Mohandas Gandhi wrote this book in his native language, Gujarati, while traveling from London to South Africa

onboard SS Kildonan Castle between November 13 and November 22, 1909. In the book Gandhi gives a diagnosis for the problems of humanity in modern times, the causes, and his remedy. The Gujarati edition was banned by the British on its publication in India. Gandhi then translated it into English. The English edition was not banned by the British, who rightly concluded that the book would have little impact on the English-speaking Indians' subservience to the British and British ideas. The concept of swaraj, or self-rule, was developed during the Indian freedom struggle. In his book Hind Swaraj (1909), Gandhi sought to clarify that the meaning behind swaraj was much more than simply "wanting [systems of] English rule without the Englishman; the tiger's nature but not the tiger." The crux of his argument centered on the belief that the sociospiritual underpinnings of British political, economic, bureaucratic, legal, military, and educational institutions were inherently unjust, exploitative and alienating. As Pinto explicates, "The principal theme of Hind Swaraj is the moral inadequacy of western civilization, especially its industrialism, as the model for free India." Gandhi was particularly critical of the deeply embedded principles of 'might is right' and 'survival of the fittest'. On another level, the call for swaraj represents a genuine attempt to regain control of the 'self' - our self-respect, selfresponsibility, and capacities for self-realization - from

institutions of dehumanization. As Gandhi states, "It is swaraj when we learn to rule ourselves." The real goal of the freedom struggle was not only to secure political azadi (independence) from Britain, but rather to gain true swaraj (liberation and selfrule). Gandhi wanted all those who believed in swaraj: (1) to reject and wholly uproot the British raj (rule) from within themselves and their communities; and, (2) to regenerate new reference points, systems, and structures that enable individual and collective self-development. This regeneration was to grow from the strengths, perspectives, wisdom and experiences of people living in village India, rather than from cities in Britain, America, and even in India for that matter. Understanding the real 'Self', and its relation to communities and society, is critical to the project of attaining swaraj.

Key Arguments[edit]
Gandhi's Hind Swaraj takes the form of a dialogue between two characters, The Reader and The Editor. The Reader essentially serves as the typical Indian countryman whom Gandhi would have been addressing with Hind Swaraj. The Reader voices the common beliefs and arguments of the time concerning Indian Independence. Gandhi, The Editor, explains why those arguments are flawed and interject his own arguments. As The Editor Gandhi puts it, "it is my duty patiently to try to remove your prejudice."

In the dialogue which follows, Gandhi outlines four themes which structure his arguments. 1. First, Gandhi argues that Home Rule is Self Rule. He argues that it is not enough for the British to leave only for Indians to adopt a British-styled society. As he puts it, some "want English rule without the Englishman ... that is to say, [they] would make India English. And when it becomes English, it will be called not Hindustan but Englishtan. This is not the Swaraj I want. 2. Gandhi also argues that Indian independence is only possible through passive resistance. In fact, more than denouncing violence, Gandhi argues that it is counterproductive; instead, he believes, The force of love and pity is infinitely greater than the force of arms. There is harm in the exercise of brute force, never in that of pity. This is essential throughout Hind Swaraj. 3. In order to exert passive resistance, Gandhi reasons that Swadeshi (self-reliance) be exercised by Indians, meaning the refusal of all trade and dealings with the British. He addresses the English when he states, If you do not concede our demand, we shall be no longer your petitioners. You can govern us only so long as we remain the governed; we shall no longer have any dealings with you." Gandhi makes an intriguing argument here; if the British want India for trade, remove trade from the equation.

4. Finally, Gandhi argues that India will never be free unless it rejects Western civilization itself. In the text he is deeply critical of western civilization, claiming, India is being ground down, not under the English heel, but under that of modern civilization." He speaks about civilization not just in relation to India, though. He argues that Western civilization is such that one has only to be patient and it will be self destroyed." It is a profound repudiation. Not only is western civilization unhealthy for India, but western civilization is by its own virtue unhealthy.

Many of the other leaders who came before Gandhi were western trained lawyers or intellectuals and saw many positives to the Western British way of life and were demanding from the British the same liberal system and parliamentary democracy on the basis of self- 4determination that the British had in their own homeland and also hoped to stop the economic exploitation of colonial rule. But Gandhi focussed on the way of life of the Indian village and its thousands of years old substantially self-contained and selfsufficient system to argue for a different kind of national life where that way of life would be valued and protected and its strengths fully taken advantage of in the interest of the nation. He also argued the basic purpose of life in the Indian national understanding was spiritual growth (or attaining moksha) and one of the best facilitators of this moral cultivation was the simple and sustainable way of life of the Indian village. Gandhi British imperialism dominated India at three related but different levels. At the political level the arrogant colonial government oppressed the Indian people and denied their right to run their affairs themselves. At the economic level it exploited and impoverished them, destroyed their indigenous industries and subordinated their interests to those of the British economy. In Gandhis view this was far more disturbing than political oppression and could continue even if India became independent. At the most disturbing moral and cultural level, British imperialism destroyed the identity and integrity of Indian civilisation and turned the Indians into brown Englishmen. Gandhi was convinced that the rule of British civilisation could continue even if the British government were to stop ruling over India and British capital to cease exploiting it. British imperialism was unacceptable not only because of its political and even economic but moral and cultural consequences. The struggle against it had therefore to be mounted and independence obtained at all three levels, especially the last. At the cultural level the anti-imperialist struggle had to be fought on two

fronts simultaneously. First, British civilisation, which so infatuated and blinded the Indians to the moral enormity of foreign rule and legitimised their economic and political domination must be subjected to a thorough-going critique. Second, the basic structure of Indian civilisation, which they largely saw through the biased British perspective, must be sensitively teased out and defended. Gandhis critique not only included but also related and integrated the three. Earlier critiques into a comprehensive theoretical framework. He argued that political independence was important not only as an expression of Indias pride and a necessary means to stop its economic exploitation but also to preserve its civilisation, without which political independence remained fragile. The economic exploitation had to be ended not only to sustain Indian independence and improve the living conditions of its people but also to preserve the social and economic basis of its civilisation.

