Thomas L.

MARKEY,
Jean-Claude MUllER and Markus EGEtmEYER

The Boars Tusk of ISTRES

(Bouches-du-Rhne)

Thomas L. MARKEY,
Jean-Claude MUllER and Markus EGEtmEYER

The Boars Tusk of ISTRES

(Bouches-du-Rhne)

A Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

Luxembourg
Pre-publications of the Luxembourg Institute of Linguistic and Oriental Studies N 1

MMXII

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

Three of the five photographs sent by Frdric Marty to Franois Poplin in 2000.

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

Sometime in the year 2000 the French specialist for determining animal bones, Franois Poplin (see e.g. Poplin 1999), paid a chance visit to the Muse archologique dIstres in the French dpartement Bouches-du-Rhne (<museeistres@ouestprovence.fr>), and was struck by an inscribed tooth, some 8,5cm long. Then as now this artefact is presented in a showcase among other objets de parure in the Gallo-Roman section of this charming provincial museum which is otherwise famous for its display of inscribed Roman amphorae. These were brought to light by the hundreds in the underwater archaeological excavations of three antique shipwrecks which took place in the 1950es and 1960es in the harbour of Fos-sur-Mer, the antique Fossae Marianae of the Peutinger Map (Marty & Zaaraoui 2009). Fossae Marianae had been established as the maritime port of the city of Arles (Arelate) in 106 BC by Marius, hence the denomination (Leveau 2004). Photographs of the enigmatic object were kindly provided to Franois Poplin by the curator of the Gallo-Roman section of the Museum, Frdric Marty, and they made their way through various offices of archaeological and linguistic specialists in Paris (e.g. Franoise Bader, PierreYves Lambert) without resulting in publication. In our case, the fascinating chain of helpful persons which brought the tusk to our attention was precisely: Frdric Marty > Franois Poplin > Dominique Briquel > Coline Ruiz-Darasse > Markus Egetmeyer > Tom Markey and Jean-Claude Muller. Those early on in the chain certainly deserve our gratitude, not only for alerting us to this find, but also for constructive interpretative help. We would also like to thank Eric P. Hamp, Bernard Mees, Chris Rudd and Laurent Olivier for helpful discussions and references. It was not until late February 2011 that, reminiscing previous common work on a Lepontic inscription from Champagne (Olivier, Markey, Muller & Egetmeyer 2010), M. Egetmeyer contacted Thomas Markey, who came up with a first reading and thus the investigation could begin. With the permission and efficient help of Frdric Marty at the Istres Museum, for which he deserves our gratitude, Jean Claude Muller on April 14, 2011, was able to professionally autopsy the artefact at its current residence as well as to both photograph the tusk and made reading sketches of the inscription (Fig. 1 and 2).

1. The tusk

Details of the tusks anterior provenance (archaeological environment) currently remain unclear, while the Istres museums archives (Inventory number 1 FOS 4951) briefly yet unspecifically record that the piece was found - no doubt during the above mentioned 1960es underwater campaigns - in slick sand in the remains of a building in the antique harbour at Fos. No further details are ascertainable now, since none of the amateur archaeologists involved in the campaigns is living anymore. Traces of sand remain however visible in the curved hollow interior of the tusk. The authors of the present effort hope to have isotopic (etc.) material analyses conducted in the future. As Laurent Olivier (conservateur du dpartement des ges du Fer, Muse dArchologie nationale, Saint-Germain-en-Laye) ingeniously suggests, isotopic analyses may, among other things, indicate that this boars diet was atypical, thereby giving a hint that it may have been raised domestically for sacrificial purposes (perhaps part of a Celtic suovetaurilia to an equivalent of Mars?). This upper right canine boars (Sus scrofa) tusk, which measures 8,5 cm. long and some 3 cm. in circumference at most, exhibits a horizontal inscription in tight scriptio continua.

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

Fig. 1 A and 1 B : Photos by Jean-Claude Muller, with kind permission of the Muse archologique dIstres.

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

Fig. 2 : Drawing in front of the object and inscription by Jean-Claude Muller (14th April 2011).

2. The Istres Inscription paleography and reading

The dextroverse tusk inscription may reasonably be read as follows: EUITORANEI To Esos - To Toranis

that is, asyndetic theophoric datives in a votive inscription on a boars tusk: a Lepontic dative singular o-stem (Esos) in -ui immediately sequenced by a Lepontic dative singular i-stem (Toranis) in -ei. This inscription looks to be the work of a rather unskilled carver. He appears not to have used spacer marks and/or not to have had the services of a spacer = layout designer at his disposal. However, it is most important for the interpretation proposed here to bear in mind how small the object is and how difficult it was to write on its rounded surface.

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

Fig. 3 A and 3 B : Macrophotos Jean-Claude Muller.

