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Religious Beliefs

Religions started with the known unknowns. When people could not grasp the physical
phenomena of the Mother Nature, they called it “The God’s Will” and beliefs formed
around the gods of all sorts. The religious beliefs have been around since the dawn of
human existence. Along with the advancement of physics, religions also have evolved, but
they always lagged significantly with respect to science on the historic timeline. That is why
there are always controversies and conflicts between religion and science. All religions
started in good faith. As gradually distinct religions mushroomed especially in the Asian
continent, faiths of individual religions became dogmatically prejudiced and the distinctive
religious attributes turned into political dictums, such as Edicts of Asoka or Ten
Commandments. Even now religions are used habitually as political instruments to
manipulate people. Karl Marx wrote, “Religion is the opiate of masses” or in other words,
the knowledge of religion, if misused, works against and adulterates the consciousness of
people. Yet religion is almost a necessity to bond people together with social and moral
responsibilities.

In the first millennium BC, the Gandhara country stretched over the present-day
northwestern Pakistan and eastern Afganistan. Takshila, the educational center of
Gandharas was an intellectual confluence of all kinds of universal ethnicities. The territory
was also homeland for Greek and Persian colonizers who were known as Yauna or Yavana
to the Vedic people. The contemporary Hunja and Kalash people living in the northern
Pakistan are the descendants of the Greek traders who travelled on the Silk Road to China
around the sixth century BC. Later on in the fourth century BC many soldiers of Alexander
the Great joined the formerly settled Greeks. Kharosthi was the script used by the Old
Persian language during the realm of Darius the Great, in the sixth century BC. The people
of Gandhara under the dominion of Darius spoke the Old Persian language mixed with
Greek and used Kharosthi script, which was written right to left. Kharosthi was developed
from the script of the Aramaic language which was the ancestral language of Arabic and
Hebrew. Aramaic belonged to Afro-asiatic family of languages. Till the fifth century BC,

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Sanskrit was a spoken dialect. Panini, a teacher at Takshila (Takshashila) in the fifth century
BC, used the Greek grammar to structure the Sanskrit dialect. Panini’s original Sanskrit
writings were found in Kharosti script. Many centuries of oral literature of Vedic sermons
were documented for the first time in the fifth century. By the beginning of the second
millennium many anonymous Indian scholars worked on intensifying the Vedic
philosophy. Sanskrit, the language of Vedas, was rightfully used for the propagation of
Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism. Even though Sanskrit was an indigenous language of
India, it was greatly influenced by the Old Persian and Greek languages. Consequently,
Sanskrit was placed under the Indo-Eurpan-Iranian family of languages.

The Brahmi script was initially used around the third century BC. The oldest Brahmi script
along with Kharosti was found in “Edicts of Asoka”, engraved on the pillars erected by
Emperor Asoka. The inscriptions were mostly in Prakrit and seldom in Sanskrit. In the
second century AD the Buddhism edicts were still written in Kharosti which was evident
from the Kanishka Stupa found in Ladakh and North-West Frontier. The religions which
were born in the Indian subcontinent were inter-related through the common concentric
philosophy of Vedas. During the eras of Asoka and Kanishka Buddhism was the main
religion. Prakrit was the official language of Budhism and Pali was the spoken language. In
the first century BC, the Scythians after migrating to the northwestern India spoke Scythian
but along the gradual process of Indianization, they adapted Prakrit and Pali. Sanskrit did
not gain prominence until the fourth century AD when the Gupta dynasty was in power. It
was the official language of Samudra Gupta and was the vehicle that propagated Hindu
religion across his empire. The Vedic compositions partially written by Patanjali in the
second century BC were completed during the Gupta period. The famous Sanskrit poet,
Kalidasa lived during the time of Chandra Gupta II, the son of Samudra Gupta. Kalidas
composed Ramayana in Sanskrit written in the Brahmi script.

In the eighth century, Sanskrit was written in the Sidham script, an offshoot of Brahmi and
in the twelfth century the Nagari script replaced Sidham. The present Devanagari script in
which Sanskrit, Hindi and Marathi are written did not fully evolve until the 18th century.
Devanagari became prevalent only after the decline of the Mughal Empire. During the time
of Mughals, like Urdu, the Hindi language was written in the Persian script. The
vocabulary of Hindi accessed words from Persian and in the process the Old Hindi
language was enriched to become Hindi and ultimately the national language of India. The
Bolywood Hindi is indeed the hybrid of Hindi and Persian languages. The writings of
Vedas in Devanagari are less than three hundred years old. The much-needed rules of
grammar developed by Panini and Patanajali uplifted Sanskrit to a new level and the other
Indian languages connected to Sanskrit went through evolutionary phases up until the
eighteenth century AD.

