626

INTRODUCTION
Chapter 80: REVOLUTION
627
THOUGH THE WORD "revolution" may be used
in both senses, it nevertheless seems to be the
case that traditional discussions of the causes
and prevention of revolution, theories of revo-
lutionary strategy and tactics, and the great
issue of the right of rebellion all seem to con"
ten1plate the resort to, or at least the threat of,
force to gain an end. This also seems to be im-
plied in the popular conception of the differ-
ence between revolution and evolution.
The contrast between revolution and evolu-
tion may explain why the note of violence, dis..
order, or disruption colors the idea of revolu-
tion. The word "evolution" usually signifies
change which is gradual and which tends in one
direction rather than another, that direction
being for the most part toward a progressive
development of changes already accomplished.
Revolution is abrupt. Revolutions can occur in
either direction, against the tide as well as with
it. As action and reaction can be equal andop-
posite in physical motion, so in social change
these strive to reform and innovate, one this
way, another that way; and thereby bring it
into distraction and civil war."
Locke's principle seems to be that "whoever
uses force\vithout right-as everyone does in
society who does it without la\v-'-puts himself
into a state of war with those against whom he
so uses it." Having entered into society "and
introduced laws for the preservation of proper-
ty, peace and unity amongst themselves," men
who "set up force again in opposition to the
laws, do rebel/are-that is, bring back again the
state of war-and are properly rebels.. "
i\quinas also seems to align revolution (which
he calls "sedition") with war and strife, though
he thinks it differs from them in two respects:
"First, because war and strife denote actual ag,;.
gression on either side, \vhereas sedition maybe
said to denote either actual aggression or the
preparation for such aggression..... Secondly,
they differ in that ,var is, properly speaking,
carried on against external foes, being as it were
bet\veen one people and another, \vhereas strife
is benveen one individual and another, while
sedition, in its proper sense, is between the
mutually dissentient parts of one people, as
when one part of the state rises in tumult
against another part."
CHAPTER 80: REVOLUTION
WHEN ARISTOTLE THINKS of revolutions as tak-
ing place without violence, he does not have in
mind the strictly modern device of constitu-
tional amendment. Political change, he sug"
gests, may be the result of accidents rather
than of planned actions. "Political revolutions,"
he writes, sometimes "spring from a dispropor'"
tionate increase in any part of thestatc. ...
And this disproportion may sometimes happen
by accident, as 'at Terentum, from a defeat in
which many of the notables were slain in a
battle with the Iapygians just after the Persian
W':ar, the constitutional government in conse-
quence becoming a democracy." Or "when the
rich grow numerous or properties increase,the
form of government changes into an oligarchy
or a government of familes."
On the other hand, to writers like Hobbes
and Locke, revolution means war and is insepa...
rable from violence. ,Those who "deny the
authority of the Commonwealth"-apart from
which, according to Hobbes, men live in a state
of war-by renouncing their subjection to the
Sovereign, "relapse into the condition of war
commonly called Rebellion.... For rebel/ion is
but war renewed." Unlike bees and ants, the
peace of whose societies is never threatened by
rebellion, there are "amongst men . very
many that think themselves wiser, and abler to
govern the public, better than the rest; and
considers the possibility of. "an insurrection
pervading all the States, and comprising a su-
perio
ri
ty of the entire force, though not a con-
stitutional right." He thinks such a case beyond
"the compass of human remedies." It is enough
if the Constitution "diminishes the risk of a
calamity for \vhich no possible constitution can
provide a cure." Nor does "a conflagration
through a whole nation, or through a very large
proportionofi t, proceeding either fromweighty
causes of discontent given by the government
or from the contagion of some violent popular
paroxysm" seem to Hamilton to "fall within
any ordinary rules of calculation." In his esti...
mation, "no form of government can always
either avoid or control" such revolutions. But,
he adds, "where the whole power of the govern'"
ment is in the hands of the people, there is the
less pretence for the use of violent remedies in
partial or occasional disten1pers of the State."
fraud." Though fraud does no phvsical viol
'd ' I J ence
it oes VI0 ence to the \vill of those who d'
, are e-
celved. In some cases when fraud is used "h
. . ., ' t e
CItizens are deceIved Into acquiescing in a
change of government and aftenvards " A .
, , ns-
totle observes, "they are held in subJ' e t'
. h ' CIon
agaInst t elr will." In o. ther cases they
.. , may
be persuaded and their allegiance
and good Will won. But as Machiavelli's I t
'd ' a er
conSl eration of these t\VO techniques of s .' .
.. . . elzlng
po\ver indIcates, the choice between force d
f d
an
IS one of expediency rather than of prin-
CIple. He recommends guile as an alternative t
force, with force held in reserve should cunnin
0
fail. Both methods, however, employ the
egy of \varfare.
As opposed to both force and fraud, and even
to method of civil disobedience, which acts
outSIde the law or in violation of it, the writers
of The ,Federalist conceive the possibility of a
revolutionary which is at once peaceful
and legal. It IS preCIsely because they think that
the Constitution of the United States affords
the opportunity for achieving political' change
by constitutional amendment that they defend
which guarantees "to every State in
thls UnIon a republican form of government"
to protect each of them, upon
pItcatio.n t? the federal government, "against
domestic Violence." To the objection that such
a guaranty may involve "an officious interfer-
ence in the domestic concerns of the members,"
Hamilton replies: "It could be no impediment
of the State constitutions by a rna-
Jonty of the people in a legal and peaceable
mode. This right would remain undilninished
The guaranty could only operate against change
t? be effected by violence. To\vards the preven
tion of calami ti es of this kind, too many check
cannot be provided."
In another of the Federalist papers, Madiso
M
OST of the words con1monly used as syn-
onyms for "revolution," such as "insur-
rection," "uprising," "rebellion," or "civilwar,"
carry the connotation of violence and the use of
armed force. Most of the great revolutions in
\vestern history which come readily to mind-
those in the city-states and empires of the an-
world, the Peasants' Revolt in Germany
In 15th the rebellion led by Crom-
,vell tn 17th century England, the American
and F Revolutions in the 18th century,
the RUSSIan and the Spanish Revolutions in our
o\vn time-have been affairs of bloodshed. Yet
nei ther in political theory nor in historic fact
does revolution ahvays involve the use of force
or the resort to violence.
describes both violent and non-
violent revolutions in the alternations of de-
mocracy and oligarchy in the constitution of the
Greek city-states. In England, the Great Re-
bellion \vhich, by civil war, succeeds in behead-
ing one Stuart king, is follo\ved by the Blood-
less Revolution of 1688 which, \vithout any war
at all, unseats another. Sorne of the revolutions
in the European states in the middle years of the
19th century are accornpanied by barricades and
fighting. Some, ho\vever, like the revolutions
?y the Refonn Bills in England
or by constitutional amendments in the United
States, are fundamental changes in government
by process of law, by peaceful
shifts In the dlstnbution of political po\ver.
A revolution may involve action in defiance
of the law and yet be prosecuted \vithout vio-
lence on the part of the revolutionists, as in the
cas,e ,of the re.bellion \vhich Gandhi led against
Bntlsh rule in India by the method of civil
disobedience.. The use of armed force may not,
however, be the only technique of revolution-
ary violence. "Revolutions are effected in two
\vays," according to Aristotle, "by force and by
'TI-IE GREAT IDEAS
CHAPTER 80: .REVOLUTION
629
ON THE QUESTION whether economic revolu-
tions, in their social and' political aspects, re-
quire violence, the writers of the Manifesto
seem to be unambiguous-at least so far as the
communist program is concerned. Since "the
Communist revolution is the l1iost radical rup-
ture with traditional property-relations," and
"involves the most radical rupture with tradi-
tional ideas," it canhardlybe expectedto occur
without open warfare, no lessvidlent than the
earlier struggle of the bourgeoisie against the
aristocrats. Standing "face tofacewiththe
bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a
really revolutionary class," in whose develop-
ment Marx and Engels see the transition from a
"more or less veiled civil war, raging within
existingsociety, up to the point where that war
breaks out into open revolution, and where the
violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays:the
foundation for the sway of the proletariat."
It is precisely on the use of force that the
Manifesto distinguishes between communism
and socialism, especially the "utopian" variety
of the latter. The Socialists "reject all
and especially all revolutionary action; they
wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and
endeavor by small experiments, necessarily
doomed to failure, and by the force of example,
to pave the way for the new social GospeL ..
They, therefore, endeavor, and that consis-
tently, to deaden the class struggle and torec-
oncile the class antagonisms." Communist
strategy, on the contrary, everywhere supports
"every revolutionary movement against the ex-
isting social and political order of things.. .
The Communists disdain to conceal their views
and aims. They openly declare that their ends
can be attained only by the forcible overthrow
of all existing social conditions."
'Though fundamentally economic, the com-
munist revolution cannot help having political
effects. "Political power," according to Marx
mune ...' afterwards in the period of filanufac-
ture proper, serving either the semi-feudal or
the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against
the nobility ... the bourgeoisie has at last:,
since the establishment of Modern. Industry
and of the world-market, conquered for itself
in the modern representative State" exclusive
political sway."
own, but not Such a reform
auld hardly cure. the evil. of chattel slavery.
hat requires a revolution which effects the
ualization of political status, not the equali-
tion of property.
If a rebellion of slaves in, the ancient world
ad succeeded in abolishing the. institution of
lavery, it would have been, in the modern
iew, an economic as well as a political revolu-
ion, for it would have radically altered the
ode of production. It is in this sense that what
dam Smith describes as the change from an
rarian to a manufacturing economy, is strictly
economic revolution, though it is Marx, not
ith, who gives currency to the word "revo-
tion" as used in this It is exemplified in
r common understanding of the phrase "the
ustrial revolution" which refers to the radi-
I change in an economy based on manufac-
res, when mass. production by. machines jn
ctories replaces the system. bf production by
rkers .using their own tools in their own
meso
"In writes Marx, "the revo-
ion in the mode of production begins with
or-power; in modern industry it begins with
instruments oflabor. Our first inquiry then
ow the instruments of labor are converted
m tools into machines, or what is the differ-
e between a machine and the implements of
andicraft ?"But for Marx the meaning of
nomic revolution is not limited to. radical
nges in the physical conditions of produc-
. Such changes necessarily involve equally
cal changes in the social relationships of
omic classes, and in their possession of po-
al power. In. the Manifesto, "the modern
rgeoisie" is said to be "itself the product of
ong course of development, of a series of
olutions in the modes of production and ex-
ge." The bO\lrgeoisie, in turn, "cannot
twithout constantly revolutionizing the in-
ments of production, and thereby the te-
ons of production, and with .them the whole
tions of society."
ccording to Marx and Engels, "each step
he development of the bourgeoisie was ac-
anied by a corresponding political ad-
ce of that class. An oppressed class under the
of the nobility, an armed and self-
rning association in the mediaeval com-
olutionary document. Its signers are prepared
to use force to overthrow the established orcl
which, in their view, has worked grievoer
iniquities and injustices upon the colonies.BUs
. h M .' . h Ut
In t e.J: arxlst vle,v t e rebellion of the col ...
nists, unlike the French Revolution,}s politic:l
rather than economic, even if it has economi
as well as political motivations. This distinctio:
bet\veen economic and poli tical revolutio
seems to be peculiarly modern. n
It is not that the ancients-Thucydides,
Plato, and Aristotle, for example-fail to reco'
.. h ",1 "h' h . g
nlze t e c ass \var, w IC IS paramount for
Marx. They observe (as is indicated in the,chap"
ter on OLIGARCHY) the struggle benveenthe
rich and the poor for control of the state. The)'
know that the opponents, in the frequent and
violent revolutions which disturbed the Greek
city-states, are the oligarchs and the democrats
-the men of great property-and the men or
Ii ttle or none.
