV Vt1c6gevot. Clinton
V, TEXVUT(OV'TE TE a'U"TCOV

1994b, 32. War the as when period (1997,148-51) sees Stewart 5 Alexandri-Tzachou 1993,149. body the figuring politic". "a of mode as the personification Athens really adopted 238

If the origins of personification cults can generally be seen to lie in the importance of the concepts embodiedto particular communitiesat particular times, idea their to to obvious narrow connection a abstract particular we need ask whether have For those their as gods. personifications a mythological status who affected Olympian, be the an answer must surely that they role, or a close associationwith in if the thought the as existing same sphere as gods, of even they were were in hierarchy the subordinate how elsecould Themisbe Zeus' adviserand Nemesis

desires, be in his Aphrodite's Peitho Asklepios' Hygieia or retinue object of and daughter? As we have seen,all of these appearin the visual arts looking much like it the appropriate period, and, when comesto votive reliefs, any other goddess of divine is between deities, distinction the scale. on of size made mortals and where a E)E(x, In a number of casesin literature, too, a personificationis explicitly designated is in divinity invoked in hymn form, this that any attribution of or with no suggestion is "reality" Above though, the of personifications all, religious way problematic. demonstrated by the practical elements of cult activity with which they were honoured. Private dedicationsto Themis,Nemesisand Peitho certainly suggestthat does by deities figures these ordinary worshippers,as were taken very seriously as level, different At hymn Hygieia. the Ariphron's to a the performance context of Athens Eirene Rhamnous festivals Nemesis are at and at of publicly-financed for that the of incontrovertible testimony of thesegoddesses' community, signficance Eirene being listed alongside two of the Athens' most major annual events, the
Panathenaia and the City Dionysia. State approval can also be seen in the presence of in Theatre Peitho the Nemesis Themis, of for and the cult personnel of seats distinction in Dionysos. This is not to say that no one the ancient world recognised a between personifications Olympian the gods and have the comments of seen we 6 it But Lucian the remains subject. on Cicero, the Elder Pliny, Juvenal, and especially

have do to appear not traditional religion of remarkable that earlier criticisms in lack apparent categorisation of class separate a as -a personifications recognised 7 Veyne's question "Did the Greeks believe in their the very term. prosopopofia. different for due modes "Yes", allowance be with basically has to " answered myths?
6 Above pp.56-8. 7 Above pp.23-5.

239

in" in just "believed belief, the I that same were personifications of and would argue inclined, by Greek the analytically pantheon - rationally way as the rest of the ' by but perhaps, respectedas powerful the vast majority. I have already questionedBurkert's assumptionof the primacy of literature in location that the presenceof a personificationcult a particular might and suggested figure be in literary to the prompts an author represent a or visual sometimes what (Nemesis Kypria, Hygieia Meidias Painter's the the and and name vase). medium Individual casesare likely to remain inconclusive,as our evidencefor cult only rarely be locationallybut it must always specific representation, worth coincides with a how first. The our more generalquestionremains,moreover, of askingwhich came knowledge of personification cults might affect our late-twentieth-century in literature Greek the art and which so many personifications understanding of for instance, If of the significance of the sanctuary at appear. we are aware, Rhamnous,do occurrencesof the abstract nemesisin Attic literature take on more large-scale be in if know Or Eirene that a receipt of would soon significance? we And less Peace does Aristophanes' the plot of ridiculous? strike us as state sacrifice, female "profusion Burkert's statuesof an allegorical character"of robed what of does the thought that at least some representreal goddesses of cult not give them familiarity likely interest? that It "dusty" our superficial seemsmore than more than draw leads to literary us and artistic representation with personification as a mode of between distinction and the personification abstract, of categories a much sharper Greeks. by felt been have most ancient goddessthan would back brings the to different from the us question Looked at same angle, a be "myth into logos" debate,and whether personificationcults can taken as evidence in feature A in Greek noted striking trend religion. increasingly rationalising of an in "rational" appear character a degree of is to which personifications this study the in Litai) the (Ate the appears and Our literature. narrative allegorical earliest archaic in the in linked relationships meaningful Iliad, and dozens of personifications are
Harrison Cf. Veyne). (with criticism of 8 See Veyne 1988 passim; Buxton 1994,145-65 degree belief... scepticism of a [Herodotus'] religious of "In areas some (1995,316-9): degree least (at a of that presumption a belief... suggest can we to helps maintain actually Greek Herodotus other and approaching when healthier position, be a belief would of) " scepticism. of than presumption a writers, 240

