Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol.

44(4), 364365 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20330 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

B O O K R EV I EW S
Gustav Jahoda. A History of Social Psychology: From the Eighteenth-Century Enlightenment to the Second World War. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 242 pp. $95.00 (cloth). ISBN 978-0-521-86828-0. $34.99 (paper). ISBN 978-0-521-68786-7. In historical treatments of social psychology, 1908 is typically cited as the year in which the discipline originated. This is because of the publication of the textbooks by psychologist William McDougall and sociologist Edward Alsworth Ross, the first to be exclusively devoted to social psychology. Yet, as Gustav Jahoda convincingly demonstrates, there is a rich history of social psychological thought that can be traced back to the eighteenth-century Enlightenment. Jahoda provides a very readable and concise account of how the modern ideas of twentieth-century social psychology were anticipated and, in some cases, directly influenced by eighteenth- and nineteenth-century thinkers. His intent is not to produce an authoritative history, but rather to paint a broad picture of how social psychology is rooted in the past. He, therefore, appropriately concludes his historical analysis with the 1930s, a period in which the content and methods of social psychology are well established and the competing disciplinary claims by psychology and sociology are essentially resolved. Jahoda, however, also points to links between past ideas and later developments in the field. These include Fritz Heiders theoretical writing and such current alternatives to mainstream experimental social psychology as critical social psychology, evolutionary social psychology, and social neuropsychology. The book is divided into three parts, beginning with the French and British Enlightenment. Among the figures considered are Etienne Bonnet Condillac, Marie Jean Condorcet, David Hume, and Adam Smith. These thinkers stressed how the human mind is shaped by culture, and Hume and Smith specifically pointed to the role of social interaction. The second part deals with the nineteenth-century gestation of social psychology in Europe. Jahodas treatment of Germany is especially informative because much of the German work in social psychology is not cited in the English-language literature. Beginning with Johann Friedrich Herbart, German theorists were concerned with the nature of the relationship between individual and collective psychological functioning. The concept of Volk or shared identity is a prominent part of German thinking, and Jahoda gives ample treatment to both Moritz Lazaruss and Hajim Steinthals early version and Wilhelm Wundts later version of Vlkerpsychologie. Also considered is the debate by Wundt and Wilhelm Dilthey over the methodology of psychology in general, since both thinkers were concerned with collective consciousness. More familiar material is covered in the chapters dealing with French and British developments, including Auguste Comtes positivism, John Stuart Mills ethology (character), Herbert Spencers evolutionary thought, French crowd psychology, and the contrasting versions of Gabriel Tarde and Emile Durkheim on the relationship between the individual and society. Also included in Part II is a chapter on Darwinian social psychology in America, which focuses on James Mark Baldwin and George Herbert Mead. The last part of the book covers developments in American social psychology from 1908 (the appearance of the first textbooks) to the Second World War. Jahoda highlights the work of Floyd H. Allport (experimental social psychology), Gordon W. Allport (attitudes), and, more briefly, Kurt Lewin. Interestingly, he also includes work dealing with culture, notably Franz Boass cultural anthropology, which influenced Otto Klinebergs study of migration and intelligence, and the research on socialization by Gardner and Lois B. Murphy. Yet, as he indicates, such considerations of culture have had little lasting influence on the individualistic 364