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

We consider everything inscribed up to the deeply incised horizontal bar supporting what we presume (by a necessarily parsimonious process of elimination of reading possibilities given the limited known early Continental Celtic lexicon) to be the initial epsilon of the actual inscription as, quite simply, aborted probationes pennae (Fig. 3). This strengthens our hypothesis of dextroverse reading. The two lower parallel lines in the initial, apparently aborted portion may well be an attempt in the direction of the two vertical parallel lines (incisions) that form the two sequential parallel vertical bars of the completed M-shaped san (sign 2) in the actual inscription. We must, however, allow the engraver some latitude for having had to work around or over surficial imperfections such as ridges and scars, presumably incurred by the tusks owner. Proceeding from left to right we shall now discuss the individualizable eleven graphemes one by one, illustrating our argument with an enlarged detailed photograph of the respective incision(s) (Fig. 4): E 1 2 U 3 I 4 T 5 O 6 R 7 A 8 N 9 E 10 I 11

. <E>. What appears problematic, at first, is what we necessarily read as an epsilon as the 1 inscriptions initial letter and in the final inflectional -ei (sign 10). After the North Etruscan reform about 600 BC in which <c>/gamma = < (dextroverse) was eliminated, an abbreviated citation of the full (including both consonants and vowels) so-called Phase Two Alphabet was routinely accomplished by its three remaining initials (a-e-v). AEV-shards have been found at Prestino from the sixth through the second centuries BC and at North Etruscan Spina from about 550 to 500 BC. In a widespread and perhaps talismanic disciplina in northern Italy with echoes throughout the eastern Mediterranean, alpha and digamma were equatable as the initials (a-e / v-d ) of abecedaria (Markey 2001; Pandolfini and Prosdocimi 1990: 46-47). As equipollent initials, alpha and digamma must have been open to reciprocal (visual) morphological influence and, hence, shape approximation, even to the point of pernicious homography. In the inscription examined here, it seems that epsilon and digamma (the second and third letters respectively of the Phase Two Alphabet) may have been confused, and here < (= gamma), rather than digamma, replaced epsilon. As Mees has pointed out to us (e-mail exchanges), the inscription appears to be isolated and so, too, presumably its alphabetical pedagogy. Reading a velar for < does not make any phonotactic sense and gamma was seemingly scriptorially lost to Lepontic at an early date (Rubat Borel 2005: 23, 26). This leads to the tentative suggestion that the gamma-like character here is really an epsilon, but without a horizontal bar and thus a local graphemic innovation much like that for the gamma we find in the Castaneda inscription (Markey and Mees 2004: 78). Another possibility is that the inscriptions initial | < reflects some sort of local variant akin to | < = /ij/ at Venetic Lgole (Cadore) < *ye, or possibly graphemic/phonemic <ie>. However, at Cadore the i-stem dative is unambiguously -ei with epsilon + iota not < | = /ij/ or the like (corpus in Pellegrini and Prosdocimi 1967: 1.460-568). It seems specious to argue artistry here: a final < | as a mirror image of an initial | <. We know, however, that there was a Celtic presence at Cadore (< Catubrium < * Catubrini). Indeed, this presence is firmly borne out by Lgoles ri (Ca 3) with butterfly san for Bri- = pri[--- (on the late VIIth /early VIth century [ca. 620-580 BC] Hallstatt fragment from Montmorot, Jura, with M-shaped san) for Brixios or Brixia : bri (Es 103 bis) at Este (sketchy treatments in Pellegrini and Prosdocimi 1967: 1.220, 463-464 and insightful recovery report by Kaenel 2000: 151,153 on the Jura find). Notwithstanding, in view of ieu in the recently recovered Rhaetic inscription from San Giorgio di Valpolicella which, as argued below (3. A, 7.), reflects an underlying * h2i-edh-to-, the initial | < here may well reflect ye- or ie -. If so, then what we would seem to have here is an inscription that we may, at this point in our research, term para-Lepontic.

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

ISTRES Lepontic inscription sign by sign

5-T 6-O 1E 2S 7-R 8-A 9-N 10-E 11-I

Fig. 4. Paleographic table by Jean-Claude Muller.

