Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6.

Reciprocity

Reciprocity: A Core Element of Social Interaction

In the simplest terms, reciprocity in culture can be defined simply as the exchange that occurs between social equals (Kottak 2009:251). The exchange of money, gifts, food, and services are all examples of reciprocity. In order to have a good understanding of reciprocity, we must explore the three different types that make up the reciprocity continuum. There is generalized reciprocity wherein one party gives something to another expecting nothing back immediately in return, balanced reciprocity in which the initial exchange is paid back almost immediately, and negative reciprocity which involves one party trying to get a maximum gain from another party while giving up as little as possible (Kottak 2009:252). Reciprocity is occurring all the time, and is considered a crucial element of all cultures and the social interactions that weave them together. Guests of the Sheik is an ethnography by Elizabeth Fernea, wherein she writes about her experiences in the small Iraqi village of El Nahra. Black Mecca is another ethnography written by Zain Abdullah which documents his experiences in Harlem, a large neighborhood in New York City with a large African Muslim population. The two ethnographies are abundant in situations where reciprocity is at play. All three types of reciprocity can be found throughout these two ethnographies, and some examples are identified below.

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity In Guests of the Sheik, there are many instances of general reciprocity. An instance of this is clear with the citys behavior towards Sayids, or Muslims who claim decent from the Islamic prophet (Fernea 1989:13). According to Fernea, there is an ancient tradition of giving the Sayids special privileges such as having their land plowed and grains grinded for free (1989:39). In El Nahra, the Sayids are given things ranging from food to alms to free sewed goods (Fernea 1989:39). This is an example of general reciprocity because the people of the tribe do these things without expecting anything back in return from the Sayids. This type of reciprocity is heavily based on tradition and custom. A slightly different form of general reciprocity can be found between the tribe and the Sayids; when the Sayids first arrived in the village, they were given land to live on, protection from the tribe, and respect in return for their mediation during tribal disputes (Fernea 1989:39). This is an instance of general reciprocity, not to be confused with balanced reciprocity, because in this example nothing is immediately requested back from the Sayids. Several other examples of general reciprocity can be found throughout Ferneas ethnography of the village. After a few days in El Nahra, BJ (Ferneas nickname) learns the Arab tradition of being served much more food than is expected to eat (Fernea 1989:16). Hospitality customs in the village also have a great degree of general reciprocity. Even some of the poorest residents, such as Mohammads family and Alis family, are incredibly generous when guests are over, as BJ noted during her visits with the families (Fernea 1989:40,43). This type of reciprocity was so customary that sometimes these less fortunate families would go hungry for the next day just for the gesture. Again, this type of reciprocity is heavily custom based, and

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity although it can hinder the hosts life both financially and physically, in the end, the sustained reputation is more valuable to the host. However, generalized reciprocity is not only limited for the poor Sheik Hamid, the wealthy tribe leader, is very kind to Bob and BJ during their residence in El Nahra. He offers them a place to stay, a servant, food, and tries to ensure that they are comfortable during their stay, without asking for anything back in immediate return (Fernea 1989:1,9,16). Even Mohammad, the poor servant expresses general reciprocity towards Bob and BJ. In the words of Fernea, he did not work only for wages. We became his special responsibility; he explained to Bob that our reputation had to be protected like that of his own family (1989:13). In Zain Abdullahs Black Mecca, Cheikh explains the usual method by which families are supported in Senegal: in Senegal, you work for a family of fifteen or twenty people, you only have two hundred dollars a month (2010:37). To support a large family like that on very meager earnings is a very severe form of general reciprocity. This example illustrates how many hardships some people go through for their kin, without expecting anything back in return. Khady says that it was her dream to take care of her mother and sisters, and recalls a moment in her childhood where she told her mother that she wants to send her to Mecca and build her a house (Abdullah 2010:37). She then explains that she eventually accomplished all of that for her mother, and it is interesting to note the positive emotions she expresses at the thought of sacrificing for her family. Some of the general reciprocity is more regulated by religion that kin. For example, before her journey to the United States, Assetous family slaughters an animal

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity in her honor and gave some of the meat to charity (Abdullah 2010:176). This was done because of a religious belief that it would make God would more likely keep her safe during her journey. Abdullah points out that regular acts of charity are encouraged by Muslim tradition (2010:91). In regards to general reciprocity, the residents of Harlem are influenced by family members as well as religious and customary practice. Balanced reciprocity is very abundant in Ferneas ethnography. When BJ first meets Aziza and Hind, she agrees to teach them English in exchange for them teaching her Arabic (Fernea 1989:260-261). This is a rare example of balanced reciprocity in which a service is being exchanged for another service. One of the most pure examples of balanced reciprocity in Guests of the Sheik is the use of currency; residents of the village exchange currency (pounds) in the market or among each other to directly exchange goods and services. Furthermore, according to Fernea, if a couple is to be married, the father of the groom pays a bride price, which is a significant amount of money that goes to the father of the bride to help pay for furniture and other household items (1989:43). In poorer families, arrangements are often made where, if each family has a son and daughter, the children of one family marry the children of the other to save money on the bride price (Fernea 1989:43). This type of exchange is also balanced, but in this type money, as well the childrens marriage arrangements, are being exchanged. Not all balanced reciprocities deal with strictly monetary valuesmullahs, or religious teachers, are paid for their services in gifts rather than cash (Fernea 1989:113). These examples show that balanced reciprocity can arise from