There can be no Ramraj in the present state of iniquitous inequalities, in which a few roll in riches and the masses do not get even enough to eat. (Source: Harijan, June 1, 1947) The ancient ideal of Ramraj is undoubtedly one of true democracy, in which the meanest citizen could be sure of swift justice without an elaborate and costly procedure. (Source: Young India, Sept. 19, 1929) As is clear from the above, to understand Gandhian nationalism it is important to understand his critique of modern western civilisation. Gandhi wanted Indian nationalism to be about rejecting the British and western model of modern civilisation and a return to the basics of what he saw as Indias ancient genius. He was deeply aware that most people arguing for freedom were not appreciative quite so much of the glory of that civilisation and merely wanted

a change of political rulers.

He once commented: [You] want English rule without the Englishman. You want the tigers nature, not the tiger; that is to say, you would make India English. And when it becomes English, it will be called not Hindustan but Englistan. That is not the Swaraj I want. The capitalist search for profits led to mechanisation and industrialism. For Gandhi machines relieved drudgery, created leisure, increased efficiency and were indispensable when there was a shortage of labour. Gandhi was troubled by the fact that modern civilisation entailed a certain surrender of he individual to the institutionalised modern state which undermined the individuals cultivation of his human powers of self-determination, autonomy, self-knowledge (in the spiritual sense), self-discipline and social cooperation

Gandhi was deeply disturbed by the education system that the modern British western state had imposed on India as can be judged from his following comment in a letter to an associate: the system of education at present in vogue is wholly unsuited to Indias needs, is a bad copy of the Western model and it has by reason of the medium of instruction being a foreign language, sapped the energy of youths who have passed through our schools and colleges and has produced an army of clerks and office-seekers. It has dried up all originality, impoverished the vernaculars and has deprived the masses of the benefit of higher knowledge which would otherwise have percolated to them through the intercourse of the educated classes with them. The system has resulted in creating a gulf between educated India and the masses.

Therefore for Gandhi the task was to build a new nation which will preserve its own civilisation. This strength according to Gandhi was to be found mainly in the way of life and civilisation of Indias villages. Gandhi used the term Swadesh to refer to this unity, swa meaning ones own and desh the total cultural and natural environment of which one was an inseparable part. Desh was both a cultural and ecological unit and signified the traditional way of life obtaining within a specific territorial unit. The territorial reference was as important as the cultural. Desh did not mean a state or a polity for a way of life might not be organised in such a manner; nor a mere piece of territory unless it was inhabited and culturally appropriated by a community of men sharing a common way of life; nor a cultural group unless it occupied a specific territorial unit and its cultural boundaries coincided with the territorial. The castes, religious and cultures constituting the Indian mosaic were not deshas; India, a civilisational cum territorial unit, uniting them all in terms of a common way of life was. In classical Indian political thought every territorial unit distinguished by a distinct way of life was called a desh and India was a desh composed of smaller deshas, each a distinct cultural and ecological unit but united with the others by a shared civilisation. Gandhi agreed except that he thought of the constituent units as pradeshas or subordinate or quasi-deshas. The swadeshi spirit which Gandhi variously translated as the community, national or patriotic spirit or the sprit of nationality and sharply distinguished from nationalism, basically referred to the way an individual related and responded to his desh. Since he was profoundly shaped by and unintelligible outside it, he should accept the inescapable fact that it was the necessary basis and context of his existence and that he owed his humanity to it

Nationalism, or the social movements of nationalities striving to acquire, maintain, and enhance their status in a world where they

are confronted by opposition or conflict, has a vast historical literature to its credit. The scientific study of nationalism must build upon but go beyond the particularistic knowledge of specific cases, on the one hand, and avoid lumping together all instances of nationalism, on the other hand. This paper suggests a tentative typology of European nationalisms which, it is hoped, may find wider applicability. The typology is based upon the characteristic form that conflict and opposition take and the corresponding selfand group-consciousness which it generates. The four types of nationalism here presented are hegemony nationalism, particularistic nationalism, marginal nationalism, and the nationalism of minorities.