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The Vedic philosophy tried to accommodate assorted views on life of different cultures and
traditions. It continually adapted to the process of evolution of knowledge. Atma, “the
soul” was god and Paramatma, “power of the universe” was also god. The Hindu temples
with numerous gods suggest that the liberal Vedic thinking respected the viewpoints of
people arising from all directions. The Vedic thinking was the earliest religion in the
subcontinent and had no rivals. Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism were thought to be the
branches of Vedic philosophy. Since Vedas never opposed other religious philosophies, the
question of religious segregation did not arise. Vedic philosophy accepted all religions as
the supporting brethren. Undoubtedly it was a secular cult of brotherhood. Only after the
birth of Islam, the people living on the banks of the Indus River, who practiced Vedas, were
called Hindus and their Vedic practices became the Hindu religion. In due course religions
began to compete for dominance. The Hindu epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata gained
importance after the tenth century as literatures for the Hindu religious propaganda. The
personalities involved in the propaganda of religions became virtuous men in the realm of
religious thinking. Spiritual viewpoints of kings influenced the theological beliefs of
warriors. Undoubtedly more wars were fought for the sake of religion than for any other
reason. Restrained by the social changes and pressure from other faiths, the Vedic religions
had no choice but to amend commandments for their own survival and also in pursuit of
excellence.

In the ninth century, Shankaracharya revised Bhagavatgita, the Hindu religious book, to
revive the overly exhausted Hinduism and in the thirteenth century Madhwacharya
redrafted Upanishads to reflect the changing times. Like the Islam and Christian religions,
the peaceful Vedic religions, embarked on exploiting militia to conserve and expand their
religions. Jainism preached nonviolence but the soldierly profession of the earliest
Nadavaras was partially for safeguarding Jain religion. How did the Jain kings and soldiers
handle the malice of wars? Soldiers on battlefield could not afford to deem anything less
than defeating the enemies. They could not allow themselves to become compassionate of
the divine preaching, even if a war was committed on religious grounds or for any other
reason. On the war field nothing but the martial discipline was their faith. Most likely, the
dilemma of spiritual philosophy resurfaced when they were back with their families and
friends.

In the animal kingdom, almost as a rule all species are altruistic. “Animals intentionally
don’t kill another animal of its own kind” is a dictum of the Mother Nature. Likewise, it’s
hard for a soldier to kill an enemy on the war field without encountering concern for a
fellow human. The rival soldier is still a responsible person trying to support his fond
family that he has left behind. The warriors on either side are paid to kill but aftermath of

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killing is confounding and traumatic. The “Soldier’s Dilemma”, is a psychological issue


known since ancient times. According to the Hindu religious book, Bhagavatgita, the
sermon delivered on the battle field of Kurukshetra by Lord Krishna was intended to solve
the dilemma of the war hero, Arjuna when he was stymied by the thought of facing his
half-brother, Karna in a dual. Prior to becoming a Buddhist, the Mouryan emperor, Asoka,
suffered from the soldier’s dilemma, which was conflict between justified war-field cruelty
and moral awareness. In William Shakespeare’s play, Julius Caesar, the theme of soldier’s
dilemma is repeatedly portrayed. American soldiers returning from Iraq are deeply affected
by similar distress and anxiety which are treated as psychological impairments in the
American hospitals. In a war, there is always unconscious reluctance to kill the so called
“foe” who possibly is a decent human being. The duty of a Kshatriya in the past was
distressingly difficult. The Nadavara men lived through the emotional seesaw that
constantly vacillated between the martial cruelty and empathy for humanity. Nadavaras
intermittently shifted their mind-set from rage of wars to the nonviolence of Jainism.
Somehow, they might have found much-needed spiritual support from the peaceful Jainism
to mitigate the muddle of wars.

Nadavaras were not overly religious but still they fought numerous dicey wars on behalf of
religion. The behavior can be compared to the Tudors of England (1485–1603 AD)
acknowledging the Anglican Communion and protecting the Church of England, which
alternated between Catholic and Reformed (Protestant) denominations. For the Tudor
rulers, by any means priority was not the religion but was the defense of the Church of
England as a matter of English pride. Similarly, Nadavaras facilitated the faith of the people
belonging to their sovereignty. Their secular thinking was the expression of their generous
attitude towards other faiths. The earliest Nadavaras worshipped Surya Narayana and
revered Trimurti as the symbolic gesture of honoring pluralism. The unorthodox concept of
Trimurti bound together the Vedic sects, Jainism and Hinduism. In the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries the Nadavaras gradually accepted Hinduism on their own accord.
Even after their soldierly subsistence waned, the secular outlook of Nadavaras lingered on
to their lifestyle. Although they practiced Jainism and later Hinduism, always their religion
was limited to the Nadavara communal customs. A small percentage of Hindus who
practiced Brahmanism placed emphasis on the study of religion and orthodoxy.

