Dissertation - Feminine Subject-Positions in A Global Mediascape: An Audience Study of Chinese Women Fashion Magazine Readers in Shanghai

Introduction
As public fora of discussion explicitly catering to women, [women magazines] were of and by themselves indicators of some of the rapid changes in Chinese society at the time: during the first decades of the twentieth century, women from all strata of society would gradually be accepted into a reading and writing community that worked within and, more importantly, also without the confines of the home. Published during a time when womens position and range of activities expanded and were being redefined constantly, these journals had the potential as well as the aspiration to serve as a catalyst for such developments.(Mittler, 2003).
From the inception of a dubbed mainstream form of a female space of expression, to the
modern female magazine of today, this gender specific media has occupied a central figure in representations of woman to themselves (Ferguson, 1983, Wolf, 2002). Since then, womens magazines generally, but Chinese womens fashions magazines particularly, have consistently been scrutinized, criticized, and used as a source of information in a changing landscape of ideas and images in the modern global world (Frith, 2009; Frith & Mueller, 2003). In a global era, where media representations come from different arenas, these images carry diverse connotations, especially at the level of consumption. How the audience reads a message is a highly debated issue in society, and in the academia of communications and culture studies. The image of women in China as shaped and depicted in womens magazines sheds light on the symbolic role women play as representing varying institutions like the nation, modernity, and morality (Johns, 2010). Female Imagery Further, the imagery of women as depicted in fashion magazines continues to evolve, at once shaping the discourse of female imagery, and at another level reflecting that which aids in standardizing aesthetics and propriety. These images produced and disseminated by media establishments have varying effects especially in Chinas current growth toward consumer
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culture (Artz & Kamalipour, 2003; Feng and Karan 2011; Frith 2009, Frith & Karan, 2011; Frith & Yeng 2009; Herman & McChesney, 1999; McChesney, 1997; McPhail, 2003; Winseck & Pike, 2007; Wolf 2002). How women read the imagery available in this particular media matters because lifestyle can offer a window into choices not merely incidental, but as politicized forms of expression. Foucaults aesthetics of existence paradigm suggests a deliberate stylization of daily life; and its technologies are most effectively demonstrated in the practices of self-production [and] in specific modes of conduct, in what we have come [. . .] to recognize as a kind of performativity(Hall, 1996, p. 6). Applying it to fashion magazine readership, the media acts as a catalyst to inform women of their place in the world, simultaneously engaging their personal predispositions to interpret its content and symbols. In what Anthony Giddens calls high modernity, communications from different points of origin and produced to target a wide audience inform and shape discourses that people take on, counter, or amend amongst accessible standardizing influences(Giddens, 1991, p. 5). In Chinas globalized economy commodification makes up one of these standardizing influences since capitalistic production and distribution form core components of modernitys institutions(Giddens, 1991, p. 5). Commodified representations, generally found in commercial media, can teach us about a fast growing international media-scape that influences decisions, shapes values, and helps in building identity. Commodified symbols, characterising part of the modern urban Chinese market, can be found in fashion magazines, yielding a space to explore social impact. I take a sector of female magazine readers in urban China on the one hand, and fashion magazines (both Western titles and Asian titles) circulating in China on the other to explore this space of inquiry. Identity in social context Mediated experience aids in forming identity within a social context, and with mass communication bombarding the amount of messages transmitted to more people each day, the interpretation of self-development and social systems, [. . .] including global [structures], becomes ever more pronounced(Giddens, 1999, p. 4). Taking Chinas recent and rapid media development since market reforms and opening up to the Western world, the image, the imagined, and the imaginary [. . . constitute] terms which direct us to something critical and new in global cultural processes: the imagination as a social practice(Appadurai, 1990, p.5). Taking
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the image as media symbols and imagery, the imagined: their acceptance and interplay into social rhetoric, and the imaginary: its application toward self-definition (and its potential to situate the individual within discourse) this new dynamic culminates in identity. The imagination translates into a subjectivity operating in multiple systems within the structure of the nationstate, and due to globalization, beyond national borders. Symbols and images in the media at the same time provide a discursive space wherein mediatized narratives are structured and assessed by participating audiences, helping sketch the contours of identity (Hall, 1997). Further, as modernity loosens the grip of tradition, life is reconstituted in terms of the dialectic interplay of the local and the global, [so that] more individuals are forced to negotiate lifestyle choices among a diversity of options(Giddens, 1991, p. 5). Womens fashion magazines Using womens fashion magazines as a base with which to untangle some of these complex quandaries, I attempt to answer the question, How do representations of women in Chinese fashion magazines shape the identity and desires of modern Chinese women in a globalized marketplace? Womens fashion magazines serve as a powerful point of departure as they have often been used as vehicles to disseminate discourse around appropriated forms of behavior, desire, beauty, and femininity (Ferguson, 2008; Wolf, 1991). This particular gendered media gives credence to a space where female images of roles, aesthetics, and tacit expectations continue to evolve and shape how women talk and imagine themselves to be with regard to gender, desire, local and global imaginings. Using commodified imagery and symbols in womens fashion magazines, as examined by its readers, I explore how women perceive and accept or reject visual standards of Chinese and Western magazines in China regarding personal standards, consumption values, and feminine desires. I do so by engaging in in-depth qualitative interviews of a specifically narrow target audience. I expand on the paradigms of representation, identity exalted through subject positions, discourse power, and consumer choices within the concept of globalization to further develop the understanding of fashion magazine images in Chinas global mediascape.
Literature Review: Theoretical Chapter
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Representation:
Cultural Studies
Representation places itself as critical inquiry within the broader spectrum of cultural studies. Cultural studies encompass schools of thought, such as the Frankfurt and British schools bringing into question mass media hegemony and consumption based ideologies that are accepted without question (Adorno and Horkheimer, 1944; Artz and Kamalipour, 2003). Hegemony, a term coined by Gramsci, develops the notion of power that points to dissenting groups ideological struggle to win the consent of other groups and achieve a kind of ascendency in both thought and practice over them(Hall, 1997, p. 48). Du Guy situates representation within the cultural circuit as one of the central practices which produce culture alongside regulations, consumption, production, and identity (Hall, 1997, p. 1). Culture delineates a set of practices [. . .] concerned with the production and the exchange of meanings [. . .] between the members of a society or groups [. . . that help. . .] organize and regulate social practices, influence [. . .] conduct and consequently have real practical effects in everyday existence (Hall, 1997, p. 2-3). In the scheme of investigating an urban cosmopolitan female audience at the level of consumption in Shanghai, China, I focus on the meaning yielded in the exchange of media-produced discourse and audience interpretations in negotiating identity. Stuart Hall highlights meanings as sites of explicative inquiry that by the frameworks of interpretation we give to them collaboratively produce it (Hall, 1997, p. 3). Meaning then becomes the battleground at which ideological definitions and conceptions are deconstructed, reconfigured, and historically crystallized (Hall, 1997, p. 3). Representation describes the process by which members of a culture use language (broadly defined as any system which deploys signs [. . .]) to produce meaning(Hall, 1997, p. 61). Amidst the backdrop of Giddens and Appadurais high modernity and intensification of risk and global exchange, representations in the media beg the questions: what meanings are exalted in commercial, national and global media, and how are those meanings interpreted differently by specific individuals? Reflective Approach ! Previously stated, constitutes a symbol or signifier that connects language and meaning to culture(Hall, 1997, p. 15). In representation, three schools of thought build on
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each other and take alternative points of departure, disagreeing fundamentally on where meaning actually lies. These three theories are called the reflective, intentional, and constructionist approaches (Hall, 1997, p. 15). The reflective approach sets the foundation minimally stating that meaning is produced by an external objective reality at which someone arrives, in time and space (Hall, 1996, p. 24). That is to say, an objective reality exists, and people merely need to be made aware of it. For reflective or mimetic theorists, meaning is thought to lie in the object, person, idea, or event in the real world, and language functions like a mirror, to reflect the true meaning as it already exists in the world(Hall, 1997, p. 24). Intentional Approach ! The intentional approach attempts to bridge the gap of this one-dimensional understanding of the symbol and its meaning, by illuminating its producer. This theory holds that it is the speaker [or] author, who imposes his or her unique meaning on the world through language(Hall, 1997, p. 25). Representation does not stand alone, but rather, the speaker sheds light on the intention of the symbol. This second dimension begins to bring the social aspect into meaning and images. What it fails at, however, is to consider fully the receiver of the message. Constructionist Approach ! The constructionist approach brings the representation paradigm full circle, taking into account both the producer and receiver of a message. This theory contends that things do not mean: [but rather] we construct meaning, using representational systems-concepts and signs in social exchanges and with cultural understandings of meanings (Hall, 1997, p.25). This theory warns against not confusing the material world, where people and things exist, and the symbolic practices and processes through which representation, meaning and language operate(Hall, 1997, p. 25). This approach introduces the social dimension of representation, necessarily implicating the message producer, its receiver, and the interaction that necessarily gives way for interpretation of meaning. And as detailed later, it is within this theoretical approach that my study lies. Meaning: Decisively, meaning takes the important task of giving representation its potential to construct worlds of truth. This site takes us closer to the power dynamic inherent of
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representation that implicates meaning construction. Who creates the boundaries that differentiate diverse meanings lies at the core of cultural studies, making identity a primary site of contestation (Grossberg, 1996). At the heart of identity, in as far as it concerns mediatized narratives with signifiers, how individuals interpret the image in Appadurais sense, depends highly on his/her ability to attach and separate from different nodes of its representation (Hall, 1996, p. 56; Foucault, 1980). Dissenting viewpoints on where meaning comes from characterize a rupture in the constructionist paradigm from the semiotics approach to the discursive approach. The semiotic approach describes how representation circulates, on the basis of the way words function [. . .] as signs within language. In a culture, however, meaning often depends on larger units of analysis [such as] narratives, statements, groups of images, whole discourses [. . .and] areas of knowledge [. . . that. . .] have acquired widespread authority(Hall, 1997, p. 42). Authority necessarily involves power, and in representation entails the power to define, to stabilize, to impose, and to influence meaning over the terms chosen and proliferated. Power through Representation The discursive approach, hence, brings this power dynamic into the equation. Power, as defined by Steven Lukes, (2005) extends past a first or second dimension where a subject or group uses force to make another act. It implicates the nuanced manner wherein latent conflict utilizes operational power in everyday decision-making that stops people from having grievances by shaping their perceptions, cognitions and preferences where they accept their role in the existing order of things, either because they can see or imagine no other alternative to it, or because they value it as divinely ordained and beneficial(Lukes, 2005, p. 28). In the work of the imagination in Appadurais sense, people could miss the potential to imagine beyond the media discourse of limited representations that can reveal or make invisible certain images and messages over others. Media works to an extent as a gatekeeper, censoring the imaginations of viewers (expanding on its potentiality to conceptualize), but to what extent depends on a variety of factors (Chouliaraki 2006). The imagination plays a pivotal role in tandem to the medias potentiality to carve out the contours of definition and meaning implicating larger social structures. The departure introduced earlier as semiotics endorsed by Saussurre, Barthes, Pierce
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and others still finds itself within the constructionist approach of representation, but falls short when it comes to questions of power. Whereas structuralists focus on language and interpretation to do the work of representation, Foucault suggests that the production of knowledge (rather than just meaning) through [. . .] discourse places power at the fore of understanding the influence of representations in larger scope(Hall, 1997, p. 42-43; Foucault, 1980, 1982). The post-structural developments look at representation as a source for the production of social knowledge that introduces the subject as a key instigator and player in its production (Hall, 1997, p. 42). In turn, audience perception becomes indispensible in untangling processes of latent conflict, as Lukes would have it, in the study of media representations and their signifying significance. While Foucault does not question meaning production explicitly, he does question the production of discourse as a system of representation, where discourse assumes, a group of statements which provide a language for talking about a way of representing the knowledge abouta particular topic [at a moment in time. . . that involves] the production of knowledge through language(Hall, 1992, p. 291; Foucault, 1980, 1982). Discourse While discourse does not necessarily take precedence over the importance of language in representation, it connects language to practice so that, as Foucault argues, discourse defines and produces objects of our knowledge [. . .]; governs the way that a topic can be meaningfully talked about and reasoned [. . . while,] influence[ing] how ideas are put into practice and used to regulate the conduct of others(Hall, 1997, p. 44; Foucault 1972, 1973, 1977, 1980). Discourse grows increasingly important as it relates to identity within the context of Chinese women and Western influences. It implicates not only the signifier and the signified, but the subject as well. In this sense, the concept of discourse is not about whether things exist but where meaning comes from so not about a fixed meaning, but how issues become objects of knowledge within discourse(Hall, 1997, p. 45). Naturally this leads to questions of the individual, especially one receiving messages from two hegemonic media spaces, upon which I will soon expand. Hall outlines how within this post-structural constructionist approach for an object to exist meaningfully it must have 1. foundational knowledge from surrounding definitions; 2. rules prescribing a certain way of talking about these topics and exclud[ing]
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other ways [. . .]; 3. subjects who in some way personify the discourse [. . .] with the attributes we would expect these subjects to have given the way knowledge about the topic was constructed at the time; 4. a way in which the topic acquires authority; 5. practices within institutions for dealing with the subjects [ . . .] whose conduct is being regulated and organized according to those ideas; 6 [and lastly] acknowledgement that a different discourse [may. . .] arise at a later historical moment, supplanting the existing one, opening a new discursive formation(Hall, 45-45; Foucault, 1972, 1978,1977,1980). Evidently, the subject becomes a central key in understanding the dynamics of representation. Discourse Power Foucault centralizes time and place with regard to discourse knowledge, and also shows how it works in a normative and authoritative manner expanding on Lukes operational power. Operational power, as a reminder, helps shape opinions, keeps certain discourse circulating, and suppresses others from arising (Foucault, 1972, 1980). Foucault asserts, power relations permeate all levels of social existence and are therefore to be found operating at every site of social lifein the private spheres of the family and sexuality as much as in the public spheres of politics, the economy, and the law (Hall, 1997, p.50). Power also works as productive force; it traverses and produces things, it induces pleasure, forms of knowledge, [. . . and] discourse(Foucault, 1980, p. 119). In the Chinese women fashion magazine audiences, discourse surrounding femininity, and hence expectations on self-image, sexuality, and appropriate urban female style revealed in Western titles disseminated in China poignantly demonstrates how power embeds itself in the circuit of discourse, not merely reflecting or reproducing individual actions, bodies, behaviors, preferences, and choices, but as an expansion on its associations and limitations (Foucault, 1977, p. 27). The images perceived and appropriated by this audience are compromised and recast, showing a novel way of weaving in and out of power structures wherein actions and local relations of power [. . . can] not at all be seen as simple projection[s] of the central power, but as productions of power circulating through varying forms of agency (Foucault, 1980, p. 201). Simply stated, women did not merely take the representations at face value, but infused them with ambivalent attitudes, disengaging and engaging from its varying effects at different points during their discussion of them. The Subject
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Previously mentioned, the subject inevitably emerges in discourse, knowledge, and power, taking meaning-making closer to the individual. Contextualizing his discursive approach to representation, Foucault asserts that once knowledge provides a justification to restrain, constrain and regulate how people behave through discipline and other institutional approaches, power acts as the normative reach at the fore of knowledge created through discourse (Foucault, 1972, 1977, 1980). In reiterating Foucault, Hall places the [human] body [and hence material existence] at the center of the struggles between different formations of power knowledge [wherein] different discursive formations and apparatuses divide, classify and inscribe the body differently in their respective regimes of power and truth(Hall 1997, p. 50). In a globalized society, with a global population, and taking the image of women as a site of contestation, diverse regimes of truth clash, sprouting differentiating ties between the global and local making the individual the primary site of ambivalence and dissidence1. By using Chinese womens magazine readers who consume both Chinese fashion and Western-affiliated fashion magazines, I allowed them to comparatively look at the varying imagery and articulate the emerging ambivalences and attitudes toward the embodiment of different symbols. Identity The constant dialogue of information, media production, and media consumption creates spaces where new meanings are bred and as Douglas Kellner puts it, far from identity disappearing [. . .] it is rather reconstructed and redefined. Identity enters representation reverting back to meaning as the site where representation hosts a battle of signifiers with different denotations. As a focal point in the discussion of modernity, it offers a glimpse into the erratic and fast-paced environment of the modern era. Since Western notions of the individual emerged in and after the Enlightenment, individualization as a practice has sprouted new ideas of community, belonging, and standing with and away from bounded configurations of self. The modern era ushered in the individual as a basic construct, away from traditional institutions and toward the modern concepts embodied in the material world of space, time, and location. Where these platforms converge there emerges a breeding ground for expressing and understanding new concepts of self, new community identities, and novel ways of relating and negotiating
For examples of these see Chandra Mohantys post-colonial arguments on Nationalist womens movments
selfhood. For China, the story does not follow a very western paradigm, but does involve a modernity incorporating western thought and influence. Identity of Chinese women in China ! Pre-reform communist history does not negate the existence of the individual, but rather identifies with different nodes of meanings. Looking briefly at the history of Chinese womens magazines, it can be argued that feminine identity in China has consistently been a point of contention often exemplified in media imagery and rhetoric (Johns, 2010). Womens fashion magazines used for entertainment, information, and as a barometer for feminine roles, reveal a lot about tensions in the identity of women in Chinese history (Frith, 2009; Feng and Karan, 2011; Ferry, 2003; Johns 2010). Through the Qing dynasty into the republic era, to the Mao era, cultural revolution, and the opening up of China, magazines have not only worked to endorse, but also shift and interrupt identifying discourse, as women read, interpret, and recast ideas of themselves in relation to femininity and suitable female behavior (Johns 2012; Seneca 2003). The historical changes in magazine imagery endorsed or rejected by women, illuminate larger trends such as globalization, female agency, and transforming feminine expectations, informing the discourses that women take on, or reject through time. Hence, I use identity as a loose term, not to mean the individuation process, but rather, the way women self articulate in China. In this way, I can further tease out subject-positions as they apply to interpretation of representations by the women themselves. Identity in China takes on a very hybrid concept of self, one that serves to also introduce new content in this study. It forces the interruption of thought, to create and assess meaning with regard to media representations found in fashion magazines. Background of identity theories ! Firstly though, identity theories should be teased out to understand where my study Essentialism Karen Cerulo credits the emergence of identity as an axiom of academic enquiry to the early sociological writings of Charles Cooley and George Herbert Mead in the early 1900s (Cerulo, 1997, p. 387). After the 1970s, however, developments took a shift toward questioning past assumptions of identity amidst an insurgence of social and nationalist takes its theoretical backbone for identity usage.
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movements stirring questions of group agency and political action, concerns with agency and self-direction, and integrating, new communication technologies that destabilize early time and space assumptions in a global modern world (Cerulo, 1997, p. 388). Even as Cooleys looking glass self suggested an interactional realization of self connecting society with the individual in mutual awareness (the gaze of the other), its early hypothesis in essentialism included thinkers such as Emile Durkheim with collective conscience, Carl Marx with class consciousness, and Max Weber proposing collective identities around shared experience arriving at an essential me that allowed groups to form based on similar desires and experiences (Cerulo, 1997, p. 387; Cooley, 1995). This classical sociological approach assumed natural departures and arrivals of self with qualities emerging from psychological traits, psychological predispositions, regional features, or the properties of structural locations(Cerulo, 1997, p. 386-387). Anti-Essentialism The social constructionist approach challenges the classical view in anti-essentialism, suggesting individuals gather a sense of identity in social dynamics and structures rather than through natural predispositions. Feminist philosophers such as Simone de Beauvoir questioned the very essence of gender identity with its supposedly attached behavior found in male or female bodies in her work The Second Sex. National identity is equally questioned in the idea of an imagined community by Benedict Anderson (1991) who cast national identity as a socio-cognitive construct, one both spatially and temporally inclusive, both enabled and shaped by broader social forces(Cerulo, 1997, p. 390). Denying the assumption that identity occurs naturally, but is rather constructed, the social constructionist conversation interrupts the egocentric self, and invites social involvement. Post-Constructionism In Who Needs Identity? Hall presents the last evolution in identity inquiry as looking beyond identity to identification as process, which is never unified and, in late modern times, increasingly fragmented and fractured; never singular, but multiply constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic discourse, practices, and positions (Hall, 1996, p. 4). Hall insists on situating the debates about identity within all those historically specific developments and practices which have disturbed the relatively settled character of many populations and
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cultures,[. . .] in the process of globalization [. . .] coterminous with modernity (Hall, 1996) and the processes of forced and free migration which have become a global phenomenon of the [. . .] post colonial world(Hall, 1996 p. 4). Hall narrows in on how identities are about using the resources of history, language and culture in the process of becoming rather than being: not who we are or where we have come from, so much as what we might become, how we have been represented and how that bears [relevance] on how we might represent ourselves(Hall, 1996, p. 4). I use Halls belief of identity constituted within, not outside representation and I concern myself with its imagined capability, not its so called roots, but a coming to term with [. . .] routes(Hall, 1996, p.4). How discourse molds identity centers this last stage as one where identity itself is not the important element, but where the processes that mediate its construction take center stage. In creating an Other for example, the marking of difference as an operative tool demonstrates how self-narration and identification unveil more the product of the marking of difference and exclusion rather than merely reflecting it (Hall, 1996, p. 4). Post-Modern Past the essentialist and anti-essentialist views a new era ushers in a postmodern approach to academic interest in the self, wherein categories are deconstructed and reconstructed in revolutionary ways (Cerulo, 1997). Questions of sexuality give rise to queer theorists reinventing the very nature of sexuality and desire, like Judith Butler who casts sexuality, gender, and its element in identity formation as interactive cultural constructions, using Foucaults discourse notions (Butler, 1990, 1993). She insists that with time, the performative element of gender and sexuality reinforces how its applied, which creates regulative discourses that shape its potential expressions within the acceptable confines of hetero-normative social standards and expectations (Butler, 1993). Its precisely in media discourse and the knowledge it produces that standardizing imagery and symbols circulate and gain legitimacy. As in representation academia, the latest phase in identity studies also brings power to address agency and the role of institutions as significant players in identity construction, deconstruction and reconstruction (Cerulo, 1997, p. 391). Similar to representations final development, the post-modern identity scholar deconstructs established identity categories and their accompanying rhetoric in an effort to explore the full range of
being. Works in this tradition call into question models that equate discourse with truth; they expose the ways in which discourse objectified as truth both forms and sustains collective definitions, social arrangements, and hierarchies of power(Cerulo, 1996, p. 392). It is precisely within this post-modern construction of identity that representation takes a luminal stance to dissect modern subjectivities. While scholars like Anderson (1991) prioritize national identity as a cornerstone of human identification, intersections of identity help explain differentiating and shifting platforms people use to create particular meaning for themselves in a globalized existence of modernity. Taking my subject of study, a female, urban, global, modern demographic, national identity tells only half the story. And Beyond Gilles Deleuze and Flix Guattaris imagery of the rhizome(1988) as a concept that parallels a rootless plant posits a shifting configuration of mediaelements(ensemble.va.com.au) where unlike a structure, which is defined by a set of points and positions, the rhizome is made only of lines; lines of segmentarity and stratification as its dimensions, and the line of flight or deterritorialization as the maximum dimension after which the multiplicity undergoes metamorphosis, changes in nature(Deleuze and Guattari, 1987, p. 21). This rhizomic approach to identity has long been applied in research on Diasporic populations, which I wish to apply to my academic inquiry in a new way2. Rather than showing a transnational audience, I use a transnational urban space to contextualize how globalized readers interpret international media. It challenges the assumption that identity, and even space, time, place, and other media abstractions sprout from a root into an eventual branch or axiom. Instead it proposes a multidimensional inquiry with multiple entries and exits of interpretation and representations and not necessarily coming from the top down, or even bottom up, but rather the exchange process creating hybrid meaning. In identity, the rhizomic approach works as a deconstructed post-modern concept, enabling populations to locate and define with and against multiple locales and narratives in novel ways, embodying the growing ambivalence of multinational media messages. For modern, cosmopolitan fashion magazine readers in China (my subjects of study), who maneuver overlapping spaces of inclusion and exclusion both from
2 For examples of this see: Georgieu 2006, Moorty 2003, Vertovec 2001, Punathambekar,
2005, etc.
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national and global (Western) media rhetoric, a rhizomic explanation illuminates shifting loyalties, as they strategically attach and separate from multiple nodes of meaning. This creative self-articulation in a globalized space enables inherent paradoxes, which globalized media articulates, to transition into the realm of the individual, pushing ambiguities back, hybridity at its backbone. Gender Theory ! Some academics have explored the representation of women in advertisement, and drawn relationships to normalizing imagery of beauty and desire like the documentary Killing us Softly. This insightful film depicts a conference talk of the study of gendered representations in advertisement. The speaker opens with the poignant statement, Ads sell more than products. They sell values. They sell images. They sell concepts of love and sexuality, of success, and perhaps more importantly, of normalcy. To a great extent they tell us who we are, and who we should be(Killing Us Softly). The film continues by focusing on female representations, asking, What does advertisement tell us about women? It tells us as it always has, is that whats most important is how we look. So the first thing the advertiser does is surround us with ideal female beauty. Women learn from a very early age that we must spend enormous amounts of time, energy, and above all money striving to achieve this look, and feeling shamed and guilty when we fail(Killing us Softly). Although this determinist view may overestimate the pitting of media against a passive victimized consumer, that imagery and representations affect peoples ideas of self is not a heavily debated issue.
Conceptual Framework