"ethnic nationalism" is the more generic term, and used for nationalists who hold these beliefs in an informal, instinctive, or unsystematic way. The pejorative form of both is "ethnocentric nationalism" or "tribal nationalism," though "tribal nationalism" can have a non-pejorative meaning when discussing African, Native American, or other nationalisms that openly assert a tribal identity Civic nationalism[edit] Civic nationalism (or civil nationalism) is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry, from the degree to which it represents the "will of the people". It is often seen as originating with JeanJacques Rousseau and especially the social contract theories which take their name from his 1762 book The Social Contract. Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is contrasted with ethnic nationalism. Membership of the civic nation is considered voluntary. Civicnational ideals influenced the development of representative democracy in countries such as the United States and France.Corsican nationalists sometimes shoot or spray on the traffic signs, damaging the French version of names State nationalism is a variant of civic nationalism, very often combined with ethnic nationalism. It implies that the nation is a community of those who contribute to the maintenance and strength of the state, and that the individual exists to contribute to this goal. Italian fascism is the best example, epitomized in this slogan of Benito Mussolini: "Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato." ("Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State"). It is no surprise that

Ethnic nationalism - Ethnic nationalism, or ethnonationalism,or ethnicism defines the nation in terms of ethnicity, which always includes some element of descent from previous generations - i.e. genophilia. It also includes ideas of a culture shared between members of the group and with their ancestors, and usually a shared language. Membership in the nation is hereditary. The state derives political legitimacy from its status as homeland of the ethnic group, and from its duty to protect the national group and facilitate its family and social life, as a group. Ideas of ethnicity are very old, but modern ethnic nationalism was heavily influenced by Johann Gottfried von Herder, who promoted the concept of the Volk, and Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Ethnic nationalism is now the dominant form, and is often simply referred to as "nationalism".Theorist Anthony D. Smith uses the term 'ethnic nationalism' for nonWestern concepts of nationalism, as opposed to Western views of a nation defined by its geographical territory. The term "ethnonationalism" is generally used only in reference to nationalists who espouse an explicit ideology along these lines;

this conflicts with liberal ideals of individual liberty, and with liberaldemocratic principles. The revolutionary Jacobin creation of a unitary and centralist French state is often seen as the original version of state nationalism. Franquist Spain,[1] and contemporary Kemalist Turkish nationalism[2][3] are later examples of state nationalism. However, the term "state nationalism" is often used in conflicts between nationalisms, and especially where a secessionist movement confronts an established "nation state." The secessionists speak of state nationalism to discredit the legitimacy of the larger state, since state nationalism is perceived as less authentic and less democratic. Flemish separatists speak of Belgian nationalism as a state nationalism. Basque separatists and Corsican separatists refer to Spain and France, respectively, in this way. There are no undisputed external criteria to assess which side is right, and the result is usually that the population is divided by conflicting appeals to its loyalty and patriotism.Critiques of supposed "civic nationalism" often call for the eliminaton of the term, as it often represents either imperialism (in the case of France), patriotism, or simply an extension of "ethnic," or "real" nationalism. Expansionist nationalism - "Expansionist nationalism" is a radical form of imperialism that incorporates autonomous, patriotic sentiments with a belief in expansionism. It is most closely associated with the likes of Nazism (National-socialism) and American Manifest Destiny and also shares some commonalities with neoconservatism.

Romantic nationalism - Romantic nationalism (also organic nationalism, identity nationalism) is the form of ethnic nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy as a natural ("organic") consequence and expression of the nation, or race. It reflected the ideals of Romanticism and was opposed to Enlightenment rationalism. Romantic nationalism emphasized a historical ethnic culture which meets the Romantic Ideal; folklore developed as a Romantic nationalist concept. The Brothers Grimm were inspired by Herder's writings to create an idealized collection of tales which they labeled as ethnically German. Historian Jules Michelet exemplifies French romantic-nationalist history. Cultural nationalism - Cultural nationalism defines the nation by shared culture. Membership (the state of being members) in the nation is neither entirely voluntary (you cannot instantly acquire a culture), nor hereditary (children of members may be considered foreigners if they grew up in another culture). Yet, a traditional culture can be more easily incorporated into an individual's life, especially if the individual is allowed to acquire its skills at an early stage of his/her own life.[4] Cultural nationalism has been described as a variety of nationalism that is neither purely civic nor ethnic.[5] The nationalisms of Catalonia, Quebec and Flanders have been escribed as cultural. Post colonial nationalism - Since the process of decolonisation that occurred after World War II, there has been a rise of Third World nationalisms. Third world nationalisms occur in those nations that have been colonized and exploited. The nationalisms of these nations were forged in a furnace that required resistance to colonial domination in order to survive. As such, resistance is part and parcel of such nationalisms and their very existence is a form of resistance

to imperialist intrusions. Third World nationalism attempts to ensure that the identities of Third World peoples are authored primarily by themselves, not colonial powers. Examples of third world nationalist ideologies are African nationalism and Arab nationalism. Other important nationalist movements in the developing world have included Indian nationalism, Chinese nationalism and the ideas of the Mexican Revolution and Haitian Revolution. Third world nationalist ideas have been particularly influential among the raft of left-leaning governments elected in Latin America in recent years, particularly on President of Venezuela Hugo Chavez's ideology of Bolivarianism which has been partly inspired by the anti-colonial ideals of Simn Bolvar. Liberation nationalism - Many nationalist movements in the world are dedicated to national liberation, in the view that their nations are being persecuted by other nations and thus need to exercise self-determination by liberating themselves from the accused persecutors. Anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninism is closely tied with this ideology, and practical examples include Stalin's early work Marxism and the National Question and his Socialism in One Country edict, which declares that nationalism can be used in an internationalist context i.e. fighting for national liberation without racial or religious divisions. Left-wing nationalism - Left-wing nationalism (also occasionally known as "socialist nationalism")[8] refers to any political movement that combines left-wing politics with nationalism. Notable examples include Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement that launched the Cuban Revolution ousting the American-backed Fulgencio Batista in 1959, Ireland's Sinn Fin, Labor Zionism in Israel and the African National Congress in South Africa.