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focus of American social psychology, in which the social has typically not been viewed as an integral part of the human mind, but rather the social affects the individual only from the outside. Unlike his attention to the sociohistorical factors that shaped European thought, Jahoda does not deal at any length with the contextual factors that shaped American social psychology, or why, by the early twentieth century, the center of gravity of social psychology had shifted from Europe to America. Nevertheless, this is a minor shortcoming of what, in total, is a highly significant contribution to the historical literature on social psychology. Reviewed by HENRY L. MINTON, Professor Emeritus of Psychology, University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 365366 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20331 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Enoch Callaway. Asylum: A Mid-Century Madhouse and Its Lessons about Our Mentally Ill Today. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2007. 197 pp. $44.00 (cloth). ISBN-13 978-0275-99704-5. Worcester State Hospital, established in Massachusetts in 1833 and closed in 1991, was the first state hospital in the United States. It became one of the most important research and training centers in the world in the mental health field, linked to such names as those of psychiatrist August Meyer, psychologist David Shakow, clinical pastoral educator Anton Boisen, and many others. The hospital had already attained its high stature well before the time Enoch Callaway did his residency in psychiatry there beginning in 1948. These are his memoirs of his experiences as a resident, together with some of his recent reflections on them. The book is divided into 54 chapters, many of them only two or three pages long, each one generally centered on some particular salient anecdote from that time over 50 years ago. There is little evidence that these stories have been checked against any archival materials from the hospital or against Enoch Callaways own letters or diary of the era discussed, so historians probably ought to be treat them in the way oral history material is handled. Many of the stories Enoch Callaway tells here are memorable and priceless. It would not be surprising if he had told some of them many times before in conversations with colleagues and with residents and fellows he trained in his career as a professor of psychiatry at the University of California, San Francisco, and director of research at its Langley Porter Psychiatric Institute. He is not just an interesting raconteur but also a highly respected scientist, having served as editor of the Archives of General Psychiatry, Biological Psychiatry, and Psychophysiology. His observations on the various treatments of severe psychopathology at Worcester State Hospital are thus grounded in critical thinking and in a thorough knowledge of the research literature. His own best-known research activities seem to be in the area of cortical evoked potentials. Such research is no doubt related to the electroencephalography he learned as a resident from Hudson Hoagland at the Worcester Foundation for Experimental Biology, linked to the state hospital in that era. Looking back on the 1940s, Callaway marvels at the unbounded enthusiasm he and his fellow residents had for psychoanalysis, now superseded mostly by psychopharmacology. He is also aware of current trends toward the increasing use of evidence-based psychotherapies.
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He reviews dispassionately other treatment approaches of the 1940s, including insulin shock, electroconvulsive therapy, lobotomy, and hydrotherapy. This book is written in an accessible style and should be of interest to the general public. Callaway includes a discussion of popular movies such as The Snake Pit, One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest, and A Beautiful Mind, and popular books such as I Never Promised You a Rose Garden. Callaway reflects with dismay on the general demise of the state hospital system. As any city dweller is aware, former mental patients have now been released to live mostly on the streets. Many others are now incarcerated within the prison system, which provides mental health services of inferior quality. The book could have been improved by better fact checking and copyediting. An example of this is mistaking psychiatrist Manfred Bleuler for his father Eugen (p. 39). Reviewed by DONALD K. ROUTH, Professor Emeritus of Psychology, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 366367 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20332 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Brenda Maddox. Freuds Wizard: Ernest Jones and the Transformation of Psychoanalysis. Cambridge, MA: Da Capo Press, 2006. 354 pp. $26.00 (cloth). ISBN 0-306-81555-3. $17.50 (paper). ISBN 0-306-81555-9. At the end of her biography, Maddox concludes, The jury is still out on Ernest Jones, but it ought not to be (p. 282). This work should go the full distance in the verdict on Jones. Written with deep intelligence, thorough research, and considerable wit, Maddox succeeds in placing Jones in his appropriate place in the early history of psychoanalysis. Writing about Joness best-known work, his partisan but candid three-volume biography of Freud, she notes, All biography is a struggle between theme and chronology (p. 263). Maddox herself balances these two nicely by integrating summaries of Joness principal works as part of her narrative and by helpful summaries of ongoing controversies. If the exposition of the psychoanalytic content of Joness works is less full than it might have been, it may be because his works often explicated and extended the ideas of others, particularly Freud. Joness works are, as his biographers is, engaging, precise, and well reasoned. It is difficult to read this biography without wanting to read Jones himself, and there is a lot to read: well over 100 papers and reviews on psychoanalysis, several books, even a best-seller on figure skating, and the indispensable Freud biography (Gay, 1988, p. 744). But Jones was much more to the history of the Cause, as Freud called it, than a clear expositor and developer of psychoanalytic ideas. He had met Jung in 1907 at a conference in Amsterdam. He suggested and Jung planned the Meeting for Freudian Psychology in Salzburg in 1908, which was the first international psychoanalytic conference, where Jones met Freud for the first time (Jones was 29, Freud 52). Traveling from Toronto, where he landed after being ostracized from the London medical community for rumored sexual indiscretions with patients, Jones joined Freud, Jung, and Ferenczi on their famous 1909 trip to the United States. Freud received an honorary degree (as did Jung) and gave five lectures at Clark University. By 1912 Jones published the first book in English on psychoanalysis and had succeeded Jung as
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second in command. Jones was quite important to Freud in the Englishing of psychoanalysis and, by virtue of his religion, guarding against the movements being seen as too Jewish. (Maddox deals thoroughly with Joness Welsh background and ethnicity.) By 1920 Jones was president of the International Psycho-Analytic Association, editor of its English-language journal and publishing house, associate editor of its German language publications, and founder and president of the British Psycho-Analytical Society, with absolute power over who could and could not be a psychoanalyst in the United Kingdom (p. 164). Maddox discusses Joness several well-known weaknesses: sexual license, deviousness, arrogance, autocracy (p. 75). Jones was extraordinarily attractive to women, but apparently after marrying the third time, did not stray. During the Nazi period, Jones imported Melanie Klein, and several other psychoanalysts, to London, many with Anna Freuds help from Vienna, despite her disputes with Klein. The British were at first enthralled with Kleins ideas, but later, Jones would have to negotiate several aspects of the bitter schism between Klein and Anna Freud and their followers. The most dramatic scene of his life was the post-Anschluss trip Jones made to Vienna to persuade Freud he must leave. For several years, Jones had assisted others in the psychoanalytic community to emigrate; now he helped Freud at 82 and several family and friends, a total of 17. Maddox succeeds in portraying Jones as a complex figure: possible child molester, he became the devoted family man. Autocrat of the empire, he saved his man from the worst evil of the twentieth century. REFERENCE
Gay, P. (1988). Freud: A life for our time. New York: Norton.