Theogony,where Order is mother of Justice and Peace,Night of Sleep and Dreams. Some of our charactersdemonstratea "double identity", as both dramatis Personae figures, from in is Iliad Thernis their the earliest appearances: of myth and allegorical facilatator fully-personalised just in Nemesis themis, the goddessand a of as at once a by Kypria is both a shape-changing nymph and characterised nemesis,while Hesiod's Peitho adorns the first bride Pandora with no other gift but peitho. It is true that forms both interpretational develop of compositional more complex and allegory from the mid-fifth century on (Prodikos' Choice of Herakles, the Heimarmene Painter's amphoriskos)and an increasinginterestin expressing the rational "meaning" during be in the they the acquire seen attributes which of personifications can Hellenistic period (the measuring-rodand bridle of the two Nemeseisof Smyrna). But this seems largely a question of a more explicit spelling-out of messages implicit development. left than a radically new previously Similarly with fourth from increase in the they century number may personification cults, although has into Hellenistic the that the phenomenon well-established period, we can see and 9 fifth BC. in and even sixth centuries precedents the One might even question whether it is inherently more "logical" to worship does The thing traditional which one gods. personified abstractionsrather than the distinguish a personification from an Olympian goddessis her relatively restricted health, has to influence Hygieia a whereas grant power only presumably of sphere disposal. The her has of like Athena appearance at gifts of range a whole goddess Humphreys fourth fifth later in which the centuries and cults new personification trend for a reflect "rationalising" titles may gods, existing cult notes, and of more the increasing for e. g. with in be specialisation, contexts secular seen which can Might not the worship of a development of the class of professional orators. field? in particular a to specialist be a the consulting equivalent personification seenas identity those information the have of interest on to more In any caseit would be of to they figures, particularly for appealed to in whether see our took rituals part who have, we The evidence epigraphic of amount intellectually small minded. the more identify does to many us allow not dedications, from unfortunately especially
their and cults fourth-century personification 9 On this lack of a clear distinction between 1996,235-6. Parker predecessors, cf. 241

individuals in connection with personification cults, and most remain no more than 'O names. That no particular erudition attachedto such cults, however, can possibly be inferred from the fact that they can be servedby priestesses rationality is, after " hardly in all, a quality usually associated with women the ancientworld. As I said at the outset, my approach here has been something of a in compromise, adopted order to make an attempt at anwering some general questionson personificationcults as a class,but basedon more than a cursory look at the evidence for half-a-dozen sample figures. Two possible directions for future investigation strike me as equally valid, the choice between the two dependingto some extent on the amount of evidenceavailablefor any given case. (i) Detailed individual figures, bringing together the iconographic material already study of collected in LIMC with a study of the abstract term and literary referencesto its personification, alongside a proper evaluation of the evidencefor cult, especially in historical the the epigraphic, all context of circumstances of the placeswhere the cult appears. This is of course no light undertaking, but Theriault's study of Homonoia gives some idea of what can be achieved. (ii) The better integration of has into local This the second approach personifications cult systems. studies of advantage of perhaps allowing a more sophisticatedconsideration of the social light individual in on cults arose, and converselymight shed circumstances which in important deemed a particular society at any given particularly what values were time. Amy Smith's consideration of fifthfourth-century political and Athenian for basis to cults, such an approach personificationsprovides an excellent is Spartan Richer's of Nicolas suggestive ways cults of group of a examination while in which such studies may shed light on broader issuesof social history. Further
10Dedications to Themis: by a woman in Thessaly, an agoranomos in Lindos, Sostratos and Hierokles by in Lemnos" Rhamnousians "the by and Megakles at Rhamnous. To Nemesis: Mylasa. To husband her Artemisia at by the and Rhamnous, priestess Aristonoe at son of by Kallis, the by Hygieia: To state and Olynthos. potsherd by three Peitho: agoranomoi at Cf. ). (Paus. Titane privately-financed by hair at women Hygieia, to Athena clothes and by Asklepios the Hygieia to and Rhamnous, and Dikaiarchos by at Nemesis to sacrifices Athens. at Fhysicians 1 Themis: priestesses Alexis at Thespiai, Philostrate and Kallisto at Rhamnous; an Kallisto, Nemesis: Athens. priestesses at priestess hersephorai a two and olephoros, Peitho: Athens. Mylasa; at priest Artemisia a at Rhamnous, Aristonoe at Pheidostrate and Mylasa. Menippos at Athens; priest at Hegesipyle singer-priestess a and priestess 242

but I intelligible figures these still, more work on personification cults should make hope the current study has gone someway towards elucidatingwhy personifications be held divine ideas "should to possess power": of abstract
deo tanta omnium rerum quia vis regi non posset, erat ut sine quarum ipsa res deorum nomen obtinuit. Cicero, De Natura Deorum 2.23.61

243

PAG EXCLUD UND

/PAG D R

INSTRUCMITION ROM UNIV RSITY

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