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity many socioeconomic sources, while still maintaining a great degree of traditional influence. A recurring example of balanced reciprocity in Black Mecca is getting a job- from babysitting, to KFC cashier, to street vendor, to marketplace owner this is the ultimate goal of the Africans who successfully migrate to America in Black Mecca (Abdullah 2010:12). The driving force behind this kind of balanced reciprocity is not religion-based, but is sought after to make a living for oneself and ones family. Assetou, a baby-sitter, works hard and is able to find time to pray, however she is unfortunate in that she cannot attend the mosque for Friday prayer; this is upsetting to her because Friday prayer is a big deal to many of the African Muslims (Abdullah 2010:176). Work gets in the way of many of people Abdullah interviews. Assetou says that the only reason he puts up with work at all is because it is blessed work and it is linkage to his family. Again, similar themes of religion, custom, and kin play a very important role in reciprocity among these immigrants. Negative reciprocity is also present throughout Ferneas ethnography. Sheik Hamza is an extravagant and rich leader, who gets his funds by taking large shares of his impoverished workers crops (Fernea 1989:84). This is an example of negative reciprocity because, according to Fernea, he does not take care of his village or its people, and spends their money on a luxurious lifestyle for himself (1989:84). This particular example of negative reciprocity is done out of selfishness and greed. Another example of negative reciprocity is demonstrated when a young woman in distress

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity complains about her life at home. Her husbands first wife constantly torments her by spreading rumors, sabotaging the husbands opinion of her, and stealing her cigarettes (Fernea 1989:170). This is an example of negative reciprocity because the first wife is gaining the husbands affection by trying to get him to leave the woman in distress. Negative reciprocity also exists among the people in Black Mecca. When Ismael was struggling to survive, he would steal from others (Abdullah 2010:187). This is an example of negative reciprocity where the offender is not just stealing out of pure selfishness, but also to avoid starvation. In Black Mecca, a more dynamic form of negative reciprocity exists between the opposing Black American and African groups- in Abdullahs studies, both groups tend to have negative beliefs towards the opposing group (Abdullah 2010). This leads me to believe that they do this to protect their identities, because to acknowledge similarities would be to dismiss their individual identities. The item that one group is trying to attain from the other is a sense of identity, and although it never gets physically exchanged, I believe that because each group is trying to attain an identity while compromising as little as possible with one another, this scenario can be considered an example of negative reciprocity. These two ethnographies can be contrasted in terms of reciprocity. The people that Abdullah studied became more accustomed to balanced reciprocity, since they are newcomers to a developed, capitalistic country. On the other side of the spectrum, BJ becomes more accustomed to general reciprocity, since she is a newcomer to an underdeveloped village. Both of these takes are interesting because we get to see both

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity sides of the migration picture. The ethnographies are also different in the societies motivations for general reciprocity: according to Ferneas studies, it looks as if the villagers in El Nahra are generous to one another primarily for their reputation and secondarily for their religion. On the other hand, the Africans actions in Black Mecca seemed more preoccupied with pure religion than their reputation. However, although they have their differences, I would argue that in terms of reciprocity patterns, the two ethnographies show more similarities than differences. The two ethnographies take place on opposite sides of the world 50 years apart from each other; it is astonishing how similar these two cultures can seem. For one, both studied populations reciprocities are heavily influenced by their customs. In El Nahra, custom dominates the way men and women interact amongst each other, as well as how they go about their daily lives. For instance, BJ learns the hosts custom of offering food or drink multiple times, and the guests custom of denying it multiple times until a conclusion is reached (Fernea 1989:112). By doing this, the guest can feel more in debt to the host, which allows for stronger reciprocity. In Black Mecca, similar customs are observed in relationship to reciprocity. At one point in his studies, Abdullah is sitting outside a shop socializing with other men and proceeds to offer his seat to a newcomer. A very similar, if not identical, customary formula can be spotted: Abdullah insists several times for the main to take his seat, and the man denies several times until he finally gets Abdullah to sit back down (Abdullah 2010:67). Aside from custom, both of the societies focus a great deal of general reciprocity on kinship. As mentioned

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity above, many of the migrant Africans that Abdullah studied traveled to America to find work and support their families via long distance. Likewise, in Guests of the Sheik, Fernea briefly discusses migrant labor in Iraq. She informs the reader that many clan members of El Nahra had traveled to Baghdad to work and support their families from afar, and even sleep in the streets to save the money they give (Fernea 1989:192). In both ethnographies, general reciprocity is very strong in the presence of kinship. In order to maintain social contact, reciprocity must be established. I feel that comparing patterns of reciprocity is an efficient basis in measuring the likeness of two different cultures. The three types of reciprocity were prevalent in both ethnographies in abundant amounts, which made it easy to compare and contrast them. In the end, I feel like general reciprocity was among the biggest player in both cultures, applying to people both inside and outside kinship circles. The method in which humans exchange items and services with one another is one of the most central units of social interaction, and can even be considered the driving force of culture.

Ali Hammoud ANTHRCUL-101-015 6. Reciprocity Works Cited Abdullah, Zain 2010 Black Mecca: the African Muslims of Harlem. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Fernea, Elizabeth Warnock 1989[1989] Guests of the Sheik. Garden City, NY: Anchor Books. Kottak, Conrad Phillip 2010 Window on Humanity: A Concise Introduction to Anthropology. 4th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.