3-U 4-I

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

11

Upon comparing the signs of the Levantine Variant of the Paleohispanic Semi-Syllabic Signary (Fig. 5) as identified by Ruiz Darasse (2011) and those on the tusk inscription, one notes that the epsilon of the tusk is matched by the < = ke/ge of the Levantine variant (Rodrguez Ramos 2004: 124-125). Note, too, that the rho, san and nu on the tusk and in the Levantine variant are identical. These identifications open the door to the possibility that the tusks scribe could have been bigraphic; that is, familiar with both Lepontic and Paleohispanic alphabets, an assumption that might also explain the probationes pennae at the beginning of the inscription as signs of hesitancy on the part of the scribe as to which alphabetic tradition to employ (cf. more generally Bats 2011). Recall, too, that Iberian inscriptions are mainly sinistroverse. Nevertheless, the Levantine variant of the Northeastern Paleohispanic Fig. 5 : Levantine variant of the Paleohispanic Semi-Syllabic script which extends geographically to the Signary (after Ruiz Darasse 2011). East enters history in the fourth century BC, far too late to have served as a model to influence the tusk inscription, at least in so far as the date projected here for the tusk inscription is concerned. However, these same identifications hold for the so-called Southwestern Paleohispanic Alphabet, which many have securely dated to the 7th century BC or possibly somewhat earlier and which served as the model for all the other Paleohispanic scripts (important analysis by Valrio 2008, particularly pp. 23, 26; see also Rodrguez Ramos 2004). . < >. Obviously, what we read as E UI here, with its notable san, is one of these M-shaped 2 variants just mentioned. Indeed, the appearance of such a san (David Stifters Hosen-san) here seemingly refutes Stifters (2010: 367) conclusion that this form of the letter did not exist in Lepontic. This form of san is, of course, the shape that most closely resembles its original Etruscan (and/or Rhaetic) ancestral shape based on an inverted 9th-8th century BC Phoenician in (W) taken over as sade (M) in green (Cretan) and red (Euboean) alphabets (etc.) and thence adopted by Etruscan. Indeed, no less a student of the areas archaeology than Raffaele de Marinis (1991: 104) obviously considers M-shaped san a member of his earlier (VIIth-Vth century) Lepontic alphabet (Fig. 6). While Stifter (2010: 366-367) credibly and critically refers to Lejeunes (1971: 18) account of the development and deployment of san-variants in Lepontic, he is seemingly oblivious of Prosdocimis better reasoned account of the premier of san in Lepontic and the development of its alphabetism (Pandolfini and Prosdocimi 1990: 292-298). In considering such scenarios when researching the spread and maintenance of literacy, we find Prosdocimis well known concepts of distinct and distinctive doctrinal (pedagogical), scriptorial (model fonts) and actually used (frequently to rarely) alphabetical corpora extremely useful. These concepts have proven very helpful when exploring putative re-graphemicizations in time (Markey 2008). Then, too, recall the structuralists graphemic/ phonemic contingency ruling that, the fewer the graphemes, the more room (phonological space) for non-distinctive variation on the part of each phoneme (McLaughlin 1963). A doctrinal and scriptorial M-shaped san, while surely part of a scribes training in a specific epichoric tradition, may only have been infrequently used in the earlier Lepontic inscriptions. Moreover, one cannot, as Lejeune (1971: 18) seemingly does by his mapping of developments, assume a clear-cut, step-by-step development of alphabetism. There must have been gray zones of development in which divergent shapes with

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

roughly co-extensive phonemic ranges must have coexisted (doctrinally and/or scriptorially) such that, for example, M-shaped san and so-called butterfly san co-existed, not only in Lepontic, but also in Rhaetic, systems. 3. <U>. The upsilon is unremarkable, though it is open at its base (Fig. 4). . <I>. The iota is also unremarkable (Fig.4): these are the familiar shapes from alphabets known 4 from sites all over Italy. . <T>. 5 The Saint Andrews Cross tau is a later addition to the alphabets of northern Italy that was extruded ca. 650 BC from a theta with an enclosed cross (Markey 2006: 147, fn. 3). Here (Fig. 4) it looks like a hurried afterthought, but analogous rather careless forms of this tau are found in Lepontic and Rhaetic; for example in the Lepontic Milan graffiti (Solinas 1995: 365, No. 104). . <O>. 6 The presence of omicron here (Fig.4), even though it is unclosed at both its top and bottom, certainly excludes Etruscan and Rhaetic, at least as far as alphabetic corpora in use in these alphabets are concerned; see above (sign 2 - san) for a brief discussion of doctrinal (pedagogical fonts) vs. scriptorial (model fonts) vs. the fonts that were actually used (frequently to rarely) in alphabetical corpora. . <R>. The ear-shaped rho is generally unremarkable (Fig. 4), but is perhaps slightly more 7 angular and less rounded than those we generally find in early Lepontic inscriptions: this is, however, not the rho with a handle of Etruscan, Venetic and Rhaetic (at Magr) or the Montmorot fragment (on which, see below). . <A>. The closed alpha (Fig.4) matches those in the earlier Lepontic alphabet and also those 8 in Etruscan, Venetic and Rhaetic (discussion of the relative chronology of closed vs. open alpha in Markey and Mees 2003: 130-132). . <N>. An unambiguous reading of this sign is rendered difficult by the presence of a diagonal 9 crack in the tooth which is no doubt due to some fight of the original boar. 10. <E>. The shape of this sign (Fig.4) is identical to that of sign 1. 11. <I>. The shape of this sign (Fig.4) is identical to that of sign 4. Incidentally, the majority of Lepontic and Levantine Paleohispanic inscriptions are sinistroverse - 80 % of known Lepontic inscriptions are sinistroverse, merely 20 % dextroverse, in what is presumably an early (ca. 620-580 BC ?) epichoric version of a (Lugano?) Lepontic alphabetism. In any event, the boar's tusk inscription certainly antedates the Gallo-Greek dedication on the Montagnac column (Hrault), until now the earliest known Celtic inscription from the south of France (Delamarre 2003:106-107 and references cited there).

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

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Fig. 6. Lepontic alphabets according to De Marinis (1991: 104). To the left, the alphabet of the 7th-5th centuries BC (with closed alpha); to the right, the alphabet of the 3rd2nd centuries BC (with open alpha).

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

Three more details photographed by Jean-Claude Muller on April 14, 2011.