Temples were not only the places of worship but were also the show rooms of wealth and
prosperity where kings and kingdoms displayed their riches. It was fashionable for rulers
to build glittery temples. An ornately sculptured temple was symbolic of king’s reputation
and envy of the rival kings. Famous sculptors were employed in the construction of
temples, many of which still proudly stand as spectacles of ancient India’s architecture.
Devaraya II (1424-26) rebuilt the Virupaksha temple that existed since the time of

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Rashtrakutas on a lavishly proportioned scale to exhibit the grandeur of his ability. His
foremost duty as he stated was to be the trustee of Virupaksha Temple and then next in
order was to be a good king of the glorious empire. The intent of Vijayanagara was no
longer to protect Hindu religion; instead set its mind on prosperity of the country. The
temples were mushrooming everywhere in South India. During the time of Vijayanagara,
temples became the major land holding institutions and a large temple held as many as a
few hundred villages. Temples became the means of land management and vassals and
Nayakas became trustees of religious institutions. Over the span of two centuries,
Vijayanagara rulers and their subordinates built over 2000 new temples. The taboo of
“giving money to god” is still practiced in all religions. The god-fearing people out of guilt
try to please god with generous gifts. It’s quite naïve to reduce god to the human values
filled with desires and greed. The rulers of the past exploited the innocent subjects by
forcing aberrant concepts of religion and god to benefit their own means. Barbaric
exploitations of the god-fearing people existed since the remote past. Chanakya (Kautilya),
advisor to the Mauryan Emperor Chandragupta, wrote in his famous book Arthashastra
(Morals of Economics), “It is critical to use religion and superstitions to arouse the soldiers
to fight enemies fearlessly.”

In South India as the influence of the twelfth century Vaishnava saint Ramanuja spread,
certain Jain ethnic groups began worshipping Vishnu. The Hoysala King, Bitti Deva
(Vishnuvardhana) converted to Vaishnavism from Jainism. Since then both faiths
developed tolerance toward each other. Nadavaras after the conversion to Hinduism
identified themselves as Vaishnavas (worshipper of Vishnu). After settling in Konkan, they
were Muktheshwaras (head trustee) of many temples, including Mahabaleshwar of
Gokarna, Kathyayani of Avarsi, Shanta Durga of Ankola and Venkataramana of Ankola. A
few Nadavara families were trustees of multiple temples. A Nadavara family of Bhavikeri
all together dealt with five temples, including Venkataramana and Shantadurga temples of
Ankola since the eighteenth century. Still after Vijayanagara, during the Gersappa, Sonda
and Keladi regimes, temples had income from the land that they owned. The temples of all
sizes ranging from the famous Mahabaleshwara of Gokarna to small local Shantika
Parameshwari of Ulavare paid dividends to Mokteshwaras. The Nadavara hegemony of
temples declined during the British occupation of Uttara Kannada. Till the end of
nineteenth century many of the Nadavara families shared revenues generated from
numerous temples in Malenad and Konkan regions of Uttara Kannada. In the mid
nineteenth century, the Colonial rulers created the Revenue Department and introduced
their own taxation guidelines on the land held by temples. The Revenue Department
snatched much of the clout of Mokteshwaras, which financially affected certain families.
Nadavaras had to discount the gold invested in many temples of Uttara Kannada. Till

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1930s, many Nadavara families unofficially received small perks from temples. After 1950,
the privately held temples became public institutions.