The revolt of the Helots in Sparta is the. ex..
case of a rebellion of slaves against
masters. For the most part, the struggle
IS between free men belonging
nomic classes. The oligarchical and democratic
revolutions which these classes in society J(])-
ment are .. political in the sense of seeking to
change the constitution rather than the:ec(])-
nomic system itself, even though the constitu-
tional changes may have economic as:well .as
political ,effects. "In the opinion of some," Aris...
totle reports, "the regulation of property is the
chiefpoint of all,. that being the question updJ11
which all revolutions turn.":
Aristotle is willing to admit that "the equal-
ization of property" may "prevent the citizens
from quarrelling," but he does not think that
economic injustice is the only cause of revolu-
tion, or economic justice its absolute cure.
"The avarice of mankind," he writes, "is in...
satiable; at one time two obols was pay enough;
but now, when this sum has becomecustomarYt
men always want more and more without en
for it is of the nature of desire not to be sa
fied, 'and most'men live only for'the gratifi
tion of it. The beginning of reform," in
opinion, "is not so much to equalize proper
as to train the nobler sorts of natures n(])t'
desiremore,and to prevent the lower tJrQ
getting more; that is to say, they must be k
628
No LESS THAN THE Comlnunist Manifesto, the
AmericanDeclaration of Independence is a rev...
revolution and counter-revolution can aim in
opposite directions. In either case, whether rev-
olution reverses the direction of change or pre'"
cipitates a radical transformation toward which
things are moving too slowly, revolution seems
to involve overthrowing the established order
rather than developing its latent tendencies.
It is in this sense that the revolutionist is a
radical. He may also be a reactionary in the
sense that the radical change he is willing to use
force to achieve, is a return to some earlier con'"
dition rather than one which, in the judgment
of his opponents, is in the line of progress or
evolution. But whether reactionary or progres-
sive the revolutionist is never conservative. If
the established order does not submit readily
to the radical change which a revolutionary
person or party seeks, or if it resists, it must be
forced to yield. The revolutionist can be reluc"
tant to use but he can never forswear it
entirely.
This seems to be the sense in which Marx and
Engels conceive the program of the Communist
Manifesto as a revolutionary program. Their
conception of a revolutionary class or party is
not, however, limi ted to the proletariat intheir
struggle against the bourgeoisie. They apply' it
to the bourgeoisie, not in the contemporary
world when the established order of capitalism
makes the bourgeoisie conservative or reaction-
ary, but in the 18th century\vhen the bour-
geoisie overthrew the landed aristocracy.
"The bourgeoisie," they write, "historically
has played a most revolutionary part... The
French revolution, for example, abolished feu-
dal property in favor of bourgeois property."
And again: "When Christian ideas succumbed
in the 18th century to the rationalist ideas, feu-
dal society fought its death-battle with the then
revolutionary bourgeoisie." That the French
Revolution represents the struggle not between
the propertied and the propertyless classes, but
between two propertied classes- the bourgeoi-
sie and the evident to Marx
in the fact that "during the very first storms of
the revolution, the French Bourgeoisie dared
to take away from the workers' the. right. of
association just acquired."
THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION does not seem to he
a central consideration in ancient political the-
ory. The ancient discussion of revolutions ap-
pears to be more concerned with their causes,
their methods, and their prevention. This does
not mean that the ancients treat revolutions
entirely as contests for povver. On the contrary,
Aristotle declares that "the universal and chief
cause of the revolutionary impulse" is "the de-
sire of equality, when men think that they are
equal to others who have more than themselves;
or, again, the desire of inequality and superior"
ity, when conceiving themselves to be superior
they think that they have not more but the
same or less than their
which mayor may not be just."
CHAPTER 80: REVOLUTION 631
to choose the fox and the lion; because the lion deals with in theory as the degeneration of the
cannot defend himself against snares and the state into anarchy by the repudiation of the
fox cannot defend hin1self against wolves." It social contract, calls to mind no historic ex-
follows, according to Machiavelli, that the amples; but the few historic instances of "wars
prince seldom can be, though he should alvvays of secession" certainly illustrate the point.
try to appear to be, "merciful, faithful, humane, They aim to dissolve a federal state by severing
religious, upright. . .. A prince, especially a ties of union which have something like a con-
ne\V one, cannot observe all those things for tractual character.
which men are esteemed, being often forced, in The distinction between these types of civil
order to maintain the state, to act contrary to war may be clear in theory, yet difficult to
fidelity, friendship, humanity, and religion." apply to historic cases. Which sort of insurrec-
The stories of oriental despotism told by tion-a rebellion of colonies or a secession of
Herodotus, the account of the Caesars given by states-does the Declaration of Independence
Tacitus and Gibbon, the chronicle of the Eng- announce? A theory current among American
lish monarchy in the historical plays of Shake- political writers in 1775 suggests that the thir-
speare, all seem to indicate that crowns seldom teen colonies ciaimed the status of self-govern-
change heads without bloodshed. Machiavelli's ing dominions in a confederacy united under
rules for the prince do not greatly enlarge upon the British crown. On this theory, does the
Aristotle's description of "the arts by,vhich the principle stated in the Declaration-that it is
tyrant preserves his power." Even when Aris- sometiines "necessary for one people to dissolve
tode proposes, as an alternative method, that the political bands which have connected thein
the tyrant can try to be benevolent, he adds with another, and to assume among the powers
the Machiavellian suggestion that the tyrant of the earth the separate and equal station to
should at least "appear to act" like a good king. which the laws of nature and of nature's God
The tyrant, Aristotle ,vrites, "should lop off entitle them"-cover the secessionofthe South-
those who are too high. He must put to death ern states from the American union, as as
men of spirit. ... He must be on his guard the revolt of the American states from Great
against anything is likely to inspire either Britain, or the British Commonvvealth of na-
courage or confidence among his subjects. He tions? Questions of fact are involved, of course,
must prohibit literary assemblies or other meet- in any comparison of the Revolutionary War
ings for discussion, and he must take every of 1776 and the war between the states in
means to prevent people from knowing one 1861; but the question of principle turns on the
another." After enumerating many similar prac- whole issue of \vhether revolution is a matter of
tices which he calls "Persian and barbaric arts," might or right.
Aristotle concludes that "there is no ,vicked-
ness too great for the tyrant" if he is to main-
tain himself in power.
These matters are more fully discussed in the
chapter on TYRANNY. In our present considera-
tion of the types of revolution, we must note
one other political change which usually in-
volves the widespread turbulence of civil war.
That is the rebellion of subj ect peoples against
their imperial masters. Unlike civil uprisings,
which seek to overthrow governments or effect
a change in the ruling classes or persons, these
''lars of rebellion seek to Ii berate one people
from another or to establish the independence
ofcolonies at the expense of empire.
Still another type of insurrection aims at the
dissolution of the state itself. What Rousseau
er oligarchy or.monarchy or any other, tr
get the administration into their ownhanCl."
To these two types of revolution Aristotle s.
a third, which "may be
portion of the constitution, e.g., the
ment or overthrow of a particular office; as t
Sparta, it is said that Lysander attempted
overthrow the monarchy, and king Pausania
the ephoralty. " s,
.Conceivably, any of these political changes
mIght be accomplished without
modern constitutional states, the basic prin-
ciple of constitutions can be changed from oli-
garchy to democracy by amendments or legal
reforms which extend the franchise. The struc-
ture of the government, as to its offices or their
organization, can be changed by some form OF
peaceful plebiscite. As the Federalists point
the polls provide a "natural cure for
ministration in a popular or representative con-
stitution," namely, a change ofmen. But sucll
changes of government in
states, even when constitutional, appear to Ar-
istotle to be revolutionary in the double se'.tlse
of involving violence, or the threat of it, ana of
being radical transformations of the pol"
What is true ofconstitutional changes
republics is also true of monarchies and tyran--
nies, both ancient and modern.
When absolute power is concentrated in tile
hands of one man, his subj ects are necessarily
wi thout juridical means for redressing tlleir
grievances by changing the occupant of t
throne, much less for abolishing the monarch
entirely in favor ofself-government. Machiave
Ii's advice to the prince on safeguarding 11
power against usurping rivals or rebellioussu
jects, seems to be written against the bac
ground of force and fraud as the normalmetho
of changing rulers or modes of rule. Theyar
the very same methods which the princ:e
power must employ to maintain hispositi
"There are two ways of contesting," ;Mac
velli writes, "the one by law, the other,
force; the first method is proper to men,
second to beasts; but because the first is
quently not sufficient, it is necessary toh
recourse to the second. Therefore it is neces
for a prince to understand how to avail hi
of the beast and the man; ... Being cornpe
knowingly to adopt the beast, [a prince]oug
THE . GREAT IDEAS
630
and Engels, "is merely the organized power of
one class for oppressing another." This applies
to the proletariat's conquest of power. Yet they
also seem to think that the dictatorship of the
proletariat is only a temporary phase in the
communist revolution. "If the proletariat dur-
ing its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled,
by the force of circumstances, to organize itself
as a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes
itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away
by force the old conditions of production, then
it will, along with these conditions, have swept
away the conditions for the existence of class
antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will
thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a
class. " In aiming at the economically classless
society, with the consequent transformation of
the state, the communistprograin seems to con-
ceive its revolution as abolishing the possibility
of or need forany further revolutions, peaceful
or violent, economic or political.
IN ADDITION TO the issues raised by the eco-
nomic theory and history which underlie revo-
lutionary communism, there is the debatable
question whether an economically classless soci-
ety means the withering away of the state, or
at least such changes in political institutions
that revolution would cease to be possible or
necessary. Even a hypothetical consideration ot
this question seems to call for attention to the
various ways in which political revolutions take
place. With the advent of the "classless society,"
no opportunity would remain, at least in theory,
for the type of revolution in which one ruling
class replaces another. But in such a society it
is still conceivable that the equivalent of a pal-
ace revolution might substitute one ruling indi-
vidual for another-by the old-fashioned
methods of assassinationor usurpation.
For Aristotle, however, all revolutions which
produce a change from one form ofgovernment
to another also involve the replacement of one
ruling class by another. He distinguishes be-
tween such revolutions as affect the constitu-
tion, "when men seek to change from an existing
form into some other, for example, from de-
mocracy into oligarchy, or from oligarchy into
democracy," and those revolutions which do
not affect the constitution, when men, "with-
out disturbing the form ofgovernment, wheth-
THE GREAT IDEl\S CHAPTER 80: REVOL"UTION
632
Nevertheless, Aristotle's elaborate treatise on
revolution in the fifth book of his Politics deals
alike with revolutions that spring from real and
from fancied injustices. The object of his in-
quiry seems to be "what modes of destruction
apply to particular states, and out of what and
into what they mostly change; also" \vhat are
the modes of preservation in states generally, or
in a particular state, and by what means each
state may be best preserved"-not ho\v revolu-
tion can be justified or why rebellion is the
crime of treason or the folly of anarchy. Such
questions seem to come to the foreground in
modern political theory, though they also have
a certain prominence in mediaeval teaching.