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

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3. The Istres Inscription an interpretation of the theonyms A. ESOS

In contrast to Toranis, the Esos-theonym with its numerous variants (e.g. Aeso-, Aiso, Esu-, Eso-) has perennially resisted any ultimately convincing etymological explanation. Attestations and research history are conveniently provided by Schmidt (1957: 211), which pretty much summarizes the state of our interpretative insights until now. Unfortunately, Schmidt overlooked some additional attestations and, moreover, some attestations, though they may not have been realized as such until now, came to light long after he had completed his survey. Obviously, what we read as EUI here, with its notable san, is one of these variants. What follows is an inventory of Esos and putative Esos attestations as a supplement, if you will, to Schmidt (1957: 211); though entries listed by Schmidt and indicated as such below are also included here; they are moreover complemented by Hofeneder 2008: 295-304, 321-323 (ad Lucan, Pharsalia: 1.444-446 : Et quibus inmitis placatur sanguine diro | Teutates horrensque feris altaribus Esus | et Taranis). . Aesus (on a small bronze base for a statue, now missing), Mallentheiner Hgel, near Hermagor 1 in Gailtal, Austria (ancient Noricum), probably influenced by the neighboring Venetic (and later) settlement at Celto-Venetic Gurina (Kos 1999: 42-43 and notes). . [] ezuiaiz : . : ciasx [] on a monumental plate at Cividate Camuno (ancient Civitas 2 Camunnorum), housed in Museo camuno di Breno, presumably from the site of the subsequent Minerva sanctuary in which ezui is presumably equivalent to EUI here (Morandi 1998a: 104, 109). . Esus on the Parisian Pillar of the Boatmen (Pilier des Nautes Parisques, CIL 13,3026, on display 3 at the Muse des Thermes de Cluny) and the Pillar of Trier (Rheinisches Landesmuseum). 4. ESVIOS (172), unprovenanced silver obole (RIG 4, p. 281). . AESV, Iceni (Norfolk) silver coins (ABC 2010, 1702 and 1711), typically the legend below a 5 horse, first decades AD and also on coins of the Corieltauvi (ABC 2010, 1917-1923) of the East Midlands, whose Romanized capital was Ratae Corieltauvorum, modern Leicester (de Jersey 1996: 51 and Hobbs 1996: 215). 6. Rhaetic votives (Morandi 1999: 47-48, 63-64, 79-81, 88-91, andMarkey 2006). 6.i. ESIUMNI in Steinberg (Morandi (1999: 48; Schrr 2003). 6.ii. ETUNIM in Steinberg (Morandi 1999: 47-48). 6.iii. ESIUNNE in Sanzeno (Morandi 1999: 63-64). 6.iv. ESTUALE in Magr (Morandi 1999: 80). 6.v. ESTUATEL in Magr (Morandi 1999: 80-81). 6.vi. [E].STUVA in Magr (Morandi 1999: 79-80). 6.vii. ETSUA in Padua (Morandi 1999: 47-48). . Bernard Mees has kindly informed us that an inscription from San Giorgio di Valpolicella was 7 recently published by Marinetti (2003 and 2004) which she reads as ieupat.naxe (or ieulat.naxe), but the shapes of the letters are typically Rhaetic. She argues that t.naxe is zinake = Etruscan zinace made, designed, shaped (for) (as an artistic signature on a votive); cf. [E].STUVA TINAE made,