Prior to the British Raj, for centuries temples were instrumental in fostering the religious
integrity of a kingdom, which in return secured the kingdom. However, the ulterior motive
of kings behind building temples was predominantly for promoting land development and
sequentially to boost the revenue for the state. Generally, rulers selectively invested on the
construction of new temples in worthwhile locations where they can gain the most
popularity and also add to the stream of revenue from land rent. The deciding factors were
intensity of demand for a new temple and availability of cultivatable land to support new
establishments of temple devotees. The fervent devotees suggested their choice of divinity,
Vishnu, Shiva or any other divine spirit. The ruler of the land granted the necessary
cultivable terrain for them. It was the responsibility of the temple administrator who was
usually appointed by the ruler to distribute the farm land among the devotees of the
temple. The tenants or cultivators of land usually lived around the temple. They owed
predetermined “Umbali” (land rent) to their temple. A parallel concept existed in
Christianity since the fourth century launching of Roman Catholic Churches in Europe. The
property owned by a church was called Parish and the land belonging to Church was
distributed to the Christians living around the church. Pastor, an administrator of the
church was the appointed chief of the Parish. The Mokteshwara who largely controlled the
temple financials was equivalent of a pastor of a parish. A Mokteshwara was an appointed
official and not essentially a devotee of the temple. Yet he was the foremost participant in
the temple festivities. That is how Nadavaras even though Vaishnavas became the
worshippers of Shiva and Shakti temples.

Nadavaras idolized fallen heroes (Bera) and women of virtue (Sati) who belonged to their
own lineage. Even though the Hindu trinity, Brahma, Vishnu and Ishwara were not the
gods of Jainism, the Jains faithfully cherished the Hindu trinity. Hinduism and Jainism
came closer since the Emperor Asoka started the large-scale propaganda of Buddhism in
the third century BC. The gods and rituals of Jains are somewhat different from that of
Hinduism. The goal in Jainism is to attain enlightenment and eventually to reach Moksha
which is according to Jains is relief from the mortal world including the cycle of
reincarnation. Jains worship Tirtankaras to guide them after the worldly obligation to the
ultimate place of Moksha. Unlike Hindu religion the Jainism didn’t give importance to the
worldly bondage. Many Jain dynasties and kings who were materially ambitious drew up
on Hindu gods to beg for mortal needs such as longevity, reproduction and prosperity.
Nadavaras possibly in the past regularly visited Jain Basadis and also often called on
Vaishnava temples. The concern for Virashaiva kings of Keladi and Sonda they gradually
accepted Hinduism. The unexpected vacuum created by the absence of Basadis was

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replaced by the Bera temples. A family member’s passing away was mourned in Bera
temples. In a way it was their way of imploring to Bera to take care of the demised family
member. Over the course of time, the Basadis of Uttara Kannada crumbled and Bera
temples gained eminence in the Nadavara spiritual living.

The Bera shrines were built in unique places usually up on high hilltops or next to rivers.
Ashwatha, India pine, Mandara, Asoka and fig trees, were planted around the shrines.
Many of the shrines were reestablished near the Nadavara new settlements in Konkan. The
statue of Gudi Honnappa was relocated from Sonda to Hittalmakki. A carved granite Bera-
sthamba (hero pillar), with the inscriptions of Bera’s life achievements is usually seen in
front of the shrine. Inside the temple a statue of Bera, typically sitting on a horse in martial
posture is mounted on a platform. Usually the shrines carry copper plates inscribed in
Prakrit, which are read by the Jain monks on special auspicious occasions. Brahmins only
worshipped gods. They didn’t worship idolized humans even including the descents of
god, Rama and Krishna. Nadavaras appointed the artisans such as potters and carpenters to
perform the shrine rituals. Jain monks often visited Nadavara families. They were accepted
like family members. Nadavara families in Hiregutti, Kagal and Talageri built small Basadis
next to their homes to accommodate the visiting monks. Till the end of the nineteenth
century, Nadavaras occasionally visited, Adinatha, Parshwanatha and Mahavira Basadis.
Adi Purana, the epic narrating the life of Adinath was one of the sacred books of
Nadavaras. Now even the old Bera Shrines are being commercialized ignoring their
historical values. Even a few fake shrines have boomed especially on roadsides to collect
small funds from the gullible travelers.

The Nadavara homes had miniature temples built in the front yard close to their quarters.
The family temple was solely intended for the family’s private services. The temple
architecture was a hybrid drawn from the blend of northern and southern Indian designs.
The proportions of the temple were rigidly standardized. It was erected on a three-foot high
by ten-foot square platform. Four six-foot tall pillars with beveled edges were built from
the four corners that supported the tiled roof, steeply slanted on all four sides like a gazebo.
The temple did not have walls because of the warm climatic conditions of the Southern
India. The pillared architecture of the mini temple was purist in style, like the ancient Jain
Basadis of Rajputana. A flat sandstone pedestal was placed almost in the center of the
temple. A relief sculpture of the God Vishnu was kept on the pedestal. On another slightly
lowered pedestal in front of Vishnu, many petite red sandalwood (Chandan) icons symbolic
of family ancestors were arranged in two rows. Jain monks were invited for enshrining
every single icon. Even a broken or missing icon couldn’t be replaced by none other than
Jain monks. The ritual of idol enshrining by the Jain monks poses questions, “Who were
those family ancestors common to the entire Nadavara community? Why the Jain monks