Reviewed by ROBERT SHILKRET, Norma Cutts DaFoe Professor of Psychology, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, MA.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 367368 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20333 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Ruth Leys. From Guilt to Shame: Auschwitz and After. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007. 200 pp. $27.95 (cloth). ISBN-13 978-0-691-13080-4. Focusing her discussion on survivor guilt, primarily as it has been applied to survivors of the Nazi Holocaust, Leys begins by outlining two theoretical approaches. One is mimetic: in a hypnosis-like state, the victim identifies with the aggressor, unconsciously accepts responsibility for the traumatic violence, and is punished by his or her superego, which does not distinguish beliefs from behaviors. A posthypnotic somnambulistic state explains the amnesia held to be typical of posttraumatic stress (p. 181). The antimimetic model argues that the victim actually identifies with fellow victims, not with the perpetrator. Imitating the aggressor is a coping mechanism that may help to ameliorate persecution and allow the individual to keep a sense of identity separated from what he or she is witnessing. The atrocities are external to the person, there is no collusion between perpetrator and victim, and memory of the event remains accessible. This model is the basis of current psychiatric thinking about trauma, as in the removal of survivor guilt as a core diagnostic
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symptom of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and the growing acceptance of neurobiological theories and data advanced to explain PTSD. Incidentally, Leys mostly ignores the latter field: Terms such as nervous system, brain, imaging, and scanning do not appear in the index. According to Leys, the mimetic and antimimetic explanations have alternated in popularity since the end of the nineteenth century. She views the current debate as to whether PTSD is best classified as an anxiety or a dissociative disorder as an example of this dynamic relationship (and treats it as though it really mattered). Shame theory, in the ascendancy today, is related to the antimimetic model because it emphasizes the survivors unhappy awareness of being seen by others and ignores the guilt arising from having become one with the enemy. There is an extended critique of the affect theory of Silvan Tomkins, and of research based on that theory. Tomkins argued that affects, including shame, are activated by innate mechanisms related to patterns of feedback from the face to subcortical areas of the brain. Reactions are universal and cannot be modified by culture or any other source of learning. Researchers have concluded that there are indeed universal reactions to emotion-arousing stimuli, although these may be (imperfectly) masked when cultural or other factors so dictate. The book ends with a review of Giorgio Agambens writing about Auschwitz. Agamben seems to misunderstand Primo Levi by inferring that under extreme circumstances the ethical difference between perpetrators and victims disappears and the two become equally guilty. He further asserts that the experience of Auschwitz is just as traumatic for us as it was for the original victims (quoted on p. 163). Therefore, even though we were not there, we can all be defined as survivors (and, presumably, also perpetrators) of Auschwitz. To me (but not to Leys), further exegesis seems superfluous. As Leys points out, existing studies regarding widespread survivor guilt, amnesia, and emotional numbing, and the experimental literature on emotions, may be flawed or inconclusive. But Leys uses such critiques to dismiss the data without substituting better data supporting competing theories. In the psychoanalyticand, a fortiori, the postmodernist controversy, the laurels go to the most persuasive debater, regardless of facts (such as the absence of reliable non-clinical evidence supporting the idea of widespread survivor guilt, posttraumatic amnesia, and identification with the aggressor). Leyss book leaves the reader with the strong feeling that this is exactly where the survivor guilt versus shame debate stands at present. Reviewed by PETER SUEDFELD, Department of Psychology, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 368369 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20334 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Rick Tilman. Thorstein Veblen and the Enrichment of Evolutionary Naturalism. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2007. 343 pp. $49.95 (cloth). ISBN 978-0-8262-1714-1. Rick Tilman is Professor Emeritus of Public Administration at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, and currently teaches at Northern Arizona University. This is his latest in a succession of books on the noted American political economist and iconoclast Thorstein Veblen. The authors goal is to discuss Veblens writings in the context of evolutionary naturalism.
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Virtually every aspect of Veblens thought, Tilman states, is affected by his evolutionary naturalism (p. 294). As characterized in the book, naturalism presupposes an external objective world which exists in part independent of investigation and rejects any dichotomy between nature and humans, while evolutionary refers to Darwins theory of natural selection, with its reliance on scientific method rather than myth, superstition, or apriorism. The odd aspect of Tilmans approach is that Veblen did not describe his philosophy as evolutionary naturalism (p. 140). Tilman also concedes that earlier studies of Veblens thought, including one focused on his philosophy, do not include evolutionary naturalism or even naturalism in their indexes (p. xii). Assumptions continue as Tilman lists social movements, such as secular humanism, socialism, critical theory, sociobiology, and postmodernism, with which Veblen did not self-identify (or the movement came to prominence after his death) but with which Tilman sees relationships and similarities. Veblen was a prolific writer, polemicist, and political radical, unafraid to ridicule or praise (he was stingier in praise than ridicule) the social movements of his day. If he had wanted to discuss evolutionary naturalism, he would have. It is almost as if Tilman had exhausted all the solid connections and associations in his earlier books and reached out in this volume to discuss social movements in which Veblen was only marginally involved. The book closes with a three-page table listing 37 schools of thought and 184 major thinkers, including Aristotle, Carnegie, Galileo, and Shakespeare, who may have influenced Veblen. The purpose of this extensive list is not clear to me. Any educated person of Veblens time would have been influenced by these notable figures. Tilman describes himself as a fellow traveler (p. 7) in revisionist Veblen scholarship, which rejects Joseph Dorfmans (1934) portrayal of Veblen as an unstable philanderer, and emphasizes Veblens positive qualities of patience, generosity, wit, and intellect (Bartley & Bartley, 1997). The best parts of the book for me were the direct Veblen quotations, such as those criticizing organized religion, sports, and gambling, all of which he saw as wasteful distractions from more productive activities. The abundant quotes from other Veblen scholars were not as interesting or meaty as Veblen speaking for himself. I am not dismissing the important work of biographers, and I realize that Veblen in his writings (not inferred) valued machine production over handcrafts, although he insisted that the product should be useful. I have read biographies in which the author says things more felicitously than the subject of the biography, but this book is not one of them. Despite Veblens interest in mass production, the prolific output of the Veblen industry was not in his plans. When he died, he directed that his personal papers and correspondence should be burned, and his will stated, No obituary, memorial, portrait or biography of me, nor any letters written by me be printed or published (Dorfman, 1934, p. 504). Unless some new information turns up, such as an unpublished manuscript or a love child, perhaps it is time for a moratorium in Veblen scholarship before a post-revisionist school is announced. REFERENCES
Bartley, R. B., & Bartley, S. E. (1997). In search of Thorstein Veblen. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 11, 129173. Dorfman, J. (1934). Thorstein Veblen and his America. New York: Viking.

