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The headlines of one of the leading newspapers often goes like, Youth arrested for abducting boy in Mumbai, A professor beaten to death by his own students.
Going through such headlines has become a routine affair for us. The country is plagued by many catastrophic, socio-economic issues like poverty, terrorism, illiteracy and corruption. The involvement of the youth in overcoming these problems is of great importance. The youth, in a rising nation like ours, plays a strong role in bringing reforms to restructure the nation. They protest and demand what is best for the nation. A case in point is the protest campaign organised mainly by the younger sections of the society to dissent against the acquittal of the convicts in the Jessica Lal murder case. The youth came out in full force and protested against the law that had
favoured the rich and the famous. This ultimately led the high court to punish the guilty. However, lately, in order to earn quick bucks and the need to fulfil their dreams and desires at the earliest, young people have resorted to unlawful means to achieve them. Is the future of the nation becoming its own destructor? According to the National Crime Records Bureau, 44 per cent of the arrested criminals belong to the age group of 10 to 30 years, which is the youth (As per the 2011 statistics). There is a section of the youth who have been achieving their goals through unlawful means. Crimes ranging from thefts to kidnapping, murders, rape and sex scandals involve such people. The crime rate has been drastically increasing. Why has the youth of this nation become so pugnacious? Is it due to under-employment or the lack of law enforcement in the country? On one hand, we are fighting to reduce the minimum age of consumption of alcohol while on the other, we are consuming it, driving recklessly and killing people. We are raising our voices on womens safety and we are the one raping them. Youngsters belonging to well-to-do families have also been caught in cases of hacking bank accounts. Recently, in Delhi, five young men were convicted for thrashing an Air force officer for overtaking the latters car. This highlights that they do not have patience, there is a lot of anger in them and the only problem is that they are directing this anger in the wrong direction. According to leading psychiatrists, the lack of adequate opportunities frustrates young people to an extent where they use any method possible to attain success. Many also believe that youngsters who take the path of crime are the troubled ones. This could be true in some of the cases but people in their 20s, committing a murder over who should get a prantha first is something beyond imagination, as seen in an incident that occurred at midnight in a posh area of South Delhi. Such cases are endless. Many cases like sexual assaults and minor rapes go unreported and the youngsters feel free
to commit the same again. Even the judicial system shows leniency towards the accused and no stern action is taken. It is time for the country to revamp its judicial system and processes. Most of the accused are not afraid of being caught after committing the crime. The criminals know that their case will simply pile up with the rest of the cases and by the time the punishment is announced, they might not even exist. Further, the government should take appropriate measures to revive the economy so that employment opportunities are created, not just in metros but in rural areas as well. And last but not the least, the youth should realise their importance as they act as a role model for the future generations. Todays youngsters are the future of the nation and they ought to act like one.
There has been a disturbing increase in criminal incidents involving young people in India in the past few years. The trend is not confined to the poorer quarters of our cities and towns but even afflicts well-to-do sections of society. According to the latest figures from the National Crime Records Bureau, youth in the age group of 18-30 were responsible for 41 per cent of the total heinous crimes - murder, rape, burglary, dacoity and kidnapping - in 2002, up from 35 per cent in the previous year. Violent behaviour can have several triggers. Parental conflict, broken families, child abuse, poor parental supervision and delinquent peers, coupled with the carefree attitude of youth in schools and colleges, are often the precursors to youth involvement in crime. Social anthropologist Ashis Nandy strikes a note of caution. "Youth crime is an inevitable part of urban growth," he says. "The giant uprooting in the name of development has led to a breakdown of community ties and as a consequence results in spiralling crime." The disconnect between aspiration and opportunity causes social disruptions that ultimately lead to youth turning to crime. Sociologists believe that the break up of community ties in rural Uttar Pradesh and Punjab is responsible for the economic and social stress amongst youth. Due to the massive migration from these areas, there are few able-bodied men left in the villages who can be role models for the youth. In the absence of an iconic figure, migrant youth who move to cities are sucked into crime easily. TV too has shaped the attitudes of youth. A recent UNESCO study reveals boys' fascination for
aggressive icons. For instance, Arnold Schwarzenegger was known by 88 per cent of the boys living in high-crime environments in India, Brazil and Japan. "There is a desensitisation to violence. Some youths see it as a solution to day-today problems," argues Dr Rajesh Parikh, psychiatrist at Mumbai's Jaslok Hospital. Influenced by these violent images, many young people feel they can get away with anything. "This mistaken notion that crime is low risk and high gain is their motto," adds Parikh. Another theory puts the blame on biology. It says Generation Next is growing up faster physically. Girls and boys now attain puberty at a younger age than previous generations did. But emotional development has not kept pace with physical maturity. The hormonal disturbance often makes young people turn violent. Akila Sivadas, director of the NGO Centre for Advocacy and Research, describes the problem as a "crisis in gate-keeping". "Parents have to stop being gate-keepers and be facilitators. High expectations of ambitious parents can lead to volatile behaviour." For India - which has about 550 million young people - it is a ticking time bomb it can't afford to ignore. If the factors leading to youth crime are not curbed, the country could slip into anarchy.