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

designed for (the deity) Etsu in 6.vi above. Here, ieula is strikingly reminiscent of ESTUALE at Magr (6.iv above) in which the final -ale is equivalent to the so-called extended or secondary locative (pertinentivo II) of Etruscan, a dedicatory case (Steinbauer 1999:71 and Facchetti 2000:4243). . Perhaps, aui at Giubiasco, 2nd half of the 1st century BC, the initial letter of which is unclear 8 (Solinas 1995, No. 3). . Essi (Esubii ~ Esuvii) a Celtic tribe(s) living west of the Sequana (Caesar, B.G. 3.7.fin; 9 5.24.20). 0. According to a note from Bernard Mees, David Stifter has been preparing a paper on the Drrnberg 1 (Hallein) Stone Tablet, where, incidentally, a Negau-type helmet, the first in Austria, was recently found. Mees informs us that Stifter now reads the tablet inscription as a younger Roman cursive Esuigieni (Stifter 2005), a compound whose formation corresponds to the Esugeno of the Leuci in Southern Lorraine (CIL 13, 4674, cf.Schmidt 1957: 211). 11. Esu-bilinI, Aesu-BilinI at Colchester (CIL 7, 87, cf. Schmidt 1957: 211). 2. Esumagius (CIL 13, 3071) who is a servant of Esus, on the pedestal plaque of a bronze horse 1 found in late May of 1861 at Neuvy-en-Sullias (ancient Noviacum), the name of one of the two persons who had the monument made, 1st century AD (Schmidt 1957: 211). 3. Esumopas (CIL 13, 3199), on the pedestal plaque of a bronze bust of a boy (?) which reads: 1 Esumopas Cnusticus uslm Esumopas son of Cnustos , found at Beaumont-le-Roger near vreux in 1830, housed at the Muse des Antiquits Nationales, Saint-Germain-en-Laye (Schmidt 1957: 211). Cf. the formation of the personal name Taranutius (CIL 13, 3083) based on the theonym Taranis. 4. Esunertus (CIL 12,2623 Geneva; CIL 7,1334 Eshenz [ancient Tasgetium]; CIL 13,1644, 1 Hueltenhausen, France) having the power of Esos (Schmidt 1957: 211). 5. Aesugeslus, from the Praetorium, Cologne (AE 2003, 01218), the captive, slave of Esos (?) 1 (Delamarre 2007: s.v. Aesugeslos). An underlying source form that could be posited to account for Esos (a perspicuous and convenient cover shape) would have to meet the following requirements: (1) Given that we have <-st-> ~ <-ts-> ~ <-s-> ~ <-z-> ~ <--> (san) and <-si-> and necessarily assuming Celticity for Esos, we would have to posit a form that yields a Proto-Celtic */-st-/, presumably from an underlying */-tt-/. (2). This leads us to infer derivation from a verbal abstract (participial form) in *-to-/-tu-. (3) If so, then the initial component has to account for a facultative diphthong (ae, ai) and a final which, when combined with *-to-/-tu- yields a Proto-Celtic */-st-/. (4) The semantics of the initial component would seemingly have to companionize with the theophoric sense of Taranis (Toranis) as an atmospheric (thunder) deity. The most obvious (indeed only) choice that fulfills these requirements is LIVs (230-231) *h2eidh- entznden (kindle) [= IEW 11-2] + *-to-/-tu- > Proto-Celtic *aesto-/*aestu-, like Lat. aests, -tis summer < *aisto-tt- < *aidh-to-, cf., similarly, Lat. aestus heat, fire, rage, Lat. aeds temple, originally the household hearth (pace Lambert 1994: 107). Note *aidh-u- in the Celtic tribal name Aedui at Bibracte, Burgundy (Hofeneder 2008: 316) and OIr. (poetic [rongeilt in geth feib geiles / nemed forderg fidnaige as the red fire of heaven consumes twigs ] and rare) ed (eid) fire, also metaphorically eye (nt.?) vs. OIr. tene fire < pre-Celtic *tepno- and OIr. daig fire, flame< Proto-Celtic *degi- (DIL 1983: col. 76 and note the literature cited there connecting ed with a fire deity). Pokornys IEW also notes the zero grade i-dh- with its nasal infix alternate i-n-dh- (primarily in Indic). In terms that are more contemporary than those of the IEW, what we have here is:

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

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State I h2ei-dh- (h2ei-dh-to-) State II h2i-edh- (h2i-edh-to-), cf. ieula in (7) State II h2i-dh- (Skt. dh perfect) Nasal Infix h2i-n-dh- (Skt. indhat)

Cf. Skt. idhanm that which is enflamed, that which is being made to flash (RV 2.2.1) to idh- to kindle, and note Skt. idhma glowing coals. As a collective, the Sanskrit term is typically used to denote kindling for the sacred fire (e.g. RV 1.94.4). Cf., for somewhat related semantics, OE st oast (house), a kiln < *aidh-to- (see also Petit 2007 for the reflection of this root in the Baltic languages). In view of the Celto-Rhaetic cave inscriptions at Steinberg and the Celto-Rhaetic deer horn votive at Sanzeno with -mn- (-nim-, -nn-) in ESIUMNI, ETUNIM and ESIUNNE (Nos. 6.i-iii above), it is tempting to suggest a possible calquing on the Gk. participle aiqoVmeno~ flashing, blazing, which is used by Parmedides (DK 2801), another son of Italy (fl. early Vth century BC). On verbal adjectives in -m(V)no- in Celtic, see De Bernardo Stempel (1994), and on Celtic nominalizations in -H-m(V)n-, see Watkins (1962: 181-185). Cf. OIr. lasamain blazing, gleaming, fierce (of persons), a form instructively cited by De Bernardo Stempel (1994: 298) that probably ultimately derives from a *lh2e(p)-s-H-mni- (uel sim.) to *lh2ep- / *leh2p- : *lh2p-sk- (cf. LIV p. 361; IEW 652-653), Hitt. lap- to glow, be hot, reflected in OIr. lasaid takes fire, blazes (intransitive), not to be confused, as Stokes and Bezzenberger (1894: 256) and others do, with OIr. losc(a)id, MW llosgi burns (transitive) < *luk-sk- to *leuk- (LIV p. 376-377; IEW 687-689). Cf. lassais tr tuaith the land in the North blazed in the archaic Amra Choluim Chille ( 28) and N duaichnid is in chin ro mebaid and in tan ro gabad for loscad in tre. It is easily seen when the law has been broken there when they have started burning (arson) the district. in Togail Bruidne D Derga ( 26, li. 243). With this possible calquing in mind, it seems to us as if Summnus, supposedly a byname of Jupiter as a protector of houses against lightning, may well, as Eric Hamp suggested to us at the outset, be a decapitated reflection of an *esum(V)nis < *estu-m(V)ni- (cf. ESIUMNI at Steinberg, 6.i above). In any event, the traditional etymologies for Summnus (e.g. from sub mne, cf. Ernout-Meillet, p. 666) appear surreptitiously contrived. Given the presence of Esos at Magr, an interpretatio Romana of an underlying *Esum(V)nis (or the like) to yield Summnus seemingly finds support in the fact that the mountain overlooking Magr (Schio) and its sanctuary became known as Monte Summano (province of Vicenza). We note that Summnus seems to have had a more pronounced presence in northern, formerly Celtic, Italy than elsewhere on the peninsula. However likely this seems, we may nevertheless cite a 3rd-2nd century BC inscription, POPLICAEXAIDISVMANI, on the inside of a pitcher (Schnabelkanne) handle, denoting that the object is the public property of a temple of Summnus. This object is currently conserved (Inv. no. A.0.9.1052) at the Civico Museo Archeologico of Milan (autopsied there by Thomas Markey, September 13th, 2002), but it is from the collection of the venerable Emilio Seletti di Busseto (1830-1913), who apparently found it in the vicinity of Bernabei near Foligno (ancient Fulginium, perhaps a cult site devoted to Fulginia, Umbria) (Tibiletti Bruno 1968).