Reviewed by ROBERT SOMMER, Distinguished Professor of Psychology Emeritus, University of California, Davis.

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Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 370371 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20335 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Nancy D. Campbell. Discovering Addiction: The Science and Politics of Substance Abuse Research. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2007. 336 pp. $50.00 (cloth). ISBN 978-0-472-11610-2. Discovering Addiction takes the reader into the close-knit world of U.S. drug research in the middle decades of the twentieth century. It focuses on one extraordinary institution, the Addiction Research Centre (ARC), located within a prison hospital in Lexington, Kentucky. Here scientists carried out behavioral research on a select group of inmates designated postaddictsexperienced male drug users who had detoxed on entry to the institution. Their investigation of drug effects included experimental readdiction, which aimed to replicate the real-world process of addiction and withdrawal. Once a prestigious facility admired for its productivity and innovation, the ARC was shut down in 1975 amid an outcry about the exploitation of vulnerable subjects. Nancy Campbell provides a meticulously researched account of the complex social and scientific networks operating in the addiction research enterprise, in Lexington and beyond. Her book draws on extensive archival research and oral history interviews with key scientists. Her analysis of scientific films of addicted junkie monkeys taken in the 1950s at the University of Michigan is particularly evocative, as are the Life magazine photographs of the ARC labs, included in the text. By tracing the changing nature of drug research from the psychoanalytic approaches of the 1930s to the rise of neuroscience in the1990s, Discovering Addiction makes a major contribution to the history of behavioral sciences. Campbell states that the books organizing concept is that of laboratory logics, defined as the pattern of beliefs that shape practical reasoning in science (p. 3). She argues that it is these specific and relatively narrow belief systems that enable and constrain the lexicons and practices understood as legitimate in the thought collective of any particular lab. For example, research in the ARC was driven by a logic of mimicry, the ultimately untenable belief that drug experiments could and should reproduce the natural conditions of addiction (p. 115). Laboratory logics offers a potentially intriguing theoretical framework but it remains somewhat underdeveloped. In fact, I felt at times that Discovering Addiction contained two projects that were not fully integrated: a faithful historical narrative and a more explicitly theoretical sociology of knowledge critique. For me, the detailed information about the movement of personnel, the renaming of committees, and the career trajectories of individual scientists made some sections of the book heavy going. However, this dimension of the work may be greatly appreciated by others. The most powerful and provocative aspect of this book, not reflected in its title, is its discussion of research ethics. Campbell aims to evaluate the ethical dimensions of the ARCs research without resorting to presentism and easy condemnation. She stresses the socially situated ethics of the scientists and argues that they developed an indigenous morality based on close daily contact with their subjects, whom they viewed as knowledgeable adults capable of making rational decisions about the risks and benefits of participation (pp. 167, 172). According to Campbell, the ethical practices of the ARC prohibited coercion or seduction of addicts into research, although they did not include reflection on structural power differences (p. 139). Her discussion, which also engages with the testimonies of prisoners and former research subjects, is thoughtful and intelligent, but tensions and contradictions within the beliefs and practices of the ARC could have been more fully explored. In particular,