But how media permeates the minds and behavior of people does come into debate, one that my study attempts to explore. Because womens magazines began circulation even before women participated in the public sphere, historically speaking woman themselves did not determine their own many media images. Further, historically in China (as well as elsewhere), womens magazines served as a battleground for the ideological definition of woman, Chinese femininity, and often propagated nuanced understandings of appropriate female behavior, desire, beauty, and femininity (Ferguson 1983, Wolf 1991). Globalization
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Some critics of globalization say womens magazines content has turned to a Westernization of values around capitalistic ideals (Frith 2009, Feng and Karan, 2011, Ferry, 2003, Mueller, 2004, Johansson, 200, Luo & Hao, 2007). My aim is to look closely at this realm of globalization, but through the eyes of the audience to see how women themselves articulate the effect of this new global market economy. My research positions itself within cultural studies and representation in media. It tries to explain how media can work as a driving force in imagery available for readers to self-define within the confines of certain narratives. This study also stands within questions of gender, identity, and power found in representational hierarchies. Behaviors and expectations tacitly endorsed through patriarchal social systems (policing/rewarding certain behaviours and values over others) can both be contested and rearticulated in womens magazines content not neglecting the agency of womens position as readers. Post-structuralist representation My research situates itself within the post-modern identity as rhizome, post-structuralist representation space, and within Foucaults power dynamisms in subject-positions with discourse explicating its findings. I explore how women take on or reject media symbols and messages from the globalized space as they self-articulate while making and breaking female consumer trends. While power structures circulate and shape discourse using the female space of representation and consumption, women negotiate that realm in order to better understand their place within it, outlining representations subject-positions. Contrary to a binary of East versus west, I attempt to look at the fluid cross-section where East meets West and what novel functions those spaces breed in the audiences that help shape it. I attempt to untangle the subject-positions women take as they interpret fashion magazine imagery, to also shed light on their choices as consumer. Similar to Foucaults discourse power in representation, I look at the convoluted interplay between audience and media, rather than revealing a top down indoctrination of media symbols merely consumed by this niche group as is. Subject-positions To tease out subject-postions where the discourse produces a place for the subject [. . .] from which its particular knowledge makes most sense in-depth qualitative interviews aids in understanding [the relationship between these] social actors and their situation(Bauer and
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Gaskell 39). Rather than a survey, which merely highlights facts and figures, the active interviewing approach proposed by Holstein and Gubrium (1995) allows for the meaningmaking process to emerge showing the necessary subjectivity of the individual. This subjectivity can be viewed as social influence meets decision-making process, one that can only be contextualized by the agent in thorough Dialogue. Visual analysis would not help explain the consumption side of media, which was at the fore of this research. Difference as signifying practice The notion of the Other, those represented in the media as populations marked by difference, comes into play in my study since I look at Chinese and Western magazines side by side. This culminating social subjectivity offers an explanatory platform toward answering my question on fashion magazine representations. Noting the idea of rhizomatic identity inspired by Deleuze and Guattari (1988) aforementioned, I take identity as various points of definition and significance rather than one essential root sprouting into divided paths toward eventual selfrealization, and look at multiple locales of meaning to illuminate robust shifts and processes that allow for said articulation. Objectives and contributions ! I attempt to tease out the questions of female agency of Chinese readers in conjunction to their consumption of Western titles in and Asian titles in Chinese fashion magazine representations. The questions I ask include, How do women negotiate images and representations in womens magazines with everyday understandings of beauty, feminine aspirations, and consumerist desires? What do women consider in their pursuit of ideal femininity? What do women consider when making brand and style choices in tandem to magazine imagery? Before starting my research, I outlined four hypotheses to be addressed in the scheme of the study: H1: Chinese women identify more with the subject-positions in Chinese fashion magazines than with the subject-positions in Western fashion magazines H2: Women have hybridized local narratives to make figures in Western magazines apply to their everyday lives
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H3: Women extract parts of symbols and images available from both Western and Chinese fashion publications to piece together the way they articulate themselves H4: Women use magazine representations to formulate an ideal femininity that they try to uphold ! I wish to contribute to a growing body of literature on Chinese womens magazine
readers trends and patterns, but with the audience members at the fore of the discussion. By turning my focus from the imagery presented (the production side) to the consumption and appropriation of it, I hope my study can add value in understanding a tiny niche population of urban, internationally inclined female consumers with active processes in engaging feminine representations available to them. By conducting an audience study, I illustrate a growing sophisticated Chinese female reader not merely absorbing images and symbols, but interpreting them in their process of identification (Hall, 1997, p. 32; Hermes 1995). What Hall may explain as encoding and decoding at the level in which a reflexive sense of self emerges, signs which have not been intelligibly received and interpreted are not, in any useful sense, meaningful(Hall, 1997, p. 33; Hall, 1980; Ang, 1985). So, my research bridges the gap between what the message says and what in fact are its effects in a larger social realm of individual women and their lives. While many women do not actively choose the images that are cast forth in womens fashion magazines, the messages received and recast in individual ways gives power to the audience in self-defining (Hermes, 1995). This realm in agency and exploration of female agency in consuming this media is the unique contour of my Chinese audience study.
Methodology
Interviews Audience Study To explore the intersections of magazine representations as negotiated by female audiences, interviews served as a pivotal medium to capture emerging discourses. This methodology allowed me to pick out Foucaults subject positions, wherein the individual always locates herself within a given discourse, and then uses that point of departure to articulate its
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boundaries and transgressions (Hall, 1997; Foucault, 1980). Hence that the women first used media images I provided, and then defined around them, worked to tease out this phenomenon by virtue of identifying with said imagery (Hall, 1997; Foucault, 1980). I facilitated this by asking the interviewees to look at a series of both Chinese and Western magazine images from 2013, while inquiring about varying identifying positions. I justify the use of interviews because I wanted to address the theme of identity as well as a gap of qualitative studies on Chinese female magazine audiences in English. While various studies have conducted quantitative research3, my interest goes beyond the incidences and frequencies of female images, to how women negotiate those recurring images to define against. In this manner, I return agency to these particular media consumers, allowing them to articulate points of attachment and separation to Chinese and Western fashion magazine representations circulated in China. Engaging narratives of desire, consumer choice, gender/sexuality symbols, and national/ international loyalties, I consider the full spectrum of representation, wherein things dont mean: [but rather,] we construct meaning, using representational systemsconcepts and signs(Hall, 1997, p. 25). The interviewees dispel the role of passive media consumers, disproving the reflective and intentional acceptance of representation, to the constructionist concept where meaning depends, not on the material quality of the sign, but on its symbolic function(Hall, 1997, p. 26; Hermes, 1995; Ang, 1985). Through interviews, I was able to untangle the hybridization (Hall, 1980) of the media symbols as understood and reasoned through the eyes of the women who appropriate these into local contexts and everyday existence. Sampling ! The twelve interviewees I talked to included women between the ages of twenty-two to thirty-three years and all English speakers living in Shanghai. They necessarily involved an English speaker living in China due to my inability to speak Chinese, and ranged from students to working professionals. A limitation on the study was the sample size, as well as the natural boundary of the language. At least one interviewee found it limiting to her expression when she spoke in English. I have since translated this passage for my analysis. Further, all the women described themselves as cosmopolitan in nature, while two had lived in Singapore, one in France, and one in the UK. I sought out interviewees through channels in Shanghai, initially asking
3 For examples see: Liu, 2011; Frith, 2009; Cheng & Frith, 2006; Lindner, 2004
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people I knew in the fashion and media industry, then through snowball sampling had people referred to me by interviewees. All women had actively pursued foreign friendships and overall came into contact with foreigners and Western images on a daily basis. These interviewees ranged from university researchers, educators, businesswomen, and administrative/clerical workers. The median age was 26 years Structure The interviews were conducted in a semi-intimate environment, either my home or at a quiet local coffee shop. Each woman was given a briefing before the interview, signed a waiver, and was briefed at the end to ensure a smooth transition out of the reflexive and perhaps vulnerable position of critical thought. Each interview followed the open interview guide, allowing for digression on topics that women seemed to find interesting or compelling. After several interviews, some open-ended questions were narrowed according to interview answers before them. To streamline the interview data, I utilized 32 images from 2 Western magazines and 2 Chinese magazines from 2013. To keep a general sampling I did not announce which magazines, but rather picked images from all four, not in equal parts, but with more or less equal parts of figures and products. From the American high fashion magazine Vogue, and French magazine Lofficiel, proliferated in China, I took Western images. I then took images from Rayli (Japanese origin, but all Chinese produced content) and Yoka to make up the Chinese magazine images. As I did not use a randomized sampling of images, I actively sought diversity with both images of figures and product placement articles in equal parts from both pools of the magazines. I attempted to show both Chinese and Western models from each magazine, and initially did not inform the subject which ones came from where in order to avoid bias. Most women, however, began to quickly recognize the origins of most pictures by picking up on cues like stylistic editorial choices and an often-quoted quality of the photography, so after half the interviews began pooling or grouping photos for the women so that they could better organize their observations. Analysis Method Core Axioms The interview guide invoked the core axioms of identity through self-articulation situated in the subject-position, representation of women in fashion magazines both in
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Chinese magazines and Western publications proliferated in China, used globalization as a contextual element, and involved coding questions of femininity, beauty, style, sexuality, age, and gender roles in what Jennifer Attride-Sirling calls thematic networks(Attride-Sirling 2001). An inductive method of encoding basic themes helped highlight the subjects set out in the conceptual framework (Miles and Huberman 1984). The research strategy consisted of six individual in-depth interviews, and two focus group interviews with three people each. These interviews were digitally recorded and were conducted in a period of two months carried out face-to-face, arranged in advanced, with the snowball sampling, and ranged from 21 minutes to 52 minutes. The dialogue was then transcribed, catalogued, organized and managed with QSR NVivo software and approached with a thematic analysis outlining questions on identity flagging signifiers such as gender, sexuality, desire and attachment and separation in varying degrees with thematic networks stemming from over-arching themes connected by flagged key words (Attride-Sirling 2001; Maxwell 2004; Strauss and Corbin 1990). A thematic network works like a web, wherein the global theme as process of approximation and detachment from media representations and discourse branches toward the organizing theme from categories related to identity, representation, and discourse toward eventual codes, or basic themes, systematically extracted from the flagged words listed (Attride-Sirling 2001, p. 388) (Appendix F). Basic themes Within representational practices and signifying techniques highlighted by the interviewees I isolated certain recurring basic themes with key word searches branched out from such signifiers as style, age different/difference, role, pose, and beauty all key signifiers frequently mentioned. Positive words such as like, agree, yes, beautiful, juxtaposed negative words like, disagree, no, not, ugly, permitting the materialization of discourse shaping representations in fashion magazine imagery around approachable, relatable, true, accurate, realistic and understandable symbols. Gender also comprised a prominent categorical theme with discussion and separation between Western ideals of woman and roles therein, and Chinese ideals of femininity by most all the interviewees. To highlight this theme, I sought out the use of words China, woman, West,
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and feminine. The thematic networks organization can be better illuminated by its tabulation in Appendix F. Thematic Network: Key Words I limited the analysis content to the interview data itself, so that all definitions of words like gender, femininity, style, culture, and role do not confirm an objective definition of them, but rather how the interviewees alluded and defined them within their own thought process. I employed the raw data as contextualizing tools described by respondents to situate the discourse firmly in the imagination of self and the magazine images at hand. This enabled the imagination to enhance its sense of self, placing the meaning construction and representational paradigms in the hands of the population exclusively (Appadurai, 2001; Hermes, 1995; Ang 1985). Using magazine imagery in both Chinese and Western magazines catalyzed the emergence of a rhizomic multiplicity of identification processes, and showed how and when Chinese readers chose to relate or regard certain imagery and symbols to outline their regimes of truth(Foucault, 1980). The interview excerpts included in the body of analysis highlighted the engagement of a reflexive self-articulating process with both Western and Chinese media content. As most interviewees did not actively consume Western fashion magazines, but were rather exposed to their images daily, the comparative approach grew less important as an asymmetrical disinterest exposed divided loyalties and ambivalent attitudes toward Western magazine representations, always however with equally paradoxical feelings toward Chinese magazine representations.
Analysis
General trends and global theme Detachment and Approximation Twelve interviews, six individual and two focus groups with three women in each group, gave rise to the overarching global theme of approximation and detachment by the interviewees from varying nodes of meaning in both Chinese and Western magazine imagery in all the interviews. Further, general consumption trends and attitudes towards fashion magazines in China naturally occurred in looking at the data retrospectively. Four of the twelve women who
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had lived abroad had a stronger sense of individuality with regard to their opinions on magazine imagery, but also had a slight preference (positive word choice) toward Western style in dress, accessories, and poses than did the eight women who had not lived abroad. Further, the women with experience living abroad tended to be more vocal in negative criticisms toward both magazine representations, feeling at liberty to have opinionated comments and did not censor their discontent of the media in any arena. They also tended toward bringing some nationalistic views into their conversation more often than interviewees who had not lived abroad, and were acutely aware of their position as Chinese women, but also with some aspirations toward Western dress in values and articulations. One prominent Chinese woman who had lived in Singapore five years, and the oldest of all the women, 33, had a strong nationalistic sense, and displayed what many women felt, a general rejection of Western beauty standards with regard to their personal consumer and style choices. Clearly, although my data cannot be applied to a larger population, some trends did resonate within just this small sampling. Reiterating my hypothesis, hypotheses one to three proved correct in that, H1: Chinese women did identify more with the subject-positions in Chinese fashion magazines than with the subject-positions in Western fashion magazines H2: Women created hybridized local narratives to make figures in Western magazines apply to their everyday lives H3: Women extracted parts of symbols and images available from both Western and Chinese fashion publications to piece together the way they articulate themselves. Hypothesis four however, failed to materialize as many women actually detached from ideals in both Western and Chinese magazines, often times rejecting those perceived standards completely due to the pressure felt by an almost impossible attainability. H4: Women use magazine representations to formulate an ideal femininity that they try to uphold.
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Figure A: Dubbed (2013, Chanel Rayli. cute style. April 4). pictorial.
The Shanghai dwellers also tended to negotiate selfhood through representations and discourse derived from both magazine images by distancing and approximation, which inductively revealed the categorical themes around this active identification process4 . One trend around the categorical theme of sexuality showed a preferred appropriated Chinese view of sexuality articulated by disfavor of the poses of Western models versus those of Chinese models. Most interviewees did not display discomfort when talking about sexuality, but did distinguish between the overt sexuality in poses of the Western titled magazines, and insisted on drawing the separation between sexuality displayed in Western style images, not found very often in Chinese pose styles. Respondents firmly held to the approachability of Chinese women
4 See Appendix F: Thematic Network
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representations in Chinese magazines, accepting the cute style catapulted through signifiers of women as young youth cute lovely and adorable. 5
Figure B: (2013, April 4). Marie Dalgar advertisment. Rayli. Non-paginated. While some women did not prefer this lovely cute style of gender performances in Chinese magazines or related it to their personal style, they did show less critical attitudes toward it, revealing an underlying (if only subtle) loyalty to Chinese representations of women and their style, and a higher tolerance for its inaccurate depictions. When asked about her personal style, an English teacher stated, I am not like this cute style, but it is nice. I would never wear this, but
5 See Figure A
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I do not think it [. . .] looks so bad.6 Whereas alternatively, when asked about the magazine image she liked least in Rayli, she pointed to a Western produced advertisement7 and stated this one is not so good because this make-up is too dark, and not so nice, not my style so I dont like(Interview 4).
Figure C: (2013, April Special Report, Chapters 1-4 . Rayli China. 4).
This growing ambivalence or double standard showed an overall preference for Chinese style versus Western style, although all women admitted to not subscribing to this style in daily life.
6 See Figure B 7 See Figure C
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An internalized conservative Chinese hetero-normative desire of marriage, with a very communist internalized desire of a successful career, and awareness of age were heavily alluded to when women constantly brought up their feelings of inadequacy with not being in relationships at their age, and often feeling uncomfortable about revealing their age (most women at 25 and 26 dubbing themselves as old). An attachment to Chinese national rhetoric Figure D : (2013, April). Vogue Trend. Vogue China. explained many womens rejection of Western magazine symbols, and a higher tolerance for less than relatable Chinese female imagery often flagged cute, in Chinese fashion magazines. Also, in both the Asian magazine representations, interviewees said Asian models seemed more approachable, real and accurate, than Chinese models used in Western magazines that highlighted more exaggerated, not typical, stereotypical ethnically Chinese female features. An interview noted in pointing to a Chinese model in ethnic style8, Yes, see there are some spots on her face. They intended for this to be there. This model is not very typical [Chinese], shes very, these spots are very [Chinese words translated by another interviewee] intentionally
8
Figure D
! 26 Fudan University Masters
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oriental. Someone else added, They choose a lot like this indicating that the intent in the Western magazine was to represent a purposefully Othering featured face. Overall, the women rejected many aspects of both magazines, but even so tended toward being more tolerant of the inaccuracies of Chinese fashion magazines in their representations than of Western magazines. This also exacerbated their rejection of fierce, aggressive Western figure representations even as women described their personal style more accurate to those of representation in the Western magazines, described as office lady. Western Beauty Ideals The emergence of an aspiration toward Western ideas of beauty came to the fore with many individuals citing basic thematic codes of beauty, difference and entrance into certain image schemes by virtue of Western ideology and always referencing class divisions and aspirations. While many women cited the lack of relatability or realistic nature, and accuracy of Western imagery of women who were perceived as aggressive or fierce, not speaking to Chinese audiences directly, many expressed a connection to Western style in dress that demonstrated exceptional beauty and impressive clothes. Most interviewees detached or rejected an embodiment of Western beauty standards and style, yet expressed a distant admiration mixed with fascination and desirability to emulate those exact styles that they didnt personally personify. An aspiration toward difference as an exotic appeal was mentioned by half the interviewees, always articulating ambivalence toward Western style, rejecting its archetypes (fierce, not sweet, over-sexualized), but displaying an admiration for its conceptual aims (artsy, creative, ideas behind imagery). Alongside this pattern emerged respondents noting the potentiality of Western media to engage conceptual ideas, in always trying to tell a story with photos, and reluctantly admitting that Chinese magazines read more like textbooks that were just trying to sell clothing and contrasting Chinese magazine pictures as lacking this potential. An interviewee commented, Yes, I look at these photos because they are beautiful, but its not so much how my life is, so I dont use them like this [meaning to gain ideas on how to dress and style her hair] I just like to see the color and art of the pictures(Interview 12). She also admitted to only looking at these fashion magazines when friends provided them, never personally seeking them out, and avoiding buying them due to costs. The control of time and
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space became tantamount to the control that people exhibited over how they let discourse in fashion magazines inform their personal style and narratives, and when and where they let these representations speak to them on a personal level. In this manner, what Foucault describes as discourse power lessened its grip, with members strategically picking what to relate to their lives, and how to apply or throw out its confines as it related to their personal stories. The overall discussion of media and cultural frameworks, however, allowed for the circulating discourse power/knowledge Foucault insists penetrates all factions of society to shape the boundaries of how individuals attached and separated from imagery available to them. The last trend showed a desire for more diversified representations of women in order to change the discourse disseminated and expand beyond the private realm and into the public sphere a wider idea of beauty and femininity. Divided loyalties Some unanticipated impediments during the interview process came from some subjects asymmetric disinterest in Western media, perhaps as a rejection of its non-relatable imagery, but without much resistance or active rejection to its principles (Western beauty ideals). Many interviewees detached completely from the Western titled representations, while at times detaching only partially from those symbols found in Chinese titles, partly refusing to criticize them, justifying its skewed symbolism with regard to female images in cautious and tepid manners. Over half those interviewed hinted at a faint loyalty to Chinese images, reluctant to condemn them. For example, one respondent admitted, I wont copy the fashion [in Rayli magazine] Im not that cute, while another interrupted to say, You are cute in your own way!(Focus group interview 1). Seemingly, as the conversation progressed, although everyone stated that cute was not their style, it was often still referenced as a lingering aspiration, that only once very briefly was condemned vividly, as I later show. Style and age ! All the respondents began their readings of magazine symbols and images by grounding them in their personal lives and desires, and from there allowed for images to speak to them in ways that they imaginatively engaged and rejected. With regard to style, women often pitted Western style against Chinese style with Chinese style signified by words such as lovely, cute, adorable, young and youth. While none of the women actively pursued this
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Chinese style as represented in Rayli and Yoka images, they very mildly rejected its values, often influenced by its implications. A majority of the women when asked their ages hesitated, feeling embarrassed about being over their early twenties (25 and 26 on average). One woman stated, You know Chinese women like this style more because it is lovely and cute [. . .] it shows youth which is considered beautiful in Chinese way(Interview 3). This woman, a 26 year old Shanghai born and raised woman who often wears gender neutral clothing, dark colors, her hair pulled back, and rarely wears make-up, when presented with images of Western figures in similar style stated the women seemed too mature too fierce and didnt like that their style made her look more old and more unapproachable. The lovely-cute style of Chinese magazine representations often resonated with Chinese womens desire to look and feel young, although none of my respondents admitted to actively pursuing it. While most women who held clerical or administrative work liked Western style more, they still didnt like the harsh, more old looking Western dress style of the representations found in Vogue and LOfficiel. Another women noted, Chinese women like to seem cute like these9 because they think young is beautiful, and I think so too [. . .] This girl seems like a student who stops for a rest, I can understand this, even if I am not anymore a student.(Interview 1).
Figure E: (2013, April 4). Picture Editorial Non paginated Ralyli.
9 See Figure E
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Relatable imagery and authenticity ! In another instance, a Chinese language teacher admitted, I do not like these ones because they are not like my personal style [pointing to girlish images in Rayli representations], but I would wear these shoes because they are more like normal style. When I asked her to explain what normal style meant, she proceeded to explain that what Chinese women in Shanghai wear seemed more normalized, and so what she sees other people wearing, even if she doesnt particularly like it, seemed authentic to Chinese style, and so she would be more inclined to try to wear it. The most important feature of style choices was womens seemingly strong loyalty to begin with their personal style and then develop their likes and dislikes in both Chinese and Western magazines against their personal standards. Superficially every women said this was how they chose which images appealed and related to them, but often as the interview went on a loyalty toward Chinese imagery revealed itself, citing normal regular and relatable imagery of Chinese style despite their rejection of its personal applicability. This ambivalent relationship toward magazine images also revealed itself with Western images, but often times less strongly, and more critical to Western standards of beauty. An anthropology researcher at Fudan University cited the tall and thin physique of Western models being a deterrent to her ever personally wearing clothes like the ones shown in the Western magazine imagery. Hybridity-Western in Chinese clothing ! Another trend style that occurred was womens favorable attitude to Western models displaying Chinese style, admiring Western models in typically Chinese style attire. This trend juxtaposed womens dislike for mixing elements of Western style described by many interviewees as dark colors dark make-up faces with no smile with Chinese style countered with bright colors, smiles normal poses and more normal everyday clothes. When Western magazine models wore cute style with dark make-up some interviewees noted, this is not right because her clothes dont go with this make-up, this is more Chinese [pointing to the attire] and this is more like Western the way her make-up look[s], and how her hair is strange and she has no smile and looks away. I do not like it because I do not feel it is real. No one would wear this clothes with this make-up so it just seems so not relatable to me
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or anyone I know. I sometimes dont understand what this picture is trying to say to me. To me it says nothing.(Interview 7).
Figure F : (2013, March). Chloe advertisement. Vogue China.
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Poses and sexuality ! Poses equally mentioned across all the interviews showed the growing distancing of a
demarcated Western sexuality with a different Chinese sexuality. While the word sexuality was not itself utilized in the conversation, women often mentioned the differences in poses as displayed in Western and Chinese magazines. While no one seemed uncomfortable discussing sexuality as a notion, they did however distinguish their disfavor of Western magazine representations of women in awkward strange and not normal poses and gazes looking away from the camera, and an acceptance and preference to representations of Chinese women in their poses figures standing upright, and expressions looking directly at the camera as well as being more natural smiling and seeming more relatable to the way they felt and displayed themselves in everyday life. The connection to sexuality happened often in three photos; the first, a Chloe advertisement of women lying across a sofa and standing which was published in Vogue10, the second a Tommy Hilfiger advertisement with a women whose legs were posed apart11 , and the third a collage of photos in which another woman posed also with her legs apart12 . These three photos kept coming into conversation as subject-positions that audience members did not like or could relate to on any level. Sexualization of Western female representations ! For a 26-year-old respondent, in picking out the Chloe advertisement hesitantly tried to explain her discomfort toward it. She nervously began, For me this photo is very weird.the way the women.like I cannot imagine ever being in a situation like this, likewell maybe if they are at a party. [laughs] I dont know if I can say this, but the way they areI dont know how to saylike they are likegirlfriend and girlfriend? [laughs] After asking her to explain, she addressed the pose and facial expressions, saying, No one is smiling and they are just lying around, not really doing anything, and this girl she has her arm around this other girl and she is looking away with her mouth open, you know? I dont know its just weird right?! Inflecting her voice at the end she waited for my agreement, to which I agreed that the photo was
10 11 12
See Figure F See Figure G See Figure H