Liberal nationalism - Liberal nationalism is a kind of nationalism defended recently by political philosophers who believe that there can be a non-xenophobic form of nationalism compatible with liberal values of freedom, tolerance, equality, and individual rights.[9] Ernest Renan, author of "Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?" [10] and John Stuart Mill[11] are often thought to be early liberal nationalists. Liberal nationalists often defend the value of national identity by saying that individuals need a national identity in order to lead meaningful, autonomous lives[12] and that liberal democratic polities need national identity in order to function properly.[13]

National conservatism[edit] - -National conservatism is a political term used primarily in Europe to describe a variant of conservatism which concentrates more on national interests than standard conservatism, while not being nationalist or a far-right approach. Many national conservatives are social conservatives, in favour of limiting immigration, and in Europe, they usually are eurosceptics. National conservatism is related to social conservatism, and as such may be heavily oriented towards the traditional family and social stability. Anarchism and nationalism[edit]

Main article: Nationalism and Anarchism Anarchists who see value in nationalism typically argue that a nation is first and foremost a people; that the state is parasite upon the

nation and should not be confused with it; and that since in reality states rarely coincide with national entities, the ideal of the Nation State is actually little more than a myth. Within the European Union, for instance, they argue there are over 500 ethnic nations[14] within the 25 member states, and even more in Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Moving from this position, they argue that the achievement of meaningful self-determination for all of the worlds nations requires an anarchist political system based on local control, free federation, and mutual aid. There has been a long history of anarchist involvement with left-nationalism all over the world. Contemporary fusions of anarchism with anti-state left-Nationalism include some strains of Black anarchism and Indigenism. In the early to mid 19th century Europe, the ideas of nationalism, socialism, and liberalism were closely intertwined. Revolutionaries and radicals like Giuseppe Mazzini aligned with all three in about equal measure.[15] The early pioneers of anarchism participated in the spirit of their times: they had much in common with both liberals and socialists, and they shared much of the outlook of early nationalism as well. Thus Mikhail Bakunin had a long career as a pan-Slavic nationalist before adopting anarchism. He also agitated for a United States of Europe (a contemporary nationalist vision originated by Mazzini).[16] In 1880-1881, the Boston-based Irish nationalist W. G. H. Smart wrote articles for a magazine called The Anarchist.[17] Similarly, Anarchists in China during the early part of the 20th century were very much involved in the left-wing of the nationalist movement while actively opposing racist elements of the AntiManchu wing of that movement. Religious nationalism - Religious nationalism is the relationship of nationalism to a particular religious belief, church, or affiliation. This

relationship can be broken down into two aspects; the politicisation of religion and the converse influence of religion on politics. In the former aspect, a shared religion can be seen to contribute to a sense of national unity, a common bond among the citizens of the nation. Another political aspect of religion is the support of a national identity, similar to a shared ethnicity, language or culture. The influence of religion on politics is more ideological, where current interpretations of religious ideas inspire political activism and action; for example, laws are passed to foster stricter religious adherence.[18] Pan-nationalism - Pan-nationalism is usually an ethnic and cultural nationalism, but the 'nation' is itself a cluster of related ethnic groups and cultures, such as Turkic peoples. Occasionally pannationalism is applied to mono-ethnic nationalism, when the national group is dispersed over a wide area and several states - as in Pan-Germanism. Diaspora nationalism - Diaspora nationalism (or, as Benedict Anderson terms it, "long-distance nationalism") generally refers to nationalist feeling among a diaspora such as the Irish in the United States, Jews around the world after the expulsion from Jerusalem (586 BCE), the Lebanese in the Americas and Africa, or Armenians in Europe and the United States.[19] Anderson states that this sort of nationalism acts as a "phantom bedrock" for people who want to experience a national connection, but who do not actually want to leave their diaspora community. The essential difference between pan-nationalism and diaspora nationalism is that members of a diaspora, by definition, are no longer resident in their national or ethnic homeland. Traditionally 'Diaspora' refers to a dispersal of a people from a (real or imagined) 'homeland' due to a cataclysmic

disruption, such as war, famine, etc. New networks - new 'roots' form along the 'routes' travelled by diasporic people, who are connected by a shared desire to return 'home'. In reality, the desire to return may be eschatological (i.e. end times orientation), or may not occur in any foreseeable future, but the longing for the lost homeland and the sense of difference from circumambient cultures in which Diasporic people live becomes an identity unto itself. Aiijaz ahmed

n his book In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures, Ahmad primarily discusses the role of theory and theorists in the movement against colonialism and imperialism. Ahmad's rhetoric against those who uphold poststructuralism and postmodernist conceptions of material history revolves around the fact that very little has been accomplished since the advent of this brand of postcolonial inquiry. The book contains an especially polemical critique of Frederic Jameson's argument in 'Third World Literature in the era of Third World Literature" where Ahmad attacks Jameson on the grounds that Jameson's argument is insufficiently theorized in its use of terms like "Third World" which appears to be defined purely in terms of its experience of colonialism. This in turn leads Jameson to make hasty and untenable generalizations about how all "third world literature' would necessarily function as a national allegory that according to Jameson works as resistance to a system of global postmodernism. However Ahmad in his book expresses his chagrin at how his critique of Jameson has been appropriated by Postcolonial scholars as an attack on Marxism, while Ahmad contends that he takes issue with

Jameson simply because his use of Marxism in the essay on Third World Literature is not rigorous enough. The book also contains a lengthy critique of Edward Said's Orientalism which Ahmad argues reproduces the very Liberal Humanist tradition that it seeks to undermine in its selection of Western canonized texts that are critiqued for their Orientalism, as this upholds the idea that Western culture is represented in its entirety through those very texts. Furthermore Ahmad asserts that by tracing Orientalist thought all the way back to Ancient Greece it becomes unclear in Said's work whether Orientalism is a product of Colonialism, or whether Colonialism is, in fact, a product of Orientalism.