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

B. TORANIS
Toranis is the equivalent of Gaulish Taranis (and related Gaulish variants: Taranucnos, Taranucos, dat. (< *taranoui). Taranis reflects */oRa/ > /aRa/ in Gaulish and British (so *toran- > taran-), a change that apparently did not occur in Lepontic and certainly not in Goidelic: cf., for example, OIr. torann thunder o-stem masc. and MIr. -stem fem. (so Cormac: dat. sg. torainn), Gaelic torranach thunderous, Mod. Ir. toirneach fem. thunder vs. Welsh tarann thunder, Old Cornish taran glossed tonitruum, Old Breton taran glossed tonitru and Lucans (Gallo-Latin) Taranis (Pharsalia 1.444-446), as well as TARANI on a bone votive from Val di Fiemme in the Celto-Rhaetic area, from which we may infer that these Val di Fiemme Celts were Gauls (Delamarre 2003: 290, DIL 1983: col. 255, Schumacher 1992: 205-206, Tafel 2, p. 268). The etymology and dialect diffusion of Toranis, a preserved archaism in a continental Celtic inscription, need not detain us here (cf. the inventory of inscriptional attestations in Hainzmann 2002): this is clearly the major Celtic reflex of an Indo-European thunder ~ storm god with a well-known pedigree (dArbois de Jubainville 1898, LIV, s.u. *terh2, Meid 2005: 136-137, who appropriately chronicles Taranis but seems seriously ignorant of the Esos situation, and Hofeneder 2008: 324326). The actual occurrence of the Celtic designation of thunder as <TORANEI> (dat.sg.) on the boar's tusk of Istres bears out the predictive power of the comparative method. Indeed a reconstruction with the -o- vocalism in the first syllable had been put forth already at the end of the 19th century, arguing primarily with the predecessor forms of German Donner (ohg donar, os thunar, on thrr thunder, God of thunder) (Stokes & Bezzenberger 1894; Holder 1904).

Fig. 7. The pendentif aux dents de sanglier at the Muse du Pays Chtillonnais; photo Jean-Claude Muller.

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

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4. The Sitz im Leben of the inscribed tusk

Boars tusks are familiar as what seem to be Celtic talismanic devices, so, for example, the double boars tusk amulet at Vix: In the new museum Trsor de Vix - Muse du Pays Chtillonais at Chtillon-sur-Seine can be seen a kind of circular amulet from Gallo-Roman times where two boars tusks are held together on the top by a bronze device, the whole measuring ca 10 cm in diameter (Fig. 7). Jean-Claude Muller, who discovered this comparandum during a visit on May 18th, 2011, obtained the following precisions from Jean-Louis Coudrot, conservateur en chef du Muse du Pays Chtillonnais : ce pendentif aux dents de sanglier a t dcouvert dans llot 51 du plan restitu dans un habitat priv (maison 03) ouvrant sur le cardo des thermes (rue n 1) de Vertillum (letter of August 30th, 2011). Laurent Olivier informs us that such amulets are most prevalent in the graves of upper class women and children from the second half of the 6th century BC, but the details of their social or religious significance(s) elude us entirely. Moreover, none of these double tusk amulets has ever been subjected to isotopic analysis (cf.1. above). However, the tusk discussed here points to a highly archaic pairing of deities representing lightning (Esos) and thunder (Toranis) in Celtic that necessarily reflects one of the earliest expressions of an Indo-European set of beliefs in that both the visual and the acoustic effects of a thunderstorm were personified. It may come as a distant reminiscence of things past when in the medieval bestiaires, the often illuminated treatises on the virtues and vices of animals, le sanglier entretient avec la foudre des rapports troits: dans sa lutte acharne contre les chiens des veneurs, ses dfenses lancent des clairs et brlent comme des flammes. (Pastoureau 2011: 69). Most Lepontic inscriptions are sinistroverse, but the tusk is obviously dextroverse, and necessarily so: when one turns it 90 degrees, then one would read it skyward (so to speak) to the weather deities. If the inscription is turned 90 degrees so the tip of the tusk is fully vertical (presumably in its mounted = luminous position), then the initial parallel strokes of the san also serve (at least visually) as (2) bars of an initial epsilon in EUI. This turn to read, turn for numinous purpose adjustment (device, trick) is rather notoriously prominent in e.g. Piacenza. We note that veneration of Esos and Toranis has seemingly been best preserved within what was a multicultural (Rhaetic, Etruscan, Venetic, Celtic and, albeit sparsely, Greek) Alpine redoubt, if you will; that is, within the so-called Magr Group near Schio (province of Vicenza), south of the Fritzens-Sanzeno horizon spanning the early to late La Tne periods. Here, Esos ranges from Steinberg am Rofan (Austria) in the north to Padua in the south, from Sanzeno (province of Trento) in the west to at least Magr (province of Vicenza) in the east and encompasses outliers such as San Giorgio di Valpolicella (province of Verona) (excellent site map in Pellegrini and Prosdocimi 1967: 1, rear flap). More such outlying centers will undoubtedly come to light. Finally, we note that the TARANI bone votive from Val di Fiemme (Tesero, Sottopedonda, on Route S 48, south of Bolzano) is in the cultural neighborhood of the Etruscan asyndetic votive at Feltre (TLE 718 / ET Pa 4.1 [p.329]) = KI.AISER.TINIA.TI[-?-]SILVANZ three deities, Tinia (Jupiter) Ti [..?..] (and) Silvanus. We interject that votive activity is thought to have persisted at Magr for nearly half a millennium (ca. 550-50 BC, as a rough estimate) (Markey 2006). San Giorgio di Valpolicella, just a few kilometers northwest of Verona in the foothills of the Alps, was prominently occupied from the 5th through the 2nd century BC as a Rhaetic settlement with extensive metal-working ateliers bordering on the Fritzens-Sanzeno horizon (6th - 1st century BC) to the north; see the contributions in Guidi, Candelato and Sacino (2008). With their animal bones, remnants of haruspicy and graphic representations of lunar and solar veneration, this and neighboring sites present clear artifactual evidence of having long served as sanctuaries. Intermittent ongoing excavation of these important Rhaetic venues is under the direction of Veronas Luciano Salzani. Despite the temptation to do so, we cannot gratuitously argue that differences in the