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performed the rituals to set up the little wooden icons?” The wooden icons possibly
symbolized Jainism (Tirthankaras?) and the statue of Vishnu might be a later addition when
Nadavaras became Hindus. In front of the temple women created Rangoli which was
symmetrical graphic patterns with white and colored rice, flour and sand. The head of the
household or the oldest man in the family took care of the morning prayers. Prior to dinner
in the evenings, the family members gathered in the temple and sang hymns. Hindu priests
never performed any rituals in the mini temples. Still there are many homes in the
Nadavara villages maintain family temples with great sense of pride and dignity.
Nadavaras because of the family temple seldom visited Hindu temples but they attended
temple festivities. The family temple was vital for conserving the family integrity.

Down the extended migratory stretch, surviving quite a few crusades and passing through
assorted ethnicities, Nadavaras continually adapted to the changing environments and in
the process, many of their customs were tainted and a few even disappeared. Haridana
(Charity from the God), the ethnic convention packed with extreme euphoria is missing
from their list of traditional festivities almost for a century. Haridana was an arcane affair
which was neither a religious ceremony nor tribute to any of the past historical events.
Haridana was a social gathering of all the men and women living across the burrow of
Nadavaras. It's likely scenario that Haridana was drawn from the “Common Meal” concept
practiced by warriors in the past. The early Scythians in India practiced the common meal
tradition and at the ceremony attendees relished on horse meat. Krishna Devaraya hosted
the common meals for the noble households and the entourage of the imperial court on
special festive occasions. During Mahanavami in the month of October, he hosted the
common meal to the entire city of Vijayanagara. Thousands of buffalos and sheep were
slaughtered to follow through the ritual of fire sacrifice. The founder of Sikhism, Guru
Nanak to build unity among Sikh soldiers started common meal known as Prashad in a
Sikh temple, Gurudwara in Pakistan. Most Gurudwaras in the world follow the common
meal rituals. The earliest known establishment of the common meal, “Phiditia” was
celebrated by the stable dinner clubs in Greece over two millenniums ago. Like the ancient
Greek states, Phiditia was egalitarian or democratic in both spirit and practice.

Haridana, a unique religious event was celebrated exclusively by the Nadavras of Uttara
Kannada. The motive behind the festivity remains vague. Why this event was limited to
Nadavaras? Was there any compelling purpose behind it? It was organized by one or two
families of the hosting village. Nadavaras from all villages came to observe the festivity.
The congregation of Haridana usually lasted for three to five days in the months of January
and February. It was an annual event and larger villages such as Torke, Hiregutti,
Bhavikeri, Hannehalli, Maskeri, Bole, Shetgeri and Surve took turns in hosting Haridana.
The Kavari and Nag-Nayaka families of Torke hosted eighteen Haridanas in the nineteenth

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century in Hoskattu adjacent to the back waters of the Aghanashini River. The effort and
capital invested in organizing Haridana was far beyond any other celebration. Many
temporary shelters were built to accommodate the people from the neighboring villages.
The famous Hindu epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata were read and rehearsed by the
experts. A huge fire resembling campfire was lit every night during Haridana. It was the
tradition of Haridana to invite one thousand and one Nadavaras. Dancing girls and
comedians were brought to provide entertainment. The dietary menu was strictly limited to
traditional vegetarian dishes. Open meetings on community’s disciplinary bylaws were
held and the village heads or leaders were the main participants. The village leaders always
promoted the old-fashioned statutes. Nonetheless, many of the community’s regulations
were outdated and many were legally flawed. Non-representation of any village was
subject to criticism.

What was the real gist behind Haridana when Nadavaras were no longer warriors? Why
certain Nadavara families invested so much of capital just for the congregation of the
community? The motive behind Haridana isn’t clearly understood. The Kavari and Nag-
Nayaka families hosting eighteen Haridanas might have been somewhat of a hyperbole but
certainly they together arranged multiple Haridanas. In the beginning of the twentieth
century, the frequency of Haridana declined and the last ones were hosted by Bhavikeri
and Maskeri Gaonkar families in 1917 and 1919 respectively. The festivity became fiscally
straining even to the prominent families in villages to the extent they borrowed money to
flex their monetary muscle before the congregation. Haridana in Nadavara jargon became
synonym for a bad business deal. Nevertheless, Haridana did not serve any real purpose
other than the arrogant pretension of the host families. So, it was, the days of magnanimity
and hospitality of Haridana came to an end leaving behind the momentous memories of the
past as the Nadavara family income dwindled.