1. Introduction1
We are in the midst of an exciting era in New Zealand youth justice. The Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989 is twenty years old. It has proved itself as a piece of innovative legislation that has produced results in terms of reducing imprisonment and recidivism rates for children and young people. It has been studied and replicated by many international jurisdictions. We are also seeing new research in the youth justice sector both from New Zealand and internationally. This research can help groups providing interventions for at-risk youth, by giving them better, scientifically validated information, to help tie proposed interventions to the needs of offenders, and the causes of their offending. We have better information than ever before about what causes children and young people to commit crime2, and how to target every dollar spent so that it produces the greatest reduction in recidivism possible.
Most importantly, the research has identified, what is obvious to those who work in this field, that "one size does not fit all". There are different types of youth offenders, and different causes of offending. These determine the type of intervention which will be effective. Overall, apprehension rates for child and youth offending are maintaining a slow decline, with one exception. Apprehension rates for violent crime are increasing. This increase deserves special mention. Table 1. Apprehension Rate per 10,000 Population by Age Group 1999-20083
Table 2. Violence Apprehension Rate per 10,000 Population by Age Group 1999-20084
Significantly, the increase in apprehensions for violence offences amongst children and young people is replicated in all age groups. In fact the largest increase in violence crime is found in the over 50 age group! Generally, the increase in apprehension rates for violent crime for all age groups is attributed to an increase in apprehensions for domestic violence. The increased rate of apprehensions for domestic violence, in turn, is at least partly attributed to increased training by police in domestic violence. The situation for youth however, is somewhat different. Youth offending statistics show increases since about 2004 in both the top end (wounding with intent and injuring with intent) and bottom end (common assault and male assaults female) violent offences. These increases cannot be ignored. However, while the number of violent offences is increasing, the total numbers of young people in this age group (14 to 16 year olds) has been decreasing since 2006. It is concerning to the youth justice community that youth violence appears to be rising while the population numbers are decreasing.
biological factors that make a person more or less likely to commit offences. Extensive data on risk and protective factors come from longitudinal studies, of which there are currently two in New Zealand. The Dunedin Longitudinal study is a longrunning research study of the lives of 1037 people born in Dunedin in 1972 and 1973. Study members have been assessed at regular intervals through their lives. This study has produced a large amount of information about the risk and protective factors for offending. Similarly the Christchurch Health and Development study is following 1265 people born in the Christchurch area in the mid1970s. These studies have revealed that youth offending tends to follow one of two types of developmental pathway.
3. How do we identify the causes of youth offending? Risk and protective factors
A study of the causes of youth offending requires an analysis of risk and protective factors. A risk factor indicates the likelihood that a young person will commit an offence. Risk factors tend to fall into five categories individual characteristics, family factors, school/work factors, associations with peers, and biological factors. The more risk factors a child or young person exhibits, the more likely they are to commit offences. The presence of just one risk factor is unlikely to lead to offending. The Christchurch longitudinal study found that children from families with 19 or more risk factors were 100 times more likely to end up with multiple problems as teenagers (including offending), than the 50% of the sample who had just six or fewer risk factors8.