England to South Africa after an abortive mission, within 10 days, 40 of the 275 pages being written with left hand. As stated by Gandhiji himself: "I wrote the entire Hind Swaraj for my dear friend Dr. Pranjivan Mehta. All the argument in the book is reproduced almost as it took place with him." [CWMG 71: 238] It was published in the Indian Opinion in Natal and was soon banned by Government in India because it contained 'matter declared to be seditious'. On that, Gandhi published the English translation from Natal to show the innocuous nature of its contents. The ban was finally lifted on 21 December 1938. A number of editions have been published thereafter, the most common being that published by Navjivan press in India in 1938 with the title 'Hind Swaraj: the Indian Home Rule'. In 1924, an American edition, called 'Sermon on the Sea', (Intro. by John Haynes Holmes) was published from Chicago. Recently, a Reader on it has been published under the 'Cambridge Texts in Modem politics', edited by Professor Anthony J. Parel of University of Calgary (Canada) in 1997. The book has 20 chapters and 2 appendices. Appendix I lists twenty references for further reading, including six by Tolstoy, two by Thoreau, two by Ruskin, one by Plato (Defence and Death of Socrates), and one by Mazzini (Duties of Man), and one each by Dadabhai Navroji, and R. C. Dutt on the economic condition of colonial India. 71 quotations from 'Hind Swaraj'(1938 edition), covering the essential philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, are being given hereafter. 1. Duties of a Newspaper

'Hind Swaraj Or The Indian Home-Rule' (1909): The Gandhian Concept Of Self-Rule HIND SWARAJ, the title of the first definitive writing of Mahatma Gandhi, and which continues to evoke critical interest the world over even now, literally means self-rule in India. This small book of about 30,000 words was written in Gujarat in November 1909 on board the ship during Gandhi's return trip from

"One of the objects of a newspaper is to understand popular feeling and to give expression to it; another is to arouse among the people certain desirable sentiments; and the third is fearlessly to expose popular defects." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. I] 2. Obligation to Dadabhai Navroji "Is Dadabhai less to be honoured because, in the exuberance of youth, we are prepared to go a step further? Are we, on that account, wiser than he? It is a mark of wisdom not to kick away the very step from which we have risen higher. The removal of a step from a staircase brings down the whole of it." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. I] 3. Justice "We who seek justice will have to do justice to others." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. I] 4. Discontent and Unrest "Unrest is, in reality, discontent. This discontent is a very useful thing. As long as a man is contented with his present lot, so long is it difficult to persuade him to come out of it. Therefore it is that every reform must be preceded by discontent. We throw away things we have, only when we cease to like them." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. III] 5. What is Swaraj?

"In effect it means this: that we want English rule without the Englishman. You want the tiger's nature, but not the tiger; that is to say, you would make India English. And when it becomes English, it will be called not Hindustan but Englistan. This is not the Swaraj that I want." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. IV] 6. The Condition of British Parliament "The best men are supposed to be elected by the people. The members serve without pay and therefore, it must be assumed, only for the public weal. The electors are considered to be educated and therefore we should assume that they would not generally make mistakes in their choice. Such a Parliament should not need the spur of petitions or any other pressure. Its work should be so smooth that its effects would be more apparent day by day. But, as a matter of fact, it is generally acknowledged that the members are hypocritical and selfish. Each thinks of his own little interest. It is fear that is the guiding motive. What is done today may be undone tomorrow. It is not possible to recall a single instance in which finality can be predicted for its work. When the greatest questions are debated, its members have been seen to stretch themselves and to doze. Sometimes the members talk away until the listeners are disgusted. Carlyle has called it the "talking shop of the world". Members vote for their party without a thought. Their so-called discipline binds them to it. If any member, by way of exception, gives an independent vote, he is considered a renegade. Parliament is simply a costly toy of the nation.

The Prime Minister is more concerned about his power than about the welfare of Parliament. His energy is concentrated upon securing the success of his party. His care is not always that Parliament shall do right. In order to gain their ends, they certainly bribe people with honours. I do not hesitate to say that they have neither real honesty nor a living conscience. To the English voters their newspaper is their Bible. The same fact is differently interpreted by different newspapers, according to the party in whose interests they are edited." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. V] 7. Civilization "Formerly, men were made slaves under physical compulsion. Now they are enslaved by temptation of money and of the luxuries that money can buy. There are now diseases of which people never dreamt before, and an army of doctors is engaged in finding out their cures, and so hospitals have increased. This is a test of civilization." "This civilization takes note neither of morality nor of religion." "Civilization seeks to increase bodily comforts, and it fails miserably even in doing so." Civilization is not an incurable disease, but it should never be forgotten that the English people are at present afflicted by it. Civilization is like a mouse gnawing while it soothing us." [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. VI & VIII]