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Figure G: (2013, April). Tommy Hilfiger advertisement. Non paginated Vogue China.
Figure H: (2013, March). Collaged advertisement. LOfficiel China.
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sexualized in a way that I would not have sensed, had it not been for an actual discussion. Continuing, she gave up trying to explain and said, It just seems weird to have four women like this just lying around, no one is smiling, or doing anything, and her faceits just so weird, I dont know why its so weird. With this same advertisement another girl expressed an equally perplexed thought, stating, I saw many models, wearing these clothes. I know its fashionable, [laughs], but I dont understand why. Like this pose, [pointing to the girl whose leaned back and legs are spread] I know its fashionable, but I dont know why its fashionable. This pose only super model would do this, or some movie star will do this, but not normal people. So maybe if the person do[es] this pose, maybe she is very fashionable. Only in film or only in a photo(Focus Interview 2). These two women expressed a growing detachment from the subject-position of the photo, in its sexual implications. ! Another Fudan graduate student picking out the collage photo stated, like this pose here, with her legs like this [pointing to legs spread out and unnaturally arched back] I do not feel like anyone would ever in real life sit like this, so I think it is just for the magazine, but not for real life. It doesnt seem right, like normal. It is just not so normal. Many respondents continued to allude to the sexualized poses, stating that it didnt seem typical, right, or normal, and unrealistic to any real life occurrences. What they felt they couldnt express, said more than what they did express. Often citing discomfort with the overt sexuality of the images demonstrated in their poses, paired with the unrealistic expressions did not make sense in the grand scheme of photos, unless the photographer was trying to allude to sex, the women often hinted. Chinese poses and smiles ! On the other hand, most all interviewees classified the subject-positions of the Chinese models as more normal, typical, realistic, and relatable because they had smiles, looked directly at the camera, and wore clothes more conducive to the average woman in her everyday life. When asked what interviewees would change about the Western magazine representations, a number said they would change their style and poses to be more average normal and typical, to have figures in Western titles smile more and look at the camera directly. The positioning of Western images constantly caused the women to detach from those representations saying that had no meaning, could not relate, and actually attach to the smiling, upright, and normal imagery in Chinese magazines. For the focus group, three women
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agreed that they would allow Chinese magazine images to help them make more consumer choice as a respondent admitted, the likelihood of buying any of these pieces is much more higher when after inquiring reasoned, well they just look like more every day that you could wear at work or just going out, walking down the street. And the [women] have more expressions. The models, instead of like this, [purses lips] they smile. And, huh, eye, contact. Like theyre speaking to you. Like this one. Each of these girls they have expressions, so they look more like real people to me. Instead of like mannequins 13 (Focus group interview 2). Even so, another woman in the focus group admitted, I think these picture, [in Chinese magazines] they only show you the clothes. No meaning else. From an aesthetic point of view, I prefer th[e] other pictures. Not to learn fashionable from that. I just know, from the photographer point, they are good pictures. Here they are [just selling clothes with the last respondent chiming in, just selling clothes, mmmmhmmmm(Focus Group interview 2).
Figure I: (2013, April 4). Rayli.