The insignia resembling Swastika was used by many civilizations around the world for the
past three millenniums to represent the sun, god, life, potency and might. The word
Swastika was made up of two Sanskrit words, “Su” for higher and “Vasatika” for
subsistence; Swastika means higher being or god. It’s not known when the word Swastika
was initially coined by the Indians. The aerial view of Sanchi Stupa, which consists of four
gateways built at right angles to each other looks like Swastika but did not illustrate any
kind of important meaning to Buddhists like Asoka Chakra (wheel of Asoka). In the third
century BC, Asoka Chakra was the emblem of the Buddhism. The wheel of Asoka with
twenty-four spokes signified twenty-four facets of virtue. In the first century BC, the virtue
of Swastika was upheld as the spiritual icon by Sakas. The archeological survey around the
Caspian Sea, the oldest settlement of Sakas, found one of the earliest monuments of
Swastika carvings of the fifth century BC. The monuments were also found in the territories

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of the ancient Scythian settlements, including the present Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and
Tajikistan. Swastika to the Scythians of the central Asia signified their guardian god, the
Sun. In the second century AD, the Indo-Scythians of Saurashtra who belonged to Surya
Vamsa (solar lineage) made Swastika popular in India. It became a holy icon and was no
longer a sign of gild around a place of worship.

Swastika was always in the center of Nadavara religious rituals. Swastika for the recent
Nadavaras was a sacred symbol, which deterred evil spirit from entering their homes. In
the past Nadavaras being Jains spiritually the concept of Swastiuka might be different.
Nadavara ceremonies began after making a figure of Swastika in rice and at times in
colored rice. In the baby naming ceremony held on the twelfth day after birth, a swastika
figure was drawn with red colored rice in a rice filled bamboo basket and the official name
along with five additional unofficial names given to the baby were inscribed in rice beneath
the swastika sign. Perhaps swastika was linked with the origin of life. The pillars and doors
of their homes had carved Swastika figures. On the wall, above the treasured wooden chest
in the dark room where valuables were kept, Swastika was painted. Swastika was drawn in
front of their homes every morning before the sunrise. During the recent historical past
when they started eating meat, even the pots used for cooking vegetarian food were
marked with Swastika. The sign of the sun god, Swastika was the mark of protection, like
“Holy Cross” to the Christians. With the passage of time the gist behind Swastika was
forgotten but Nadavaras trustingly continued to revere the sacred Swastika.

Ashwatha tree is sacred to Hindus, Jains and Budhis and their perceptions of the tree are
similar. The religiousness, with which Nadavaras worshiped the tree, possibly didn’t
change after their conversion to Hinduism from Jainism. The tree in Vedas was symbolic of
the Kshatriya vigor among many other things. It was common to spot an enormous old
Ashwatha or Banyan tree standing in a ditch in the middle of a large masonry platform
(Katti) near an old Nadavara home. The platform was built for meetings and gatherings.
Trees have played vital roles in various civilizations, and have gained a sacred place in
many cultures. Ashwatha Tree, which belongs to the family of the deciduous Ficus plant, is
native of the southern Asia. The Upanishads, mythology of India, refers to the Ashvatha
tree as “Kalpavriksha”, meaning the tree that rewards desires. In hot sun, people made use
of its shade for their assorted activities. Under the tree yogis meditated, villagers held
meetings, and merchants traded grain and cattle. The tree was highly revered and
protected because of its utility. During ancient times for the noble Kshatriyas horse was
more than a loyal companion. Soldiers riding horses embarked on a raid rampage halted to
regroup and assess their war strategies under a large Ashwatha tree. That’s how the name
of the tree Ashwatha meaning “shelter for horses” was derived. The tree was regarded to be

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the cosmic link between the Earth and Heaven that conveyed the wishes of humans to the
supernatural beings of the heaven.