8. Why was India Lost? "The English have not taken India; we have given it to them. They are not in India because of their strength, but because we keep them. When our Princes fought among themselves, they sought the assistance of Company Bahadur. That co-operation was versed alike in commerce and war. It was unhampered by questions of morality. Its object was to increase its commerce and to take money. The Hindus and the Mohammedans were at daggers drawn. This, too, gave the Company its opportunity and thus we created the circumstances that gave the Company its control over India. They wish to convert the whole world into a vast market for their goods. They will leave no stone unturned to reach the goal. It is my deliberate opinion that India is being ground down, not under the English heel, but under that of modern civilization. We are turning away from God. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. VII & VIII] 9. Fearlessness Is Strength Strength lies in absence of fear, not in the quantity of flesh and muscle we have on our bodies. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. VIII] 10. Evil Has Wings, Good Takes Time

Those who want to do good are not selfish, they are not in a hurry, they know that to impregnate people with good requires a long time. But evil has wings. To build a house takes time. Its destruction takes none. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. IX] 11. We Indians Are One We were one nation before they [The English] came to India. One thought inspired us. Our mode of life was the same. It was because we were one nation that they were able to establish one kingdom. Subsequently they divided us. And we Indians are one as no two Englishmen are. Only you and I and others who consider ourselves civilized and superior persons imagine that we are many nations. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. IX] 12. Concept of Swadeshi God set a limit to mans locomotive ambition in the construction of his body. Man immediately proceeded to discover means of overriding the limit. God gifted man with intellect that he might know his Marker. Man abused it so that he might forget his maker. I am so constructed that I can only serve my immediate neighbors, but in my conceit I pretend to have discovered that I must with my body serve every individual in the Universe. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 13. India Is A Nation

India cannot cease to be one nation because people belonging to different religions live in it. The introduction of foreigners does not necessarily destroy the nation; they merge in it. A country is one nation only when such a condition obtains in it. That country must have a faculty for assimilation. India has ever been such a country. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 14. Religion and Nationality Not Synonymous In reality, there are as many religious as there are individuals; but those who are conscious of the spirit of nationality do not interfere with one anothers religion. In no part of the world are one nationality and one religion synonymous terms; nor has it ever been so in India. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 15. Hindu-Muslim unity I Do people become enemies because they change their religion? Is the God of the Mahomedan different from the God of the Hindu? [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap X] 16. Cow Protection If I were overfull of pity for the cow, I should sacrifice my life to save her but not take my brothers. This, I hold, is the law of our religion. Who protects the cow from destruction by Hindus when they cruelly ill-treat her?

[M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 17. Weak Unity is Fragile A clay pot would break through impact, if not with one stone, then with another. The way to save the pot is not to keep it away from the danger point but to bake it so that no stone would break it. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 18. Hindu-Muslim Unity II There is mutual distrust between the two communities. I do not suggest that the Hindus and the Mahomedans will never fight. Two brothers living together often do so. We shall sometimes have our heads broken. Such a thing ought not to be necessary, but all men are not equitable. When people are in a rage, they do many foolish things. How shall a third party distribute justice amongst them? Those who fight may except to be injured. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 19. Lawyers My firms opinion is that the lawyers have enslaved India, have accentuated Hindu-Mahomedan dissensions and have confirmed English authority. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XI]

20. Law & Lawyers the profession teaches immorality, it is exposed to temptation from which few are saved. It is one of the avenues of becoming wealthy and their interest exists in multiplying disputes. Why do they want more fees than common laborers? Why are their requirements greater? In what way are they more profitable to the country than the laborers? The parties alone know who is right. We, in our simplicity and ignorance, imagine that a stranger, by taking our money, given us justice. What I have said with reference to the pleaders necessarily applies to the judges; they are first cousins; and the one gives strength to the other. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. X] 21. Doctors I have indulged in vice, I contract a disease, a doctor cures me, the odds are that I shall repeat the vice. Had the doctor not intervened become happy. He is a true physician who probes the cause of disease. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XII & VII] 22. Indian Civilization I

I believe that the civilization India has evolved is not to be in the world. It is a charge against India that her people are so uncivilized, ignorant and stolid, that it is not possible to induce them to adopt any changes. It is a charge really against our merit. What we have tested and found true on the anvil of experience, we dare not change. Many thrust their advice upon India, and she remains steady. This is her beauty: it is the sheet-anchor of our hope. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 23. What Is True Civilization? Civilization is that mode of conduct which points out to man the path of duty. Performance of duty and observance of morality are convertible terms. To observe morality is to attain mastery over our mind and our passions. So doing, we know ourselves. The Gujarati equivalent for civilization means good conduct. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 24. Indian Civilization II The more we indulge our passions, the more unbridled they become. Our ancestors, therefore, set a limit to our indulgences. They saw that happiness was largely a mental condition. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 25. Indian Civilization III

We have had no system of life-corroding competition. Each followed his own occupation or trade and charged a regulation wage. It was not that we did not know how to invent machinery, but our forefathers knew that, if we set our hearts after such things, we would become slaves and lose our moral fibre. They, therefore, after due deliberation decided that we should only do what we could with our hands and feet. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 26. Indian Civilization IV They further reasoned that large cities were a snare and a encumbrance and that people would not be happy in them, that there would be gangs of thieves and robbers, prostitution and vice flourishing in them and that poor men would be robbed by rich men. They were, therefore, satisfied with small villages. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 27. Indian Civilization V They saw that kings and their swords were inferior to the sword of ethics, and they, therefore, held the sovereigns of the earth to be inferior to the Rishis and the Fakirs. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVI] 28. Indian Civilization VI Justice was tolerably fair. The ordinary rule was to avoid courts. There were no touts to lure people into them. This evil, too, was noticeable only in and around capitals.