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a more systematic account of the relationship between the logics of the ARC lab and its ethical imaginary would have been useful. Ultimately, Campbell takes a strong position against universal and top-down models of ethics, stating that Research ethics must be situated within the social conditions, material constraints, and commitments that prevail in specific institutional contexts (p. 144). Discovering Addiction leaves the reader considering the implications of this claim and questioning unexamined assumptions about what constitutes ethical scientific research. Reviewed by HELEN KEANE, Senior Lecturer in Gender Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 371372 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20336 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Jaap van Ginneken. Mass Movements in Darwinist, Freudian and Marxist Perspective. Trotter, Freud, and Reich on War, Revolution and Reaction 19001933. Apeldoorn, NL: Het Spinhuis, 2007. 167 pp. 29.95 (paper). ISBN 978-9055892822. Writing the history of a discipline is much more common than historiography of a field that didnt make it into a discipline. In this book, the history of various attempts to create a science of mass movements and fluctuations in public opinion is written. Jaap van Ginneken can be considered an expert in the field. In 1992 he published Crowds, Psychology and Politics 1887-1899 and in 2003 Collective Behavior and Public Opinion. In the first title van Ginneken analyzes the earliest social science attempts to theorize on mass behavior; in the second he tries to create his own theory of mass phenomena. Mass Movements can be seen as more or less bridging the gap between these two studies. After reviewing the early period of the Latin School (Sighele, Fournial, Le Bon), van Ginneken zooms in on the work of Wilfred Trotter and Sigmund Freud, who tried to explain the phenomenon of cohesion in masses. Trotter, a medical doctor, published two articles in Sociological Review (1908, 1909) in which he developed a theory of the herd instinct, the inborn psychological dependency of human individuals on their social group. Van Ginneken suggests that Sigmund Freuds notion of the superego was inspired by Trotters herd instinct. Apart from theoretical connections, there was a personal connection as well: Trotter was a friend and colleague of Ernest Jones, who was prominent in the British psychoanalytic movement and later wrote the first biography of Freud. In 1908 Trotter and Jones together visited the First International Psycho-Analytical Congress in Salzburg, and Trotter, in his 1916 book Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, referred positively to Freuds work. In turn, Freud, in 1921 his essay Massenpsychologie und Ich-Analyse . . . (mistranslated in the Standard Edition as Group Psychology and Analysis of the Ego, as Van Ginneken rightly points out), devotes a chapter to the herd instinct. Freud mildly criticizes Trotter for ignoring the role of the leader in mass formation, and focuses on the important process of mutual identification with others, which finds its origin in the common idealization of an exemplary person. He then proceeds to differentiate within the ego the so-called Ego Ideal, which he later transforms into the concept of the superego. Freuds essay does not provide a concrete analysis of historical leaders and mass formations; he refers to the ideal types of the church
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and the army as differing forms of mass formation. He is predominantly interested in the question of organized masses: Masses without a leader are ephemeral. Van Ginneken wonders if Freud consciously or unconsciously avoided the major sociopolitical issue of his day: the decline of the regime of Emperor Franz Joseph (who can be seen as a failing leader, eventually causing the disintegration of the contemporary political order). While Freud refrained from operating as a political commentator, some of his followers were more inclined to analyze contemporary mass phenomena, varying from the First World War to the rise of fascism and Nazism in the 1920s and 30s. Wilhem Reich, for instance, published Massenpsychologie des Faschismus (The Mass Psychology of Fascism) in 1933, in which he combined Freudian and Marxian ideas and terms such as the sexual economy of capitalism and proletarian sexual politics. Reich came to view Freud as a bourgeois, but after his emigration to the United States he himself rewrote much of his earlier work in more conformist terms. In spite of the subtitle, van Ginneken extends his analysis beyond the 1930s, discussing the work of Viennese authors such as Paul Lazarsfeld and members of the Frankfurt School, who, like Reich, took refuge overseas. He also describes the efforts of modern empirical social science to get a grip on mass phenomena through questionnaires and surveys, instruments that contributed to a social construction of public opinion. In these chapters the book is less elaborate, as if the author was merely laying the ground work for a third book on the history of social science and mass movements. I would welcome such a book, if only to get a clearer picture of postwar developments. Did the empirical turn indeed make an end to interdisciplinary theorizing on mass behavior, as the last chapter seems to suggest? Or was it the thickening of boundaries between psychology and sociology that caused the parcelling of this field into sociology of collective behavior and the short-lived mass psychology? Jaap van Ginneken would be well qualified to clarify these more recent issues. In Mass Movements he again proves to be a thorough historical researcher, combining primary and secondary material in an elegant and convincing manner and adding new insights to previous work in this field. Reviewed by RUUD ABMA, Department of Interdisciplinary Social Science, Utrecht University, The Netherlands.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 372376 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20337 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Gardner Lindzey and William M. Runyan (Eds.). A History of Psychology in Autobiography, Vol. IX. Washington, DC: The American Psychological Association, 2007. 354 pp. $89.95 ($59.95 for Members and Affiliates of APA) (cloth). ISBN 978-1-59147-796-9. When the first volume of this series was published in 1930, the editors expressed the ambitious and optimistic hope that three or four volumes would follow in the ensuing year, with subsequent volumes every three or four years thereafter. This plan for a number of volumes at close intervals was not realized; eighteen years have passed since the publication of Volume VIII in 1989, the longest interval in the 78-year history of the series. Happily, Gardner Lindzey, editor of the three previous volumes, was persuaded by his co-editor to join in editing the present welcome addition to the series.
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In each of the volumes, significant contributors to psychology provide an account of their lives and research careers in psychology. The present contributors give readers a sense of how their careers were shaped by the times in which they lived and describe their contributions to the fields in which they worked. Their accounts of how it was (albeit in retrospect), taken collectively, open a window into the changes and developments in psychology during the span of their careers. Students and scholars of the history of psychology who have mined the previous volumes, 1930 to 1989, to inform and enliven their lectures, textbooks, and scholarship will welcome this volume to the ranks of its predecessors. The nine contributors to the present volume are Eliot Aranson, Albert Bandura, Gordon Bower, Jerome Kagan, Daniel Kahneman, Elizabeth Loftus, Walter Mischel, Ulric Neisser, and Richard Thompson (Kahneman adds a tribute to Amos Tversky, who but for his untimely death may well have been the tenth contributor). Their careers, which span the last four decades of the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty-first, began when the thralldom of behaviorism in which psychology had been held had begun to wane. Although investigations of learning to resolve issues raised in theoretical debates (Hull vs. Tolman), and descriptions of behavioral effects of schedules of reinforcement (Skinner), were still part of the warp and woof of the introductory course, Behaviorism was about to drop dead after decades of dominance . . . (Mischel, p. 241), and some, like Ulric Neisser, felt called upon to hasten its end by enlisting to fight the good fight against behaviorism (p. 274). Before the twentieth century came to a close, cognition claimed a larger place in psychological research, developmental psychology had come of age, physiological psychology had become neuroscience, and the discipline had changed in other ways as well. The autobiographies of the present volume not only describe the research that was part of that change but also offer clues to the factors that contributed to it. The summaries of research contributions are accessible to readers who are not specialists in the areas of research represented. The accounts are enlivened by their pointing to the personal choices, experiences, and chance opportunities that influenced decisions about research pursuits and the academic positions from which to pursue them. Mentors, colleagues, students, and institutional settings played significant roles as careers evolved and institutional affiliations changed. The accounts are, thus, not only a description of the pursuit of answers to questions of psychological significance, but of how interest in those questions came about and how they evolved in the context of an academic life and the larger social context. Despite the sense that psychology, ca. 1950, was simply rat psychology, teachers of introductory courses offered more than a monolithic behavioral approach to the discipline. The contributors were introduced in those courses to a variety of topics and perspectives. Happenstance brought some individuals to psychology: Filling an open hour (Bandura), meeting an elective requirement (Loftus), following an attractive student to her psychology class (Aranson), or finding a copy of Donald Hebbs Organization of Behavior in an unlikely library (Kagan), are among the fortuitous actions that led to a first course and a career in psychology. Although the initial introduction to psychology may have been by chance, the pursuit of a major at the undergraduate level, graduate study, and a career were choices that grew from the interests that each brought to psychology and those interests that the course and its teachers engendered. At Brandeis, for example, Eliot Aranson heard Abraham Maslow lecture on the psychology of prejudice, something that he had experienced and wrestled with in childhood, and found in psychology a field in which such questions could be addressed. At Western Reserve University (now Case Western Reserve), Calvin Halls psychoanalytic perspective touched the interest in psychiatry that encouraged Gordon Bower to major in psychology.