Aquinas, for example, holds that sedition is
"a special kind of sin" because it is "opposed to
a special kind of good, namely, the unity and
peace of a people." He qualifies this, however,
in the case of an uprising against tyranny, even
if it involves civil strife. Since in his vie,v "a
tyrannical government is not just, because it is
directed, not to the common good but to the
private good of the ruler ... there is no sedition
in disturbing a government of this kind, unless
indeed the tyrant's rule be disturbed so inordi-
nately that his subjects suffer greater harm
from the consequent disturbance than from the
tyrant's government. Indeed," Aquinas writes,
"it is the tyrant rather who is guilty of sedition,
since he encourages discord and sedition among
his subjects, that he may lord over them more
securely.' ,
Holding that "the end of government is the
good of rnankind," Locke asks, in a similar vein,
which is better: "that the people should be al-
'Nays exposed to the boundless will of tyranny,
or that the rulers should be sometimes liable to
be opposed when they grow exorbitant in the
use of their power, and employ it for the de-
struction and not the preservation of the prop-
erty of their people" ? Since "force is to be op-
posed to nothing but unjust and unlawful
force," I.Jocke argues that a king may be resisted
when he exceeds his authority or prerogative
and uses his power unlawfully. Since such a king
"has dethroned himself, and put himself in a
state of war with his people, "vhat shall hinder
them fronl prosecuting him who is no king, -as
they would any other man who has put himself
into a state of \var with them?"
The right to resist a. tyrant, or a king turne
despot, may lead to regicide, but this seems n
different to Locke from the punishment of an
other criminal. "He who filay resist must be
allowed to strike"; and furthermore,
continues, "he has a right, when he prevails, to
punish the offender, both for the breach of tae
peace, and all the evils that follo\ved Upon it."
Rousseau is even less hesitant tocondone tyran.
nicide. "The contract of government is so com-
pletely dissolved by despotism," \vrites Rous.
seau, "that the despot is master only so long as
he remains the strongest; as soon as he can De
expelled, he has no right to complain of vio.
lence. The popular insurrection that ends in
the death or deposition of a Sultan is as lawful
an act as those by which he disposed, the day
before, of the life and. fortunes of his suDjects.
As he was maintained by force alone, it is fore
alone that overthrows him."
say that "it may occasion civil
wars or intestine broils, to tell the people they
are absolved from obedience when illegal
attempts are Inade upon their liberties or pr0l'
erties ... may as well say upon the same
ground," in Locke's opinion, "that honest men
may not oppose robbers and pirates because
this may occasion disorder or bloodshed." .Nor
does Locke think that the right to resist injus
tice means that governn1ents will be overthro
"upon every little mismanagement in pub
affairs. Great mistakes in the ruling part,"
writes, "many ,vrong and inconvenient law
and all the slips of human frail ty "vill be bor
by the people without mutiny or murm
But if a long train of abuses, prevaricatio
and artifices, all tending the same way, m
the design visible to the people ... it is not t
be wondered that they should then rouse the
selves and endeavor to put the rule into sue
hands which may secure to theIn the ends
which government was at first erected."
Hence, to those \vho say that his revolu
ary principle "lays a perpetual foundation
disorder, " Locke replies thatit ,;yill never op
ate until "the inconvenience is so great thatt
majority feel it, and are weary of it, and fin
necessary to have it amended." Rebellions
occur only \vhen the majority feel that"t
la,vs, and vvith them their estates, liberties,
lives are in danger, and perhaps their relig
toO," and so 'fNill exercise their natural right to
resist, \vith force if necessary, the illegal force
used against them. But strictly, it is not the
people who rebel; rather it is they ,vho put
ao,vn the sedition of the tyrant.
vVhat Locke statesasa right ()f resistance, the
Declaration of Independence seems to put more
rositively as a right of rebellion, ?e-
(tueing it from other natural nghts-of hfe,
iberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is to
eeure these rights that "governments are in-
tituted among men," so that "whenever any
orm of government becolnes destructive of
hese ends, it is the right of the people to alter
rto abolish it and tq institute anew govern-
ent." The Declaration admits that "govern-
ents long established should not be changed
r light and transient causes"; but when a
eople suffer "a long train of abuses and usur-
ations ... it is their right, it is their duty, to
row off such government, and to provide ne,v
ards for their security."
GAINST SUCH REVOLUTIONARY sentiments pf
rinciples Hobbes, Kant, and Hegel seem to
ke a stand, though in each case they place
me qualification "on .their denial of a right of
sistance or rebellion. I-Iobbes, for
nies the right of men to change their form of
vernment, or of subjects to resist their Sover-
gn, except.for the sake ofself-preservation. When
en covenant to form a commonwealth, they
re bound, Hobbes. says, to uphold the actions
nd judgments of the Sovereign they have cre-
ted; they "cannot lawfully make a new cove-
ant amongst themselves, to be obedient to any
ther ... ,vithout his permission.... They
at are subjects to a monarch, cannot without
s leave cast off monarchy, and return to the
nfusion of a disunited multitude."
Furthermore, "because every subject is by
his institution, author of all the actions and
udgments of the Sovereign instituted, it fol-
ws," according to I-Iobbes," that whatsoever
e doeth, it can be no injury to any of his sub-
cts; nor ought he to be by any of them ac-
used of injustice." Yet "every subject has
rty in all those things, the right whereof
not by covenant be transferred," such as the
ht of a man to defend his own body, "to re-
t those that assault him," or to have access to
633
"food, air, medicine, or any other thing \vith-
out \vhich he cannot live."
Kantdisallows rebellion as a matter of right,
unless resistance is required to fulfill a n10ral
duty outside the sphere of public right." 'Obey
the authority ,vhieh has power over you' (in
everything \vhich is not opposed to morality)
is a Categorical Imperative." Hence, though a
juridical constitution "filay be vitiated by great
defects and coarse errors, it is nevertheless abso-
lutely unallo,vable and punishable to resist it."
Since, in his vievv, public right is founded on
the institution of "a sovereign will, uniting all
particular wills by one la,v," Kant argues that
"to allow a right o,f resistance to this" sover-
eignty, and to limit its power, is a contradic-
tion."It should be remembered also "that for
Kant the only legitimate form of government
is a republic, resting on the foundation of popu-
lar sovereignty. Kant is not consi<:iering resis-
tance to tyrannical or despotic power \vhich
lacks all juridical authority.
A similar qualification appears in Hegel's dis-
tinction between the rebellion of a conquered
people and revolution in a well-organized state.
Only the latter action is a crime, for only the
latter situation corresponds to the Idea of the
state-fully realized, for Hegel, only in a con-
stitutional monarchy, never in a despotism or
tyranny. "A rebellion ina province conquered
by \var," he says, "is a different thing from a
rising in a well-organized state. It is not against
their prince that the conquered are in rebellion,
and they are committing no crime against the
state, because their connexion \vith their master
is not a connexion within the Idea, or one within
the inner necessity of the constitution. In such
a case, there is only a contract, no political tie."
With such qualifications on their position,
th()se who disfavor revolution or deny its basis
in right may not be completely opposed to
those who apparently think rebellions can be
justified. There may be qualifications on the
other side too. l\quinas, for example, justifies
sedition, not against any government or ruler,
but only against tyranny. The signers of the
Declaration of Independence speak of a right to
alter or abolish "any form ofgovernment," but
the writers of the Federalist papers do not seem
equally \villing to ackno\vledgea right to over-
throvv the Constitution of the' United States.
6. The justice of revolution
6a. The right of rebellion: the circumstances justifying civil disobedience or.violent
insurrection
6b. The right to abrogate the social contract or to secede from a federation
1. Empire and revolution: the justification of colonial rebellion and the defense
imperialism
2. The nature of political revolutions
2a. Change in the form of government or constitution
2b. Change in the persons holding power: deposition, assassination, usurpation
2C. Change in the extent of the state or empire: dissolution, secession, liberation,
federation
635
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH XVIII, SECT 203-
210 72a-73c; CH XIX, SECT 225-239 77a-
81b
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 361c-362a
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 292b-d
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 575a-576a
42 KANT: Science ofRight, 439a-441d esp 441b.:e;
450d-451a; 457d-458a,c
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: [15-'-25] 1b;
[95-15] 3a
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: ARTICLE v
16c
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER I, 29a-b; NUMBER 21,
78d-79b
43 MILL: Representative Government, 344a-c
46IfEGEL: Philosophy of Right, ADDITIONS, 176
147c-d I Philosophy ofHistory, PART II, 280b-
281b; PART III, 307b-308a; PART IV, 321d-
322a; 364a-c
50 MARX-ENGELS: Conzmunist Manifesto,
416b-d; 432b-434d
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK VI, 244d-245c;
EPILOGUE I, 668a-669d
52 DOSTOEVSKY: Brothers Karamazov, BK VI,
165c
54 FREUD: NetIJ Introductory Lectures, 870d-871a;
883d-884c
REFERENCES
CHAPTER 80: REVOLUTION
To find the passages cited, use the numbers in heavy type, which are the volume and page
numbers of the passages referred to. For example, in 4 HOMER: Iliad, BK II [265.....283] 12d, the
number 4 is the number of the volume in the set; the number 12d indicates that the pas-
sage is in section d of page 12.
PAGE SECTIONS: When the text is printed in one column, the letters a and b refer to the
upper and lower halves of the page. For example, in 53 JAMES : Psychology, 116a-119b, the passage
begins in the upper half of page 116 and ends in the lower half of page 119. When the text is
printed in two columns, the letters a and b refer to the upper and lower halves of the left-
hand side ('f the page, the letters c and d to the upper and lower halves of the right-hand side of
the page. For example, in 7 PLATO: Symposiuln, 163b-164c, the passage begins in the lower half
of the left-hand side ofpage 163 and ends in the upper half of the right-hand side of page 164.
A.UTHOR'S DIVISIONS: One or more of the main divisions ofa work (such as PART, BK, CH,
SECT) are sometimes included in the reference; line numbers, in brackets, are given in cer-
tain cases; e.g., Iliad, BK II [265-283] 12d.
BIBLE REFERENCES: The references are to book, chapter, and verse. When the King James
and Douay versions differ in title of books or in the numbering of chapters or verses, the King
James version is cited first and the Douay, indicated by a (D), follows; e.g., OLD TESTA-
MENT: Nehemiah, 7:45-(D) II Esdras, 7:46.
SYMBOLS: The abbreviation "esp" calls the reader's attention to one or more especially
relevant parts of a \vhole reference; "passim" signifies that the topic is discussed intermit-
tently rather than continuously in the work or passage cited.
For additional information concerning the style of the references, see the Explanation of
Reference Style; for general guidance in the use of The Great Ideas, consult the Preface.
1. The nature of revolution
la. The issue concerning violent and peaceful
means for accomplishing social, politi-
cal, or economic change
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK III, 436c-
438b
7 PLATO: Apology 200a-212a,c esp 203c /
Crito, 216d-219a,c / Statesman, 600d-601c /
Seventh Letter, 804a-b
9 ARISTOTLE : Politics, BK II, CH 10 [I272b2-16]
468d-469a; BK IV, CH 5 [I292bII-22] 492a;
BK v, CH 3 [I30 3
aI
4-24] 504c-d; CH 4 [I304
b8
-
17] 506b
14 PLUTARCH: Lycurgus, 34b-d / Lysander-Sulla,
387b,d-388a / Cleomenes, 660b-661a / Tiber-
ius Gracchus, 674c-681a,c
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I-II, Q 97,
AA 1-2 236a-237b
21 DANTE: Divine Comedy, HELL, XXVIII 41b-43a
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH VI, 9b-c
3 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 154b-c
5 MONTAIGNE: Essays, 47a-51a; 318e-319b;
462c-465c
oBACON: Novum Organum, BK I, APH 90 124d-
125a
31 DESCARTES : Discourse, PART II, 45b-46a
THE GREAr-r IDEAS
OUTLINE OF TOPICS
I. The nature of revolution
Ia. The issue concerning violent and peaceful means for accomplishing social,
political, or economic change
lb. The definition of treason or sedition: the revolutionist as a treasonableconspirator
IC. Revolution and counter-revolution: civil strife distinguished from war between
states
3. The process of political revolution
3
a
. The revolution: the seizure of power; the attainment of liberty,
Jusnce,equahty .