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

phonological and morphological shapes of attestations of Esos and their attendant differences in geographical and chronological distribution not only map linguistic changes and usage over time, but also ideological shifts or movements such that, say, Esos began as the member of a distinctly East Celtic pantheon that gradually shifted westward with decreasing intensity until Esos was eventually eliminated from Goidelic.

5. The tusks ultimate provenance : a hypothesis about Saint-Blaise

At this point, the discovery history and provenance (archaeological context) of the tusk remain unclear. However, we find it difficult to assume that it was originally deposited in the Roman Fossae Marianae near Istres (Fos-sur-Mer, Bouches-du-Rhne), or quite simply floated down the Rhne as debris from the Alpine region. If the inscription can be dated to ca. 620-580 BC on linguistic and epigraphic grounds, then the most likely find site in proximity to Istres at the base of the Rhne corridor is surely the oppidum site at Saint-Blaise (cart of Saint-Mitre-les-Remparts, south of Istres), specifically Saint-Blaise III, ca. 650-475 BC (Bouloumi 1979a: 111, 1979b, 1984). This was a major center for the pre-Roman minerals, metals, salt and wine trade and was frequented not only by the so-called Ligures, that is Transalpine Celts, but, as amply demonstrated by its artifactual evidence, also by Etruscans, Greeks and Phoenicians (Livy, Epit. 47, Strabo, Geographica 2.5.28, 4.1.5 cf.Nash Briggs 2003, with literature, and more generally Loicq 2006). Concrete evidence of the nature of early trade between the peoples of the Rhne corridor and Central Gaul on the one hand and the Etruscans and Greeks on the other hand has been stunningly provided by the eight published seventh and sixth century wrecks off the coast of southern Gaul (Long et alii 2002, the catalogue of the 2002-2003 exhibit at the museum in Marseille). One of these, the wreck of Rochelongue (7th/early 6th century BC), located west of Cap dAgde, had a cargo that contained 800 kg. of copper ingots and about 1,700 bronze artifacts. The early Pointe de Lequin wrecks, off the sometimes treacherous northern coast of Lle de Porquerolles, were published in detail by Long, Miro and Volpe/et alii (1992). Pointe Lequin 1A, for example, was a Greek ship that was approximately 36-40 feet long and was carrying a cargo of some 5metric tons: it is datable to ca. 515 BC (on the basis of Attic Bloesch type A and C black-figure eye-kylixes) and contained a large quantity of fine pottery, not only Ionic and Attic black-figure kylixes, but also lamps, Attic amphorae, vases, bronze statuettes and a load of wine amphorae, principally from Eastern Greece (Bloesch 1940: 1-40, 112-145). The arresting observation is that many like wares are represented at virtually contemporaneous Celtic sites, such as Vix, in Central Gaul, as well as, of course, at coastal sites such as Saint-Blaise along with that sites thousands of pieces of Etruscan bucchero nero ware (Megaw 1966, Morel 1983: 560,568). Note that sites protected by sanctuaries, such as the oppidum at Saint-Blaise, were optimal redistribution centers for the barter economies of the 7th -4th centuries BC (Morel 2010: 59-60). As was the case at neighboring Entremont (near Aix-en-Provence) and Roquepertuse (near Velaux, east of Istres), Saint-Blaise IV seemingly also had a sanctuary or temple dedicated to the Celtic cult of the severed human head, a practice that is discussed in virtually every handbook of Celtic culture (for example, Chadwick 1970: 157-159). Indeed, this cult is even reflected in what is perhaps the best known Irish saga, namely, The Tale of Macc Da Ths Pig in the famous passage in which Conall assures Cet that nlan is indeed still in the house, albeit now in trophy form (cited from Rudolf Thurneysens edition, 16.10-13): At immurgu ol Conall, oc tabairt chinn nlain assa chriss; ocus dolici do Chet dara bruinni corremid a loim fola fora bolu. But he is, said Conall, and took nlans head out of his belt and threw it to Cet over his breast, and a draught of his blood burst from his mouth. Of significance in favor of Saint-Blaise as a possible provenance for our inscription is the notion that the boar may have had associations with the cult of the severed human head, as severed