[M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 29. Indian Civilization Vs Western Civilization The tendency of Indian civilization is to elevate the moral being, that of the Western civilization is to propagate immorality. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIII] 30. Swaraj Is Self-Rule It is Swaraj when we learn to rule ourselves. It is, therefore, in the palm of our hands. But such Swaraj has to be experienced, by each one for himself. One drowning man will never save another. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIV] 31. Freedom from England If the English become Indianlized, we can accommodate them. If they wish to remain, in India along with their civilization, there is no room for them. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIV] 32. Swaraj For Everyone I believe that you want the millions of India to be happy, not that you want the reins of government in your hands. If that be so, we have to consider only one thing: how can the millions obtain selfrule? [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XV] 33. Patriotism

My patriotism does not teach me that I am to allow people to be crushed under the heel of Indian princes if only the English retire. By patriotism I mean the welfare of the whole people, and if I could secure it at the hands of the English, I should bow down my head to them. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XV] 34. Sacrifice Is Bravery What we need to do is sacrifice ourselves. It is a cowardly thought, that of killing others. Dhingra was a patriot, but his love was blind. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XV] 35. Gains Of Fear Short-Lived What is granted under fear can be retained only so long as the fear lasts. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XV] 36. Means and End I Your belief that there is no connection between the means and the end is a great mistake. Through that mistake even men who have been considered religious have committed grievous crimes. The means may be likened to a seed, the end to a tree; and there is just the same inviolable connection between the means and the end as there is between the seed and the tree. We reap exactly as we sow.

[M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVI] 37. Rights & Duties But real rights are a result of performance of duty; And, where everybody wants rights, who shall give them to whom? [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVI] 38. Means and End II If I want to deprive you of your watch, I shall certainly have to fight for it; if I want to buy your watch, I shall have to pay you for it; and if I want a gift I shall have to plead for it; and according to the means I employ, the watch is stolen property, my own property, or a donation. Thus we see three different results from three different means. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVI] 39. Means and End III fair means alone can produce fair results, and that, at least in the majority of cases, if not indeed in all, the force of love and pity is infinitely greater than the force of arms. There is harm in the exercise of brute force, never in that of pity. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XV] 40. Brute Force Vs. Love-Force A petition of an equal is a sign of courtesy; a petition from a slave is a symbol of his slavery. A petition backed by forced is a petition from an equal and, when he transmit his demand in the form of a

petition, it testifies to his nobility. Two kinds of force can back petitions. We shall hurt you if you do not give this, is one kind of force; it is the force of arms. The second kind of force can thus be stated: If you do not concede our demand, we shall be no longer your petitioners. You can govern us only so long as we remain the governed; we shall no longer have any dealing with you. The force implied in this may be described as love-force, soul-force, or, more popularly but less accurately, passive resistance. This force is indestructible. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVI] 41. Love / Soul / Truth-Force The force of love is the same as the force of the soul or truth. The fact that there are so many men still alive in the world shows that it is based not on the force of arms but on the force of truth or love. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 42. History A Record Of Wars History, as we know it, is a record of the wars of the world, and so there is a proverb among Englishmen that a nation which has no history; that is, no wars, is a happy nation. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 43. History A Record Of Interpretation Of Soul-Force

Little quarrels of millions of families in their daily lives disappear before the exercise of this force. Hundred of nations live in peace. History does not and cannot take note of this fact. History is really a record of every interruption of the even working of the force of love or of the soul. History, then, is a record of an interruption of the course of nature. Soul-force, being natural, is not noted in history. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 44. Satyagraha Explained I Passive resistance is a method of securing rights by personal suffering; it is the reverse of resistance by arms. When I refuse to do a thing that is repugnant to my conscience, I use soul-force. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 45. Satyagraha Explained II Everybody admits that sacrifice of self is infinitely superior to sacrifice of other. Moreover, if this kind of force is used in a cause that is unjust, only the person using it suffers. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 46. Satyagraha Explained III The real meaning of the statement that we are a law-abiding nation is that we are resisters. When we do not like certain laws, we do not break the heads of law-givers but we suffer and do not submit to the laws.

[M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 47. Satyagraha Explained IV it is contrary to our manhood if we obey laws repugnant to our conscience. Such teaching is opposed to religion and means slavery. Even the Government does not expect any such thing from us. They do not say: You must do such and such a thing, but they say: If you do not to do it, we will punish you. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 48. Satyagraha Explained V If man will only realize that it is unmanly to obey laws that are unjust, no mans tyranny will enslave him. This is the key to selfrule of home rule. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 49. Satyagraha Explained VI All reforms owe their origin to the initiation in opposition of minorities in opposition to majorities. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 50. Satyagraha Explained VII So long as the superstition that men should obey unjust laws exists, so long will their slavery exist. And a passive resister alone can remove such a superstition. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII]