13 See Figure I
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Another interviewee equally expressed an affinity and embodiment of the Chinese
figures due to their smiles poses, and contexts. She is here like in a park, maybe just got out of school, she is a student and sits down to rest, maybe wants to be by the water and read some schoolwork. I can see this picture like in everyday life. Many students probably, and I like her clothes and shoes here, maybe the color different, but I would wear this because it is something like my personal style14 (Interview 4). Most all women detached from the lack of expression in Western representations of women and attached firmly to the smile and cute expressions found in the Chinese magazines. They said most Chinese girls might even mimic these expressions, when girls want to be cute they do likes these faces in photos(Interview 9). Even so, this attitude toward Chinese style and pose did not go on uncontested as one girl stated, ! I think nowadays many young lady try to copy this style Very Cute, and Very young [mocking inflection] I dont like this style! {sighs heavily} And this attitude in China is a little too strong. I dont think its a good thing [. . .] They, you know..hmmmmm, many people like to, watch the soap opera and this some Korea, some Japanese soap opera. Its not really I dont think its suitable for China. I dont want this atmosphere to influence the young people again. It has to get worse before it gets better added another respondent, meaning that soon enough people will outgrow this influence. Even as some women expressed a frustration, or discontent for dubbed Chinese style, the level of criticism never outgrew the criticism toward Western imagery in poses and style. Detachment from beauty ideals And Asymmetrical disinterest ! Finally, when it came to beauty and standard beauty ideals represented in fashion magazines, contrary to feminist theorists musings, the audiences in China seemed less apt to self-pressure toward aesthetic perfection. Admittedly, my sampling is far too small to apply to the entire female Chinese population, but surprisingly the twelve interviewees seemed far less concerned with images of beauty applied to personal standards, and more concerned with representations of age indications described before. The general trend, even with those more fashionable interviewees, was that women originated from their personal style to pick out items they might already gravitate towards. Women less apt to read fashion magazines on a
14 See Figure E
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regular basis expressed frustration, and thus a rejection of beauty standards. One respondent concluded, I try not to look so much to the outside like magazines to decide how to look. I try to make up my own mind on what looks good, then maybe use magazines to give me ideas of how to develop my personal style because otherwise I will never be happy with the way I look [. . .] because there are so many ideas on what looks good(Interview 10). Working as a booking agent in a model management company, this 26-year-old respondent did however express a slight anxiety regarding her age, as did almost every single respondent. Shrieking, But Im old! ! One focus group yielded a similar reluctance to use magazine imagery to define against since all the elements: clothes, make-up, hair, and body image overwhelmed the possibilities of even just one adjustment.
Figure J: (2013, April). Ochirly advertisement. Non paginated Vogue China.
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The dialogue began like this: A: The most important idea that I get from this picture is that hairstyle is very important. For me I cant do this hairstyle with myself. [So then,] ok, Ill give up these fashionable things. Sometimes, I really want to change something. I want to be more fashionable like this. But my hair wont be like this.15 Okay, if I wear this hairstyle to wear this clothing, its very strange C: And you also need to make-up more B: Yes, I also have to make-up. I also have to change sooo maaaany things, so I give up. I: So its too much? B: Yes, I would have to change too many things, so I just give up I: How about you, do these photos give you any ideas? C: Sometimes I find models that are very beautiful, but you dont have their shape. You have their clothes.{laughs}. So maybe you wear these clothes and they look totally different on you. [Switching to other photos] I: Should we move on? A: See I think there are some things I like, but this is too much. So next time I would do something like this, but simplify it, make it fit to my personal style. ! The turning away from standards because they are too taxing in terms of demands, constantly surfaced in multiple interviews, but none more organically then in the focus groups. The other focus interviewed stated, A: Well it seems like these things are all very beautiful, and impressive, very pretty to wear [when pointing at the Western product images] but just not for me. B: Yes because in my life, I cannot have them, so .I just dont think about them if I see them even, but I do like to think, how it would be like. If someone gave to me ok, but if not, I dont want. A: Yes, I think they are very nice, but in my life, where would I wear this to? [pointing to a dressy outfit] C: I agree, I like to look because the colors are beautiful and she looks very special, like wooooow [pointing to a Western model in a qipao like gown] but it is not like anything I will ever wear, so its not like I want it, but I do think it look[s] nice. I like to see the pictures, but its not so much, really me.(Focus Group 1).
15 See Figure J
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In terms of looking for subject-positions in the Western magazines, the narratives were
so far from the reality of most women, that even imagining a life in the products was something most interviewees struggled to do. The rejecting of represented standards altogether demonstrated a growing counterculture against Western titles consumerism and fashionable femininity. Most women did not line their ideal femininity with either Chinese or Western imagery in Chinese fashion magazines. They instead looked past those representations to something more attainable and less realistic.
Figure K: (2013, March). Lofficiel China. Photographic editorial Dangling theme of fatigue ! In the last exercise when asking interviewees to pick any photo and create a narrative, or imagine one if they could embody a story, surprisingly, many women expressed feelings around
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the word tired, exhausted very sleepy or trying to get away from the crowds of a figure who was very dressed up and perhaps at a party, where she wanted to leave the room and catch some air16 . The surprising narrative occurred in more than half the respondents and could perhaps express a relationship between the photos message and some underlying subconscious sentiments of actual fatigue. Since all the women worked or study, lived in Shanghai, some educated abroad, and almost all had no other siblings, the level of expectations very likely exceeded those of the average Chinese person in China.
Conclusion
The detachment and approximation to representations found in Chinese fashion magazines, produced both locally and abroad demonstrate a shifting global mediascape where entities have to quickly adapt to keep the attention of increasingly discerning audiences. More than a rhizomic sense of belonging, an ambivalent sense of self offers a new way of articulating identity, recasting media narratives so as to resonate louder with the individual audience member, picking apart the pieces that fit and discarding those that do not. The research conducted shows that fashion magazines, although a targeted site of marketing and advertisement for many global brands is falling behind in representing its target audience accurately. This in turn is losing these fashion magazine readers interests, as women move past the bounded configurations of self reflected in these limited images. Fighting to stay relevant on a global scale, this specifically gendered media has to update its narratives fueling the discourse that women take on or reject. Increasingly more aware, educated, capable, and liberated, women demand complexity and ingenuity, not just beautiful images, when making consumer choices amongst a plethora of options. Future research of Chinese urban audiences can explore intersectional identities revealing constantly changing subjectivities in and through global contexts. Perhaps more qualitative Chinese language studies can also help tease out attitudes with more locally acting audience, as more individuals live in and out of spaces wherein they voluntarily assume the position of the Other, highlight difference over similarity, and engage cultural performances
16
See Figure K
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radically different than the ones in the past. Because these global populations are helping push the limits of discourse that help shift discourse knowledge in a growing social landscape, what fashion readers think should be explored further. What does this research in identity, consumer trends, and representations tied to discourse knowledge offer to the greater body of academic inquiry? Investigating why certain niche audiences take on certain subject positions over others offers a window into potentialities, in Chouliarakis sense, to interrupt prevalent yet perhaps inaccurate discourse knowledge in the media. As imagery in womens fashion magazines provides a dialogical space to interrupt and unpack meaning and knowledge, showing how identities are [. . .] constituted within not outside representation [and] relate to the invention of tradition as much as to tradition itself(Hall, 1996, p. 4), this potential should not be wasted. Where globalizing influences intrude deeply into the reflexive project of the self, and conversely where processes of self-realisation influence global strategies, fashion magazines and their stakeholders cannot afford to alienate such a large target audience for much longer (Giddens, 1991, p. 214). This quintessential interplay illuminates larger social trends and a new growing body of individuals able to constantly challenge the limits of limited representations, using global resources to imagine themselves differently. Creativity becomes necessary, and change becomes inevitable, as old media symbols and figures no longer apply to the sophisticated imaginings of a very relevant population.
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(2013, April 4). Starter. Rayli. 49-55.
Ethics Guide: Appendix A