Protective factors are positive influences in a young person's life that militate against the risk of offending. Protective factors are sometimes said to be the factors that produce resilience. While it is true that the presence of multiple risk factors increases the likelihood of a young person committing an offence, the extent to which those risk factors can be said to cause the offending is not always a straight-forward relationship. Some risk factors such as poor relationships with parents, are more direct causes of offending. Other risk factors, such as poverty or conflict between parents have a more indirect or distal relationship to offending. It is very difficult to know which risks are actually causes, and of course, this may differ between individuals. It may be possible to look at a particular individual who has already committed an offence and determine the causes of his or her offending. But at a population level, the best information we can produce is a study of risk factors for offending, and an understanding that the more risk factors an individual possesses, the more likely they are to commit offences. 'There is[ ]no single factor that can be specified as the 'cause' of antisocial or criminal behaviour. The tangled roots of delinquency can, more accurately, be found in the way multiple risk factors cluster together and interact in the lives of some children, while important protective factors are conspicuously absent.'9 For community groups working with at-risk young people, this information is particularly relevant. An understanding of the risk factors will provide a more structured way of identifying which young people end up offending. In this context, the following table may be helpful.
Top 10 risk factors in childhood for future offending and/or antisocial behaviour10
Risk factors for children under 13
History of antisocial behaviour, behaviour problems, conduct disorder during childhood (lying, stealing, bullying, non-compliance, etc.) including contact with the law and arrest before age 12. Use of tobacco, alcohol and/or other drugs, either weekly or more frequently, before age 12. Male gender. Low self-control, impulsive, poor ability to stop and think before acting during childhood. Hyperactive, poor ability to pay attention during childhood. Involved in fighting, aggression, acts of violence before age 12.
Contact with antisocial peers (thos violence, gangs, etc.) (the more pe from age 13 onwards.
General offences, number or prior the higher the risk before the curre
3 4
3 4
5 6
5 6
Poor supervision by parents/careg person is, who they are with, rules
Neither parent had skilled work (that is, one or both are unemployed or in unskilled or semi-skilled jobs). Neither parent left school with any qualifications.
4. Risk factors
The risk factors for "life-course persistent" offenders are often different than those for adolescent onset offenders. Life-course-persistent offenders have neuro-developmental factors from their early childhood as the primary cause of their offending. The risk factors for their offending revolve around the home and family environment: poverty, family disruption, transience, lack of good quality relationships, etc.
The risk factors for "adolescent onset" offenders are usually related to their current social environment: delinquent peers, drug and alcohol abuse, family dysfunction. The way in which risk factors relate to life-course persistent offenders and adolescent onset offenders is complicated. There will often be crossovers between the categories. For example, the social risk factors of peers, substance abuse and family dysfunction will sometimes be relevant in the lives of life-course persistent offenders. Consequently, it is impossible to maintain a division between the risk factors for the two types of offenders. The remainder of this paper will discuss the risk and protective factors, and solutions to the offending in a more general way, while maintaining the overriding distinctions between the two types of offenders.
The similarities between the backgrounds of young people with conduct disorder, and those who identify as life-course persistent offenders are so similar, it is thought that almost all life-course persistent-type offenders have conduct disorder.
The Christchurch Health and Development Study has shown that exposure to harsh or abusive treatment during childhood greatly increases their risk of juvenile offending18. One particular family problem the Youth Court sees regularly is an unstable, transient life style. This is more a feature of life-course persistent offenders due to the higher levels of family dysfunction. When a young person changes address frequently, not only are they at greater risk of dropping out of school, developing fewer positive friends, and boredom, they have less chance of experiencing the protective factors that come from connections to the community, such as organised social and cultural groups, team sports, or religious groups. For adolescent onset offenders, the relationship between family risk factors and offending is different. Often these young people will have had positive experiences throughout childhood. During adolescence however, poor parenting practices such as lack of supervision, lack of reasonable rules and consistent consequences, may combine with other risk factors to result in offending.
So it is not surprising, that young people who do not attend school have higher rates of anti-social behaviour. It is unclear, however, whether lack of attendance at school causes offending, or whether it is merely a coexisiting characteristic. What is clear from the studies is that the corelationship is so strong that all efforts to return a young person to the education system are likely to be beneficial. Interestingly, one study has found that it is the fact of participation in school, rather than levels of school achievement that has a beneficial effect on offending. Merely attending on a regular basis appears to reduce the likelihood of offending20.
the independence and choices that come with adulthood (such as drinking alcohol, or driving cars). In this way, exposure to the activities of anti-social peers can increase the likelihood of offending. One study of 905 children found that while younger children disliked their peers who were physically aggressive. During puberty, that dissolved, and teenagers came to perceive their aggressive mates as having higher social status and more influence24. Another strong risk factor related to peers is alcohol and drug abuse. While there is currently some debate about whether alcohol and drug abuse causes offending, or is merely an additional factor present in the already disordered lives of young offenders (and perhaps a symptom of it), the Youth Court regularly faces young people who commit offences to obtain money for alcohol or drugs.