3b. Ways of retaining power and combatting revolution
3C The causes and effects of revolution under different forms of government
(I) Revolution in monarchies
(2) Revolutions in republics: aristocracies, oligarchies, and democracies
(3) Rebellion against tyranny and despotism
4. The nature of economic revolutions
4a. Change in the condition ,of the oppressed Of exploited: the emancipation of
slaves, serfs, proletariat
4b. Change in the economic order: modification or overthrow of a system of produc-
tion and distribution
634
s. The strategy of economic revolution
sa. Revolution as an expression of the class struggle: rich and poor, nobles and
commons, owners and workers
Sb. The organization of a revolutionary class: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat as
revolutionary classes in relation to different economic systems
SC. The classless society as the goal of economic revolution: the transformation of
the state
''D. Change in the persons holding power:
deposition, assassination, usurpation
TESTAMENT: Judges, 91 II Samuel, 15-18-
(D) II Kings, 15--18/ I Kings, 12:1-25; 16:8-20
CHAPTER 80: REVOl..U1]ON 637
6 T'HUCYDIDES: PelQponllesian War, BK II, -CD) III Kings, 12:1'-25; 16:8-20 / lIKings,
39lc-d; BK VIII, 575c-576c;577b-d;579c-583c; 8:7-15; 11:1-16; 12:19-
21
; 14:
1
7-
21
;
585d-586b;587a-589a; 590a-c 15 :8--10,13-14,23-26,3; 21 :18-26,-(D) IV
7 PLATO: Republic, BK VII, 40lc-d; BKVIII, Kings, 8:7-1 5; 9:1-10:11; 11:1-16;12:19-
21
;
403a-404a; 40Sc-406a; 408b-409b; 411d-414b 14 :17-21 ; IS :8-IO,I3-I 4,23-26,JO; 21 :18-26 /
/ Seventh Letter, 800b II Chronicles, 10; 23-(D) II Paralipomenon,
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CHI2 [t273b36- 10; 23
12
74&221 470c-d; BK III, CH 3 TI276&35-bI6] 5 AESCHYLUS: Prometheus Bound [199-
2
43]
473b-c; BK IV, CH 5 [1292bI1-22J492a; BK v, 42b-c
CH I [I30Ib4-26] 502d-503a; Cll: 3 [1303&14- 5 ARISTOPHANES: Ecclesiazusae 615a-628d esp
24] 504c-d; CH 4 [I304b8,-I8] .506b; CH 12 [I-570] 6l5a-621b
[I3I6aI-b27] 518d-519d / Athenian Constitu- 6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 2c-3d; 12b-13b;
tion, ClI 1"-41 553a-572a passim, esp CH 5 BK II, 84a-86a;BK III, 120b-c; BK v, 164d-
554d-S55a, CH 14-'I9558d-56ld, CH29566b-d, 165a; 17Ic-172c; 177d-I80a; 182a
CH 33---34 568b-569a, CH 38 570a-c ,THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK VI,
14 PLUTARCH: Lycurgus, 32d-35d I Solon, 68d- 523c-S24d
7ld / Timoleon 195a-2l3desp 205d:--207a / 7 PLATO: Seventh Letter, 8l3d-814c
Lysander 354b,d-368a,c esp 359c-36la / 9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, GH 10 [I 272b2......10]
Pompey 499a-538a,c!,Caesar 577a;.604d I 468d,469a; BK v, CHI [I3
01b
4:-
I
3] S02d; CH
Cato the Younger 620a-648a,c 1 Cleov1enes, 10 [I3II828-13I2a39] 513c-514d;BK VII; CH
657a-663c 1 Dion 781b,d-:802a,c 14 lI333
b28
-3
8
] 538c,-d
15 TACITUS: Annals, Bl(I, la-2a; 3a-b;6a-b 14 PLUTARCH: Poplicola, 77a..8lc / Caius Marius,
, 23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, eR.XXVI 36b-37d 344c-354a,c / Sulla, 369a-374a; 382a-387a,c
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 150b-15Ia; / Crassus,440a-445d/ Sertorius, 469a-470d(
l54b-c Pompey 499a-538a,c / Caesar 577a-604d I
25 Essays, 47a-5Ia; 462c-465c; Cato the Younger 620a-648a,c / Tiberius
504c-506a Gracchus,678b-d / Cicero, 708a-7l3h /
,'35 LOCKE: Civil Government,'cH XlII, SECT 149 Antony, 749c-755c {Marcus Brutus 802b,d-
59b-d; SECT 155 60d-61a;cH XIX 73d-8ld 824a,c esp 803d-811a/ Galba 859a-869d /
passim Otlto
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BI<:. VIII, 51a- 15 TACITUS: Annals, BKXI, 102d-l03a;BK XII,
S3d; BK xI,76c-78a Il2a-113b; BK XV, 169a-176b / Histories, BK
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK III, 418a-420a; I-III 189a-266a
424a:--d 18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK III, CHI5-I6
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 24b,d-28b; 50b- l76d-178d
SId; l53c-156a; 622d-623c 23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH vIII12d-14c; CH IX,
41 GIBBON: Decline and Rail, 73b:--74d; 202a-d; 15d-16a
, 2l7a-219a; 56Ic-565a; 574b-582c esp 575a- 23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART 1,78b;PART II,
577d l52bc; l59a.,c
42 KANT: Science ofRight, 438d-44Id; 450d-452a 26 SHAKESPEARE: 1st Henry VI, ACT II, SC v [33--
43 DECLARATION OF IND,EPENDENCE: [1--23] Ia-b 129] 13b.,14a / 2nd Henry VI, ACT I, SO I [15
1
-
43 CONSTITUTiON OF THE, U.S.: ARTICLE IV, 259] 35b-36b;ACT II, SCII 43c-44c; ACT III,
SECT 4 l6b-c sc I 47a-5la / 3rd Henry VI 69a:--l04d /
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 14, 62a-d; NUMBER 21, Richard III lOSa-148a,c / Richard 1I 320a-
78d-79b; NUMBER 43, 141a-142d; 143b,144a; 35ld/ IstHenry IV434a-466d/ 2nd Henry IV
NUMBER 49-50 159h-162c 467a-502d esp ACT IV,SC 1487b-489d /
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268b /Representative Julius Caesar 568a-596a,c esp ACT II, SC I [10-
Government, 327b,d-332d; 350c:--353b I9I].S74c-576c, ACT III, SC I580b-583c
46 HEGEL: Philosophy ofRight, PARTIn, par 258, 27 SHAKESPEARE: Macbeth 284a-310d esp ACT
81a-b; 166 14Sb-c / Philosophy of IV, SC III 303b-306b / Ten1.pest, ACT I, SC II
History, INTRO, 203b-206a,c; PART 111, 294c- [16-148] 525b-526d; ACT II, SC I [27-29
6
]
29Sa; 300c-301c; pART IV,3S5d-357a; :364a-c 534c-d; ACT V, SC I [7
1
-79] S45c
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Man ife.:.sto, 35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH xvn70c-71a;
424c-d CH XIX 73d-8ld passim
,;51,ToLSTOY: Peace, BK VI, 238c-243d; 36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART II, 80b
260a-262a; EPILOGUE I, 668a-669d 38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 36lc-362a / Social Con-
tract, BK III, 419a-c; 424a-d; BK IV, 432c-
433a; 438a-b
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 33d-49a passiITI,
esp 39c-d, 44b-c; 56a.,6!a esp
56b-c, 60c-61a; 63b-64a; 69a-79a paSSIm, esp
states
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, l02d-107c; Bl( v
l72c-174b; BK VIII, 260b-c "
I
..
6 THUCYDIDES: Pe oponneszanWar, BK I, 355a-
b; BK III, 434c-438c; BK IV, 459a-c; 463a-465c'
BK V, 482d-483a; BK VIII, 575c-"576c; 577b-d:
579c-583c; 585d-586b; 587a-589a; S90a-c )
7 PLATO: Lav.Js, BK I, / Seventh Letter
806d"807b '
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK V, CH 4 [134818-39]
50Sd-506a / Athenian Constitution, CH 14-
1
9
S58d-561d; CH 29---41 566b-572a
14 PLUTARCH: Pompey, 533a-c / Caesar, 598b-d
/ Otho, 875b-d
15 TACITUS: Histories,BK III, 261d-262a
18 AUGUSTINE: City ofGod, BK XIX, CH 7 5lSa-c
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART II-II, Q
42, A I, ANS 583c-584b
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, eH XIX, 26b-d; CH xx
3lb-c '
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART I, 85d-86a; PART II,
99d-l00a; ll4b-c; 147c
24 RABELAIS: Gargantua and Pantagruel, BK I,
54a-c
25 MONTAIGNE: Essays, 33la; 470a-b; 504c-506a
26 SHAKESPEARE: 1st Henry VI, ACT II, SC IV-
ACT III, SC I 11b-16b; ACT IV, SC 1 [182-194]
2ld / 2nd Henry VI 33a-68d esp ACT I, sc I
35c-"36b / 3rd Henry VI 69a-104d
esp ACT I, sc I 69a-72d / Richard III l05a-
148a,c esp ACT V, SC V [16-41] 148a,c / 1st
Henry IV, ACT I, SC I 434b,d-435c / Julius
Caesar, ACT III, SC I [253-275] 583b
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH XIII; SECT 155
60d-6la; CH XIX, SECT 224-243 76d-81d eSR
SECT 224-23 76d-78c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 48d-49a; Il3b;
437d
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 474a; 594'b-595b
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: la-3b eSR
[80-94] 2b-3a
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: ARTICLE IV,
SECT 4 16b-c
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 16 66c-68d; NUM13E
28 96c-98b; NUMBER 29, 99b-lOla; NUMBE
43, 14la-142d; NUMBER 46, l52a-153a
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART III
297a-d
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Maniftsto,424d
428a-b
2. The nature of political revolutions
2a. Change in the form of government or c
stitution
OLD TESTAMENT: I Samuel, 8-(D) I Kings,
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, l4a-c; BK IU, 1
l08d; BK v, 167a-b; 17Ic-172c; 177d-1
BK VI, 193b-c
TIlE GREAT IDEr\S Ib to 2
Ie. Revolution and counter-revolution: civil
strife distinguished from war between
lb. The definition of treason or sedition: the
revolutionist as a treasonable conspira-
tor
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK VI, l86a-d
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian fVar, BK I, 381a..