LSE RESEARCH ETHICS REVIEW CHECKLIST (Model for my Fudan Dissertation Ethical Considerations)
This checklist should be completed for every research project that involves human participants, personal, medical or otherwise sensitive data or methodologically controversial approaches. It is used to identify whether a full application for ethics approval needs to be submitted. The research ethics review process is not designed to assess the merits of the research in question, but is merely a device to ensure that external risks have been fully considered and that an acceptable research methodology has been applied. This checklist applies to research undertaken by students. For MSc/PhD students: if a full application is required please ensure that you complete the Ethics Review Questionnaire for Researchers and discuss the issues raised with your supervisor in the first instance. You should ensure that the completed forms are accompanied with a copy of the initial research proposal to ensure that your supervisor can make a fully informed decision on the ethical implications of the research. Where the supervisor is satisfied that all ethical concerns have been addressed s/he must sign the checklist and ensure that a copy is retained as a record of the decision reached. It is appreciated that in certain cases the student supervisor may not be able to reach a decision on the ethical concerns raised. In such instances the matter should be referred to the Research Ethics Committee (please send all relevant forms and a copy of the proposal to Michael Nelson in the Research Division, RD). Before completing this form, please refer to the LSE Research Ethics Policy. Where the principal investigator is a student, the supervisor, is responsible for exercising appropriate professional judgement in this review. For students, your supervisor should be able to provide you with guidance on the ethical implications of the research project. If members of staff have any queries regarding the completion of the checklist they should address these to Michael Nelson (RD) in the first instance. This checklist must be completed before potential participants are approached to take part in any research. Section I: Applicant Details
Name of researcher:
Adonais Gonzalez Status (delete as appropriate): MSc Student Email address: Contact address: Telephone number: a.gonzalez5@lse.ac.uk 255 Guanxi Bei Lu, Building 1, Apt. 602, Shanghai, China. 20001 (China) 15221591412 ; (UK) 07753815817
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Section II:
Project Details
Title of the Dissertation: Women subject-positions in global fashion magazines mediascape: An audience study of Chinese women magazine readers Brief abstract: Look at how Chinese female audiences recast and negotiate new
articulations/perceptions of self in relation to the discourse of femininity, beauty, and modernity using Western and Chinese Fashion magazines as a point of reference. In seeking out Chinese women fashion magazine readers to interview about their response, internalizations, and/or negotiations of feminine identity in tandem to representations coming from fashion magazines, I need to engage in an intimate space of researcher/ interviewee confidentiality. I plan to look at how new and old spaces create a discourse around the nation and an aspirational Chinese and female authenticity, in a globalized modernizing media era. Are the effects, if any, of media portrayals of women to themselves coming from angles that influence them in novel ways? Section III: Student Details: Msc Global Communications and Media Studies (Fudan) Doug Young a.gonzalez5@lse.ac.uk 255 Guanxi Bei Lu, Building 1, Apt. 602, Shanghai, China 20001
Details of study: Supervisors name: Email address: Contact address:
Section IV: Research Checklist Consent Yes Does the study involve participants who are in any way vulnerable or may have any difficulty giving consent? If you have answered yes or are not certain about this please complete Section 1 of the Research Questionnaire. As general guidance, the Research Ethics Committee feels that research participants under the age of 18 may be vulnerable. Will it be necessary for participants to take part in the study without their knowledge and consent at the time? (e.g. covert observation of people in public places) If you have answered yes or are not certain about this please complete Section 1 of the Research Questionnaire. Research Design/Methodology Does the research methodology use deception? If you have answered yes or are not certain about this please complete Section 2 of the Research Questionnaire. X X No X Not certain
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Are there any significant concerns regarding the design of the research project? a) If the proposed research relates to the provision of social or human services is it feasible and/or appropriate that service users or service user representatives should be in some way involved in or consulted upon the development of the project? b) Does the project involve the handling of any sensitive information? If you have answered yes or not certain to these questions please complete Section 3 of the Research Questionnaire. Financial Incentives/Sponsorship Is there any possibility that the independence of the research could be compromised by the source of funding? (eg. If a company is funding your dissertation/MSc to do audience research about a product) If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 4 of the Research Questionnaire. Are there payments to researchers/participants that may have an impact on the objectivity of the research? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 4 of the Research Questionnaire. Will financial inducements (other than reasonable expenses and compensation for time) be offered to participants? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 4 of the Research Questionnaire. Research Subjects Is pain or more than mild discomfort likely to result from the study? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 5 of the Research Questionnaire. Could the study induce unacceptable psychological stress or anxiety or cause harm or negative consequences beyond the risks encountered in normal life? Will the study involve prolonged or repetitive testing? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 5 of the Research Questionnaire. Are drugs, placebos or other substances to be administered to the study participants or will the study involve invasive, intrusive or potentially harmful procedures of any kind? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 5 of the Research Questionnaire. Risk to Researchers
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Do you have any doubts or concerns regarding your (or your colleagues) physical or psychological wellbeing during the research period? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 6 of the Research Questionnaire. Confidentiality Do you or your supervisor have any concerns regarding confidentiality, privacy or data protection? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 7 of the Research Questionnaire. Dissemination Are there any particular groups who are likely to be harmed by dissemination of the results of this project? If you have answered yes or not certain about this please complete Section 8 of the Research Questionnaire.
If you have answered no to all the questions, your supervisor will file the completed form for their records. Students should retain a copy of the form and submit it with their research report or dissertation. If you have answered yes or not certain to any of the questions you will need to describe more fully how you plan to deal with the ethical issues raised by your research. You will need to answer the relevant questions in the Ethics Review Questionnaire for Researchers form addressing the ethical issues raised by your proposal. Where issues arising can be successfully addressed by the student and the supervisor, the Questionnaire should be signed and lodged with the Dissertation Administrator in S117c. In more complex cases, the supervisor should ensure that the completed questionnaire is sent to Michael Nelson in RD. Students should submit their completed questionnaire to their supervisor in the first instance. It will be at the discretion of the supervisor whether they feel that the research should be considered by the Research Ethics Committee. Please note that it is the students responsibility to follow the Schools Research Ethics Policy and any relevant academic or professional guidelines in the conduct of your study. This includes providing details of your proposal and completed questionnaire, and ensuring confidentiality in the storage and use of data. Any significant change in the question, design or conduct over the course of the research should be notified to the supervisor in the first instance, who should then notify Michael Nelson in RD. I have read and understood the LSE Research Ethics Policy and the questions contained in the Research Checklist above. For further information on Ethics Guidance and forms: http://www2.lse.ac.uk/intranet/researchAndDevelopment/researchPolicy/ ethicsGuidanceAndForms.aspx
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Consent Form: Appendix B