51. Satyagraha Explained VIII Physical-force men are strangers to the courage that is requisite in a passive resister, [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 52. Satyagraha Explained IX Who is the true warrior he who keeps death always as a bosomfriend, or he who controls the death of others? Believe me that a man devoid of courage and manhood can never be a passive resister. Passive resistance is an all-sided sword, it can used anyhow, it blesses him who uses it and him against whom it is used? [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 53. Non-Violence Is Superior To Violence Kings will always use their kingly weapons. To use force is bred in them. They want to command, but those who have to obey commands do not want guns: and these are in a majority throughout the world. They have to learn either body-force or soulforce. Where they learn the former, both the rulers and the ruled become like so many madmen; but where they learn soul-force, the commands of the rulers do not go beyond the point of their swords, for true disregard unjust commands. Peasants have never been subdued by the sword, and never will be. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII]

54. Satyagraha Is Indias Creation The fact is that, in India, the nation at large has generally used resistance in all department of life. We cease to co-operate with our rulers when they displease us. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 55. No Home-Rule Without Satyagraha Real Home Rule is possible only where passive resistance is the guiding force of the people. Any other rule is foreign rule. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 56. Traits Of A Satyagrahi After a great deal of experience it seems to me that those who want to become passive resisters for the service of the country have to observe perfect chastity, adopt poverty, follow truth, and cultivate fearlessness. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 57. Trusteeship Those who have money are not expected to throw it away, but they are expected to be indifferent about it. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 58. Fearless Is Strength A warrior without fearlessness cannot be conceived of. It may be thought that he would not need to be exactly truthful, but that

quality follows real fearlessness. When a man abandons truth, he does so owing to fear in some shape or form. One who is free from hatred requires no sword. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVII] 59. True Education What is the meaning of education? It simply means a knowledge of letter. It is merely an instrument, and an instrument may be well used or abused. Therefore, whether you take elementary education or higher education, it is not required for the main thing. It does not make men of us. It doe not enable us to do our duty. In its place it can be of use and it has its place when we have brought our senses under subjection and out our ethics on a firm foundation. Our ancient school system is enough. Character building has the first place in it and that is primary education. A building erected on that foundation will last. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVIII] 60. English-Knowing Indians Have Enslaved India English-knowing Indians have not hesitated to cheat and strike terror into the people. It is we, the English-knowing Indians, that have enslaved India. The curse of the nation will rest not upon the English but upon us.

[M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVIII] 61. Indias Common Language Is Hindi -I A universal language for India should be Hindi, with the option of writing it in Persian or Nagari characters. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XVIII] 62. Indias Common Language Is Hindi II The common language of India is not English but Hindi. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XX] 63. Economic Enslavement Of India I When I read Mr. Dutts Economic History of India, I wept; and as I think of it again my heart sickens. It is machinery that has impoverished India. It is difficult to measure the harm that Manchester has done to us. It is due to Manchester that Indian handicraft has all but disappeared. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIX] 64. Economic Enslavement Of India II It would be folly to assume that an Indian Rockefeller would be better than the American Rockefeller. Impoverished India can become free, but it will be hard for any India made rich through immorality to regain its freedom. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XIX] 65. Real Home-Rule

What others get for me is not Home-Rule but foreign rule; therefore, it would be proper for you to say that you have obtained Home-Rule if you have merely expelled the English. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XX] 66. Duty Is Service Let each do his duty. If I do my duty, that is, serve myself, I shall be able to serve others. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XX] 67. Real Home-Rule (Conclusion) I will take the liberty of repeating: 1.Real home-rule is self-rule or self-control. 2.The way to it is passive resistance: that is soul-force or love force. 3.In order to exert this force, Swadeshi in every sense is necessary. 4.What we want to do should be done, not because we object to the English or because we want to retaliate but because it is our duty to do so. [M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XX] 68. Gandhijis Commitment To Swaraj In my opinion, we have used the term Swaraj without understanding its real significance. I have endeavoured to explain it as I understand it, and my conscience testifies that my life henceforth is dedicated to its attainment.

[M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj, Chap. XX] 69. A Word Of Explanation In my opinion it is a book which can be put into the hands of a child. It teaches the gospel of love in place of that of hate. It replaces violence with self-sacrifice. It pits soul force against brute force. [M. K. Gandhi, Young India, January 1921] 70. A Word Of Explanation I would warn the reader against thinking that I am today aiming at the Swaraj described therein [In Hind Swaraj]. I know that India is not ripe for it. It may seem an impertinence to say so. But such is my conviction. I am individually working for the self-rule pictured therein. But today my co-operate activity is undoubtedly devoted to the attainment of Parliamentary Swaraj in a day. [M. K. Gandhi, Young India, January 1921] 71. Gandhijis Message To The Aryan Path-Special Hind Swaraj Number Of September, 1938 I Welcome your advertising the principles in defence of which Hind Swaraj was written. The English edition is a translation of the original which was in Gujarati. I might change the language here and there, if I had to rewrite the booklet. But after the stormy thirty years through which I have since passed, I have seen nothing to make me alter the views expounded in it. Let the reader bear in mind that it is a faithful record of conversations I had with workers, one of whom was an avowed anarchist. He should also know that it

stopped the rot that was about to set in among some Indians in South Africa. The reader may balance against this the opinion of a dear friend, who alas! Is no more, that it was the production of a fool. [M. K. Gandhi, Segaon, July 14th, 1938] Compiled by Dr. Y. P. Anand Director, National Gandhi Museum