384a; BK VI, 519c-520d; 52Sb-d; 532d-534c;
BK VIII, 574d-576c; 579d-58lc
7 PLATO: Republic, BK v, 367c-d
14 PLUTARCH: Solon, 7ld / Poplicola, 81d /
Alcibiades 155b,d-174d / Alcibiades-Corio..
lanus 193a-195a,c / Cicero, 708a-713a / Marcus
Brutus 802b,d-824a,c
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK XIX, CH 12,
5l7c-d
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART II-II, Q
42 583c-584d
21 DANTE: Divine Comedy, HELL, XXXIV [28-69]
5lc-52a
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART I, 77c; PART II,
l2ld-I22b; 146a-b; 147c; 153c
26 SHAKESPEARE: 2nd Henry VI, ACT I, SC III
[170-227J 39b-40a; ACT II, SC III [86-108]
45c-d; ACT III, SC I [1-281] 47a-50a; ACT IV,
SC II [129-200] 59a-d / Richard II, ACT II, SC
III [14--171] 334b-c; ACT IV, SC I [113-149]
342c-343a / 1st Henry IV, ACT V, SC II [1-25]
462b-c; sc V466a-d / 2nd Henry IV, ACTI, SC
I [187-29] 470a-b / Henry V, ACT II, PRO-
LOGUE [19-31] S37c; SC II [79-181]
/ Julius Caesar 568a-S96a,c esp ACT I, SC III
[101-13] 573c-d, ACT II, SC I [10-34] 574c-
d, [162'-183] 576b, ACT III, sc I [16+-176]
582b
35 LOCKE: Toleration, 14d / Civil Government,
CH XIX, SECT 226-229 77a-78a
36 S'WIFT: Gulliver, PART I, 33a-38a; PART III,
114b-115b
38 !\,10NTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK XII, 88a-
90c
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK II, 398d
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 251d; 474c-475a;
525d-526b
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 93c; 473b-d; 587b..
S8Ba
42 !(ANT: Science of Right, 439a-441d; 450d..
45la
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: ARTICLE III,
SECT 3 l5d-16a; AMENDMENTS, XIV, SECT 2,-4
18d-I9a
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 43, 140c-d; NUMBER 69,
208c-d; NUMBER 74, 222b-d
43 MILL: Liberty, 274b,d [En I]
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, ADDITIONS, 172
l46c-d
47 GOETHE: Faust, PART II [4812-483] l19b-
120a; [10,242-284] 249b-250b
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK VIII, 338c-d; BK
XI, 483b-484a; 505a-5l1b; EPILOGUE I, 668a-
669d
(1. The nature of revolution.)
636
THE GREAT IDEAS
CHAPTER 80: REVOLUTION
638
(2. The nature ofpolitical revolutions. 2b. Change
in the persons holding power: deposition,
assassination, ttsurpation.)
69a-b, 70a-c, 76a, 78c; 111b-113a; 114b,d-
115b; 128a,c; 159b,d-178d passim; 386a-387d;
436a-438a; 489d-491a; 515b-518a
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 113c-117b; 161a-
194d passim, esp 166a-167d, 189a-194d; 428a;
472b-476b
42 KANT: Science ofRight, 440a-441b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 16, 68a-c; NUMBER 20,
77b-c; NUMBER 21, 78d-79b; NUMBER 26,
93c-94d;NUMBER 28-96c-98b;NUMBER 29,
9gb-lOla; NUMBER 33, 108b-109a; NUMBER
38, 124b-125a; NUMBER 44, 146c-d; NUMBER
46, 152a-153a; NUMBER 48, 157b-c
43 MILL: Liberty, 268d; 274b,d [fn I]
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 195c-d
46 HEGEL: Philosophy ofHistory, PART III, 294c-
295a; 300c-301c; PART IV, 359a
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK 1,8d-9a
2c. Change in the extent of the state or empire:
dissolution, secession, liberation, feder-
ation
OLD TESTAMENT: Judges, 3:14-4:24; 6; 10:1-
II :33; 13:1-5,24-25; 14-16 r II Chronicles,
IO--II----(D) II Paralipomenon, 10.... 11 / Jere-
miah, 41 -(D) Jeremias, 41
ApOCRYPHA: I Maccabees, 1-9-:passim-(D) OT,
I l'vfachabees, 1-9 passim r II Maccabees, 6-
I} passim-CD) OT, II Machabees, 6-13 pas-
SIm
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, 121c-123c; BK
v 160a-185a,c passim; BK VI, 186a-191c
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War 349a-593a,c
14 PLUTARCH: Theseus, 9a-d / Romulus, 20c-
28a / Agesilaus 480b,d-499a,c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, 17c-d; 18c-20b; BK III,
54d-56b; BK IV, 76a-77c; 82d-83b; BK XII,
116d-117d; BK XIV, 149a-151b / Histories,
BK IV, 269b-277d esp269d-270b; 283b-292b;
BK v, 297a-302a
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH XXVI 36b-37d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 152d-153a
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH VIII, SECT 113-
118 51b-52c; CH XIX, SECT 211 73d-74a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK VIII,
57b-c; BK IX, 59b
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK II, 403a-
404a
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 144d-146a; 521a-b
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 218c-219a; 439d-
451c passim; 465a-466a; 577b-c
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: 1a-3b
43 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION: 5a-9d esp XI
9a
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: ARTICLE IV, SECT
3 16b; AMENDMENTS, XIV, SECT 2-4 18d-
19a
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 15-16
BER 58, 181d-182a
43 MILL: Representative Government, 428b-430a
3. The .process of political revolution
3a. The aims of political revolution: the seizure
of power; the attainment of liberty
justice, equality ,
5 ARISTOPHANES: Lysistrata [476-597] 588d-
591a / Ecclesiazusae [173-24] 617a-c
6 HERODOTUS: !listory, BK I, 29d-30c; BK v,
175b
7 PLATO: Seventh Letter, 800d; 813d-814c
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 7 461d-463c
esp [1266a31-bI4] 461d-462b; CH 10 [I272a28_
b16] 468c-469a; BK V, CH 1-4 502a-506b'
CH 12 [1316al-b27] 518d-519d / Athenian
stitution, CH 2 553a-c; CH S 554d-555a
14 PLUTARCH: Timoleon 195a-213d esp 205d-
207a ! Pelopidas, 233d-237b / Agis 648b,d-
656d / Cleomenes, 657a-663c / Tiberius
Gracchus 671b,d-681a,c esp 678b-d / Caius
Gracchus 681b,d-689a,c / Dian 781b,d-802a,c
/Marcus Brutus 802b,d-824a,c esp 811b-d,
813d
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, 4a-d; 6b-7a; 10d-11b-
BK IV, 76a; 82d-83a; BK VI, 89c; BK XI, 104a-c;
BK XII, 112a-b;117c-d; BK XIV, 149a-b; BK
XV, 169b; 174b-d / Histories, BK I, 191a-b-
195a-c; 198d-199c; 203b-c; BK II, 215d-216b:
224d-"225a; 233d-235c; BK IV, 269c-270b:
290a-c "' ,
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH XXVI 36b-37d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II; 114b-115a
26 SHAKESPEARE: Julius Caesar 568a-596a,c esp
ACT I, SC III [101-13] 573c-d, ACT II, SC I
[10-34] 574c-d, [162-183] 576b, ACT III, SC I
[164--176] 582b "'
35 LOCKE: Toleration, 18c-21c / Civil Govern-
ment, CH XIV, SECT 166-168 63d-64c; CH
XVIII....XIX 71a.;.81d passim
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART II, 80b
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws, BK v, 29a; BK
VIII, 54b-c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 361a-362a / Social
Contract, BK II, 402c-d; BK III, 418a-419c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fal/, 29c-d; 35a; 44b-
47a esp 44c-45a, 45d-46a; 48d-49a; 73b-c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 216d-217b; 574b-
575d
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: 1a-3b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 45, 147d-148b
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268b
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART III, 299c..
301c; PART IV, 364a-c
47 GOETHE: Faust, PART II [10,242-284] 249b..
250b
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK I, 9d-10b;
EPILOGUE I, 666c-669d; EPILOGUE II, 680b..
684a
52 DOSTOEVSKY: Brothers Karamazov,BK V,
127b-137c passim, esp 131a-c, 133c-134d
3b. Ways of retaining power and combatting
revolution
OLD TESTAMENT: Ex04us, 1:7-22
ApOCRYPHA: I Maccabees, 1:41-64; 10:22-46-
CD) OT, I Machabees,
5 ARISTOPHANES : Wasps [652-724] 515c-516d
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 21b; 35c-36a; BK
III, 99a-b; 106a-c; 118b; 123c; BK IV, 148a-b;
BK V, 164a:-c; 166c-d;172c-174b; 178a-180a;
BK VII, 243b-c
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK III,
425a-428d; BKV, 491b-c
7 PLATO: Seventh Letter, 806d-807b; 811b-813d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics; BK II, CH 7 461d-463c;
CH II [1273bI7-24] 470b; BK III, CH 13 [
I28
4
a
J-b
34
1482a-483a; BK v, CH 3 [1302bIS-20]
504a; CH 8-9 509d-512d; CH II 515d.;.518c;
BK VI, CH 523b-524c
14 PLUTARCH: Romulus, 27c-28d / Poplicola,
80d-81c / Camillus, 119a-121a,c / Pericles,
124a-130b / Coriolanus, 176b-184c / Agesi-
laus, 482a-484a; 489b-c; 495a-b / Pompey,
521a-b / Caesar, 580b / Cato the Younger,
636c-d / Agis 648b,d-656d / Tiberius Grac-
chus '671b,d-681a,c I Caius-Gracchus 681b,d-
689a,c / Cicero, 708a-713b / Marcus Brutus,
809b-811a
15 '[ACITUS: Annals, BK I, 2c-3a; 6d-15a; 21b-
22b; BK II, 29b-d;32d-33d; 35c-d; 38c-d; BK
III, 58d-59a; BK IV, 68b-69c; 82a-b; BK XIV,
155b-156a; BK XV, 168a-c; 170d-176b I
Histories, BK I, 192d-193a; 196d-198c; 200c-
201b; 208b-c; 209d-210b; BK II, 222b-c; BK
IV, 280c-281a
23 !\-fACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH III, 3c-5a; CH V
8a-c; CH VI, 9b-10a; CH VII, 11b-c; CH VIII-X,
14a-16d; CH XV-XX 22b-31c
24 RABELAIS: Gargantua andPantagruel, BK III,
131b,d-133b
25 MONTAIGNE: Essays, 51a-55d; 324c-326b esp
326a-b
26 SHAKESPEARE: 3rd Henry VI, ACT II, SC VI
[I-30] 83b-c; ACT IV, SC VII 96c-97c / Richard
II, ACT III, SC IV [29-66] 340c-d / 2nd Henry
IV, ACT IV, SC V [178-225] 496b-d
29 CERVANTES: Don Quixote, PART I, 40d
30 BACON: Advancement of Learning, 78a-d
35 LOCKE: Toleration, 19a-d / Civil Government,
CH XIX, SECT 218 75a-b; SECT 226 77a-b
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART I, 37a-b; PART III,
102b-103a
38 ROUSSEAU: Political Economy, 372a-377b /
Social Contract, BK III, 424a-d; BK IV, 432b-
433a
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 14d-18b; 42b,d-
43b; 50b-d; 501d-503a; 522c-523a,c; 525d-
526c;624c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 216c-d
639
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: ARTICLE IV,
SECT 4 16b-c
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 10, 49c-51b passim;
NUMBER 21, 78d-79b; NUMBER 25, 90a-91d;
NUMBER 28 96c-98b; NUMBER 43, 141a-142d;
NUMBER 46, 152a-153a; NUMBER 55, 174c-d
43 MILL: Representative Government,366a-c;
425b-426b
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART I, 226d-
227b; PART II,263b-d; 276d-277a
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, EPILOGUE I, 668a-
669d
3c. The causes and effects of revolution under
different forms of government
OLD TESTAMENT: I Samuel, 7:IS-8:S-(D) I
Kings, 7:15-8:5
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK III,
427d-428d; 436d-438b
7, PLATO: Republic, BK VIII 401d-416a / Seventh
Letter, 801b-c
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 6 [126.s
b
I0-12]
461a; CH 7 [1266a37-I267aI6] 462a-d; BK IV,
CH II [129sb35-1296aI2] 496a-b; BK V 502a-
519d
15 TACITUS: Histories, BK II, 224d-225a; BK III,
261b-262a; BK IV, 266b-c
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART I, 77a; 78c-d;
82b-d; PART II, 102d-103a; 103c-104d;112b-d;
114d-115a; 116c-d; 121a-122b; 148c-153a;
159a-c; PART III, 240a-b; PART IV, 273a-c
27 SHAKESPEARE: Troilus and Cressida, ACT I,
SC III [78-138] 109a-c
30 BACON: Advancement ofLearning, 78a-d
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART III, 102b-103a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK VIII, 51a;.