I, ______________________________ consent to be interviewed for the purpose of academic research by interviewer Adonais Gonzalez at Fudan University for the sole purpose of her Masters dissertation entitled !"#$%&'()*+,',*-+.,-.'/%.0%123%.1%4,2+&2)%5. 6-.2"4,%-&%.+'"47.*0.8/,-%+%.9*1%-.12:2;,-%.<%24%<+=!I give consent for my answers from the interview to be used for the purpose of the academic dissertation and not in any other commercial, or otherwise unauthorized manner. I further agree to have my answers recorded for the purpose of their transcription in the academic study, guaranteeing my anonymity through a pseudo-name. I understand that all other demographic details will be preserved and recorded to ensure the integrity and accuracy of my identity, an important part of the study. I understand that I will have access to hard copies of the interview questions, and have access to a written draft of my answers as they will be used in the nal version of the dissertation, if I ask. As this is a personal project, I will have the right to add, but not take away, anything in the interview to expand on the meaning and contextualize anything that I feel may have been misconstrued by the interviewer. If I feel uncomfortable at any time, I may ask to stop the interview and discontinue the dialogue. I will, however, attempt to complete the interview in its entirety so as to help in the completion of the study. I pledge that I have not received any monetary compensation for my time, and have elected to be interviewed of my own free will.
Interviewer:_____________________ Interviewee:__________________ Date:_____
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Transcription Codes: Appendix C