Nadavaras planted Ashwatha trees in many places, next to temples, near homes and even
on cremation grounds. Their belief was that Yaksha, the subordinate of Heaven lived on
Ashwatha tree and conveyed their messages to the heavenly bodies. When away from
home on an expedition, they worshipped the Ashwatha tree as a prayer to protect their
family that they left behind. The children circled the tree seven times as a symbolic prayer
to bless them with a courageous life and vigor. The married women prayed to Ashwatha
which was also known as the wish tree for the long life of their husbands. In Nadavara
villages, almost every religious function was carried on only after worshipping an
Ashwatha tree. It was a compulsory ritual to burn a piece of Ashwatha tree bark in
Nadavara Homa (fire sacrifice). Occasionally Nadavaras buried gold and silver coins under
the Ashwatha Katti and to prevent thieves from stealing spread around creepy gullible
stories of evil ghosts or poltergeist living on the tree. The scary stories were linked the spirit
of Yaksha, the king of Nature who punished immorality. The Ashwatha tree signified
family ancestry and felling of the tree was forbidden. Lately many trees have been chopped
down to make place for other projects. A live Ashwatha tree planted in Torke, Uttar
Kannada, is said to be two hundred years old.

Diwali, the festival of lights is the most popular celebration among Hindus and Jains. The
festivity is observed for three days as a tribute to Lord Krishna for his victory over a demon
from the hell. The festival is a symbolic staging of the moral values set by the ancient Hindu
epic, Mahabharata. Christians and Jews present similar stories with their own versions of
festival of lights during Christmas and Hanukkah. Dassara was also a main festival for
Nadavaras. During the Dasara festival, they worshipped a treasured old sword and the
Hindu epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata. For the Nadavaras living in Konkan the sword
symbolized ancestry. They hero-worshipped Rama and Krishna, the divine personalities of
the Hindu epics. Ram Navami and Krishna Ashtami, the birthdays of Rama and Krishna
were celebrated in elaborate fashions. They celebrated Ananat Chaturdashi, a festival
dedicated to Vishnu and his wife Laxmi with an ecstatic convention. Ganesh Chaturti was
added much later, perhaps in the beginning of twentieth century to their list of festivals.

Nadavaras celebrated Kartika Mahotsava with great fervor in the Hindu lunar month of
Marghasheesh (Nov-Dec). The festivity lasted for nine days starting from Saptami (seventh
day after the no moon night) to Poornima (full moon night). It was a major festival in
Hampi. Krishna Devaraya, the Tuluwa emperor of Vijayanagara was a loyal devotee of
Lord Krishna. He added new gist to the celebration of Kartika Mahotsava by changing it
into the festival of lights. The city of Vijayanagara was fully illuminated with lamps as a

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gesture of “welcoming the spirit of Lord Krishna.” The king of Vijayanagara,


Virupaksharaya gave grants to the ruler of South Konkan, Salwa Vittana in 1404 even
before the time of Krishna Devaraya. The earliest Kartika was celebrated during the Hindu
calender month of Margashirsha in Araga, then the capital of the southern part of South
Konkan that extended from the River Kali to to River Gangavali. In Ankola, the
Venkataramana Temple was the nucleus of the Kartika celebration. Nadavaras during the
festival fasted from dusk to dawn for nine days and had a meal before the sunset. Fasting in
Kartika was one of the carryovers from the Jain rituals of the past. On the last night of
celebration known as Rathostava, many temples of Ankola participated in the festivity
highlighted by the procession of devotees. The dedicated replicas of the participating
temples were carried on Palanquins to Vana, a country park then owned by the Kanabera
Temple of Bhavikeri. Three-mile long procession to the park was accompanied by musical
bands and fireworks. Little oil lamps were lit all around the park. People of divorce
traditions assembled in the park for seeking the divine blessings. On the last day the
participating temples jointly served a common dinner to the devotees.

Roughly around the end of the nineteenth century, the Venkataramana Temple
Mokteshwaras from Soorve, Shatgeri, and Bhavikeri were split on managing the temple
earnings. Sharing of Kanabera funds especially earned from the Kartika festival was the
main reason for the disagreement. The park was moved from the grounds of Kanabera to a
new recreational corner in Baleguli. The Kanabera Temple launched its own Kartika festival
celebrated a month after Kartika in Ankola. In Bhavikeri, Kanabera, Kote Narasihma and
Iswara temples participated in the newly festival of Bhavikeri. Kartika festival in both
Ankola and Bhavikeri are still celebrated but the duration of festivity is condensed to three
days. The diverse ethnicities of Ankola have been coming together to feast under the full
moon light of Marghasheesha for at least two centuries. The Kartika celebration in Ankola
perhaps was introduced probably much after the fall of Vijayanagara but when the actual
observance in Ankola began is not known. The old Vijayanagara tradition of Kartika lingers
on in selected towns of Karnataka, including Gokarna, Bilagi, Kumta, Majali and
Chandavara in Uttara Kannada.