54b; 57b-c; BK xv, 112c-114a
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 361a-362a/ Social Con-
tract, BK II, 402b-d; 404c-d; BK III, 418a-
420a
39 SMITH: Wealth of Nations, BK IV, 239a-240b;
262a-d; 269d-271a; BK V, 308b-c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 48d-49a; 436a-c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 559c-560d
42 KANT: Science of Right, 439a-441d
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: 1a-3b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 27, 95b-c; 96b; NUM-
BER 48, 157b-c
43 MILL: Liberty, 321b-c
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 195c-d
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART IV,
364a-c
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Manifesto, 423b-
425b
3c( 1) Revolution in monarchies
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK I, 21b; 24a-b; BK II,
8Sb-c; BK III, 107e-108c; 118b; BK IV,
138a-c; 148a
7 PLATO: Laws, BK III, 667c-672a esp 667c-d,
670c-672a
641
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 82a-b; 452c-
4s3a,c
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: ARTICLE I, SECT
9 [260'-266] 13d; ARTICLE IV, SECT 2 [S29-
S35] 16b; AMENDMENTS, XIII, SECT I-XIV,
SECT! 18c-d
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 42, 137b-e
43 MILL: Representative Government, 332c; 339d-
340e;351d-352b
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART 1I, 276d..
277a; PART III, 29sd-296c; 307b-308a
50 MARX: Capital, 7b-d; 79d-80b [fn 4]; 131a-
146c esp I31a, 134d, 137a, 138b-e, 141c,
146b-::c; 231b-248d passim, esp 242d-244a,
248c-d; 295a-d; 364a-368b esp 367b-368b
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Ma11ifesto, 415a-
417a,cesp, 416b-d; 419b,d; '422c-425b esp
423e-d, 424b-425a; 426b-c; 428d-429c
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK v, 211a-213a;
216e-d; BK VI, 235a
52 DOSTOEVSKY: Brothers Karamazov, BK VI,
165b-c
54 FREUD: Civilization and Its Discontents, 787d-
788a / New Introductory Lectures, 883d-
884c
4b. Change in the economic order: modifica-
tion or overthrow of a system of produc-
tion and distributipn
5 .A.RISTOPHANES: EccleJiazusae 615a-628d esp
[553-729] 621b-623c I Plutus 629a-642d esp
[415-618] 633d-636d
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian BK I,
349b-d; 350d-::351a; 352e
7 PLATO: Republic, BK II, 316c-319a; BK VIII,
404a; 405d-408a
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK ,I, CH 4 [I253b33-39]
447b-e; BK II, CH 5 458a-460a; CH 6 [126S
6
28-
b25] 460c-::461a; CH 7 461d.,,463c; BK III, CH
10 [I28I
a
II-28] 478d-479a
14 PLUTARCH: Lycurgus, 36a-d
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART III, 104b-106b
39 SMITH: Wealth of Nations, BK I, 27b-37b; BK
lII, 165b-175b; 178d-179a
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 452c-453a,c
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 41, 135a-e
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART IV, 335a-
336c
50 MARX: Capital,80b-'81a; 153b-d; 157a-188c
esp 163a-c, 164a-165b,,176a-180d, 183b-184b,
187a-e; 205a-250c, esp 218d-219a, 221c-223c,
226d-227d, 240c-241a; 290a-c; 308d,31Ib;
351a-c;354a-378d 'esp 354a-355d, 377c-
378d
50 MARX-EN?ELS: Communist }Ylanifesto,
416c-d;419d-422c; '425e-427b; 428d-429c
54 FREUD: Civilization and Its Discontents, 787d-
788a
5. The strategy of economic revolution
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Manifesto, 41Sc-
416c; 417a,c; 425b-c; 428d-429b; 434a-d
CHAPTER 80:' REVOLUTION
14 PLUTARCH: Galba, 859a-c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, 1a-4d; BK IV, 82a-b;
BK XI, 102d-l03a; BK XII, 112a-b; BK XV,
169a-176b I Histories, BK I, 200d; 202c-205a;
BK II, 234b-235a
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 150e-151a; PART
TV, 273a-b; CONCLUSION, 280d
26 SHAKESPEARE: Richard III, ACT V, SC III
[237-27] 146b-e! Julius Caesar 568a-596a,c
esp ACT I, SC II [2S-,-177] 56ge-571a,[2I 5-326]
571c-572c
27 SHAKESPEARE: Macbeth, ACT IV, SC III [1-49]
303b-304a
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH XIV, SECT 166-
168 63d-64c; CH XVIII-XIX 71a-81d passim
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws, BK V, 25d-26c;
28b-::29a; BK VIII, 54a.;.b; BK XIX, 137e-d;
BK XXV, 212a-b; 214a,c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 361e-362a I' Social
Contract,BK II, 404c-d; BK III, 417b-e; 419b-c
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 29b-::31a esp 29c-
30a; 35c-39d; 42b,d-44e; 49a; SOb-SId; S6a-
59a; 63a-64d; 68e; 71b-76b; 126d-127c; 246a;
652d-655c
41 GIBBON:, Decline and Fall, 113d-115a; 166a-
167d; 464a.-466b
43' DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: 1a-3b
43 MILL: Liberty, 274b,d [fn I] / Representative
Government, 343b-344d
46 I-IEGEL: Philosophy of History, PART I; 230a-c
4. The nature of economic revolutions
4". Change in the conditi()n of the oppressed
or exploited: the emancipation of slaves,
serfs, proletariat
'OLD TESTAMENT: Exodus, 1-14 I Deuteronomy,
26 :5-9 / Jeremiah, 34 :8-I 7-(D) Jeremias,
34:8--1 7
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK IV, 124a-d
6 l'HUCYbiDES: PeloponnesianWar, BK III,
435b; BK IV, 467a-b; BK V, 482d-483a; 491b-c
., PLATO: Laws, BK VI, 709d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics,BK II, CH 9 [1269R37-b7]
465c; CH 10 [1272bI7-19] 469a; CH 12 [1273b
36-I274R22] 470c-d; BK V, CH II [13Isa32-39]
518b / ..4.thenian Constitution, CH 2 553a-c;
CH'5-6 554d-555c
14 PLUTARCH: Lycurgus, 36a-37e I Solon, 68d-
70e I Agis 648b,d-656d I Cleomenes 657a-
'671d / Tiberius Gracchus 671b,d-681a,c /
Caius Gracchus, 681b,d-689a,c
15 TACITUS: Annals, BKIV, 70e-d; BK XIII,
132a-c; 133e; BK XIV, 151d-152b
27 SHAKESPEARE: Coriolanus, ACT I, SC I [1-167]
351a-353a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK XV, 112c-
113a; 114c"115b
39 SMITH: Wealth of Nations, BK III, 165b..
17Sb
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 16d-17b; 144a-d;
SOsc; sOga; 628d
3c(3) Rebellion against tyranny and despotism
OLD rfESTAMENT: I Kings, I2:1-2S-(D) III
Kings, 12 :1-25 I 1.1 Chronicles, lo-(Dt II
Paralipomenon, 10 "
ApOCRYPHA: I Nfaccabees, I :I--2:44--(D)q'T',
I Machabees, 1:1'-2:441 II Maccabees, 6:i
c
-II;
8:I--4-(D) 01',11 Machabees, 6:1-11; 8:1-4-
6 I-IERODOTUS: llistory, BK I, 21 b; 24a-b; B'KIV
148a; BK v, 170c-172e; 178a-180a; BK VI
187b-c
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK VI
523c-s24c
7 PLATO: Republic, BK VIII-IX, 411d-420d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK V, CH 4 [I30 4
R
30-3
8
506a; CH 10 [I310a39]--CH 12 [I3ISb39] 512
s18d; ClI 12 [13I632S--3S] 51gb I Athen.i
Constitution, ell 14-19 5s8d-561d
640 THE GREAT IDEAS 3c(2) to
(3c. The causes and effects of revolution under S05d-S06a; CH 5--9 506b-512d; CH 12 [I3r6
a
difjerentjorms of government. 3c(1) Revo- I9-
b2
7] 519a-d; BK VI, cn s-6 523b-524c I
lution in monarchies.) 1thenian Constitution, CH 1-4
1
5s3a-s72a
Slffi, esp CH S s54d-5s5a, CH 29 566b-d,CIi
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK V, CH 10 [13IOa39]- 3.3-34 568b-569a, CH 38 SlOa-c
CH II [1313a33] 512d-516a 14 PLUTARCH: Theseus, 13a-14c / Lycurgus
14 PLUTARCH: Lycurgus, 35e.;d;47a-48a / 35c-d; 47a-48a I Lycurgus-Numa 61b,d:
Agesilaus, 482a-485b I Demetrius, 732a-e 64a,el Solon, 68d-70d; 75e-76dl Themistocles
15 TACITUS: Histories, BK I, 190a-191a; 192d- 96b-c I Camillus, 117c-121a,c I Coriolanus'
193a; 193c-194a; 195c-198c; 201a.;b; 208b-c; 176b-184c I Lysander, 361a-368a,c / Crassus'
209d-210b; 210d-212d; BK IV, 266b-c 444d-44sd I'Pompey, 521c-d; 525a-b;
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK III, CHIS 176d- I Caesar, 581d-582a; 588c-589a; 590d-s91a
178a I Cato the Younger, 631b-c; 636cd I Agis
23 MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CR IV 1a-8a; CHVI, Cleomenes, 657a-663c I Tiber-
9b-d; CH VIII-IX, 14a-16a; CH' XV-xx 22b- lUS. Gracchus 671b,d-681a,e esp 680b-d I
31e Cazus Gracchus 681b,d-689a,c I Cicero
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART 11, 108d-109a; 708a-b jAntony, 7s0a-b ' ,
148d-149b; lSOe-151a; 153a-156e; 159a-c; 15 TACITUS: Annals,BKI, 1a-2a; 3a-b' BK VI
PART IV, 273a-c 97b-c / Histories, :13K II, 224d-225a' ,
26 SHAKESPEARE : 1st Henry VI 1a-32a,e esp ACT 23 HOBBEs: Leviathan, PART II, 105e-106b'
II, sc IV 11b-12d, ACT IV, sc 1[30-113] 20a-21a 149a-b; 152e '
I 2nd Henry VI 33a-68d esp ACT I, SC I 33b,d- 38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK n,6e':7b;
36b 13rd Henry VI 69a-l04d esp ACT I, SC I BK BK V, 21d-22b; 23a-25a; BK
69a-72d/ Richard III10sa-148a,c esp ACT V, VII, 44d-45b; BK VIII, 51a-s3a; BK x, 64a-b.
sc v [15-41] 148a,c / Richard II, ACT IV, sc I BK XII, 91c.;92b; BK XV, 114c-115b '
[107'-1491 342c-343a lIst Henry IV, ACT IV, 38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK III, 411b-c.