The Boars Tusk of Istres (Bouches-du-Rhne) : a Lepontic Talismanic Inscription

21

Chtillon-sur-Seine heads are often featured together with boars in Celtic plastic art, most notably on the Carantec type staters discovered in late 2007 as part of the so-called treasure of Laniscat (Ctes dArmor) in Brittany and attributed to the Osismii (on Celtic boar symbolism, cf. Moreau et alii 1995 as well as Sterckx 1998). Nevertheless, as Chris Rudd, a leading authority on Celtic coins and plastic art, cautions us (p.c.):
Im not altogether convinced that there was a cult of the severed head as distinct from a cult of the boar. As far as I can see, both co-existed in Iron Age Europe as part of a vast pantheon of symbolic images, with different peoples paying different degrees of attention to each at different times, depending on occasion and local circumstances. I think it is difficult to demonstrate that there was ever a fixed association, whether mythological or geographic or ceremonial, between the severed head and the boar, except to say that both were sometimes associated with warfare, though both apparently had entirely different connotations outside the business of battle, e.g. the boar sometimes signified might and the powers of darkness and the head was sometimes regarded as the seat of the soul (as well as a military trophy). Indeed, isolated retrieval of an icon from a belief system does not necessarily evidence the existence of or association with a cult following. Unlike the Etruscans, Greeks (Phocaeans) and Phoenicians, who were commercial colonizers and probably chiefly merely visitors, the Romans, as rapacious socio-cultural and political colonizers who came to stay, quickly put an end to the severed human head sanctuaries at Roquepertuse (124 BC) and Entremont (123-122 BC), summarily destroyed by Gaius Sextius Calvinus, who put the Celtic leader there, Teutomalius/Toutomotulus, to flight (Livy, Periochae 61.1-2). But by this time, however, slightly more than two decades after the end of the Third Punic War and well after the glory days of Greco-Etrusco-Punic emporia in Southern Gaul, Saint-Blaise had lost its earlier prominence and long since forgotten its Celtic sanctuary (for a general introduction to foreign colonization and the Celts of southern France with a substantial bibliography, see King 1990: 11-33).

Arles Saint Blaise Rochelongue

Roquepertuse Entremont Istres Aix-en-Provence Fos-sur-Mer

Marseille Pointe du Lequin

Fig. 8. Map of the localities cited in the article (elaborated by Imprimerie Heintz, Ptange, Luxembourg).

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

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Valrio, Miguel. 2008. Origin and development of the Paleohispanic scripts: the orthography and phonology of the Southwestern alphabet. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia 11.2.107-138. Watkins, Calvert. 1962. Indo-European Origins of the Celtic Verb. I. The Sigmatic Aorist. Dublin: The Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies. ----------------------------------------------------------Black-and-white Figures 1-8 1. Photo Jean-Claude Muller, with kind permission of the Muse archologique d'Istres. 2. Drawing in front of the object and inscription by Jean-Claude Muller (14th April 2011). 3 a & b. Macrophotos Jean-Claude Muller. 4. Paleographic table by Jean-Claude Muller. 5. Levantine variant of the Paleohispanic Semi-Syllabic Signary (after Ruiz Darasse 2011). 6. Lepontic alphabets according to De Marinis (1991: 104). To the left, the alphabet of the 7th-5th centuries BC (with closed alpha); to the right, the alphabet of the 3rd-2nd centuries BC (with open alpha). 7. The pendentif aux dents de sanglier at the Muse du Pays Chtillonnais; photo Jean-Claude Muller. 8. Map of the localities cited in the article (elaborated by Imprimerie Heintz, Ptange, Luxembourg).

A contemporary view of the harbor of Fos-sur-Mer where the tusk was supposedly dug out in the 1960es.

Carte dessiner: Istres, Fos-sur-Mer, Arles, (Levantine script: bis wohin?), Lugano, Steinberg am Rofan, Sanzeno, Bernabei/Foligno, Magr/Schio, Padua, San Giorgio di Valpolicella, Val di Fiemme/Bolzano, Saint-Blaise, Entremont, Roquepertuse, Rochelongue, Pointe Lequin.

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Thomas L. MARKEY, Jean-Claude MULLER & Markus EGETMEYER

Conservateur Frdric Marty holds the inscribed tusk in his hands. Photo : Jean-Claude Muller.

Relief representing Jupiter Caelus holding a double threefold implement, discovered in the late Roman city wall of Arlon, Belgian province of Luxembourg in September 2009.