As adapted from: Silverman, D., (1993). Interpreting qualitative data: methods for analyzing talk, text, and interaction. London: Sage Publications.
Table for Transcription symbols [ A: So [you say speakers B: Yes[thats it I A: Its so unfair speed A: Oookay the
Left brackets indicate overlapping talk between
Italicizing indicates an emphasis, change in tone or
ooo
Repeated letter indicate the elongation of sound of vowel preceding it
CAP A: what do YOU MEAN? Louder {} {Laughs} speaker [mocking tone]
Capitalized words indicate a change in volume,
Strudel brackets indicates action performed by
[]
Brackets contain interviewers description rather than transcriptions of dialogue Punctuation indicates intent, as in questions or
, . ? ! A: What do you think? intonation ... A: As opposed to. . . lapse
3 dots in a row indicate a trailed off response, time between one word and another
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Interview Guide: Appendix D

DEMOGRAPHICS 1. Age: 2. Occupation: **Questions 3 + 4 omitted after pilot interviews** 3. Religion: 4. Political preference: 5. Ever lived abroad? Time and duration? MEDIA CONSUMPTION PATTERNS 6. How often do you see magazines (frequency)? 7. Do you read womens fashion magazines (WFM, henceforth)? If so, which ones? How? 8. Where (in what context) do you read them? 9. Why do you read WFM? 10. What kind of articles do you read most often? 11. What kind of articles do you enjoy the most? SPECIFICS: 12. How do you think X magazine compares to Y magazine? PROMPT ASSISTS PHOTOS (12): 6 Cover photos of figures-3X magazine; 6 product adds- 3X magazine; 3Y magazine Using photos as references (figure photos) 13. What do you think about these photos? 14. Do you like these photos? Why/Why not? 15. What do you think this woman is like (figure photos)? 16. Do you relate to her in any way? 17. Could she be like a friend to you? 18. How do you imagine she lives? 19. Does this woman look like you? 20. Do you think this woman represents how you are in everyday life? 21. Would you change this woman in any way? Why? Then how? Using other set of photos as reference (Advertisement photos) 22. Do you like these products? 23. Do you like the photos? 24. What do you like about these (specific) photos? 25. What do you dislike about these (specific) photos? 25. What kind of stories do you think these (specific) photos say? 26. Can you relate to the stories connected to these photos? 26. If money was not a concern, would you buy these products? Why? Why not?
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27. Do photos like these help you decide what sort of style to have? 28. Do photos like these help you decide what sort of things to buy? 29. Do you feel you can relate to these [women in these] photos? 30. Would you change these photos in any way? How? Why? "#$ Is there anything additional youd like to add?
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Focus Group Interview Sample: Appendix E