SC III 459b-460b; ACT V, SC I [30-120] 461b- 418c-419b '
462a I 2nd Henry IV, ACT IV, SO I 487b- 39 SMITH: Wealth 0+ 7\Ta'tz"o'ns" 308b 'J 1."11 BK V, ' -e;
489d 420b-c
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, ell XIV, SECT 166- 43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER I, 30b; NUMBER 9-
1
0
168 63d-64c; CH XVIII-Xlx71a-81d passim 47a-53a; NUMBER IS--16 62d-68d; NUMBER
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART III, 102b.;103a 17--20, 70a-78b; NUMBER 21, 78d-79b; NUM-
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws, BK V, 25d-26c; BER 2S, 90a-91d; NUMBER 27, 9sb-c; NUMBER
BK VII, 4Sc-46a;BK VIII, 53a-54a; 56d':S7a; 29, 99b-101a; NUMBER 38, 124b-125a; NUM-
BK XI, 77b-78a; 13K XXV, 212a-b BER 43, 141a-142d; NUMBER 46,
38 ROUSSEAU: Social Contract, BK III, 419b-c NUMBER 48, 157b-c;NUMBER 58, 181b-182a;
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 68b,d-69a NUMBER 60, 184b-d; NUMBER 63, 194b.;195b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 48, 157b-e 43 MILL: Representative Government,329b-330e;
43 MILL:Liberty,267d-268b 350c-351d; 366a-367b
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 120a-c 46 HEGEL: Philosophy of [listory, pART ..
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK VI, 238e-243d; 277a; 278d-279b; PART III, 300a-301e; PART
260a-262a; EPILOGUE I, 668a-669d IV, 35sd-357a: 364a-c
50 Communist Manifesto, 423d..
424b; 429c-430b; 432b-d
3c(2) Revolutions in republics: aristocracies,
oligarchies, and democracies
6 HERODOTUS : History, BK VI, 202d-203b
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK III,
434c-438c esp 436d-438b; BK IV, 459a-c;
463a-46sc; 466a-469b; BKV, 482d-483a;
502d-s04b esp s03d-s04b; BK VI, 519c-520d;
533a-c; BK VIII, s74d-s90c esp
577b-d, 579c-s83c, 58sd-586b, 587a-589a,
590a-c
7 PLATO: Republic, BK VIII, 402a-413d I Laws,
BK IX, 744c-d / Seventh Letter, 806d-807b
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 9 [127ob7-34]
466d-467a; CH II [I273bI7-24] 470b; CH 12
[I273b36-1274a22] 470c-d; BK III, CH 13
[I284a3-b34] 482a-483a; CH IS [I286
b
I2-I6]
485a; BK IV, CH S [I292bII-22] 492a; BK V, CH
I [I302a8-16] s03b; CH 3 [I302b21-I303a24J
S04a-d; [I303bS-I8] sOsa; ClI 4 [1304aI8--291
THE GREAT ID.EA.S
For: The consideration of revolution as civil war, see OPPOSITION Sc; WAR AND PEACE 2a-2C.
Other discussions relevant to the process ofpolitical change by violent or peaceful means, see
CONSTITUTION 7ja,. 8-8b; GOVERNMENT 6; LAW 7d; LIBERTY 6b-6c; MONARCHY sa-sbj
PROGRESS 4a; SLAVERY 6c-6d; STATE 3g; TYRANNY IC, 6-8.
The cause and prevention of revolution under different forms of government, see ARISTOC"
RACY J; CONSTITUTION 7, 7b ;DEMOCRACY 7a ; OLIGARCHY 3a-3b; TYRANNY 8.
CHAPTER 80: REVOLUTION 643
14 PLUTARCH: Flamininus pas-
Sim
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I; 17e-d; BK IV, 76a;
82d-83a; BK XII, 117e-d; BK XIV, 149a-b I
Histories, BK I, 19Id-192a; BK IV, 269d-270b;
290a-d; BK V, 301e-d
18 AUGUSTINE: City of God, BK III, CH 14 175b-
176d; BK IV,CH 3-4190a-d; CH IS 196e-197a;
BK V, CH 12, 216d-218a; BK XIX, CH 21, 524e-d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART II, 110b-111a; CON-
CLUSION, 279d-281a
26 SHAKESPEARE: 1st Henry VI la-32a,e esp ACT
I, SC I 1b,d-3e / 2nd flenry VI 33a-68d esp
ACT I, SC I 33b,d-36b, ACT III, sc I [82-92]
47d-48a /3rd Henry VI 69a-l04d esp ACT III,
SC III 88a-91h / Henry V 532a-567a,e esp
ACT I, SC II 534a-537b, EPILOGUE 567e
27 SHAKESPEARE: Cymbeline, ACT III, SC I 463e-
464e
35 LOCKE: Civil Government, CH XVI, SECT 176
66a-b; SECT 192 6ge-d; SECT 196 70b-e; CH
XIX, SECT 211 73d-74a
36 SWIFT: Gulliver, PART IV, 182b-183a
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLatvs, BK X, 62b-63d
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 355c-d / Social Con-
tract, BK p, 402d:-403a; 403d-404a
39 SMI!H: Wealth of Nations, BK IV, 255a-279b
paSSim
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 18a;21c-23e; 71b-d;
144d-146a; 246a; 255e-d; 420b-422d esp
420b-d; 436e-438a; 449d-451a; 477b,d-49Ia
esp; 489d-491a; 521a-523a,c; 608b,d
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 51a-54d passim;
216e-217b; 285a-e; 307a-e; 443b-444a; 464a-
466b
42 KANT: Science of Right, 413d; 454a-455a;
456e-457a
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: Ia-3b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 46, 152a-153a
43 MILL: Liberty, 272a / Representative Govern-
ment, 339a-340d; 353e; 433b-442d
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 17ge
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, ADDITIONS, 172
146c-d I Philosophy of History, PART I, 241d-
242b; PART II, 281d-282a; PART III, 299c-301c;
PART IV, 324d-326c
50 MARX: Capital, 379a-383d passim
51 TOLSTOY: War and Peace, BK X, 466b-d; BK
XI, 498e-499a
6b to 7
51 TOLSTOY: and Peace, BK 1, 9d-l0b;
EPILOGUE I,. 668a-669d; EPILOGUE II, 680b-
684a
6b. The right to abrogate the social contract or
to secede from a federation
6 THUCYDIDES: PeloponnesianWar, BK I, 358d-
360c; BK III, 418d-419d
7 PLATO: Crita, 216d-219a,e esp 217e-218b /
Laws, BK VI, 706b-e
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART I, 91a-92b; PART II,
101a-l02a
35 LOCKE: Cvil Government, CH VIII, SECT 95-99
46e-47c passim; SECT 113-122 51b-53e passim;
CH XIX, SECT 211 73d-74a; SECT 243 8Id
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 358b-359a / Political
Economy, 374a-b / Social Contract, BK III,
419a-b; 424d
42 KANT: Science of Right, 449d; 450d-451e
43 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: la-3b
43 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION: XIII ge
43 CONSTITUTION OF THE U.S.: AMENDMENTSt
XIV 18d-19b
43 FEDERALIST: NUMBER 22, 84d-85a; NUMBER
43, 143b-144a;NuMBER 58, 181d-182a
46 HEGEL: Philosophy of Right, ADDITIONS, 1]2
I46c-d
,.Empire and revolution: .the justification of
colonial rebellion and the defense of
imperialism
6 HERODOTUS: Ilistory, BK I, 23a-31a;. BK V-VI
160a213a,c esp BK VI, 191a-d; BK Ix,307b-
308a;
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK I, 358d-
360e; 363a-b; 368a-d;373d-374a; 378e-380a;
BK II, 402d-404a; BK III, 418d-419d; 425a-
428d; BK IV,. 468a-469b; BK V, 504e-507e esp
505e, 506b-e; BK VI, 514b-d; 530d-531b; BK
VIn 564a-593a,e passim
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 9 [I269837c...b7]
465e; [I;27Ibl-6] 467d; CH 10 [I272bI6,-22]
469a; CH II [1273bI7-24] 470b; CH 12 [1274a
10-IS] 470d; BK III, CH 13 [1284a36....b2] 482c;
BK V, CH 3- [I303
82
5-
b
3] 504d-S05a; CH 4
[134
818
-39] 505d-506a; CH 7 [r307
bI
9-23]
509d; BK VII,CH 2 [I324b2,-I325aI5] $28e-
529a; CH 14 [I333bll-I3348IO] 538e-d / Athe-
nian Constitution,. CH 27, par 1-2 565a-b
CROSS-REFERENCES
6. The justice of revolution
6a. The right of rebellion: the circumstance
civil disobedience or
Insurrection
4 HOMER: Iliad, BK IX [50-64] 57e-d
5 SOPHOCLES: ,/.1.ntigone 131a-142d esp [44
1
-47
0
]
134d-135a
5 ARISTOPHANES: Lysistrata 583a-599a,e esp
[476-S97] 588d-S91a
6 HERODOTUS: History, BK III, 103d-107e
7 PLATO: Apology, 210a-b / Crito, 216d-219a,c
esp 216d-217d / Seventh Letter, 800e; 804a-b.
812d '
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 10 [I272b2-16]
468d-469a; BK V, CH 1 [I30I838-b2] 502b-e
14 PLUTARCH: Tiberius Gracchus 671b,d-68Ia,c
esp 678b-d
15 TACITUS: Annals, BK I, 6b-7a; 10d-l1d.BK
XV, 174b-d IHistories, BKI,
BK II, 234b-d; BK IV, 290a-e
20 AQUINAS: Summa Theologica, PART I-II, Q9
6
,
A 4 233a-d; PART II-II, Q 42, A 2, REP 3
584b-d
23. MACHIAVELLI: Prince, CH XXVI 36b-37d
23 HOBBES: Leviathan, PART I, 91b-92b passim;
PART II, 101a-102e; 104b... d; 112b-c; 115a-116a;
153e; PART IV, 273a-b; ,CONCLUSION, 279d
25 MONTAIGNE: Essays, 47a-51a; 318e-319b;
462e-465c; 504e-506a
26 SHAKESPEARE: Richard III, ACT V, sc III [237-
27] 146b-e / 1st Henry IV, ACT IV,SC III [52.:...
lOS] 459d-460b / 2nd l-Ienry IV, ACT I, SC I
[
18
7':"'
21
5] 470a-b; ACT IV, SC I 487b-489d /
Julius Caesar, ACT II,SC I [10-191] 574e-576c;
ACT III, SC I [78-121] 581b-d
27 SHAKESPEARE: Macbeth, ACT IV, SC III 303b-
306b
35 LOCKE: Toleration, 16d-17e / Civil Govern-
ment, CII III, SECT 18 29b; CH XIII, SECT 149
59b-d; SECT ISS 60d-61a; CH XIV, SECT 168
64b-c; CH XVI, SECT I7666a-b; SECT 19
0
-
1
9
2
69b-d; SECT I96.70b-e; CH XVIII-XIX 71a-81d
38 NfoNTESQUIEU: Spirit ofLaws, BK VIII, 54b-c
38 ROUSSEAU: Inequality, 361a-362a
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 71b-74a esp 73b-c;
144a-c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 92d; 166a-167d;
473b-d
42 KANT: Science ofRight, 439a-441d; 457a
43. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE: 1a-3b
43 FEDERALIST:;NUMBER 9, 47a-e; NUMBER 14,
62b-d; NUMBER 21, 78d-79b; NUMBER 26,
92a-94b;NUMBER 28 96e-98b; NUBER 60,
184b-d
43 MILL: Liberty, 267d-268b; 274b,d [fnI]
44 BOSWELL: Johnson, 120a-c; 195c-d; 219d-220a
46 HEGEL: Philosophy ofHistory, PART Iv,342c-d;
364a-e
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Alaniftsto, 430a;
432b-e; 434d
642
(5. The strategyofeconomic revolution.)