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Neisser, at Harvard, found in E. G. Borings introductory course an alternative to behaviorism in the topics of perception and attention (while he [Neisser] suppressed an avid interest in parapsychology). Richard Thompson at the University of Wisconsin pursued the physiological basis of mind through behavioral research. Students who may read these accounts, assigned or for their own interests, can find resonance and reassurance from the way that chance can play a part in a career and a personal life, and recognize also the importance and potential of their own interests, perseverance, curiosity, and willingness to take risks as opportunities arise in an uncertain world. They will also learn something of the history of psychology of the last 50 years. Early career experiences helped to shape research interests into new directions. Jerome Kagan, after a focus on animal learning and conditioning, returned from a stint in the army testing recruits to join a program of longitudinal research that turned his nascent interest in human behavior toward developmental psychology. David Kahnemans Israeli army service in testing and assessment directed his interest toward problems in human judgment and decision making that led to the research that resulted in his award of a Nobel Prize (2002). Walter Mischel accompanied his first wife to Trinidad, where he pursued the research on choice behavior and the delay of gratification that helped to launch his career. Gordon Bowers experience with patients at the Cleveland State Mental Hospital led him to want treatment alternatives based on psychological science, and to graduate study with Neal Miller at Yale with a focus on learning, but not before becoming acquainted with mathematical learning theory. Personal histories and career paths to eminence among the contributors were diverse, but prominence led to invitations to move from one university to another, finding stimulation from new colleagues and students, and institutional settings that fostered scholarship. One university seems to have been a fertile crescent for several of the nine: Stanford University and its Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. The first of the nine to arrive there was Albert Bandura, fresh from the University of Iowa, to begin his career as a social cognitive psychologist at a time when the psychology department chair, Fred Terman, was building excellence by appointing influential psychologists such as William Estes and Leon Festinger. Eliot Aranson came to Stanford to study with Festinger and pursue research on cognitive dissonance; Estes, with Patrick Suppes and Richard Atkinson, formed the nucleus of mathematical psychology that attracted Gordon Bower to the group as an assistant professor and Elizabeth Loftus as a graduate student. Walter Mischel, repelled by the counterculture ethos in personality research at Harvard fostered by the hallucinogenic explorations of Tim Leary, found Stanford a congenial place to pursue a better understanding of personality and its assessment. Stanfords Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, led by Gardner Lindzey, provided a year in which Daniel Kahneman could pursue his collaboration with Amos Tversky; Ulric Neisser, having named the new field of cognitive psychology by virtue of his book of the same name (Neisser, 1967), used time there to attempt to expand and redefine the field. Richard Thompson, after a year at the Center, accepted a professorship in the department, where he continued to build his program of research in neuroscience. This institutional setting exemplifies the importance of organizations in fostering new directions in research by bringing individuals together to collaborate, exchange ideas, and attract subsequent generations of graduate students. Contributions to research and theory were shaped as well by events outside the walls of academe, as psychologists were increasingly drawn into issues of importance to society at large. Reports of repressed memories led Elizabeth Loftus to examine such claims as extensions of her research on memory. Her significant contributions to an understanding of memory led her to testify in court cases, to be attacked by those with vested interests in
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alternative views, and to change her university affiliation. Albert Bandura explored the effects of television on children through his research on modeling behavior. His conclusions led to public controversy when representatives of the television industry criticized his research and challenged his results. Eliot Aranson developed the jig-saw classroom in response to educational problems in the public schools. Ulric Neisser, at the request of the American Psychological Association, became part of a task force to address the controversial issues surrounding the roles of nature and nurture as determinants of intelligence in the IQ debates. These examples are evidence of the increasingly public role that psychologists played as they extended their reach beyond their personal interests and the boundaries of their discipline. Their contributions were not always welcome or understood, but nevertheless psychologists and psychological science became more engaged in the public arena in the last half of the twentieth century. The autobiographies of Volume VIII add idiographic detail to the nomothetic data available for historians of psychology to use for a richer and more nuanced account of the period. The contributors have provided much of interest to students and scholars of psychologys recent past. However, unlike the earliest volumes in the series, the current volume is devoted solely to those whose careers were carried out in colleges and universities in North America. Like all the preceding volumes, males predominate; indeed, of the 111 autobiographies included in the nine volumes of the series, only eight are from women. No minority psychologists have appeared in any of the volumes. Noting these omissions is not to detract from the worth of the psychologists included in the present volume, but it is to suggest that recent efforts to produce a more inclusive historical record need to be pursued with greater vigor. With only nine contributors, the present volume is the slimmest of the series, and would seem to have had room to be more inclusive. In their defense, as the editors point out in their Preface, one series of volumes of autobiographical essays is devoted to women (OConnell & Russo, 1983, 1988, 2001). A number of other publications, as also cited in the Preface, have appeared (Krawiecz, 1972, 1974, 1978), including some that focus on several of psychologys subdisciplines (Dewsbury, 1985; Squire, 19962004; Thompson & Hogan, 1996; Walker, 1991, 1993) to help compensate for omissions of individuals not included in the volumes of the present series, especially for the years in which it was not published. The robust interest in collecting autobiographical accounts attests to the usefulness accorded such accounts by historians of psychology. It is to be hoped that volumes in the current series will continue to appear, with perhaps not the frequency envisioned by the series founders, but with a shorter interval than that between Volumes VII and VIII, and with greater attention to inclusiveness. REFERENCES
Dewsbury, D. (1985). Studying animal behavior: Autobiographies of the founders. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hebb, D. O. (1949). The organization of behavior: A neuropsychological theory. New York: John Wiley. Krawiec, T. S. (1972, 1974, 1978). The psychologists: Autobiographies of distinguished living psychologists, Vols. 1 & 2, New York: Oxford University Press; Vol. 3, New York: John Wiley. Neisser, U. (1967). Cognitive psychology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. OConnell, A. N. & Russo, N. F. (1983, 1988, 2001). Models of achievement: Reflections of eminent women in psychology, Vol. 1, New York: Columbia University Press, 1983; Vols. 2 & 3, Hillsdale, NJ: L. Erlbaum Associates. Squire, L. (1996, 1998, 2001, 2003, 2006). The history of neuroscience in autobiography, Vol. 1, Washington, DC: Society for Neuroscience. Vols. 25, San Diego: Academic Press. Thompson, D. & Hogan, J. D. (1996). A history of developmental psychology in autobiography. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