DEMOGRAPHICS I: So I have two sets of photos, one set from a Chinese magazine, and another set from two Western fashion magazines. So those are the two different magazines, and I will show you both products and images, and after I will ask you specific questions as well as general like how often you see and read magazines ok? Not can each of you give me your age? A: 33 B: 26 C: 27 I: And then what is your occupation? A: Academia, teaching and research B: Academia, research assistant C: Student PHD I: Have any of you ever lived abroad outside of China? A: Yes, Singapore for almost 3 years B: No C: The Uk for one and half year. I: So how often do you see magazines? A: Not buy them, but see them? Almost everyday because on the corner there is the magazine stand. B: Yes me too. C: On the internet as well more than a few times a day. I: How often do you buy or read any type of magazines? A: I just bought 2 magazines in the last month, but before that, it was not several months or even several years I had not bought any magazine. One was national geographic China, the other one is called Visions. I bought this because I first saw this magazine 10 years ago, and I saw it and thought, Woah, you still have this magazine after 10 years. So, really, I want to see how they do it. I: What is vision like? Is it like a readers digest? A: No, theres a lot of photos. So its a lot of arts, like design. I: Like art and culture, maybe? A: Yes exactly, art and culture. I: So, then do you read any fashion magazines, any of you ever, why or why not? C: Yes I: How often would you say? C: How often? When I was in university, I read a lot in the meeting room. But now I just read them on the Internet. Not exactly on the magazine.
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B: Yes, its a similar situation. When I was in university I bought some fashion magazines. They teach you how to keep fit [laughs]. But now I seldom buy this I: Is there a reason now you read less fashion magazines? B: I thinktheres not much really, I think teaching you how to keep fit is not work well on me, and meanwhile, now I think I am very busy with studying and learning. I dont have enough time to study the fashion. I: So you have other things that take your time, so you have not a lot of time to read fashion magazines? A: Also, for me why I only ready once in a while is because my own sense of style developed. There was a time that when you you see everything you think they are beautiful. Now you know what suits you what doesnt suit you. So I go into store and buy what I like. I dont care about whats in fashion. I dont care what is in or out. Not my business. I: So its mostly your personal style that guides you in what you wear? A: Yes, mostly I would say. I: So when you do read magazines where do you read them? A: At home B: Internet or at home C: Yes me too, Internet or at home. I: So what type of articles do you read? Which ones interest you the most? A: Well for example, the national geographic, the one I just bought the cover features covers Chinese Opera. The face of Chinese opera. It tells a story about the rise and fall, and how some local Chinese operas, and their players are struggling. Also being in reform and reborn because a national think why I think the traditional Chinese stage act is still dying, but in this process of dying there is also this new hope. So thats what attracts me its about culture, its about people. B: I like to read the articles about photographers or about national geography. Because I was a geologist, I like the science behind pictures. I like the nature scene so I like to read those kind. C: I like some stories, and some fashion, like the lookbook and about the skin. And also about the travel stories. I: Ok, now I want to ask some general opinions about the magazines you see on site. I dont know if you notice or not, but if you feel you dont notice you dont have to answer. Do you notice any differences between Chinese and Western magazines, both fashion and not? A:I Think just a general impression is that Western magazines seem to be more high end. More chic. But Chinese fashion magazines, those seem to be more approachable. More closer to me, closer to daily life. I: What about you? B: I never read foreign magazines. I: Ok, well do you have any general impression, just from what you see at all?
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B: Well for me Chinese magazine is not so active. Like some of them are kind of like text book. They want everyone to be the same style. This is fashion this is not fashion. Like a unified magazine. C: For me in a Chinese magazine has more advertisement, maybe its the same in the Western I dont know. A lot of articles is not so deep, thats more superficial. I: Ok so now I will show you some magazine images both products and people, and ask some general opinions. Some stories you can imagine, or what the images make you think about certain things. So I will show you both Western magazine images produced in China, and then Chinese images in China as well. Ok? So, the first group of images come from Western magazines. And there are many so you can pick to choose one. Or many, whatever you feel you can talk about or interests you. Feel free to talk about whatever you like. [Set up photos around the table] I: Ok, so you see two different Western magazines images. And most of them are of products like this, this, like this. But there are also of women, like these ones here. So they vary there are all types of models Western and Asian. And this is on purpose so I can have a mix of images found in these Fashion magazines. What do you think about these photos? Just as you see the photos for the first time, any general impressions? A: I think the only photos here that I would look at are these people. These are real people, these are not real people. B: I think for me, they are not in the same world with me. They are not in my world. I never try these clothes like this and I think some products they produce are not familiar to the normal life. I: So its not something you can understand? C: Yeah I think most of these photos are luxury brands. A lot of beautiful ladies and elegant. [Everyone laughs] I: So then, um, do you like these photos or do you not like them? C: I like them, yes. A: I would say that its not about liking or not liking them. I dont really care, indifferent. B: I dont know if I like them, they dont have any meaning to me. I: So you say theyre not real [addressing intrviewee A], so I dont know if this applies, but if you could apply, could you imagine any kind of story for the women in these photos? Not the models, but who theyre supposed to be in the photos. What kind of stories would you imagine them to be? If you could just make one up? So you can choose one photo, or many, or group them however you like. A: So this one is more intuitive one right? They are the ones with the real story. B: I dont know if I can come up with a story. A: Maybe her. This girl here, she is dressed very nice, so shes in the middle of an event, and shes tired. So she sneaks out. And takes a short rest here, and thinks about something. C: I think they are just supermodels, maybe they have very cool trip, they can wear many different clothes. I dont know whether they are happy or not.
I: Ok, you dont know if theyre happy or not. How do you imagine they live? Or if she were a real human being walking down the street, how do you think she would be like? WhC:at kind of things do you think she does? A: Well she doesnt walk down the street. She drives a car [Everyone laughs]. C: Or maybe they walk in a very fashionable magazine. A company, their company, like the Devil Wears Prada, that film. B:I dont think I will meet with her in the street. She is probably a pop star. Maybe at the pub or the club, not in the daytime any way. If I saw a woman dressed like this in the street, I wont think [s]he is fashionable, I will think he is very strange. Its strange to wear like this everyday. I: So, do these women look like you in anyway? You said the clothes obviously not, but in any other way? A: No. We are all slim, but not like them. B: I dont think we will have the same overlap in the life. I: So they dont connect with your story life at all? C: Or maybe you will buy this friend, [everyone laughs] she can stand by me, yeah A: You are horrible, horrible C: And what about this one is more normal [points at dress] I: Well what makes this dress more normal? C: Because I think this one is more everyday, more casual I: So this is something you might wear because its not so strange? What about something like this, would you wear this? C: No, no. I: So maybe for more everyday occasions. Most people dont have very big occasions to go to in an everyday basis. So if you could change any of the things in the photo, the people, would you change it, and how if so? A,B,C: Change? How change? I: So for example, if I could change anything about the women, I would make more of them have brown or curly hair. All of them, have mostly blond or straight hair. I would want them to look a little more like me for example. So more different types of people, if I could change something in the photos for example, I would want to see more different types of people, maybe darker skin. Thats an example of what I would change if I could. A: More style, they dont have expressions, more smiles. Theyre free to say, like the whole world owes them [everyone laughs] I: And how would you change anything if you could [Addressing interviewee B] B: I saw many models, wearing these clothes. I know its fashionable, [laughs], but I dont understand why. Like this pose, [pointing to a girl whose leaned back and legs are spread] I know its fashionable, but I dont know why its fashionable. This pose only super model would do this, or some movie star will do this, but not normal people. So maybe if the person do this pose, maybe she is very fashionable. Only in film or only in a post. I: What about this pose, does it seem strange to you?
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B: No, no when I was taking wedding photo I did these types of pose. I did this, like laying. I: What about you would you change anything, why? C: I think all the models look very cool, maybe this is not so soft. Maybe its very fashionable, I dont know. Maybe if they could smile, or maybe not soand there the make-up is just sodark. I: How do you mean? C: This is not the ordinary peoples [aesthetic: translation provided by another girl in group]. I: Do you mean most people dont wear make-up like this. C: Yes, and see there are some spots on her face. They intended for this to be there. This model is not very typical, shes very, these spots are very [chinese words translated by interviewee A.. A: [Intentionally oriental C: They chose a lot look like this, Asian model. I: What about this model? [Grab another Asian model photo] C: Its very normal A: Extremely normal I: You mean her make-up? C: Her face structure is [more everyday A: [Yes, more typical I: So would you prefer to see more of these faces, or? A: To me, it doesnt really matter I: Now some of the products, the bags, shoes, the bags, rings, the necklaces. Are these things you would like to wear, or could see yourself wearing? Or you like? A: Would wear, or would buy to wear? This is different. I: Ok, so heres the thing, lets say money was not an object, if you could pick one thing out of all the products in these photos which ones would you pick? And why? B: This bag I think is very nice, maybe I would buy this. And these shoes acceptable. I: Are these things you see more people wear? More normal or ordinary? B: Yes, because now I am a PHD student, and I live in school, on the school campus. So its not simple if I wear some high heels. I: So what about you guys, if price was not an issue, would you pick out an item, and why that item? C: I like these two bags. I: Why? [Speaks Chinese, and then translates C: The color can suit to different clothes, its neutral not very sharp. If you wear very casual you can use it, and if you wear very elegant you can still use it I: So when you buy something you consider how often you can use it? C: Yes, I want to use this in more ways than one I: What about you, why did you pick these shoes? A: Im a shoe person.
I: Im a shoe person too! A: And its one of these heels that is not too high and not too low. So they are comfortable, they are functional. I: Would any of these photos help you decide what kind of style to have? Do they influence you? Give you ideas, not exactly like this, but like hey! I never thought about wearing a big silver bangle, but this looks kind of cool, Id try that. Does it help make decisions on trying new things like this? Or do they not register that youve seen them at all? So do they influence your personal style? A: Or how not to[laughs] B: The most important idea that I get from this picture is that hairstyle is very important. For me I cant do this hairstyle with myself. Ok, Ill give up these fashionable things. Sometimes, I really want to change something. I want to be more fashionable like this. But my hair wont be like this. Okay, if I wear this hairstyle to wear this clothing, its very strange. C: And you also need to make-up more B: Yes, I also have to make-up. I also have to change sooo maaaany things, so I give up. I: So its too much? B: Yes, I would have to change too many things, so I just give up I: How about you, do these photos give you any ideas? C: Sometimes I find models that are very beautiful, but you dont have their shape. You have their clothes.[laughs]. So maybe you wear these clothes and they look totally different on you. [Switching to other photos] I: Should we move on? A: See I think there are some things I like, but this is too much. So next time I would do something like this, but simplify it, make it fit to my personal style. I: So the second types of images are from a Chinese fashion magazine. And they both products as well as uh people. And well flip back and forth because there are both on the back. So what do you think of these photos, just right away? A: Like I said much more accessible. It look much more daily life. B: But this is too sweet. [everyone chimes in agreement] A: Yes, not our personal style. B: And their pose are not so strange. I: And so do you like, or not like the photos? In terms of positive or negative. A: The likelihood of buying any of these pieces is much more higher. I: Why? What makes it about these that makes it more accessible? A: Well they just look like more every day that you could wear at work or just going out, walking down the street. And they have more expressions. The models. Instead of like this, [purses lips] they smile. And, huh, eye, contact. Like theyre speaking to you. Like this one. Each of these girls they have expressions, so they look more like real people to me. Instead of like mannequins. B: I think these picture, they only show you the clothes. No meaning else. From an aesthetic point of view, I prefer that pictures. Not to learn fashionable from that. I just
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know, from the photographer point, they are good pictures. Here they are [just selling clothes A:[just selling clothes, mmmhmmmm. I: So what do you think these women are like? Even the ones here with the products? A: Would be rockstar. C: Maybe a student or office lady. I: What about this one? B: journalist and career style, office lady I: So how do you imagine that these women live? Like you created a story for the woman in the other photos. How would imagine their lives are like? A: Shes out on the weekend, taking a walk along the river, enjoying the sun. I like the shoes. C: I think people copy their expressions when they take photo. And also the pose. Yeah, they pretend to be very cute. A,B: [Nod in agreement] B: I wont copy the fashion. Im not that cute. A: You are cute in your own way! [Everyone laughs] I: How would you describe cute? A: Like trying to appear young. B: Adorable. C: Like this, like this. Maybe they have the baby face, and its not that sharp. I: So not like the models with the dark make-up, right? Ok, so can you imagine these women to be like someone you see in everyday life, or someone who would be your friend? C: Yes, I have many friends, who look a lot like this. A: Yeah they look to be somebody we would more likely encounter on the street, just walking. I: And do you like this style then, do you like these images? A: Well, I like them better than I like those other photos, but I wouldnt wear them. This is not my personal style. I: What about you? [Addressing interviewee C] You said from an aesthetic point of view, those photos were better, but what about everything else? B: Yes, yes, some of the clothes are very exceptional. Maybe I would try these clothes. I: Do these women look like you in anyway? A: No, not at all. C: Two years ago maybe, Now I am old! A: You are not old! C: Yes, yes, I like this style more. I would wear things like this. I: Do any of these photos speak to you? Or have a relationship, or relatability with your life? Like the other photos, you said not at all. What about these photos? C: [Picking up a photo] Maybe I will dress like this to go to your wedding [Everyone laughs]
A:I can wear something like this, or during the weekend, or maybe even during the week. I: So then, would you change these photos in anyway, why or why not? And if so, how? B: I think nowadays many young lady try to copy this style Very Cute, and Very young [mocking inflection] I dont like this style! [sighs heavily] And this attitude in China is a little too strong. I dont think its a good thing. I: Why is it not good? Or what dont you like about it? B: They, you know..hmmmmm, many people like to, watch the soap opera and this some Korea, some Japanese soap opera. Its not really I dont think its suitable for China. I dont want this atmosphere to influence the young people again. A: It has to get worse before it gets better I: What do you mean by that? A: Theyre gonna get bored with it I: What is it Korean Japanese influence? C: [Leaves discussion] Excuse me I need to leave for a class I: Sure no worries, thank you for your time. Now if we look at some of the clothes, the bags, jewelry, the products, can you see yourself wearing any of these products? B: Yes, I would wear these, and this, and these shoes. They look all very common. I: What about you? C: Yes, ummm, I like this style, but I dont like these colors. I would have darker colors. I: What kind of colors do you prefer? C: More elegant [um. B: More mature, not so childish. I: Did you say anything about changing of the photos? C: Ummm, I would change the color of the hair. In daily life is very more serious. I like your hair color. I: Thank you! What about this, like her eye color, her contacts, would you wear contacts like this? B: Oh I use it when I take the photo, but not for daily life. C: I didnt wear this because its not so good for the eye. Its dangerous to daily life. I: Is there anything that you would like to add? To any of the photos, any comments to help me understand your opinions? B: These pictures are much better for the art factor, but the Chinese ones are not, but I like this style more. It is more me. I: What about you? C: I think these photos [addressing the Chinese clippings] the focus emphasizes on the face, and the mouth because I think for the product I: Is there anything that you would like to add, to help me understand you opinions better, anything at all? B: I think these pictures, there is no meaning inside [Chinese photos]. And for photographer, you dont know what photographer wants to express. Its just beauty, its just good looking for you. I think from the aesthetic angle. I: And what about you
C: I think there should be instructions on how to wear this make-up. But even if I read it, I dont know how to do it. But its some suggestions for you to go to the different looks, maybe I would think about trying, but maybe not. I: Ok thank you so much for your time.
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Thematic Network: Appendix F

6464 As Adapted by: Attride-Sterling, J. (2001) Thematic networks: An analytic tool for qualitative ! research.Qualitative Research. 1. p. 385-405.
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Dissertation - Feminine Subject-Positions in A Global Mediascape: An Audience Study of Chinese Women Fashion Magazine Readers in Shanghai

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Dissertation - Feminine Subject-Positions in A Global Mediascape: An Audience Study of Chinese Women Fashion Magazine Readers in Shanghai

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Introduction

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Literature Review: Theoretical Chapter

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4 See Appendix F: Thematic Network

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Figure E: (2013, April 4). Picture Editorial Non paginated Ralyli.

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Figure F : (2013, March). Chloe advertisement. Vogue China.

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See Figure F See Figure G See Figure H

Figure H: (2013, March). Collaged advertisement. LOfficiel China.

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Figure I: (2013, April 4). Rayli.

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Another interviewee equally expressed an affinity and embodiment of the Chinese

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Figure J: (2013, April). Ochirly advertisement. Non paginated Vogue China.

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(2013, April 4). Starter. Rayli. 49-55.

Ethics Guide: Appendix A

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Details of study: Supervisors name: Email address: Contact address:

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Consent Form: Appendix B

Interviewer:_____________________ Interviewee:__________________ Date:_____

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Transcription Codes: Appendix C

Left brackets indicate overlapping talk between

Italicizing indicates an emphasis, change in tone or

Repeated letter indicate the elongation of sound of vowel preceding it

CAP A: what do YOU MEAN? Louder {} {Laughs} speaker [mocking tone]

Capitalized words indicate a change in volume,

Interviewer:_______ Interviewee: Date:_