Poor mental health is an issue frequently seen in the Youth Court. That risk factor is found in both adolescent onset and life-course persistent offenders. Many young people appearing before the Youth Court exhibit mental health problems ranging from anxiety and depression to schizophrenia27. While many mental health problems will simply co-exist with offending, it must be true that it is causative of offending in some individual cases.
5. Protective factors
All the above risk factors can increase a young person's risk of offending. However, that is not the end of the story. Not all young people with multiple risk factors become offenders. The presence in a young person's life of a positive influence is sometimes enough to counter all the negative influences. These positive factors are said to be 'protective' against the risk of offending, and their presence in a young person's life can foster resilience against adversity. Studying protective factors is particularly important in situations where removing risk factors may be too difficult. Interventions designed to create positive relationships, community connectedness, or a sense of self-esteem, for example, may be more effective than attempting to remove the anti-social peers, improving the household income, or improving parenting practices. The relationship between risk and protective factors is extremely complex. For example, studies have shown that adequate parental supervision (knowing where your child is) is protective against youth offending, but that relationship is strongest amongst lower socioeconomic groups. Researchers have surmised that amongst lower socioeconomic groups, supervision is seen as a sign of care and concern; that the child is important to the adult. In higher socioeconomic groups, parental supervision does not provide the same protection, perhaps because it is seen more as a sign that the child is not trusted28.
While association with anti-social peers has been well established as a powerful risk factor for adolescent onset offenders, that risk factor is strongly moderated in the presence of strong bonds to family or school, adequate parental monitoring, or strong communication skills on the part of the young person. One study has shown that the anti-social peer group only starts to exert an influence when relationships with parents start to unravel29. It has been demonstrated that the presence of at least one strong parental relationship may lead to fewer behavioural problems. In the absence of that, a strong relationship with a sibling or extended family member is helpful30. Another important protective influence on the lives of young people at risk of offending is community connectedness. Involvement in community activities can help buffer other negative influences in at least three ways: by providing a context for learning "remedial" social skills that were not learned in a dysfunctional home, by the presence of more wellfunctioning peers and their parents modifying the behaviours of at risk young people and their parents, and by promoting bonds to the community. Community connectedness can be achieved through social organisational processes such as sports teams, cultural groups, or church groups. Interestingly, one study has found that the level of benefit conferred by community extracurricular activities depends somewhat upon the level of structure of that activity. When structure was low (as in youth recreational centres), the risks of associating with anti-social peers, and consequential anti-social behaviours were increased31.
solutions to Mori offending. Mori young people account for about half police apprehensions in the 14 to 16 year age group, but their proportion of the population in that age group is about 17%. It has been estimated that 15 - 20% of Mori young people exhibit conduct disorder problems, compared to 5% of the total population32. The longitudinal studies are particularly helpful here. The Christchurch Health and Development Study has shown that the higher rate of Mori offending is caused, not by being Mori, but by greater exposure by Mori to the risk factors for offending33. Mori young people are disproportionally represented amongst life-course persistent offenders, probably because Mori also have disproportionate rates of other general risk factors, such as poverty and exposure to domestic violence. The causes of Mori youth offending are thought to be the same risk factors as for the general population, but with the possible addition of lack of cultural identity and separation from whnau and the wider Mori community34. It has also been suggested that the way in which young people are processed through the youth justice system may impact on rates of Mori offending, although this has not been well studied35. Data from the Christchurch Health and Disability Study found that while Mori young people reported committing more offences than Pakeha young people, their rate of apprehension by Police was greater than would have been expected on the basis of their offending rate alone36. The longitudinal studies have identified that an important protective factor for Mori young people is a strong sense of Mori identity and connection to their culture. The Christchurch Health and Development Study has recently produced results relating rates of offending to a sense of cultural identity amongst Mori. It showed that rates of offending (both officially recorded and selfreported offending) were about five times higher in the Mori study members, than the non-Mori members. Those rates reduced to three times higher, when adjustments were made for socioeconomic and adverse family factors. However, when study members were asked whether they identified themselves as Mori, the rates of offending for
those identifying solely as Mori were roughly similar to those who identified themselves as non-Mori37. This research indicates that a strong sense of Mori identity and connectedness to Mori culture may reduce risks of offending.