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Walker, C. E. (1991, 1993). The history of clinical psychology in autobiography, Vols. 1 & 2. Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.

Reviewed by ALFRED H. FUCHS, Professor of Psychology, Emeritus, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME. Postscript Gardner Lindzey, the senior editor of this volume, died on February 04, 2008, at the age of 87. His support of, and editorial service to this series constitute lasting contributions to scholarship in the history of psychology.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 376377 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20338 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Kenton Kroker. The Sleep of Others and the Transformations of Sleep Research. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007. 533 pp. $49.95 (cloth). ISBN 978-0-8020-3769-5. The Sleep of Others is a detailed, richly woven narrative of the historical emergence of sleep as a scientific object. It traces the intellectual, cultural, institutional, political, and experimental contexts through which sleep and dreaming were constituted as objects of knowledge from antiquity to contemporary society. The narrative is driven by a central problem, how to untangle the description of sleep and dreaming from the sleeper and his/her private experience? From this perspective, Kroker argues that the constitution of the sleep laboratory produced an epistemic shift through which it was possible to represent sleep as it really was, apart from any link with subjective experience (p. 5). The problem is compounded by the fact that the sleepers experience is characterised by unconsciousness, driving researchers to frame sleep and to understand its role in terms of its disruptions (dreams, insomnia, etc.) until the appearance of the sleep laboratory. Kroker provides insightful accounts of how, in this period, different traditions within psychology attempted to capture sleep within their models and how, progressively, physiologists experimental settings made visible the rhythmic periodicity of sleep. The turning point in the story is the discovery of REM. Kroker, however, describes how, in this process, the link made between REM and dreaming was (still) crucial for the establishment of sleep research within North American biomedicine and its funding system (pp. 312324). This enabled researchers to establish connections between the sleep laboratory and the clinic and attempt to re-describe the etiology of enduring clinical mysteries such as narcolepsy and insomnia. The book ends with a description of how these (partially failed) attempts nevertheless contributed to the conception of the first sleep disorder, sleep apnea, which enabled sleep medicine and the sleep laboratory to become key mediators in the relationship between sleep and health in contemporary societies.1 The Sleep of Others is also significant in how it proposes solutions to tensions that are central to the historiography of science and/or medicine. These have particular consequences on the type of book with which we are presented. The first concerns the structure of historical narrative itself: how to tell a story without anchoring it around a turning point? Because Kroker