5a. Revolution as an expression of the class
struggle: rich and poor, nobles and
commons, owners and workers
6 HERODOTUS: Hstory, BK VI, 202e-203b; BK
VII, 243b-c
6 THUCYDIDES: Peloponnesian War, BK III,
423a-b; 434c-438e; BK IV, 463a-465e;BK V,
482d-483a; 503d-504b; BK VI, 524d-525d;
BK .. VIII 564a-593a,c passim, esp 568d-569a,
575e-576e, 57ge-583e, 587a..590e
7 PLATO: Republic, BK IV, 343d
9 ARISTOTLE: Politics, BK II, CH 6 [I26S
b
6-12]
461a; CH 7 461d-463e; CH 9 [I269837-b7] 465e;
BK v, CH 3 [I303bS-8] 505a; CH 4 [I304818-b6]
505d-506a; CH 7 [I306b22-130782] 508e-d; CH
9 [13
1081
9'-25] 512e; CH 10 [I3IOb9-IS] 512d-
513a; CHI2 [1316839-b22] 51ge-d / Athenian
Constitution, CH 2 553a-e; ClI 5 554d-555a
14 PLUTARCH: Solon, 68d-70e/ Pericles, 124a-130b
esp 126d-127a I Coriolanus, 176b-184e / Agis
648b,d-656d I Cleomenes,657a-663e / Tiberius
Gracchus 671b,d-681a,e / Caius Gracchus
681b,d-689a,e / Cicero, 708a-713b
15 TACITUS Histories, BK II, 224d-225a
26 SHAKESPEARE: 2nd Henry'VI, ACT IV, SC n
57d-59d
27 SHAKESPEARE: Coriolanus, ACT I, sc I [1-47]
351a-d
38 MONTESQUIEU: Spirit of Laws, BK XI, 77b-
79b
40 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 126d-127e; 144a-c
41 GIBBON: Decline and Fall, 574b-582b passim,
esp 575a-d, 578e-581a
46 HEGEL: Philosophy ofIiistory, PARTII,263b-d;
275b-276a; PART III, 295d-296c
50 Capital, 8d-ge; 113e; 131a-146e esp
131a, 134d, 137a, 138b-e, 141e, 14-6b-c; 20ge-
210e; 294b-295a
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Manifesto .415a-
434d
.' SI War and Peace, BK X, 410e-421e:
54 FREUD: New Introductory Lectures, 884a
sh. The organization of a revolutionary class:
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat as
revolutionary classes in relation to dif-
ferent
50 MARX: Capital, ge; 354a-378d esp 356e-358a,
371d-372b, 378e, 378d-379b [fn 2]
SO MARX-ENGELS:
419b,d-425b esp 419d-420e, 421d-422a,,422c,
423b-424b; 428d
5c. The classless society as the goal of eco-
nomic revolution: the transformation of
the state
50 MARX: Capital, 9c
50 MARX-ENGELS: Communist Maniftsto, 416c-d;
.424d-425b;. 429b-c
ADDITIONAL READINGS
For: Othe'r discussions relevant to economic change and to the strategy of economic revolution
see HISTORY 4a(2); LABOR 7c(3); LIBERTY 6b;OpPOSITION sb; PROGRESS 3b; SLAVERY 3
C
;
STATE Sd(2)-se; WAR AND PEACE 2C; WEALTH 9h.
The general problem of the right of rebellion or the right of secession, lob; LAW
6c; LIBERTY 6b; TYRANNY 3; and for the issue concerning anarchy and the condemnation
of the rebel as an anarchist, see GOVERNMENT Ia; LIBERTY Ib; TYRANNY 3.
POLYBIUS. Histories, vOL I, BK VI
SALLUST. The War with Catiline
ApPIAN. The Civil Wars
LUTHER. Address to the German Nobility
--. Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes of
Peasants
--. Whether Soldiers, Too, Can Be Saved
BODIN. The Six Bookes ofa Commonweale, BK IV
SPENSER. The Faerie Queene, BK I
HOOKER. Ofthe Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity
DIGGES. Unlawfulness of Subjects Taking up Arms
Against Their Soveraigne
BENTHAM. A Fragment on Government, CH I (22-29)
PAINE. Com1non Sense
GODWIN. An Enqui1y Concerning Political]ustice,
BK IV, CH 2
BURKE. Reflections on the Revolution in France
--a Letter to a Noble Lord
rhetoric with being an art of enchantment or a
form of flattery also distinguish between a true
a false rhetoric, the one associated with di-
alectic as a wholly admirable pursuit, the other
classed with sophistry as avocation divorced
froin virtue., According to Bacon, ,.. the aim of
rhetoric is to support reason, "not to oppress
it." Rhetoric may be misused, but logicalso has
its abuses. "Rhetoric can be namore charged,"
in Bacon's opinion, "with the coloring of the
worse part, than logic with sophistry, or moral-
ity with vice."
THE PURPOSE AND scope ofrhetoric are capable
of broad and narrow definitions. 'fhe broader
view, which we shall consider subsequently,
tends to merge rhetoric with poetics as together
the art of eloquence in any sort of discourse.
The narrower view tends to restrict rhetoric to
the art of persuasion in the sphere of practical
affairs. Rhetorical skill consists in getting others
to embrace certain beliefs, to form the opinions
or make the judglJ)entswhichthe 'speaker or
writer wishes them to actio
Il
,
not persuasion, .is .the ultimate goaL. The rules
of rhetoric are supposed to give one power not
merely to move the minds of men to certain
conclusions but, throllgh persuasion of their
minds, tOlllove men to act or not act in a cer-
tain way.
The sphere of rhetoric,so conceived, is lilT!-
ited to-moral and political problems. The things
about which ll1en deliberate before acting, the
things on which they pass moraLjudgments or
make politicaldecisions, constitute the subject
matter of oratory, or what Hobbes calls
hortation and dehortation," that is, "<.;ounsel
accompanied with signs in him that giveth it,
of vehement desire to have it followed."
In the narro\ver conception, rhetoric seems
to be confined 'to oratory.It is with oratory and
645
INTRODUCTION
Chapter 81: RHETORIC
E)HETORIC is traditionally regarded as
one.of the liberal arts. When the liberal
are counted as seven, and divided into the
tll1;ee and the four-the, triviu1.n and. the quad-
ilium-rhetoric is grouped \vithgrammarand
gic, not \vith the mathematical arts of arith-
etic and geometry, astronomy and music..
e implication of this grouping seems .to be
at rhetoric, like grammar, has something to
with language or discourse; and that, like
,ie, iris concerned with thought, with reason-
or argument. But if grammar is the art of
iting or speaking correctly, and if logic is the
of thinking correctly, it may be wondered
at rhetoric can add to these other arts, either
()n the side of language or of thought.
Logic by;itself does not sufl1ee to ensure that
are properly used to express thought;.nor
es gralnmar guarantee that discourse which
is:f1awlessin syntax also complies with the de-
mands of rationality. Hence neither .grammar
norlogic seems to challenge the function of the
other, as together they. challenge the {unc..
tion of rhetoric.
Upon the way this challenge is met depends
otonly the definition ofrhetoric, but also the
alueput upon it. In the tradition of the great
oks, rhetoricis both praised as a useful disci-
line which liberally educated men should pos-
ss, and condemned asa dishonest craft towhich
ecent men would not stoop. Like the words
""sophistical" and "dialectical," the epithet
"rhetorical" carries, traditionally as well as cur-
ntly, a derogatory implication. The three
ords sometimes. even tend to merge in mean-
g, expressing the same reproach against trick..
y. Yet of the three, "sophistical" alone im-
ies an unqualified rebuke.
''We do not speak of good and bad sophistry.
l.lt dialectic has its defenders as as its de-
tactors; and even those who, like Plato,charge
IDEAS
I.
II.
Listed below are works not included in Great Books o,fthe Western World, but relevant to the
idea and topics with which this chapter deals. These works are divided into two groups:
I. Works by authors represented in this collection.
II. Works by authors not represented in this collection.
For the date, place, and other facts concerning the publication of the works cited, consult
the Bibliography of Additional Readings which follows the last chapter of The Great Ideas.
BURKE. Thoughts on the Prospect ofa Regicide Peace
BYRON. Prometheus
SHELLEY. Prometheus Unbound
T. CARLYLE. The French Revolution
THOREAU. Civil Disobedience
TOCQEVILLE. regime (Ancient Regime)
Idea of the Revolution in the
Nineteenth Century
'-.; ,-', De lajustice dans la. revolution et dans
PICKENS: A Tale of Two Cities.. ,... .... ..'. ,
COSTER. The Glorious Adventures ofTyl
BAKUNIN. God and the State
HUGO. Ninety-Three
A.ToYNBEE. Lectures on the Industrial Revolution
RITCHIE. Natural Rights, PART II, eH I I
SHAW. The Revolutionist's Handbook
ANDREYEV. The Seven Who Were Hanged
SOREL. Rejlexions on Violence
LENIN. Collected Works, VOL XXI, Towardthe Seizure
of Power
--. The State and Revolution
T. E. LAWRENCE. Seven Pillars of Wisdom
L. P. EDWARDS. The Natural Hz'story ofRet'olu-
tion
BERDYAYEV. Christianity and the Class War
TROTSKY. Literature and Revolution
:-'_.-. 1ne History ofthe Russian Revolution
MARITAIN. Theonas, Conversations ofa Sage, 'IX
--a "Onthe Purification of Means," in Freedol1'J.
in the Modern- T-Vorld
GORKY. Mother
---. Forty Years-the Life ofClim Sa1nghin, VOL II,
The Magnet; VOL III, Other Fires; VOL IVt
Specter
MALRAUX. Man's Fate
--. Man's Hope
BRINTON. The Anatomy of Revolution
B. RUSSELL. Power, ClI 7
E. WILSON. To the Finland Station
ORTEGA yCASSET. The Revolt ofthe Masses
--. TouJard a Philosophy of History
LASKI. Reflections on the: Revolution of Our Time
I)IWAKAR. Satyagraha: The Potver of Truth
644
MACHIAVELLI. The Discourses, BK III, CH 1-8
__. Florentine History i . ,
F. BACON. "Of Seditions and :Troubles, " "OfFac-
tions," in Essays
HOBBES. Philosophical Rudiments Concerning Gov-
ernment and Society, CH 12
--. The Elernents. of Law, Na/ttraland. Politic,
PART II, CH 8
HUME. Of Passive Obedience;
ENGELS. The Peasant War in Gerrnany
---. Germany: Ret/Olutionand' Counter-Revolution
J. S. MILL. "A Few Observations on, the French
Revolution" in VOL I, "Vindication" of the
French Revolution of February 1848" in VOL II,
Dissertations and Discussions
-'--. Thoughts on Parliamentary Reform
DOSTOEVSKY. The House ofthe Dead
--a The Possessed
MARX and ENGELS. The German Ideology, PART I
MARX. The Eighteenth Brumaire ofLouis Bonaparte
--a The Civil War in France