Bandi-Habba (wheel festival), held in the month of May in Ankola, Uttara Kannada is
recognized for its street fair. Bandi-Habba is not celebrated anywhere else other than in
some villages of Ankola and Kumta. In these villages Nadavara domicile is found to be a
common factor. Regardless, is Bandi-Habba connected to the Nadavara past? How and
when did Bandi-Habba begin in Ankola? Was it after the institution of the Shantadurga
temple in Ankola? The lack of credible data only leads to speculation. Bandi-Habba
possibly began in the eighteenth century, towards the end of the Sonda Dynasty. The
Bandi-Habba of Ankola is historically linked to the Shantadurga temple. It is the most

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famed carnival in Ankola attended by a huge jamboree of street-party goers. It is observed


in the honor of the Sati of Bole and her warrior husband (Bera) of Adlur.

The invocation of the dead spirits of Sati and her husband, Bera for divine reunion of their
souls is the central theme behind the Bandi-Habba (Festival) of Ankola. According to the
original delineation of the rituals, the spirit of Sati is brought from Bole to meet the spirit of
her husband, Bera in Ankola. The festivity is celebrated for nine days in the month of May.
Masquerades are held after dusk for the first eight days of the festivity. The associates of the
Shanatadurga Temple, usually men belonging to a particular sect recite distinctive carnival
dance performances. The dance rituals are believed to invoke the divine spirit of Bera and
bring the spirit down to the earth. The ninth day is the distinctive day, the finale of the
carnival. A Nadavara man from Adlur, who is supposedly the descendant of the Bera sits
on an antiquated Ferris wheel (Bandi) that takes him around a few times. The man from
Adlur is the symbolic representation of the soul of Bera. The elevated Ferris wheel
symbolizes the floating clouds carrying the soul of Bera. The iconic presentation of the
spirit of Sati, Kalasha, which is a medium sized copper pot filled with holy water and
capped with a coconut wrapped in mango leaves, is brought from Bole to meet Bera.
According to the legend, a Nadavara woman of Bole sacrificed her life by self-immolation
(Sahagamana) after the death of her husband. The story behind the Ankola Bandi-Habba
may be mythological and may not be factual as the pertaining description is out of sync.
Nevertheless, the rituals of Bandi-Habba may explain the Nadavara relation to the Salvas of
Konkan.

Bandi-Habbas of the surrounding Nadavara villages follow the Bandi-Habba of Ankola.


The Bandi-Habba of Kogre on the hilltop at the Bommayya Temple is very old and the most
eye-catching carnival of all. The Festivity is devotedly sponsored by the surrounding
villages. It is observed for nine days in the month of May. The riveting scenery of sunset
displaying the radiant orange sun slowly moving down in the pink sky and the ruby red
clouds reflecting off the Arabian Sea makes the Kogre festivity an event to remember.
Bhavikeri, Hichgad, Vandige, Devarbavi and Mogta are a few among many villages
celebrating Bandi-Habba. The festivities are mostly accommodated on different dates in
summer such that two village Bandi-Habbas wouldn’t overlap. Nadavaras in the past were
vegetarians. Bandi-Habba for Nadavaras used to be a Memorial Day, a day to eulogize their
ancestors. The tradition of every Bandi-Habba is based on its own unique tale but the
rituals are comparable and all of them conclude with animal sacrifice followed by carnival
feast. The carnival feast for Nadavaras is little over hundred years old. Majority of the
Nadavara families host the feast of Bandi-Habba, featuring chicken curry prepared in
coconut milk and guests are invited from the neighboring villages.

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The study of the Vedas and Upanishads solely belonged in the realm of Brahmanism.
Nadavara, a non-Brahmin community wasn’t adequately educated in the intricacies of the
religious philosophies like Brahmins. Nadavaras were Jains in the past and then later on
became Hindus. They worshiped Vishnu and also were devotees of Bera, the temple
signifying ancestry. Two distinct philosophies arising from two different godly institutions,
Hinduism and Jainism obviously made Nadavara a pluralistic community. As the
defenders of dominion, Nadavaras invested more energy and time on protecting their
homeland than on religion. Religious communion was more of a gathering of delight and
promotion of unity. The festivals such as Kartika, Dasara, Rama Navami, and Krishna
Ashtami were celebrated collectively with relatives and friends. The Nadavara festivities
favored the communal accord above religion, which nonetheless was the subject of pursuit
for the priesthood. The contemporary families don’t invest enough time on theological
teachings or discussions. Their viewpoint on the ‘divinity of religion’ or ‘belief in god’ is
increasingly leaning toward agnosticism.

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