1. On this topic, see also Moreira (2006).

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(rightly) puts so much emphasis on the power of the sleep laboratorys experimental assemblage, particular conceptualisations of sleep tend to be interpreted in relation to the later description of sleep as rhythmic periodicity (see, for example, pp. 90, 162, 207). While this enables the reader to situate events within the historical trajectory of sleep as a scientific object, it also unavoidably weakens Krokers own reconstruction of the specific contexts through which these events/actions were woven. The second question involves the relationship between the sleep laboratory and the clinic. A long-standing debate between historians of medicine has been concerned with the effects of experimental medicine in the definition of disease and clinical practice. In this, the work of Georges Canguilhem is key because of how he predicated the experimental articulation of disease upon the clinical relationship with the individual experiencing illness (Canguilhem, 1989). Krokers claim is that sleep researchs foray into the clinic inverted the path suggested by Canguilhem (p. 328). However, Krokers description of this process could also be taken as evidence of the new interactive relations that emerged between the laboratory and the clinic in the postwar era, which have been fruitfully conceptualized by, among others, Peter Keating and Alberto Cambrosio (2004). It is testament to the quality of this book that it can spark such fundamental issues for the history of science/ medicine while providing the first authoritative account of the history of human understanding of sleep. REFERENCES
Canguilhem, G. (1989), The normal and the pathological. New York: Zone Books. Keating, P., & Cambrosio, A. (2004). Does biomedicine entail the reduction of pathology to biology? Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 47, 347371. Moreira, T. (2006). Sleep, health and the dynamics of biomedicine. Social Science and Medicine, 63, 5463.

Reviewed by TIAGO MOREIRA, Lecturer in Sociology, Durham University, Durham, UK.

Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 44(4), 377378 Fall 2008 Published online in Wiley Interscience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI 10.1002/jhbs.20339 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Max Weber. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Herrschaft [Economy and Society]. (Edith Hanke, Ed., in collaboration with Thomas Kroll). Tbingen: Verlag J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 2005. 944 pp. 344. ISBN 3-16-148694-3. During his lifetime, as the eminent political scientist Wilhelm Hennis observed in 1982, Weber only published two real books, the ones indispensable to his academic career: a dissertation and a habilitation. When Max Weber (18651920) died at the age of 56, he left behind a series of incomplete studies, many of which had to be edited and published posthumously.Today, www.amazon.de lists 637 entries, and www.amazon.com 20,392 titles; and the veritable Weber industry has numerous introductions and titles such as: Webers Insights and Errors, The Unknown Weber, Weber and the Culture of Anarchy, and a recent 1,008-page book that explores his sexual life and aberrations. The Collected Works of Weber, available on CDROM for 86, and Alan Sicas Max Weber: A Comprehensive Bibliography offer some 4,600 bibliographic listings of works on Weber. Weber anticipated all this when, after finishing the first part of his theory of sociological categories, he told his wife: I shall probably not have
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this acuity of conceptual thinking when I am older. Of course, people are going to shake their heads, and at first they wont be able to make head nor tail of it (Weber, 1975). Georg Lukcs, student and friend of Weber, worked on his Habilitationsschrift, a treatise on esthetics, in Heidelberg. Weber advised him: After having seen aesthetics approached from the standpoint of the receiver and more recently from that of the creator, it is a pleasure to see that the work itself is given a voice (Lukcs, 1986). Webers advice can be applied to Weber himself, especially to his much debated Economy and Society (ES) (Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft; WuG). And indeed the three approachesstudy of the genesis, the work, and the receptionmake up the voluminous Weberiana that now amounts to thousands of titles in Alan Sicas Max Weber, A Comprehensive Bibliography. Wolfgang Schluchter, editor in chief of the Collected Works of Max Weber (Max Weber Gesamtausgabe; MWG), identified the main problems: The texts are from a 20-year span and are without scholarly apparatus; therefore, until recently, only interpretative rather than documented editions have been available. Furthermore, is ES/WuG one work consisting of two or more parts or are the texts diverse fragments of a book that are intended as a part of one projectand is Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft the authorized title or should one choose a different title? The long, ongoing debate revolves around Webers unfinished magnum opus, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Economy and Society), posthumously published in 1922 and edited by his widow Marianne Weber and Melchior Plyi, followed by the 1955 and 1976 Johannes Winckelmanns editions and the three volumes of 1968, one volume in paperback, with English translation by Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft: Herrschaft, edited by Edith Hanke and Thomas Kroll, is the latest attempt to reconstruct the work supplemented by editorial comments about origins and stages of the recovery of the manuscript with factual and informative clarifications. In sum, where do we go from here? Several editions of Webers Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft/Economy and Society are now available on the market in German and English, in inexpensive paperback editions for the masses of sociologists who will most likely follow the advice of Webers contemporary, Georg Simmel, who wrote: I know that I shall die without intellectual heirs . . . my legacy will be, as it were in cash, distributed to many heirs, each transforming his part into use conformed to his nature: a use which will reveal no longer its indebtedness to this heritage (Coser, 1965). Social scientists will use the Weberian cash in discussions about the major themes of Economy and Society: domination, bureaucracy, patrimonialism, feudalism, charismatismus, transformation and preservation of charisma, state and hierocratic domination, three types of legitimate domination, and problems of the sociology of the state. In sum, this latest German edition of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, with its meticulous documentation, is for the elite sociologists, Weber scholars, and the libraries because of its prohibitive price. REFERENCES
Coser, L. A. (Ed.). (1965). Georg Simmel. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Lukcs, G. (1986). Selected correspondence 19021920. Ed. and Trans. Judith Marcus & Zoltn Tar. New York: Columbia University Press. Weber, M. (1975) Max Weber: A biography. Trans. Harry Zohn. New York: John Wiley and Sons.

Reviewed by ZOLTN TARR, Professor Emeritus, City University of New York.

JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES DOI: 10.1002/jhbs