before full-scale implementation. It is crucial that a more systematic, evidence-based way of developing and funding youth justice programmes is established. Identified priorities for interventions with life-course persistent offenders should be improving social ties, improving parental monitoring and positive relationships with the young person, reducing anti-social peers, and school performance38. Identified priorities for interventions with adolescent onset offenders should be associations with anti-social peers, substance abuse, poor parental monitoring and negative relationships with parents39. The following features of effective interventions deserve particular mention.
Girls - tend to moderate the risks of boys. Family stability - promote strong family bonds, love, and two parents together. Good parenting skills - reasonable rules, consistent consequences, and monitoring where the young people are and who their friends are.
School participation. Community involvement - active involvement in sports, cultural, religious groups will keep them busy and foster pro-social skills.
six month) intensive, community-based intervention. Practitioners have low caseloads (three to six), are on call 24/7 and provide an intensive level of client contact (multiple contacts per week, in person or by phone), especially early in the intervention process. Service delivery can be out of hours to accommodate family needs. Practitioners are rigorously supervised by MST trained supervisors to ensure interventions are goal focussed, adhere to the nine principles of MST and are evidencebased. MST has been evaluated in the New Zealand setting, and been found to be capable of significantly reducing offending and other family and peer-related risk factors. In New Zealand, Youth Horizons Trust and Richmond Fellowship hold a franchise for MST. They provide training and supervision for New Zealand MST teams. Multi-dimensional treatment foster care (MTFC): Community families are recruited, trained and paid to provide placements for young people as an alternative to group homes. Foster parents are provided with weekly group supervision with other foster parents facilitated by a supervisor. They also receive daily telephone calls covering problems during the previous 24 hours. The young person receives weekly individual therapy focussed on building skills in problem solving, social skills and nonaggressive means of expression. When it is planned for the young person to return to the care of the biological family, weekly parenting training is provided. The young person is closely monitored, especially to prevent contact with delinquent peers. Supervisors are on call 24/7, which reflects the level of support required for foster parents caring for such difficult to manage young people in therapeutically effective ways. At least one organisation is considering the use of MTFC in New Zealand. Functional family therapy (FFT): This is a short-term behavioural intervention that involves 12-24 hours of therapist contact with a family seeking to change the patterns of family interaction and communication in such a way that adolescent conduct disorder or severe antisocial behaviour is no longer functional. FFT is designed to improve communication and reciprocity between family members and includes many of the evidencebased interventions that are part of parent training programmes like Incredible Years, adapted for adolescents. There are currently few practitioners trained in FFT in New Zealand.
data available indicated that for Mori, programmes would be most effective where:
There was whnau involvement. They were provided by people with mana (status) and with whom the young people could identify. They acknowledged, accepted and reinforced the importance of identity, cultural knowledge and history. They addressed practical academic, employment and financial needs. They taught the contemporary relevance of Mori values.
It is important to note that, the inclusion of Mori cultural elements into a programme will not beneficially impact upon rates of Mori offending on their own. But if the underlying programme is based on a prevention science methodology, then the inclusion of Mori cultural elements may increase rates of participation, engagement and motivation to change.
11. Conclusion
It is impossible to be definitive about the causes of youth offending. Youth crime is not caused by a specific, easily identifiable list of factors, but by the presence in a young person's life of multiple risk factors, and the absence of protective factors. Different individuals respond to those risk and protective factors in different ways. Instead of discussing the causes of youth offending, it is better to approach the issue by identifying the various risk factors for offending, and talk about the interventions that can either reduce those risks or increase protective factors in a young person's life. It is also helpful in any discussion on the causes of offending, to understand the two main types of offender. Life-course persistent and adolescent onset offenders have different offending profiles and differ in their background risks for offending.
Interventions with life-course persistent offenders must emphasise remedial social skills if they are to have any chance of reducing future offending and deal with conduct disorder issues. Interventions with adolescent onset offenders must address, wherever relevant, any drug and alcohol problems, anti-social peers, and parenting problems.